A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume VII
by
Robert Kerr
Part 4 out of 11
pitch is marvellous to behold, and a thing almost incredible, as from a
hole in the earth the pitch is continually thrown into the air with a
constant great smoke; and being hot it falls as it were sprinkled all
over the plain, in such abundance that the plain is always full of
pitch[123]. The Moors and Arabs of the neighbourhood allege that this
hole is the mouth of Hell; and in truth it is a very memorable object
From this native pitch or bitumen the whole people of that country
derive great benefit, as with it they pay or serve their barks, which
they call _Daneck_ and _Saffin_.
[Footnote 122: In imitation of the original translator Hickocke and
Hakluyt, this word must be left untranslated and unexplained.--E.]
[Footnote 123: This account of the hole which discharges pitch or native
bitumen mixed with water is most true; the water and pitch running into
the valley _or island_, where the pitch remains, and the water runs into
the Euphrates, when it occasions the water for a long way to have a
brackish taste with the smell of pitch and brimstone.--Hakl.]
When the river Tigris is well replenished with water, the passage from
Babylon or Bagdat to Basora may be made in eight or nine days, less or
more according to circumstances; we were fourteen or fifteen days,
because the water was low, and when the waters are at the lowest it
requires eighteen days. Having no rocks or shoals in the river, the
voyage may be continued day and night. There are some places by the way
at which you have to pay so many medins for each bale, as toll or
custom. Basora, Bussora, or Busrah, [in lat. 30 deg. 20' N. long. 47 deg. 40'
E.] is a city on the Arabian side of the united rivers Euphrates and
Tigris, which was governed of old by those Arabs called _Zizarij_, but
is now under the dominion of the grand Turk, who keeps an army there at
great charge. The tribe of Arabs called Zizarij still have possession of
a large extent of country, and cannot be overcome by the Turks, as the
sea divides their country into islands by many channels, so that the
Turks are unable to bring an army against them either by land or sea,
and likewise because the inhabitants are brave and warlike. A days sail
before coming to Basora, we pass a small castle or fort called _Corna_,
on the point of land where the Euphrates and Tigris join; whence the
united waters of these two rivers form a very large river that runs into
the gulf of Persia.
Basora is fifty miles from the sea, and it a place of great trade in
spices and drugs, which are brought from Ormuz. It is abundantly
supplied with corn, rice, and dates, from the surrounding country. At
Basora I shipped myself for Ormuz, to which I sailed through the Persian
gulf 600 miles, which is the distance between Basora and Ormuz. We
sailed in small ships built of board fastened together with small ropes
or cords, and, instead of caulking, a certain kind of straw is laid
between the boards at their junctions, and they are sewed together;
owing to which imperfect construction, these vessels are very dangerous,
and take in much water. On departing from Basora we sailed 200 miles
along the left shore of the gulf, having the open sea on our right hand,
till we came to an island called _Carichij_ or _Karak_, whence we
continued our voyage to Ormuz, always keeping the Persian shore in sight
on our left, and seeing many islands on our right hand towards Arabia.
SECTION IV.
_Of Ormuz._
The island of Ormuz is twenty-five or thirty miles in circuit, being the
driest and most barren island in the world, producing nothing but
salt-water and wood. All things necessary for the life of man are
brought here from Persia, which is twelve miles off, and from islands
adjoining to Persia, and in such abundance that the city has always a
great store of every necessary. Near the shore there stands a fair
castle, in which resides the commander appointed by the king of
Portugal, with a good band of Portuguese soldiers. The married men
belonging to the garrison dwell in the city, in which there are
merchants of almost every nation, among whom are many Moors and
Gentiles. This city has a vast trade for all kinds of spices, drugs,
silk, cloth of silk, brocades, and various kinds of merchandise from
Persia. The trade in horses is very great, being transported from hence
to India. The island has a Mahometan or Moorish king of the Persian
race, who is created and set up by the Portuguese commander in the name
of the king of Portugal. Being present on one of these occasions, I
shall set down the ceremonies as I saw them.
The old king being dead, the Portuguese commander proceeds with much
pomp and ceremony to elect a new one in the castle; and when he is
chosen from the blood-royal, the new king is sworn to be true and
faithful to the king of Portugal, as his lord-paramount, after which the
captain presents him with the royal sceptre. The newly elected king is
then conducted in great pomp to the royal palace, amid great feasts and
rejoicings, and attended by a numerous and splendid retinue. The king
keeps a good train of attendants, and has sufficient revenues to
maintain his state and dignity, with very little of the cares of
royalty, as the captain of the castle defends the kingdom. When the king
and captain ride out together, the king is treated with much ceremony
and respect, yet cannot ride abroad with his train without having first
received permission of the captain, which precaution is necessary
because of the great trade carried on at this place. The native language
in this island is the Persian. I embarked at Ormuz for Goa in India, in
a ship on board of which were fourscore horses. All merchants proceeding
from Ormuz for Goa ought to go in ships carrying horses, because every
ship carrying twenty horses or upwards is privileged from the payment of
customs on all their other goods, whereas all ships having no horses
have to pay eight per centum on their goods and commodities.
SECTION V.
_Of Goa, Diu, and Cambaya._
Goa is the chief city of the Portuguese in India, in which reside the
viceroy and his court, being many officers of the crown of Portugal.
From Ormuz it is 990 miles to Goa, on which passage the first city you
come to in India is Diu, situated in a small island of the kingdom of
Cambaia; and, though a small city, is the strongest fortified of any of
those possessed by the Portuguese in India, having great trade, and
loading many great ships with merchandise for Ormuz and the Red Sea.
These ships belong both to Moors and Christians; but the Moors can
neither trade nor navigate in these seas, unless they have a pass or
licence from the Portuguese viceroy, without which they we liable to be
captured. The merchandise loaded at Diu comes from _Cambaietta_, a port
in the kingdom of Cambaia, about 180 miles up a strait or gulf called
_Macareo_, which signifies _a race of the tide_, because the water runs
there with immense rapidity, such as is not to be seen anywhere else,
except in the kingdom of Pegu, where there is another _Macareo_ or race
of the tide still more violent. On this account, and because no large
vessels can go to _Cambaietta_ or _Cambay_, by reason of the shallowness
of the water in the gulf for 80 or 100 miles, the principal city of
Cambaia or Guzerat is _Amadaver_ or _Amedabad_, a day and a half
journey from Cambay, being a great and populous city, and for a city of
the Gentiles it is well built with handsome houses and wide streets. In
it there is a fine bason or canul, having many ships, so that it
resembles Cairo, but not so large.
Cambay is situated on the sea at the head of the gulf of the same name,
and is a handsome city. While I was there it was suffering great
calamity, owing to a scarcity, insomuch that the Gentiles offered their
sons and daughters for sale to the Portuguese, and I have seen them sold
for 8 or 10 _larines_ each, which is of our money about 10s. or 13s.
4d.[124]. Yet if I had not actually seen it, I could not have believed
that Cambay had so great a trade. Every new and full moon, when the
tides are at the highest, the small barks that come in and go out are
quite innumerable. These barks are laden with all kinds of spices, with
silks of China, sandal-wood, elephants teeth, velvets of _Vercini_,
great quantities of _Pannina_, which comes from Mecca, _chequins_ or
gold coins worth 7s. each sterling, and various other commodities. These
barks carry out an infinite quantity of cloth of all sorts made of
_bumbast_ or cotton, some white, others stamped or painted; large
quantities of indigo, dried and preserved ginger, dry and confected
myrabolans, _boraso_ or borax in paste, vast quantities of sugar,
cotton, opium, asafoetida, _puchio?_ and many other kinds of drugs,
turbans made at Delhi, great quantities of carnelians, garnets, agates,
jaspers, calcedonies, _hematitis_, or bloodstones, and some natural
diamonds.
[Footnote 124: This comparison seems made by the translator between
_larines_ and sterling money.--E.]
It is customary at Cambay, though no one is obliged, to employ brokers,
of whom there are great numbers at this place, all Gentiles and of
great repute, every one of whom keeps fifteen or twenty servants. All
the Portuguese, and more other merchants who frequent this place, employ
these brokers, who purchase and tell for them; and such as come there
for the first time are informed by their friends of this custom, and
what broker they ought to employ. Every fifteen days, when the great
fleet of barks comes into port, these brokers come to the water side,
and the merchants immediately on landing give charge of their cargoes to
the broker who transacts their business, with the marks of all their
bales and packages. After this the merchant carries on shore all the
furniture for his dwelling, it being necessary for every one who trades
to India to carry a sufficient provision of household staff for his use,
as none such are to be procured. Then the broker who takes charge of his
cargo, makes his servants carry the merchant's furniture to some empty
house in the city, every broker having several such for the
accommodation of their merchants, where there are only bedsteads,
tables, chairs, and empty water jars. Then the broker says to the
merchant, go and repose yourself and take your rest in the city. The
broker remains at the water-side in charge of the cargo, causes all the
goods to be discharged from the bark, pays the customs, and causes every
thing to be carried to the house in which the merchant has taken up his
residence, the merchant having no trouble with any thing. After this,
the broker inquires if the merchant is disposed to sell his goods at the
rate then current; and if he desires it, the broker sells the goods
immediately, and informs the merchant how much money comes to him after
payment of all charges. If the merchant is disposed to lay out his money
in the purchase of other commodities, the broker informs him at what
rate the different articles may be put free on board, all charges paid.
Being thus properly instructed, the merchant makes his calculations, and
if he is satisfied to buy or sell at the current prices he directs the
broker accordingly; so that if he have even to the value of 20,000
ducats or more, every thing will be sold off or bartered in fifteen
days, without giving himself any trouble or concern about the matter.
Should the merchant not be disposed to sell the goods at the then
current prices, he may tarry as long as he pleases, but the goods cannot
be sold for him by any other person than the broker who has taken them
in hand, and has paid the duties. Sometimes, by delaying the sale of
their commodities for a time, the merchants make good profit, and at
other times they lose; but those articles which do not ordinarily come
every fifteen days, frequently produce great profit by delaying to sell
till the prices rise.
The barks that lade at Cambay go to Diu to supply the ships at that port
which are taking in goods for the Red Sea and Ormuz, and some go to
Chaul and Goa. These ships are either well armed, or are protected by
Portuguese ships of war, as there are many corsairs or pirates
continually cruizing along that coast, robbing and plundering whatever
they are able to master. The kingdom of Cambaia or Guzerat has great
trade, though it has long been in the hands of tyrants and usurpers,
ever since the lawful sovereign, then 75 years of age, named Sultan
Badur, was slain, at the assault of Diu, at which time four or five
principal officers of his army divided the kingdom among themselves, all
tyrannizing in their several shares as in emulation of each other.
Twelve years before my coming, the great Mogul, who is the Mahometan
king of Delhi and Agra, 40 days journey inland from Amedabad, reduced
all the provinces of Guzerat under his authority without resistance, his
power being so great that none of the usurpers dared to oppose him.
While I dwelt in Cambay, I saw many curious things. There were a
prodigious number of artificers who made ivory bracelets called mannij,
of, various colours, with which the Gentile women are in use to decorate
their arms, some covering their arms entirely over with them. In this
single article there are many thousand crowns expended yearly, owing to
this singular custom, that, when any of their kindred die, they break
all their bracelets in token of grief and mourning, so that they have
immediately to purchase new ones, as they would rather go without meat
as not have these ornaments.
SECTION VI.
_Of Damann, Bassen, Tana, Chaul, and some other places_.
Leaving Diu, I went on to Damann, the second city belonging to the
Portuguese in the territory of Guzerat, and distant from Diu 120 miles.
This place has no trade of any importance, except in rice and wheat, and
has many dependent villages, where in time of peace the Portuguese enjoy
the pleasure of a country retirement, but in time of war they are all
spoiled and plundered by the enemy, so that then they derive very small
benefit from them. The next place is Bassen, a small dirty place in
comparison with Damann, which supplies Goa with rice and wheat, besides
timber for the construction of ships and gallies. At a small distance
from Bassen is a small island named Tana, well peopled with Portuguese,
Moors, and Gentiles. This place affords nothing but rice, but contains
many manufacturers of _armesies_? and weavers of girdles made of wool
and cotton, black and red like _moocharie_?
Beyond this is Chaul on the continent, where there are two cities, one
belonging to the Portuguese, and the other to the Moors; that which
belongs to the Portuguese is lower than the other, commands the mouth of
the harbour, and is very strongly fortified. About a mile and a half
from this city is that of the Moors, belonging to their king _Zamaluco_,
or Nizam-al-mulk. In time of war no large ships can go to the city of
the Moors, as they must necessarily pass under the guns of the
Portuguese castles, which would sink them. Both cities of Chaul are
sea-ports, and have great trade in all kinds of spices, drugs, raw silk,
manufactures of silk, sandal-wood, _Marsine, Versine_[125], porcelain of
China, velvets and scarlets, both from Portugal and Mecca[126], with
many other valuable commodities. Every year there arrive ten or fifteen
large ships, laden with great nuts called _Giagra_[127], which are cured
or dried, and with sugar made from these nuts. The tree on which these
nuts grow is called the _Palmer_ tree, and is to be found in great
abundance over all India, especially between this place and Goa. This
tree very much resembles that which produces dates, and no tree in the
world is more profitable or more useful to man; no part of it but serves
for some useful purpose, neither is any part of it so worthless as to be
burnt. Of its timber they build ships, and with the leaves they make
sails. Its fruit, or nuts, produce wine, and from the wine they make
sugar and _placetto_[128]. This wine is gathered in the spring of the
year from the middle of the tree, where there is then a continual stream
of clear liquor like water, which they gather in vessels placed on
purpose under each tree, and take them away full every morning and
evening. This liquor being distilled by means of fire, is converted into
a very strong liquor, which is then put into buts with a quantity of
white or black _Zibibs_, and in a short time it becomes a perfect wine.
Of the nuts they make great quantities of oil. The tree is made into
boards and timbers for building houses. Of the bark cables and other
ropes are made for ships which are said to be better than those made of
hemp. The branches are made into bed-steads after the Indian fashion,
and into _Sanasches_? for merchandise. The leaves being cut into thin
slips are woven into sails for all kinds of ships, or into thin mats.
The outer rhind of the nut stamped serves as oakum for caulking ships,
and the hard inner shell serves for spoons and other utensils for
holding food or drink. Thus no portion whatever of this _Palmer_ tree is
so worthless as to be thrown away or cast into the fire. When the nuts
are green, they are full of a sweet water, excellent to drink, and the
liquor contained in one nut is sufficient to satisfy a thirsty person.
As the nut ripens, this liquor turns all into kernel.
[Footnote 125: Formerly noticed as a species of velvet; but the words
marsine and versine were inexplicable in the days of Hakluyt, and must
so remain.--E.]
[Footnote 126: The velvets and scarlet cloths from Mecca were probably
Italian manufactures, brought through Egypt and the Red Sea.--E.].
[Footnote 127: These great nuts must necessarily be the cocoa nuts, and
the palmer tree, on which they grow, the cocoa palm.--E.]
[Footnote 128: Possibly molasses are here meant.--E.]
From Chaul, an infinite quantity of goods are exported for other parts
of India, Macao, Portugal, the coast of Melinda, Ormuz, and other parts;
such as cloth of _bumbast_ or cotton, white, painted, and printed,
indigo, opium, silk of all kinds, borax in paste, asafoetida, iron,
corn, and other things. Nizam-al-Mulk, the Moorish king, has great
power, being able to take the field with 200,000 men, and a great store
of artillery, some of which are made in pieces[129], and are so large
that they are difficultly removed, yet are they very commodiously used,
and discharge enormous stone bullets, some of which have been sent to
the king of Portugal as rarities. The city of _Abnezer[130]_, in which
Nizam-al-Mulk resides, is seven or eight days journey inland from Chaul.
Seventy miles[131] from Chaul toward the Indies, or south, is Dabul, a
haven belonging to Nizam-al-Mulk, from whence to Goa is 150 miles[132].
[Footnote 129: Probably meaning that they were formed of bars hooped or
welded together, in the way in which the famous _Mons meg_, long in
Edinburgh Castle, and now in the tower of London, was certainly
made.--E.]
[Footnote 130: Perhaps that now called Assodnagur in the Mahratta
country, about 125 miles nearly east from Chaul.--E.]
[Footnote 131: In fact only about half that distance.--E.]
[Footnote 132: About 165 English miles--E.]
SECTION VII.
_Of Goa._
Goa, the principal city of the Portuguese in India, in which the viceroy
resides with a splendid court, stands in an island about 25 or 30 miles
in circuit. The city, with its boroughs or suburbs, is moderately large,
and is sufficiently handsome for an Indian city; but the island is very
beautiful, being full of fine gardens, and adorned with many trees,
among which are the _Palmer_, or cocoa-nut trees, formerly mentioned.
Goa trades largely in all kinds of merchandise usual in these parts, and
every year five or six large ships come directly thither from Portugal,
usually arriving about the 6th or 10th of September. They remain there
40 or 50 days, and go from thence to Cochin, where they finish their
lading for Portugal; though they often load one ship at Goa and the
other at Cochin for Portugal. Cochin is 420 miles from Goa. The city of
Goa stands in the kingdom of _Dial-can_, or Adel Khan, a Moorish or
Mahometan king, whose capital, called Bejapour or Visiapour, is eight
days journey inland from Goa[133]. This sovereign has great power; for,
when I was at Goa in 1570, he came to attack that city, encamping with
200,000 men at a river side in the neighbourhood, where he remained
fourteen months, at the end of which a peace was concluded. It was
reported in Goa that a great mortality prevailed in his army during the
winter, which also killed many of his elephants. When I went in 1567
from Goa to _Bezenegur_ or Bijanagur, the capital city of the kingdom of
_Narsinga,_ eight days journey inland from Goa[134], I travelled in
company with two other merchants, who carried with them 300 Arabian
horses for sale to that king; the horses of the country being of small
stature, occasioning Arabian horses to sell at high prices in that part
of India. Indeed it is necessary that the merchants should get good
prices, as they are at great charges in bringing them from Persia to
Ormuz and thence to Goa. At going out of Goa, 42 pagodas are paid of
duty for each horse; the pagoda being a small gold coin worth about 6s.
8d. sterling. In the inland country of Narsinga, the Arabian horses sell
for 300, 400, and 500 ducats each, and some very superior horses sell as
high as 1000 ducats.
[Footnote 133: About 175, N.E. from Goa. In the original it is called
Bisapor.--E.]
[Footnote 134: The ruins of the royal city of Bijanagur are 190 English
miles nearly due east from Goa.--E.]
SECTION VIII.
_Of the City of Bijanagur._
In the year 1565, the city of Bijanagur was sacked by four Moorish kings
of great power: Adel-Khan, Nizam-al-Mulk, Cotub-al-Mulk, and
Viriday-Khan; yet with all their power they were unable to overcome this
city and its king but by means of treachery. The king of Bijanagur was a
Gentile, and among the captains of his numerous army had two famous
Moors, each of whom commanded over seventy or eighty thousand men. These
two captains being of the same religion with the four Moorish kings,
treacherously combined with them to betray their own sovereign.
Accordingly, when the king of Bijanagur, despising the power of his
enemies, boldly faced them in the field, the battle had scarcely lasted
four hours, when the two treacherous captains, in the very heat of the
battle, turned with their followers against their own sovereign, and
threw his army into such disorder that it broke and fled in the utmost
confusion.
This kingdom of Bijanagur had been governed for thirty years by the
usurpation of three brothers, keeping the lawful king a state prisoner,
and ruling according to their own pleasure, shewing the king only once a
year to his subjects. They had been principal officers under the father
of the king whom they now held a prisoner, who was very young when his
father died, and they assumed the government. The eldest brother was
called _Ram rajah_, who sat in the royal throne and was called king; the
second was named _Temi rajah_, who held charge of the civil government
of the country; and the third, _Bengatre_, was general in chief of the
army. In the great battle against the four Mahometan kings all the three
brothers were present, but the first and the last were never heard of
more, neither dead nor alive. Temi rajah alone escaped from the battle,
with the loss of one eye. On the news of this great defeat coming to the
city of Bijanagur, the wives and children of the three tyrants fled with
the imprisoned king, and the four Mahometan kings entered the city in
great triumph, where they remained for six months, searching everywhere
for money and valuable effects that had been hidden. After this they
departed, being unable to retain possession of so extensive a dominion
at such a distance from their own territory[135].
[Footnote 135: The reason in the text for evacuating the kingdom of
Narsinga, or Bijanagur, is very unsatisfactory, as it in fact bordered
on their dominions. More probably they could not agree on the partition,
each being afraid of the others acquiring an ascendancy, and they
satisfied themselves with the enormous spoils of the capital. This event
has been before mentioned from De Faria.--E.]
After the retreat of the four kings, Temi rajah returned to Bijanagur,
which he repeopled, and sent word to the merchants of Goa to bring all
the horses to him that they had for sale, promising good prices; and it
was on this occasion that the two merchants went up with their horses,
whom I accompanied. This tyrant also issued a proclamation, that if any
merchant happened to have any of the horses which were taken in the late
battle, even although they happened to have the Bijanagur mark upon
them, that he would pay for them their full values, and give safe
conduct for all who had such to come to his capital. When by this means
he had procured a great number of horses, he put off the merchants with
fair promises, till he saw that no more horses were likely to come, and
he then ordered the merchants to depart without giving them any thing
for the horses. I remained in Bijanagur seven months, though I might
have concluded my whole business in one; but it was necessary for me to
remain until the ways were cleared of thieves and robbers, who ranged up
and down in whole troops.
While I rested there I saw many strange and barbarous deeds done among
these Gentiles. When any noble man or woman dies, the dead body is
burned. If a married man die, his widow must burn herself alive for the
love of her husband, and along with his body; but she may have the
respite of a month, or even of two or three, if she will. When the
appointed day arrives on which she is to be burnt, she goeth out from
her house very early in the morning, either on horseback or on an
elephant, or on a stage carried by eight men, apparelled like a bride,
and is carried in triumph all round the city, having her hair hanging
down about her shoulders, garnished with jewels and flowers, according
to her circumstances, and seemingly as joyful as a bride in Venice going
to her nuptials. On this occasion, she carries a mirror in her left
hand, and an arrow in her right, and sings during the procession,
saying, that she is going to sleep with her dear husband. In this manner
she continues, surrounded by her kindred and friends till about one or
two in the afternoon, when the procession goes out of the city to the
side of the river called _Nigondin_ or _Toombuddra_, which runs past the
walls of the city, to a certain spot where this ceremony is usually
performed, where there is prepared a large square pit full of dried
wood, having a little pinnacle or scaffold close to one side four or
five steps up. On her arrival, a great banquet is prepared, where the
victim eats with as much apparent joy as if it were her wedding-day; and
at the end of the feast there is dancing and singing so long as she
thinks fit. At length she gives orders of her own accord to kindle the
dry wood in the square pit; and when told that the fire is kindled, she
takes the nearest kinsman of her husband by the hand, who leads her to
the bank of the river, where she puts off her jewels and all her
clothes, distributing them among her parents or relations; when, putting
on a cloth, that she may not be seen naked by the people, she throweth
herself into the river, saying, O! wretches wash away your sins. Coming
out of the water, she rolls herself up in a yellow cloth, fourteen yards
long, and again taking the nearest kinsman of her husband by the hand,
they go together to the pinnacle at the funeral pile. From this place
she addresses the people, to whom she recommends her children and
relations. Before the pinnacle it is usual to place a mat, that she may
not see the fierce fire; yet there are many who order this to be
removed, as not afraid of the sight. When the silly woman has reasoned
with the people for some time, another woman takes a pot of oil, part of
which she pours on the head of the devoted victim, anointing also her
whole body with the same, and then throws the pot into the fire, which
the widow immediately follows, leaping into the fiercest of the fire.
Then those who stand around the pile throw after her many great pieces
of wood, by the blows from which, and the fierce fire in which she is
enveloped, she quickly dies and is consumed. Immediately the mirth of
the people is changed to sorrow and weeping, and such howling and
lamentation is set up as one is hardly able to bear. I have seen many
burnt in this manner, as my house was near the gate where they go out to
the place of burning; and when a great man dies, not only his widow, but
all the female slaves with whom he has had connection, are burnt along
with his body. Also when the baser sort of people die, I have seen the
dead husband carried to the place of sepulchre, where he is placed
upright; then cometh his widow, and, placing herself on her knees before
him, she clasps her arms about his neck, till the masons have built a
wall around both as high us their necks. Then a person from behind
strangles the widow, and the workmen finish the building over their
heads, and thus they remain immured in one tomb. Inquiring the reason of
this barbarous custom, I was told that this law had been established in
ancient times as a provision against the slaughters which the women were
in use to make of their husbands, poisoning them on every slight cause
of displeasure; but that since the promulgation of this law they have
been more faithful to their husbands, reckoning their lives as dear to
them as their own, because after the death of their husband their own is
sure soon to follow. There are many other abominable customs among these
people, but of which I have no desire to write.
In consideration of the injury done to Bijanagur by the four Mahometan
kings, the king with his court removed from that city in 1567, and went
to dwell in a castle named _Penegonde_, eight days journey inland from
Bijanagur. Six days journey from Bijanagur is the place where diamonds
are got[136]. I was not there, but was told that it is a great place
encompassed by a wall, and that the ground within is sold to the
adventurers at so much per square measure, and that they are even
limited as to the depth they may dig. All diamonds found of a certain
size and above belong to the king, and all below that size to the
adventurers. It is a long time since any diamonds have been got there,
owing to the troubles that have distracted the kingdom of Narsinga: For
the son of Temi rajah having put the imprisoned king to death, the
nobles and great men of the kingdom refused to acknowledge authority of
the tyrant, so that the kingdom has fallen into anarchy, every one
setting up for themselves.
[Footnote 136: The diamond mines of Raolconda are about 90 miles direct
north from the ruins of Bijanagur, on the Kisma. The castle of Penegonde
is not now to be found in the maps of Indostan; but indeed the names of
this ingenious traveller an often unintelligible, and almost always
extremely corrupt.--E.]
The city of Bijanagur is not altogether destroyed, as the houses are
said to be still standing, but entirely void of population, and become
the dwellings of tigers, and other wild beasts. The circuit of this
great city is twenty-four miles round the walls, within which are
several hills. The ordinary dwellings are of earthen walls, and
sufficiently mean, but the three palaces of the tyrant brothers, and the
pagodas or idol temples, are built of fine marble, cemented with lime. I
have seen many kings courts, yet have never seen any thing to compare
with the greatness of the royal palace of Bijanagur, which hath nine
gates. First, when you go into that part where the king lodged, there
are five great gates kept by captains and soldiers: Within these are
four lesser gates, which are kept by porters. On the outer side of the
first gate is a small porch or lodge, where there is a captain and
twenty-five soldiers, who keep watch day and night; and within that
another, with a similar guard. Through this you enter into a very fair
court, at the end of which is another porch like the first, with a
similar guard, and within that another court. Thus the first five gates
are each guarded by their respective captains. Then each of the lesser
gates within are kept by a separate guard of porters. These gates stand
open the greatest part of the night, as it is the custom of the Gentiles
to transact business and make their feasts during the night, rather than
in the day. This city is very safe from thieves, insomuch that the
Portuguese merchants sleep under porches open to the street, and yet
never meet with any injury.
At the end of two months, I determined to go for Goa, in company with
two Portuguese merchants, who were making ready to depart in two
palankins or small litters, which are very convenient vehicles for
travelling, being carried by eight _falchines_, or bearers, four at a
time, and other four as reliefs. For my own use I bought two bullocks,
one to ride upon and the other to carry my provisions. In that country
they ride upon bullocks, having pannels fastened with girths, and guide
them with bridles. In summer, the journey from Bijanagur to Goa takes
only eight days; but we went in July, which is the middle of winter in
that country, and were fifteen days in going to _Ancola_, on the sea
coast. On the eighth day of the journey I lost both my bullocks. That
which carried my provisions was weak, and could not proceed; and on
passing a river by means of a small foot bridge, I made my other
bullock swim across, but he stopt on a small island in the middle of the
river where he found pasture, and we could devise no means to get him
out. I was under the necessity therefore to leave him, and was forced to
go on foot for seven days, during which it rained almost incessantly,
and I suffered great fatigue. By good fortune I met some
_falchines_[137] by the way, whom I hired to carry my clothes and
provisions. In this journey we suffered great troubles, being every day
made prisoners, and had every morning at our departure to pay four or
five _pagies?_ a man as ransom. Likewise, as we came almost every day
into the country of a new governor, though all tributary to the king of
Bijanagur, we found that every one of them had their own copper coin, so
that the money we got in change one day was not current on the next. At
length, by the mercy of God, we got safe to _Ancola_, which is in the
country of the queen of _Gargopam_[138], a tributary to the king of
Bijanagur.
[Footnote 137: These _falchines_ of Cesar Frederick are now denominated
_coolies_.--E.]
[Footnote 138: These names of Ancola and Gargopam are so unintelligibly
corrupted, as not be even conjecturally referable to any places or
districts in our best maps.--E.]
The merchandise sent every year from Goa to Bijanagur consists of
Arabian horses, velvets, damasks, satins, armoisins of Portugal,
porcelain of China, saffron, and scarlet cloth; and at Bijanagur, they
received in exchange or barter, jewels and pagodas, which are the gold
ducats of the country. At Bijanagur, according to the state and
condition of the wearers, the apparel is of velvet, satin, damask,
scarlet cloth, or white cotton; and they wear long hats on their heads,
called _colae_, made of similar materials; having girdles round their
bodies of fine cotton cloth. They wear breeches made like those used by
the Turks; having on their feet plain high things called _aspergh_. In
their ears they wear great quantities of golden ornaments.
Returning to my journey. When we got to _Ancola_, one of my companions
having nothing to lose, took a guide and set out for Goa, which is only
at the distance of four days journey; but as the other Portuguese was
not inclined to travel any farther at this season, he and I remained
there for the winter[139], which beginning on the 15th of May, lasts to
the end of October. While we tarried there, another horse-merchant
arrived in a palanquin, together with two Portuguese soldiers from
Ceylon, and two letter-carriers, who were Christians born in India. All
these persons agreed to go in company to Goa, and I resolved to go with
them; for which purpose, I got a sorry palanquin made for me of canes,
and in the hollow of one of these I concealed all my jewels. According
to the usual custom, I hired eight _falchines_ or bearers, and we set
off one day about eleven o'clock. About two o'clock the same day, as we
were passing a mountain which separates the territory of _Ancola_ from
that belonging to Abel Khan, and while I was a little way behind the
rest of the company, I was assaulted by eight robbers, four of whom were
armed with swords and targets, and the others with bows and arrows. My
bearers immediately let fall the palanquin and ran off, leaving me alone
on the ground wrapped up in my clothes. The robbers instantly came up
and rifled me of every thing I had, leaving me stark naked. I pretended
to be sick and would not quit the palanquin, in which I had made a kind
of bed of my spare clothes. After searching with great industry, the
thieves found two purses in which I had tied up some copper money I had
got in change for four pagodas at Ancola; and thinking this treasure
consisted of gold coin, they searched no farther, and went away,
throwing all my clothes into a bush. Fortunately at their departure they
dropped a handkerchief which I noticed, and getting up I wrapped it up
in my palaquin[140]. In this forlorn condition, I had resolved to pluck
the hollow cane from my palanquin in which my jewels were hid, and to
have endeavoured to make my own way on foot to Goa, using the cane as a
walking stick. But my bearers were so faithful that they returned to
look for me after the robbers departed, which indeed I did not expect,
as they were paid before hand, according to the custom of India. We got
to Goa in four days, during which I fared very badly, as the robbers had
left me no money of any kind, and all I had to eat was given me by my
bearers for God's sake; but after my arrival in Goa, I paid them royally
for what they gave me.
[Footnote 139: This winter of our author, on the coast of Canara, in
about the lat. of 15 deg. N. when the sun is nearly vertical, must be
understood as the rainy season.--E.]
[Footnote 140: This incident in the text is given as fortunate, and
perhaps it ought to have been expressed, "He wrapped it about his loins
and returned to his palanquin."--E.]
From Goa I departed for Cochin, a voyage of 300 miles, there being
several strong-holds belonging to the Portuguese between these two
cities, as Onore, Barcelore, Mangalore, and Cananore. Onore, the first
of these, is in the dominions of the queen of _Battacella_, or
_Batecolah_, who is tributary to the king of Bijanagur. There is no
trade at this place, which is only a military post held by a captain
with a company of soldiers. After this you go to another small castle of
the Portuguese called Mangalore, in which there is only a small trade in
rice. Thence you go to a little fort called Bazelore[141], whence a
great deal of rice is transported to Goa. From thence you go to a city
named Cananore, which is within a musket-shot of the capital of the king
of Cananore who is a Gentile[142]. He and his people are wicked and
malicious, delighting in going to war with the Portuguese; yet when at
peace they find their interest in trading with them. From this kingdom
of Cananore is procured great store of cardomums, pepper, ginger, honey,
cocoa-nuts, and _archa_ or _areka_. This is a fruit about the size of a
nutmeg, which is chewed in all the Indies, and even beyond them, along
with the leaf of a plant resembling ivy called _betel_. The nut is
wrapped up in a leaf of the betel along with some lime made of oyster
shells, and through all the Indies they spend a great deal of money; on
this composition, which they use daily, a thing I could not have
believed if I had not seen it continually practised. A great revenue is
drawn from this herb, as it pays custom. When they chew this in their
mouths, it makes their spittle as red as blood, and it is said to
produce a good appetite and a sweet breath; but in my opinion, they eat
it rather to satisfy their filthy lusts, for this herb is moist and hot,
and causes a strong expulsion.
[Footnote 141: This must be Barcelore, and ought to have been named
before Managalore, as above 50 miles to the north, between Goa and
Managalore.--E.]
[Footnote 142: This passage ought to have stood thus "The fort of
Cananore belonging to the Portuguese, only a musket-shot from the city
of that name, the capital of" &c.--E.]
From Cananore you go Cranganore, which is a small fort of the Portuguese
in the country of the king of Cranganore, another king of the Gentiles.
This is a country of small importance of about a hundred miles extent,
full of thieves, subject to the king of Calicut, who is another king of
the Gentiles and a great enemy to the Portuguese, with whom he is
continually engaged in war. This country is a receptacle of foreign
thieves, and especially of those Moors called _Carposa_, on account of
their wearing long red caps. These thieves divide the spoil they get
with the king of Calicut, who gives them leave to go a-roving; so that
there are so many thieves all along this coast, that there is no sailing
in those seas except in large ships well armed, or under convoy of
Portuguese ships of war. From Cranganore to Cochin is 15 miles[143].
[Footnote 143: The direct distance is twenty geographical miles.--E.]
SECTION IX.
_Of Cochin._
Cochin, next to Goa, is the chief place in India belonging to the
Portuguese, and has a great trade in spices, drugs, and all other kinds
of merchandise for Portugal. Inland from that place is the pepper
country, which pepper is loaded by the Portuguese in bulk not in sacks.
The pepper which is sent to Portugal is not so good as that which goes
up the Red Sea; because in times past the officers of the king of
Portugal made a contract with the king of Cochin for all the pepper, to
be delivered at a fixed price, which is very low; and for which reason
the country people deliver it to the Portuguese unripe and full of dirt.
As the Moors of Mecca give a better price, they get it clean and dry and
in much better condition; but all the spices and drugs which they carry
to Mecca and the Red Sea are contraband and stolen or smuggled. There
are two cities at Cochin, one of which belongs to the Portuguese and the
other to the native king; that of the Portuguese being nearer the sea,
while the native city is a mile and a half farther up the same river.
They are both on the banks of the same large river, which comes from the
mountains in the pepper country[144], in which are many Christians of
the order of St Thomas. The king of Cochin is a Gentile and a steadfast
friend to the king of Portugal, and to all the Portuguese who are
married and have become citizens of Cochin. By the name of Portuguese,
all the Christians are known in India who come from Europe, whether they
be Italians, Frenchmen, or Germans. All those who marry and settle at
Cochin get some office according to the trades they are off, by which
they have great privileges. The two principal commodities in which they
deal are silk which comes in great quantities from China, and large
quantities of sugar, which comes from Bengal. The married citizens pay
no customs for these two commodities; but pay 4s. per centum for all
other goods to the king of Cochin, rating their own goods almost at
their own valuation. Those who are not married pay to the king of
Portugal 8s. per centum for all kinds of commodities. While I was in
Cochin, the viceroy used his endeavours to break the privileges of these
married citizens, that they might pay the same rates of customs with
others. On this occasion the citizens were glad to weigh their pepper in
the night to evade the customs. When this came to the knowledge of the
king of Cochin, he put a stop to the delivery of pepper, so that the
viceroy was glad to allow the merchants to do as formerly.
[Footnote 144: In the version of Cesar Frederick in Hakluyt, it is said
"to come from the mountains of the king of the pepper country, who is a
Gentile, and in whose dominions there are many Christians," &c. as in
the text. This king of the pepper country is probably meant for the
rajah of Travancore. The great river of the text is merely a sound,
which reaches along the coast from Cochin to beyond Coulan, a distance
of above 90 miles, forming a long range of low islands on the sea-coast,
and receiving numerous small rivers from the southern gauts.--E.]
The king of Cochin has small power in comparison with the other
sovereigns of India as he is unable to send above 70,000 men into the
field. He has a great number of gentlemen, some of whom are called
_Amochi_[145] and others _Nairs_. These two sorts of men do not value
their lives in any thing which tends to the honour of their king, and
will run freely into any danger in his service, even if sure to lose
their lives in the attempt. These men go naked from the waist upwards,
and barefooted, having only a cloth wrapped about their thighs. Their
hair is long and rolled up on the top of their heads, and they go always
armed, carrying bucklers and naked swords. The Nairs have their wives in
common among themselves, and when any of them goes into the house of one
of these women, he leaves his sword and buckler at the door, and while
he is within no other dare enter the house. The king's children never
inherit the kingdom after their fathers, lest perchance they may have
been begotten by some other man; wherefore the son of the king's
sisters, or of some female of the royal-blood succeeds, that they may be
sure of having a king of the royal family. Those Naires and their wives
have great holes in their ears by way of ornament, so large and wide as
is hardly credible, holding that the larger these holes are, so much the
more noble are they. I had leave from one of them to measure the
circumference of the hole in one of his ears with a thread; and within
that circumference I put my arm up to the shoulder with my clothes on,
so that in fact they are monstrously large. This is begun when they are
very young, at which time a hole is made in each ear, to which they hang
a piece of gold or a lump of lead, putting a certain leaf into the hole
which causes the hole to increase prodigiously. They load ships at
Cochin both for Portugal and Ormuz: but all the pepper that is carried
to Ormuz is smuggled. Cinnamon and all other spices and drugs are
permitted to be exported to Ormuz or Cambaia, as likewise all other
kinds of merchandise from other parts of India. From Cochin there are
sent yearly to Portugal great quantities of pepper, dry and preserved
ginger, wild cinnamon, areka nuts and large store of cordage made of
_cayro_, that is from the bark of the cocoa-nut tree, which is reckoned
better than that made of hemp. The ships for Portugal depart every
season between the 5th of December and the 5th of January.
[Footnote 145: On former occasions these _amochi_ have been explained as
devoted naires, under a vow to revenge the death of their
sovereign.--E.]
From Cochin I went to Coulan, at which is a small fort belonging to the
Portuguese, 72 miles from Cochin. This is a place of small trade, as
every year a ship gets only half a lading of pepper here, and then goes
to Cochin to be filled up. From Cochin to Cape Comorin is 72 miles, and
here ends the Indian coast. Along this coast, and also at Cape Comorin,
and down to the low lands of _Chialon_[146], which is about 200 miles,
there are great numbers of the natives converted to the Christian faith,
and among them are many churches of the order of St Paul, the friars of
which order do much good in these places, and take great pains to
instruct the natives in the Christian faith.
[Footnote 146: These geographical notices are inexplicable, unless by
_Chialon_ is meant the low or maritime parts of Ceylon, which Cesar
Frederick afterwards calls Zeilan.--E.]
SECTION X.
_Of the Pearl Fishery in the Gulf of Manaar_.
The men along the coast which extends from Cape Comorin to the low land
of _Chioal_[147], and the island of _Zeilan_ or Ceylon, is called the
pearl-fishery. This fishery is made every year, beginning in March or
April, and lasts fifty days. The fishery is by no means made every year
at one place, but one year at one place, and another year at another
place; all however in the same sea. When the fishing season approaches,
some good divers are sent to discover where the greatest quantities of
oysters are to be found under water; and then directly facing that place
which is chosen for the fishery, a village with a number of houses, and
a bazar all of stone, is built, which stands as long as the fishery
lasts, and is amply supplied with all necessaries. Sometimes it happens
near places already inhabited, and at other times at a distance from any
habitations. The fishers or divers are all Christians of the country,
and all are permitted to engage in this fishery, on payment of certain
duties to the king of Portugal, and to the churches of the friars of St
Paul on that coast. Happening to be there one year in my peregrinations,
I saw the order used in fishing, which is as follows.
[Footnote 147: This word is unintelligible, having no similar name in
modern geography. From the context, it seems to signify the maritime
coast of Tinnevelly and Marwar, or the most southern part of the
Carnatic, opposite to Ceylon; and may possibly be that called _Chialon_
immediately before--E.]
During the continuance of the fishery, there are always three or four
armed foists or galliots stationed to defend the fishermen from pirates.
Usually the fishing-boats unite in companies of three or four together.
These boats resemble our pilot boats at Venice, but are somewhat
smaller, having seven or eight men in each. I have seen of a morning a
great number of these boats go out to fish, anchoring in 15 or 18
fathoms water, which it the ordinary depth all along this coast. When at
anchor, they cast a rope into the sea, having a great stone at one end.
Then a man, having his ears well stopped, and his body anointed with
oil, and a basket hanging to his neck or under his left arm, goes down
to the bottom of the sea along the rope, and fills his basket with
oysters as fast as he can. When that is full, he shakes the rope, and
his companions draw him up with the basket. The divers follow each other
in succession in this manner, till the boat is loaded with oysters, and
they return at evening to the fishing village. Then each boat or company
makes their heap of oysters at some distance from each other, so that a
long row of great heaps of oysters are seen piled along the shore. These
are not touched till the fishing is over, when each company sits down
beside its own heap, and fails to opening the oysters, which is now
easy, as the fish within are all dead and dry. If every oyster had
pearls in them, it would be a profitable occupation, but there are many
which have none. There are certain persons called _Chitini_, who are
learned in pearls, and are employed to sort and value them, according to
their weight, beauty, and goodness, dividing them into four sorts. The
_first_ sort, which are round, are named _aia_ of Portugal, as they are
bought by the Portuguese: The _second_, which are not round, are named
_aia_ of Bengal: The _third_, which are inferior to the second, are
called _aia_ of Canara, which is the name of the kingdom of Bijanagur or
Narsinga, into which they are sold: And the _fourth_, or lowest kind, is
called _aia_ of Cambaia, being sold into that country[148]. Thus sorted,
and prices affixed to each, there are merchants from all countries ready
with their money, so that in a few days all the pearls are bought up,
according to their goodness and weight.
[Footnote 148: Pearls are weighed by _carats_, each of which is four
grains. The men who sort and price them have a copper instrument with
holes of various sizes, by which they estimate their several
values.--_Hakluyt_.]
In this sea of the pearl-fishery there is an island called _Manaar_,
over-against Ceylon, inhabited by Christians who were formerly Gentiles,
and in which island there is a small fort belonging to the Portuguese.
Between this island and Ceylon there is a narrow channel with a small
depth of water, through which only small ships can pass at the full and
change of the moon, when the tides are high, and even then they must put
their cargoes into lighters to enable them to pass the shoals, after
which they take in their goods again, and proceed on their voyage. But
large ships going for the eastern coast of India pass by the coast of
Coromandel, on the other side of this gulf, beside the land of
_Chilao_[149], which is between the firm land and the isle of Manaar. On
this voyage ships are sometimes lost, but they are empty, as ships going
this way discharge their cargoes at _Periapatam_ into small
flat-bottomed boats named _Tane_, which can run over any shoal without
danger, as they always wait at Periapatam for fine weather. On departing
from Periapatam, the small ships and flat-bottomed boats go always
together, and on arriving at the shoals about thirty-six miles from that
place, they are forced through by the winds, which always blow so
forcibly that they have no means of taking shelter during the passage.
The flat boats go through safely; but if the small ships happen to miss
the proper channel, they get fast on the shoals, by which many of them
are lost. In coming back from the Indies, instead of this passage, they
take the channel of Manaar, which has an ouze bottom, so that even in
case of grounding they are generally got off again without damage. The
reason of not using this passage on the outward voyage is, that the
prevailing winds between Ceylon and Manaar frequently occasion that
channel to have so little water that it cannot be navigated. From Cape
Comorin to the island of Ceylon, the distance is 120 miles.
[Footnote 149: By this account of the matter, the land of _Chilao_
appears to be the island of Ramiseram, between which and the island of
Manaar extends a reef of rocks called _Adams Bridge_. The deep channel
is between Ramiseram and the point of _Tanitory_ on the Coromandel
coast.--E.]
SECTION XI.
_Of the Island of Ceylon_
In my judgment, the island of Ceylon is a great deal larger than Cyprus.
On the west side, facing India, is the city of Columba, the principal
hold of the Portuguese, but without walls or enemies. In this city,
which has a free port, dwells the lawful king of the whole island, who
has become a Christian, and is maintained by the king of Portugal,
having been deprived of his kingdom. The heathen king to whom this
island formerly belonged was named _Madoni_, who had two sons named
_Barbinas_ and _Ragine_. By acquiring the favour of the soldiers, the
younger son Ragine usurped the kingdom, in prejudice of his father and
elder brother, and became a great warrior. Formerly there were three
kingdoms in this island. Those were, the kingdom of Cotta, with other
dependent or conquered provinces: The kingdom of Candy, which had
considerable power, and was allied to the Portuguese, the king being
supposed a secret Christian: The third was the kingdom of
_Gianisampatam_, or Jafnapatam. During thirteen years that _Ragine_
ruled over this island, he became a great tyrant.
The island of Ceylon produces fine cinnamon and abundance of pepper,
with great quantities of _nuts_ and _aroche_[150]. They here make great
quantities of _cayre_ of which ropes are manufactured, as formerly
noticed. It likewise produces great store of that kind of crystal called
_ochi de gati_ or cats eyes, and it is said to produce some rubies; but
on my return thither from Pegu, I sold some rubies here for a good
price, which I had bought in that country. Being desirous to see how the
cinnamon is gathered from the trees, and happening to be there during
the season when it is gathered, which is in the month of April; at this
time the Portuguese were in the field making war on the king of the
country, yet to satisfy my curiosity, I took a guide and went out into a
wood about three miles from the city, where there grew great numbers of
cinnamon trees intermixed among other wild trees. The cinnamon is a
small tree not very high, and has leaves resembling those of the bay
tree. In March or April, when the sap rises, the cinnamon or bark is
taken from the trees. They cut the bark of the trees round about in
lengths, from knot to knot, or from joint to joint, both above and
below, and then easily strip it off with their hands, after which it is
laid in the sun to dry. Yet for all this the tree does not die, but
recovers a new bark by the next year. That which is gathered every year
is the best cinnamon, as what remains upon the trees for two or three
years becomes thick and coarse, and not so good as the other. In these
woods there grows much pepper.
[Footnote 150: The author probably here means cocoa-nuts and areka.--E.]
SECTION XII.
_Of Negapatam._
From the island of Ceylon a trade is carried on in small ships to
Negapatam on the continent, and 72 miles off is a very great and
populous city, full of Portuguese and native Christians, with many
Gentiles.[151] Almost the only trade here is for rice and cotton cloth,
which is carried to various countries. It formerly abounded in victuals,
on which account many Portuguese resorted thither and built houses, as
they could live there at small expense, but provisions have now become
scarcer and dearer. This city belongs to a Gentile nobleman of the
kingdom of Bijanagur, yet the Portuguese and other Christians are well
treated, and have built churches, together with a monastery of the
Franciscans. They live with great devotion, and are well accommodated
with houses; yet are they among tyrants who may always do them much harm
at their pleasure, as in reality happened to them in the year 1565. At
that time the _nayer_ or lord of the city sent to demand from the
citizens certain Arabian horses, which they refused; whereupon this lord
gave out that he proposed to take a view of the sea, so that the poor
citizens doubted some evil was meant against them by this unusual
circumstance, dreading that he would plunder the city. Accordingly they
embarked as fast as they could with all their goods and moveables,
merchandise, jewels, and money, and put off from the shore. But to their
great misfortune, a great storm arose next night, by which all their
ships were driven on shore and wrecked, and all their goods which came
to land were seized by the troops of this great lord, who had come down
with his army to see the sea.
[Footnote 151: It is not easy to say whether the author means to express
that Negapatam is this great city 72 miles from Ceylon, or if he refers
to another city 72 miles from Negapatam.--E.]
SECTION XIII.
_Of Saint Thome and other places._
Following my voyage from Negapatam 150 miles towards the east, I came to
the house of the blessed apostle St Thomas[152], which is a church held
in great devotion, and is even much reverenced by the Gentiles, for the
great miracles which they have heard were performed by that holy
apostle. Near to this church the Portuguese have built a city, which
stands in the country that is subject to the king of Bijanagur. Though
not large, this city, in my judgment, is the handsomest in all that part
of India, having many good houses with fine gardens in the environs. The
streets are large and in straight lines, with many well frequented
churches; and the houses are built contiguous, each having a small door,
so that every house is sufficiently defensible by the Portuguese against
the natives. The Portuguese have no other property here beyond their
houses and gardens, as the sovereignty, together with the customs on
trade, belong to the king of Bijanagur. These customs are small and
easy, and the country is very rich and has great trade. Every year there
come to this port two or three very large and rich ships, besides many
other small ships. One of these great ships goes to Pegu and the other
to Malacca, laden with fine _bumbast_ or cotton cloth of all kinds, many
of them being beautifully painted, and as it were _gilded_ with various
colours, which grow the livelier the oftener they are washed. There is
also other cotton cloth that is woven of divers colours and is of great
value. They also make at St Thome a great quantity of red yarn, dyed
with a root called _saia_, which never fades in its colour, but grows
the redder the oftener it is washed. Most of this red yarn is sent to
Pegu, where it is woven into cloth according to their own fashion, and
at less cost than can be done at St Thome.
[Footnote 152: St Thome, about 5 miles south from Madras, is about 160
English miles nearly north from Negapatam.--E.]
The shipping and landing of men and merchandise at St Thome is very
wonderful to those who have not seen it before. The place is so
dangerous that ordinary small barks or ships boats cannot be used, as
these would be beaten to pieces; but they have certain high barks made
on purpose, which they call _Masadie_ or _Mussolah_, made of small
boards sewed together with small cords, in which the owners will embark
either men or goods. They are laden upon dry land, after which the
boatmen thrust the loaded boat into the stream, when with the utmost
speed they exert themselves to row her out against the huge waves of the
sea which continually best on that shore, and so carry them out to the
ships. In like manner these _Masadies_ are laden at the ships with men
and merchandise; and when they come near the shore, the men leap out
into the sea to keep the bark right, that she may not cast athwart the
shore, and keeping her right stem on, the surf of the sea sets her with
her lading high and dry on the land without hurt or danger. Yet
sometimes these boats are overset; but there can be but small loss on
such occasions, as they lade but little at a time. All the goods carried
outwards in this manner are securely covered with ox hides, to prevent
any injury from wetting.
In my return voyage in 1566, I went from Goa to Malacca in a ship or
galleon belonging to the king of Portugal, which was bound for Banda to
lade nutmegs and mace. From Goa to Malacca it is 1800 miles. We passed
without the island of Ceylon and went through the channel of _Nicobar_,
and then through the channel of _Sombrero_, past the island of Sumatra,
called in old times _Taprobana_.[153] Nicobar, off the coast of Pegu,
consists of a great multitude of islands, many of which are inhabited by
a wild people. These islands are likewise called _Andemaon_ or
Andaman.[154] The natives are savages who eat each other, and are
continually engaged in war, which they carry on in small boats, chiefly
to make prisoners for their cannibal feasts. When by any chance a ship
happens to be cast away on those islands, as many have been, the men are
sure to be slain and devoured. These savages have no trade or
intercourse with any other people, but live entirely on the productions
of their own islands. In my voyage from Malacca through the channel of
Sombrero, two boats came off from these islands to our ship laden with
fruit, such as _Mouces_ which we call Adams apples, with fresh cocoa
nuts, and another fruit named _Inani_, much like our turnips, but very
sweet and good to eat. These people could not be prevailed on to come on
board our ship, neither would they accept payment for their fruit in
money, but bartered them for old shirts or old trowsers. These rags were
let down from the ship into their boats by a rope, and when they had
considered what they were worth in their estimation, they tied as much
fruit as they thought proper to give in exchange to the rope, which they
allowed us to hale up. I was told that sometimes a man may get a
valuable piece of amber for an old shirt.
[Footnote 153: The Taprobana or Sielendive of the ancients certainly was
Ceylon, not Sumatra.--E.]
[Footnote 154: The Andaman and Nicobar islands, in long. 93 deg. East from
Greenwich, reach from the lat. of 6 deg. 45' to 15 deg. N.--E.]
SECTION XIV.
_Of the Island of Sumatra and the City of Malacca_.
The island of Sumatra is very large and is governed by many kings, being
divided by many channels through which there is a passage[155]. Towards
the west end is the kingdom of _Assi_ or _Acheen_, under a Mahometan
king who has great military power, besides a great number of
_foists_[156] and gallies. This kingdom produces large quantities of
pepper, besides ginger and benzoin. The king is a bitter enemy to the
Portuguese, and has frequently gone against Malacca, doing great injury
to its dependent towns, but was always bravely resisted by the citizens,
with great injury to his camp and navy, done by their artillery from the
walls and batteries.
[Footnote 155: This assertion is unintelligible, unless the author means
to include a number of small islands off the coast as belonging to
Sumatra.--E.]
[Footnote 156: Foists are described as a kind of brigantines, rather
larger than half gallies, and much used by the Turks and other eastern
nations in those days for war. _Maons_, formerly mentioned among the
ships of Soliman Pacha in the siege of Diu, are said to have been large
flat-bottomed vessels or hulks, of 700 or 800 tons burden, having
sometimes _seven_ mizen sails.--_Hakluyt_.]
Leaving Sumatra on the right hand, I came to Malacca, which is a city of
wonderful trade in all kinds of merchandise from various parts, as all
ships frequenting those seas whether large or small must stop at Malacca
to pay customs, even though they do not load or unload any part of their
cargoes at that place, just as all ships in Europe frequenting the
Baltic must do at Elsineur. Should any pass under night without paying
the dues at Malacca, they fall into great danger afterwards, if found
any where in India without the _seal of Malacca_, having in that case to
pay double duties.
I have not gone beyond Malacca during my Indian peregrinations. Indeed
the trade to the east of Malacca, particularly to China and Japan, is
not free for all, being reserved by the king of Portugal to himself and
his nobles, or to those who have special leave for this purpose from the
king, who expects to know what voyages are made from Malacca eastwards.
The royal voyages from Malacca eastwards are as follow. Every year two
galleons belonging to the king depart from Malacca, one of which is
bound for the Moluccas to lade cloves, and the other goes to Banda for
nutmegs and mace. These two are entirely laden on the kings account, and
do not take any goods belonging to individuals, saving only the
privilege of the mariners and soldiers. Hence these voyages are not
frequented by merchants, who would have no means of transporting their
return goods, and besides the captains of these ships are not permitted
to carry any merchants thither. There go however to these places some
small ships belonging to the Moors from the coast of Java, who exchange
or barter their commodities in the kingdom of Acheen. These are mace,
cloves, and nutmegs, which are sent from Acheen to the Red Sea. The
voyages which the king of Portugal grants to his nobles, are those from
China to Japan and back to China, from China to India, and those of
Bengal, the Moluccas, and Sunda, with fine cloth and all kinds of cotton
goods.
Sunda is an island of the Moors near the coast of Java, whence pepper is
curried to China. The ship which goes yearly from India to China is
called the _drug ship_, because she carries various drugs of Cambaia,
but her principal lading consists of silver. From Malacca to China the
distance is 1800 miles; and from China there goes every year a large
ship to Japan laden with silk, in return for which she brings back bars
of silver which are bartered in China for goods. The distance between
Japan and China is 2400 miles, in which sea there are several islands of
no great size, in which the friars of St Paul, by the blessing of God,
have made many Christians _like themselves_: But from these islands the
seas have not been fully explored and discovered, on account of the
great numbers of shoals and sand banks [157].
[Footnote 157: The text in this place it erroneous or obscure. The
indicated distance between China and Japan is enormously exaggerated,
and probably ought to have been stated as between Malacca and Japan. The
undiscovered islands and shoals seem to refer to the various islands
between Java and Japan, to the east and north.--E.]
The Portuguese have a small city named Macao on an island near the
coast of China, in which the church and houses are built of wood. This
is a bishopric, but the customs belong to the king of China, and are
payable at the city of Canton, two days journey and a half from Macao,
and a place of great importance. The people of China are heathens, and
are so fearful and jealous that they are unwilling to permit any
strangers to enter their country. Hence when the Portuguese go there to
pay their customs and to buy goods, they are not allowed to lodge within
the city, but are sent out to the suburbs. This country of China, which
adjoins to great Tartary, is of vast size and importance, as may be
judged by the rich and precious merchandise which comes from thence,
than which I believe there are none better or more abundant in quantity
in all the world besides. In the first place it affords great quantities
of gold, which is carried thence to the Indies made into small plates
_like little ships_, and in value 23 _carats_ each[158]; large
quantities of fine silk, with damasks and taffetas; large quantities of
musk and of _occam_[159] in bars, quicksilver, cinabar, camphor,
porcelain in vessels of divers sorts, painted cloth, and squares, and
the drug called Chinaroot. Every year two or three large ships go from
China to India laden with these rich and precious commodities. Rhubarb
goes from thence over land by way of Persia, as there is a caravan every
year from Persia to China, which takes six months to go there and as
long to return. This caravan arrives at a place called _Lanchin_, where
the king and his court reside. I conversed with a Persian who had been
three years in that city of _Lanchin_, and told me that it was a city of
great size and wealth.
[Footnote 158: Perhaps the author may have expressed _of 23 carats
fine_.--E.]
[Footnote 159: Perhaps the mixed metal called tutenag may be here
meant.--E.]
The voyages which are under the jurisdiction of the captain of Malacca
are the following. Every year he sends a small ship to Timor to load
white sandal wood, the best being to be had in that island. He also
sends another small ship yearly to Cochin-China for aloes wood, which is
only to be procured in that country, which is on the continent adjoining
to China. I could never learn in what manner that wood grows, as the
people of Cochin-China will not allow the Portuguese to go into the
land except for wood and water, bringing provisions and merchandise and
all other things they want to their ships in small barks, so that a
market is held daily on the deck of the ship till she is laden. Another
ship goes yearly from Malacca for Siam to lade _Verzino_[160]. All these
voyages belong exclusively to the captain of Malacca, and when he is not
disposed to make them on his own account he sells them to others.
[Footnote 160: From another part of this voyage it appears that this is
some species of seed from which oil was expressed.--E.]
SECTION XV.
_Of the City of Siam_.
Siam was the imperial seat of the kingdom of that name and a great city,
till the year 1567, when it was taken by the king of Pegu, who came by
land with a prodigious army of 1,400,000 men, marching for four months,
and besieged Siam for twenty-two mouths, during which he lost a vast
number of men, and at lost won the city. I happened to be in the city of
Pegu about six months after his departure on this expedition, and saw
the governors left by him in the command of Pegu send off 500,000 men,
to supply the places of those who were slain in this siege. Yet after
all he would not have won the place unless for treachery, in consequence
of which one of the gates was left open, through which he forced his way
with great trouble into the city. When the king of Siam found that he
was betrayed and that his enemy had gained possession of the city, he
poisoned himself. His wives and children, and all his nobles that were
not slain during the siege, were carried captives to Pegu. I was there
at the return of the king in triumph from this conquest, and his entry
into Pegu was a goodly sight, especially the vast number of elephants
laden with gold, silver, and jewels, and carrying the noblemen and women
who were made captives at Siam.
To return to my voyage. I departed from Malacca in a great ship bound
for St Thome on the coast of Coromandel, and as at that time the captain
of Malacca had intelligence that the king of Acheen meant to come
against Malacca with a great fleet and army, he refused to allow any
ships to depart. On this account we departed from Malacca under night
without having made any provision of water; and being upwards of 400
persons on board, we proposed to have gone to a certain island for
water, but by contrary winds we were unable to accomplish this, and were
driven about by the tempests for forty-two days, the mountains of
_Zerzerline_ near the kingdom of _Orissa_, 500 miles beyond St Thome,
being the first land we got sight of. So we came to Orissa with many
sick, and had lost a great number for want of water. The sick generally
died in four days illness. For the space of a year after, my throat
continued sore and hoarse, and I could never satisfy my insatiable
thirst. I judged the reason of this hoarseness to be from the continual
use of sippets dipped in vinegar and oil, on which I sustained my life
for many days. We had no scarcity of bread or wine; but the wines of
that country are so hot that they cannot be drank without water, or they
produce death. When we began to want water, I saw certain Moors who were
officers in the ship who sold a small dish of water for a ducat, and I
have afterwards seen a _bar_ of pepper, which is two quintals and a
half, offered for a small measure, and it could not be had even at that
price. I verily believe I must have died, together with my slave, whom I
had bought at a high price, had I not sold him for half his value, that
I might save his drink to supply my own urgent wants, and save my own
life.
SECTION XVI.
_Of the Kingdom of Orissa and the River Ganges_.
This was a fair and well regulated kingdom, through which a man might
have travelled with gold in his hand without danger, so long as it was
governed by its native sovereign who was a Gentile, and resided in the
city of _Catecha_[161] six days journey inland. This king loved
strangers, especially merchants who traded in his dominions, insomuch
that he took no customs from them, neither did he vex them with any
grievous impositions, only that each ship that came thither paid some
small affair in proportion to her tonnage. Owing to this good treatment
twenty-five ships, great and small, used to lade yearly in the port of
Orissa, mostly with rice and with different kinds of white cotton
cloths, oil of _zerzerline_ or _verzino_ which is made from a seed, and
answers well for eating or frying fish, lac, long pepper, ginger, dry
and candied mirabolans, and great store of cloth made from a kind of
silk which grows on trees requiring no labour or cultivation, as when
the _bole_ or round pod is grown to the size of an orange, all they have
to do is to gather it. About sixteen years before this, the Pagan king
of Orissa was defeated and slain and his kingdom conquered, by the king
of _Patane_[162], who was also king of the greatest part of Bengal.
After the conquest of Orissa, this king imposed a duty of 20 per centum
on all trade, as had been formerly paid in his other dominions. But this
king did not enjoy his acquisitions long, being soon conquered by
another tyrant, who was the great Mogul of Delhi, Agra, and Cambaia,
against whom the king of Patane made very little resistance.
[Footnote 161: Cuttack, at the head of the Delta of the Mahamuddy or
Gongah river, in lat. 20 deg. 32' N. lon. 86 deg. 9' E. is probably here meant,
It is only about 45 miles from the sea, but might have been six days
journey from the port where the author took shelter, which probably was
Balasore.--E.]
[Footnote 162: Probably so called from residing at Patna, called Patane
in the text.--E.]
Departing from Orissa I went to the harbour of _Piqueno_ in Bengal, 170
miles to the east from Orissa. We went in the first place along the
coast for 54 miles when we entered the river Ganges. From the mouth of
this river to a place called _Satagan_, where the merchants assemble
with their commodities, are 100 miles, to which place they row up the
river along with the flood tide in _eighteen_ hours. This river ebbs and
flows as it does in the Thames, and when the ebb begins, although their
barks are light and propelled with oars like foists, they cannot row
against the ebb tide, but must make fast to one of the banks of the
river and wait for next flood. These boats are called _bazaras_ and
_patuas_, and row as well as a galliot or any vessel I have ever seen.
At the distance of a good tide rowing before reaching _Satagan_ we come
to a place called _Buttor_, which ships do not go beyond, as the river
is very shallow upwards. At _Buttore_ a village is constructed every
year, in which all the houses and shops are made of straw, and have
every necessary convenience for the use of the merchants. This village
continues as long as the ships remain there; but when they depart for
the Indies, every man goes to his plot of houses and sets them on fire.
This circumstance seemed very strange to me; for as I passed up the
river to _Satagan_, I saw this village standing, having a great
multitude of people with many ships and bazars; and at my return along
with the captain of the last ship, for whom I tarried, I was amazed to
see no remains of the village except the appearance of the burnt houses,
all having been razed and burnt.
Small ships go up to _Satagan_ where they load and unload their cargoes.
In this port of _Satagan_ twenty-five or thirty ships great and small
are loaded yearly with rice, cotton cloths of various kinds, lac, great
quantities of sugar, dried and preserved mirabolans, long pepper, oil of
_Verzino_, and many other kinds of merchandise. The city of Satagan is
tolerably handsome as a city of the Moors, abounding in every thing, and
belonged formerly to the king of _Patane_ or _Patna_, but is now subject
to the great Mogul. I was in this kingdom four months, where many
merchants bought or hired boats for their convenience and great
advantage, as there is a fair every day in one town or city of the
country. I also hired a bark and went up and down the river in the
prosecution of my business, in the course of which I saw many strange
things.
The kingdom of Bengal has been long under the power of the Mahomedans,
yet there are many Gentile inhabitants. Wherever I speak of Gentiles I
am to be understood as signifying idolaters, and by Moors I mean the
followers of Mahomet. The inhabitants of the inland country do greatly
worship the river Ganges; for if any one is sick, he is brought from the
country to the banks of the river, where they build for him a cottage of
straw, and every day they bathe him in the river. Thus many die at the
side of the Ganges, and after their death they make a heap of boughs and
sticks on which they lay the dead body and then set the pile on fire.
When the dead body is half roasted, it is taken from the fire, and
having an empty jar tied about its neck is thrown into the river. I saw
this done every night for two months as I passed up and down the river
in my way to the fairs to purchase commodities from the merchants. On
account of this practice the Portuguese do not drink the water of the
Ganges, although it appears to the eye much better and clearer than that
of the Nile.
"Of _Satagan, Buttor_, and _Piqueno_, in the kingdom of Bengal, no
notices are to be found in the best modern maps of that country, so that
we can only approximate their situation by guess. Setting out from what
the author calls the port of _Orissa_, which has already been
conjectured to be Balasore, the author coasted to the river Ganges, at
the distance of 54 miles. This necessarily implies the western branch of
the Ganges, or _Hoogly_ river, on which the English Indian capital,
_Calcutta_, now stands. _Satagan_ is said to have been 100 miles up the
river, which would carry us up almost to the city of _Sautipoor_, which
may possibly have been _Satagan_. The two first syllables of the name
are almost exactly the same, and the final syllable in Sauti_poor_ is a
Persian word signifying town, which may have been _gan_ in some other
dialect. The entire distance from _Balasore_, or the port of Orissa, to
_Piqueno_ is stated at 170 miles, of which 154 have been already
accounted for, so that Piqueno must have been only about 16 miles above
Satagan, and upon the Ganges[163]."--ED.
[Footnote 163: These observations, distinguished by inverted commas, are
placed in the text, as too long for a note.--E.]
SECTION XVII.
_Of Tanasserim and other Places_.
In continuation of my peregrinations, I sailed from the port of
_Piqueno_ to Cochin, from whence I went to Malacca, and afterwards to
Pegu, being 800 miles distant. That voyage is ordinarily performed in
twenty-five or thirty days; but we were four months on the way, and at
the end of three months we were destitute of provisions. The pilot
alleged that, according to the latitude by his observation, we could not
be far from _Tanassery_, or _Tanasserim_, a city in the kingdom of Pegu.
In this he was mistaken, as we found ourselves in the middle of many
islands and uninhabited rocks, yet some Portuguese who were on board
affirmed that they knew the land, and could even point out where the
city of Tanasserim stood. This city belongs of right to Siam, and is
situated on the side of a great river, which comes from the kingdom of
Siam. At the month of this river there is a village called _Mirgim,
Merghi_, or _Morgui_, at which some ships load every year with
_Verzino_, _Nypa_, and Benzoin, with a few cloves, nutmegs, and mace,
that come from Siam; but the principal merchandise are _Verzino_ and
_Nypa_. This last is an excellent wine, which is made from the flower of
a tree called _Nyper_. They distil the liquor prepared from the _Nyper_,
and make therewith an excellent drink, as clear as crystal, which is
pleasant to the taste, and still better to the stomach, as it has most
excellent virtues, insomuch that if a person were rotten with the lues,
and drinks abundantly of this wine, he shall be made whole, as I have
seen proved: For when I was in Cochin, the nose of a friend of mine
began to drop off with that disease, on which he was advised by the
physicians to go to Tanasserim at the season of the new wines, and to
drink the _Nyper_ wine day and night, as much as he was able. He was
ordered to use it before being distilled, when it is most delicate; for
after distillation it become much stronger, and is apt to produce
drunkenness. He went accordingly, and did as he was directed, and I have
seen him since perfectly sound and well-coloured. It is very cheap in
Pegu, where a great quantity is made every year; but being in great
repute in the Indies, it is dear when carried to a distance.
I now return to my unfortunate voyage, where we were among the
uninhabited rocks and islands far from Tanasserim, and in great straits
for victuals. From what was said by the pilot and two Portuguese, that
we were directly opposite the harbour of Tanasserim, we determined to go
thither in out boat to bring provisions, leaving orders to the ship to
await our return. Accordingly, twenty-eight of us went into the boat,
and left the ship about noon one day, expecting to get into the harbour
before night; but, after rowing all that day and the next night, and all
the ensuing day, we could find no harbour nor any fit place to land;
for, trusting to the ignorant counsel of the pilot and the two
Portuguese, we had overshot the harbour and left it behind us. In this
way we twenty-eight unfortunate persons in the boat lost both our ship
and the inhabited land, and were reduced to the utmost extremity, having
no victuals along with us. By the good providence of God, one of the
mariners in the boat had brought a small quantity of rice along with
him, intending to barter it for some other thing, though the whole was
so little that three or four men might have eaten it all at one meal. I
took charge of this small store, engaging, with God's blessing, that it
should serve to keep us all in life, till it might please God to send us
to some inhabited place, and when I slept I secured it in my bosom, that
I might not be robbed of my precious deposit. We were nine days rowing
along the coast, finding nothing but an uninhabited country and desert
islands, where even grass would have been esteemed a luxury in our
miserable state. We found indeed some leaves of trees, but so hard that
we could not chew them. We had wood and water enough, and could only row
along with the flood tide, as when it ebbed we had to make fast our boat
to one of the desert islands. On one of these days, it pleased God that
we discovered a nest or hole, in which were 144 tortoise eggs, which
proved a wonderful help to us, as they were as large as hens eggs,
covered only by a tender skin, instead of a shell. Every day we boiled a
kettle full of these eggs, mixing a handful of rice among the broth. At
the end of nine days, it pleased God that we discovered some fishermen
in small barks, employed in catching fish. We rowed immediately towards
them with much delight and thankfulness, for never were men more glad
than we, being so much reduced by famine that we could hardly stand on
our legs; yet, according to the allotment we had made of our rice, we
still had as much as would have served four days. The first village we
came to was in the gulf of _Tavay_, on the coast of Tanasserim, in the
dominions of Pegu, where we found plenty of provisions; yet for two or
three days after our arrival none of us could eat much, and most of us
were at the point of death. From Tavay to _Martaban_, in the kingdom of
Pegu, the distance is 72 miles[164]. We loaded our boat at Tavay with
provisions sufficient for six months, and then went in our boat to the
city and port of Martaban, in the kingdom of Pegu, and arrived there in
a short time. But not finding our ship there as we hoped, we dispatched
two barks in search of her. They found her in great calamity at an
anchor, with a contrary wind, which was exceedingly unfortunate for the
people, especially as they had been a whole month without a boat, which
prevented them from making any provision of wood and water. The ship,
however, arrived safe, by the blessing of God, in the harbour of
Martaban.
[Footnote 164: On the coast of Tanasserim, in lat. 13 deg. N. is an island
called _Tavay_, so that the gulf of Tavay in the text was probably in
that neighbourhood. Martaban is in lat. 16 deg. 40' N. So that the
difference of latitude is 8 deg. 40', and the distance cannot be less than
250 miles.--E.]
SECTION XVIII
_Of Martaban and the Kingdom of Pegu._
On our arrival at Martaban we found about ninety Portuguese there,
including merchants and lower people, who had fallen at variance with
the governor of the city, because certain vagabond Portuguese had slain
five _falchines,_ or porters, belonging to the king of Pegu. According
to the custom of that country, when the king of Pegu happens to be at a
distance from his capital, a caravan, or company of _falchines_, is
dispatched every fifteen days, each of them having a basket on his head
full of fruit or some other delicacy, or clean clothes for the king's
use. It accordingly happened, about a month after the king of Pegu had
gone against Siam, with 1,400,000 men, that one of these caravans stopt
at Martaban, to rest for the night. On this occasion a quarrel ensued
between them and some Portuguese, which ended in blows, and the
Portuguese being worsted, returned upon the _falchines_ in the night,
while they were asleep, and cut off five of their heads. There is a law
in Pegu, that whosoever sheds the blood of a man, shall pay the price of
blood according to the rank of the person slain: but as these
_falchines_ were the servants of the king, the governor of Martaban
durst not do any thing in the matter without the king's orders. The king
was accordingly informed of the affair, and gave orders that the
malefactors should be kept in custody till his return, when he would
duly administer justice, but the captain of the Portuguese refused to
deliver up these men to the governor, and even armed himself and the
other Portuguese, marching every day about the city, with drums beating
and displayed colours, as in despite of the governor, who was unable to
enforce his authority, as the city was almost empty of men, all who were
fit for war having gone with the vast army against Siam.
We arrived at Martaban in the midst of this difference, and I thought it
a very strange thing to see the Portuguese behave themselves with such
insolence in the city of a sovereign prince. Being very doubtful of the
consequences, I did not think proper to land my goods, which I
considered in greater safety on board ship than on shore. Most part of
the goods on board belonged to the owner, who was at Malacca; but there
were several merchants in the ship who had goods, though none of them
had to any great value, and all of them declared they would not land any
of their goods unless I landed mine; yet they afterwards neglected my
advice and example, and landed their goods, all of which were
accordingly lost. The governor and intendant of the custom-house sent
for me, and demanded to know why I did not land my goods, and pay the
duties like the rest; on which I said that I was a stranger, only new to
the country, and observing so much disorder among the Portuguese, I was
afraid to lose my goods, which I was determined not to bring on shore,
unless the governor would promise me in the king's name that no harm
should come to me or my goods, whatever might happen to the Portuguese,
with whom I had taken no part in the late tumult. As what I said seemed
reasonable, the governor sent for the _Bargits_, who are the councillors
of the city, who engaged, in the name of the king, that neither I nor my
goods should meet with any injury, and of which they made a notarial
entry or memorandum. I then sent for my goods, and paid the customs,
which is ten per centum of the value at that port; and for my greater
security I hired a house for myself and my goods, directly facing the
house of the governor.
In the sequel, the captain of the Portuguese and all the merchants of
that nation, were driven out of the city, in which I remained, along
with twenty-one poor men, who were officers in the ship I came in from
Malacca. The Gentiles had determined on being revenged of the Portuguese
for their insolence, but had delayed till all the goods were landed from
our ship; and the very next night there arrived four thousand soldiers
from Pegu, with some war elephants. Before these made any stir in the
city, the governor issued orders to all the Portuguese, in case of
hearing any noise or clamour in the city, not to stir from their houses
on pain of death. About four hours after sunset, I heard a prodigious
noise and tumult of men and elephants, who were bursting open the doors
of the Portuguese warehouses, and overturning their houses of wood and
straw, in which tumult some of the Portuguese were wounded, and one of
them slain. Many of those who had before boasted of their courage, now
fled on board some small vessels in the harbour, some of them fleeing
naked from their beds. That night the Peguers carried all the goods
belonging to the Portuguese from the suburbs into the city, and many of
the Portuguese were likewise arrested. After this, the Portuguese who
had fled to the ships resumed courage, and, landing in a body, set fire
to the houses in the suburbs, and as these were entirely composed of
boards covered with straw, and the wind blew fresh at the time, the
entire suburbs were speedily consumed, and half of the city had like to
have been destroyed. After this exploit, the Portuguese had no hopes of
recovering any part of their goods, which might amount to the value of
16,000 ducats, all of which they might assuredly have got back if they
had not set the town on fire.
Understanding that the late seizure of their goods had been done by the
sole authority of the governor of Martaban, without authority from the
king of Pegu, they were sensible of the folly of their proceedings in
setting the town on fire; yet next morning they began to discharge their
cannon against the town, and continued their cannonade for four days,
yet all in vain, as their balls were intercepted by the top of a small
hill or rising ground which intervened, and did no harm to the city. At
this time the governor arrested the twenty-one Portuguese who were in
the city, and sent them to a place four miles up the country, where they
were detained till such time as the other Portuguese departed with their
ships, after which they were allowed to go where they pleased, having no
farther harm done them. During all these turmoils I remained quietly in
my house, under the protection of a strong guard appointed by the
governor, to prevent any one from doing harm to me or my goods. In this
manner he effectually performed the promise he had made me in the king's
name; but he would on no account permit me to depart till the king
returned from Siam to Pegu, which was greatly to my hindrance, as I
remained twenty-one months under sequestration, during all which time I
could neither buy nor sell any kind of goods whatever. Those commodities
which I had brought with me were pepper, sandal wood, and porcelain of
China. At length, when the king came back to Pegu, I made my
supplication to him, and had liberty to go when and where I pleased.
Accordingly, I immediately departed from Martaban for Pegu, the capital
city of the kingdom of that name, being a voyage by sea of three or four
days. We may likewise go by land between these two places, but it is
much better and cheaper for anyone that has goods to transport, as I
had, to go by sea.
In this short voyage we meet with the _Macareo_, or _bore_ of the sea,
which is one of the most marvellous of the works of nature, and one of
these hardest to be believed if not seen. This consists in the
prodigious increase and diminution of the water of the sea all at one
push or instant, and the horrible noise and earthquake which this
Macareo produces when it makes its approach. We went from Martaban in
barks like our pilot boats, taking the flood tide along with us, and
they went with the most astonishing rapidity, as swift as an arrow from
a bow as long as the flow lasts. Whenever the water is at the highest,
these barks are carried out of the mid-channel to one or other bank of
the river, where they anchor out of the way of the stream of the ebb,
remaining dry at low water; and when the ebb is completely run out, then
are the barks left on high above the water in the mid-channel, as far as
the top of a house is from the foundation. The reason of thus anchoring
so far from the mid-stream or channel is, that when the first of the
flood, Macareo or bore, comes in, any ship or vessel riding in the fair
way or mid-channel would surely be overthrown and destroyed. And even
with this precaution of anchoring so far above the channel, so that the
bore has lost much of its force before rising so high as to float them,
yet they always moor with their bows to the stream, which still is often
so powerful as to put them in great fear; for if the anchor did not hold
good, they would be in the utmost danger of being lost. When the water
begins to increase, it comes on with a prodigious noise as if it were an
earthquake. In its first great approach it makes three great waves. The
first wave washes over the bark from stem to stem: The second is not so
strong; at the third they raise the anchor and resume their voyage up
the river, rowing with such swiftness that they seem to fly for the
space of six hours, while the flood lasts. In these tides there must be
no time lost, for if you arrive not at the proper station before the
flood is spent, you must turn back from whence you came, as there is no
staying at any place except at these stations, some of which are more
dangerous than others, according as they happen to be higher or lower.
On returning from Pegu to Martaban they never continue more than half
ebb, that they may have it in their power to lay their barks high upon
the bank, for the reason already given. I could never learn any reason
for the prodigious noise made by the water in this extraordinary rise of
the tide. There is another Macareo in the gulf of Cambay, as formerly
mentioned, but it is nothing in comparison of this in the river of Pegu.
With the blessing of God we arrived safe at Pegu, which consists of two
cities, the old and the new, all the merchants of the country and
stranger merchants residing in the old city, in which is far the
greatest trade. The city itself is not very large, but it has very great
suburbs. The houses are all built of canes, and covered with leaves or
straw; but every merchant has one house or magazine, called _Godown_,
built of bricks, in which they secure their most valuable commodities,
to save them from fire, which frequently happens to houses built of such
combustible materials.
In the new city is the royal palace, in which the king dwells, with all
his nobles and officers of state, and attendants. While I was there the
building of the new city was completed. It is of considerable size,
built perfectly square upon an uniform level, and walled round, having a
wet ditch on the outside, filled with crocodiles, but there are no
draw-bridges. Each side of the square has five gates, being twenty in
all; and there are many places on the walls for centinels, built of
wood, and gilded over with gold. The streets are all perfectly straight,
so that from any of the gates you can see clear through to the opposite
gate, and they are so broad that 10 or 12 horsemen may ride abreast with
ease. The cross streets are all equally broad and straight, and on each
side of all the streets close to the houses there is a row of cocoa-nut
trees, making a most agreeable shade. The houses are all of wood,
covered with a kind of tiles, in the form of cups, very necessary and
useful in that country. The palace is in the middle of the city, walled
round like a castle, the lodgings within being built of wood, all over
gilded, and richly adorned with pinnacles of costly work, covered all
over with gold, so that it may truly be called a king's house. Within
the gate is a large handsome court, in which are lodges for the
strongest and largest elephants, which are reserved for the king's use,
among which are four that are entirely white, a rarity that no other
king can boast of; and were the king of Pegu to hear that any other king
had white elephants, he would send and demand them as a gift. While I
was there two such were brought out of a far distant country, which cost
me something for a sight of them, as the merchants were commanded to go
to see them, and every one was obliged to give something to the keepers.
The brokers gave for every merchant half a ducat, which they call a
_tansa_, and this produced a considerable sum, as there were a great
many merchants in the city. After paying the _tansa_, they may either
visit the elephants or not as they please, as after they are put into
the king's stalls, every one may see them whenever they will. But before
this, every one mast go to see them, such being the royal pleasure.
Among his other titles, this king is called _King of the White
Elephants_; and it is reported that if he knew of any other king having
any white elephants who would not resign them to him, he would hazard
his whole kingdom to conquer them. These white elephants are so highly
esteemed that each of them has a house gilded all over, and they are
served with extraordinary care and attention in vessels of gold and
silver. Besides these white elephants, there is a black one of most
extraordinary size, being _nine cubits high_. It is reported that this
king has four thousand war elephants, all of which have teeth. They are
accustomed to put upon their uppermost teeth certain sharp spikes of
iron, fastened on with rings, because these animals fight with their
teeth. He has also great numbers of young elephants, whose teeth are not
yet grown.
In this country they have a curious device for hunting or taking
elephants, which is erected about two miles from the capital. At that
place there is a fine palace gilded all over, within which is a
sumptuous court, and all round the outside there are a great number of
places for people to stand upon to see the hunting. Near this place is a
very large wood or forest, through which a great number of the king's
huntsmen ride on the backs of female elephants trained on purpose, each
huntsman having five or six of these females, and it is said that their
parts are anointed with a certain composition, the smell of which so
powerfully attracts the wild males that they cannot leave them, but
follow them wheresoever they go. When the huntsmen find any of the wild
elephants so entangled, they guide the females towards the palace, which
is called a _tambell_, in which there is a door which opens and shuts by
machinery, before which door there is a long straight passage having
trees on both sides, so that it is very close and dark. When the wild
elephant comes to this avenue, he thinks himself still in the woods. At
the end of this avenue there is a large field, and when the hunters have
enticed their prey into this field, they immediately send notice to the
city, whence come immediately fifty or sixty horsemen, who beset the
field all round. Then the females which are bred to this business go
directly to the entry of the dark avenue, and when the wild male
elephant has entered therein, the horsemen shout aloud and make as much
noise as possible to drive the wild elephant forward to the gate of the
palace, which is then open, and as soon as he is gone in, the gate is
shut without any noise. The hunters, with the female elephants and the
wild one, are all now within the court of the palace, and the females
now withdraw one by one from the court, leaving the wild elephant alone,
finding himself thus alone and entrapped, he is so madly enraged for two
or three hours, that it is wonderful to behold. He weepeth, he flingeth,
he runneth, he jostleth, he thrusteth under the galleries where the
people stand to look at him, endeavouring all he can to kill some of
them, but the posts and timbers are all so strong that he cannot do harm
to any one, yet he sometimes breaks his teeth in his rage. At length,
wearied with violent exertions, and all over in a sweat, he thrusts his
trunk into his mouth, and sucks it full of water from his stomach, which
he then blows at the lookers on. When he is seen to be much exhausted,
certain people go into the court, having long sharp-pointed canes in
their hands, with which they goad him that he may enter into one of the
stalls made for the purpose in the court, which are long and narrow, so
that he cannot turn when once in. These men must be very wary and agile,
for though their canes are long, the elephants would kill them if they
were not swift to save themselves. When they have got him into one of
the stalls, they let down ropes from a loft above, which they pass under
his belly, about his neck, and round his legs, to bind him fast, and
leave him there for four or five days without meat or drink. At the end
of that time, they loosen all the cords, put one of the females in
beside him, giving them meat and drink, and in eight days after he is
quite tame and tractable. In my opinion, there is not any animal so
intelligent as the elephant, nor of so much capacity and understanding,
for he will do every thing that his keeper desires, and seems to lack
nothing of human reason except speech.
It is reported that the great military power of the king of Pegu mainly
depends on his elephants; as, when he goes to battle, each elephant has
a castle set on his back, bound securely with bands under his belly, and
in every castle four men are placed, who fight securely with
arquebusses, bows and arrows, darts, and pikes, or other missile
weapons; and it is alleged that the skin of the elephant is so hard and
thick as not to be pierced by the ball of an arquebuss, except under the
eyes, on the temples, or in some other tender part of the body. Besides
this, the elephants are of great strength, and have a very excellent
order in time of battle, as I have seen in their festivals, which they
make every year, which is a rare sight worth mention, that among so
barbarous a people there should be such goodly discipline as they have
in their armies; which are drawn up in distinct and orderly squares, of
elephants, horsemen, pikemen, and arquebuseers, the number of which is
infinite and beyond reckoning; but their armour and weapons are
worthless and weak. Their pikes are very bad, and their swords worse,
being like long knives without points; yet their arquebusses are very
good, the king having 80,000 men armed with that weapon, and the number
is continually increasing. They are ordained to practise daily in
shooting at a mark, so that by continual exercise they are wonderfully
expert. The king of Pegu has also great cannon made of very good metal;
and, in fine, there is not a king in the world who has more power or
strength than he, having twenty-six crowned kings under his command, and
he is able to take the field against his enemies with a million and a
half of soldiers. The state and splendour of this kingdom, and the
provisions necessary for so vast a multitude of soldiers, is a thing
incredible, except by those who know the nature and quality of the
people and government. I have seen with my own eyes these people, both
the commons and soldiers, feed upon all kinds of beasts or animals,
however filthy or unclean, everything that hath life serving them for
food: Yea, I have even seen them eat scorpions and serpents, and all
kinds of herbs, even grass. Hence, if their vast armies can only get
enough of water, they can maintain themselves long even in the forests,
on roots, flowers, and leaves of trees; but they always carry rice with
them in their marches, which is their main support.
The king of Pegu has no naval force; but for extent of dominion, number
of people, and treasure of gold and silver, he far exceeds the Grand
Turk in power and riches. He has various magazines full of treasure in
gold and silver, which is daily increased, and is never diminished. He
is also lord of the mines of rubies, sapphires, and spinels. Near the
royal palace there is an inestimable treasure, of which he seems to make
no account, as it stands open to universal inspection. It is contained
in a large court surrounded by a stone wall, in which are two gates that
stand continually open. Within this court there are four gilded houses
covered with lead, in each of which houses are certain heathen idols of
very great value. The first house contains an image of a man of vast
size all of gold, having a crown of gold on his head enriched with most
rare rubies and sapphires, and round about him are the images of four
little children, all likewise of gold. In the second house is the statue
of a man in massy silver, which seems to sit on heaps of money. This
enormous idol, though sitting, is as lofty as the roof of a house. I
measured his feet, which I found exceeded that of my own stature; and
the head of this statue bears a crown similar to that of the former
golden image. The third house has a brazen image of equal size, having a
similar crown on its head. In the fourth house is another statue as
large as the others, made of gansa, or mixed metal of copper and lead,
of which the current money of the country is composed, and this idol has
a crown on its head as rich and splendid as the others. All this
valuable treasure is freely seen by all who please to go in and look at
it, as the gates are always open, and the keepers do not refuse
admission to any one.
Every year the king of Pegu makes a public triumph after the following
manner. He rides out on a triumphal car or great waggon, richly gilded
all over, and of great height, covered by a splendid canopy, and drawn
by sixteen horses, richly caparisoned. Behind the car walk twenty of his
nobles or chief officers, each of whom holds the end of a rope, the
other end being fastened to the car to keep it upright and prevent it
from falling over. The king sits on high in the middle of the car, and
on the same are four of his most favoured nobles surrounding him. Before
the car the whole army marches in order, and the whole nobles of the
kingdom are round about the car; so that it is wonderful to behold so
many people and so much riches all in such good order, especially
considering how barbarous are the people. The king of Pegu has one
principal wife, who lives in a seraglio along with 300 concubines, and
he is said to have 90 children. He sits every day in person to hear the
suits of his people, yet he nor they never speak together. The king
sits up aloft on a high seat or tribunal in a great hall, and lower down
sit all his barons round about. Those that demand audience enter into
the great court or hall in presence of the king, and sit down on the
ground at forty paces from the king, holding their supplications in
their hands, written on the leaves of a tree three quarters of a yard
long and two fingers broad, on which the letters are written or
inscribed by means of a sharp stile or pointed iron. On these occasions
there is no respect of persons, all of every degree or quality being
equally admitted to audience. All suitors hold up their supplication in
writing, and in their hands a present or gift, according to the
importance of their affairs. Then come the secretaries, who take the
supplications from the petitioners and read them to the king; and if he
thinks good to grant the favour or justice which they desire, he
commands to have the gifts taken from their hands; but if he considers
their request not just or reasonable, he commands them to depart without
receiving their presents.
There is no commodity in the Indies worth bringing to Pegu, except
sometimes the opium of Cambay, and if any one bring money he is sure to
lose by it. The only merchandise for this market is the fine painted
calicos of San Thome, of that kind which, on being washed, becomes more
lively in its colours. This is so much in request, that a small bale of
it will sell for 1000 or even 2000 ducats. Also from San Thome they send
great store of cotton yarn, dyed red by means of a root called _saia_,
which colour never washes out. Every year there goes a great ship from
San Thome to Pegu laden with a valuable cargo of these commodities. If
this ship depart from San Thome by the 6th of September, the voyage is
sure to be prosperous; but if they delay sailing till the 12th, it is a
great chance if they are not forced to return; for in these parts the
winds blow firmly for certain times, so as to sail for Pegu with the
wind astern; and if they arrive not and get to anchor before the wind
change, they must perforce return back again, as the wind blows three or
four months with great force always one way. If they once get to anchor
on the coast, they may save their voyage with great labour. There also
goes a large ship from Bengal every year, laden with all kinds of fine
cotton cloth, and which usually arrives in the river of Pegu when the
ship of San Thome is about to depart. The harbour which these two ships
go to is called _Cosmin_. From Malacca there go every year to Martaban,
which is a port of Pegu, many ships, both large and small, with pepper,
sandal-wood, porcelain of China, camphor, _bruneo_[165], and other
commodities. The ships that come from the Red Sea frequent the ports of
Pegu and Ciriam, bringing woollen cloths, scarlets, velvets, opium, and
chequins, by which last they incur loss, yet they necessarily bring them
wherewith to make their purchases, and they afterwards make great profit
of the commodities which they take back with them, from Pegu. Likewise
the ships of the king of Acheen bring pepper to the same ports.
[Footnote 165: Perhaps we ought to read in the text _camphor of
Perneo_.--E.]
From San Thome or Bengal, _out of the sea of Bara_? to Pegu, the voyage
is 300 miles, and they go up the river, with the tide of flood in four
days to the city of _Cosmin_, where they discharge their cargoes, and
thither the _customers_ of Pegu come and take notes of all the goods of
every one, and of their several marks; after which they transport the
goods to Pegu to the royal warehouses, where the customs of all the
goods are taken. When the _customers_ have taken charge of the goods,
and laden them in barks for conveyance to Pegu, the governor of the city
gives licences to the merchants to accompany their goods, when three or
four of them club together to hire a bark for their passage to Pegu.
Should any one attempt to give in a wrong note or entry of his goods,
for the purpose of stealing any custom, he is utterly undone, as the
king considers it a most unpardonable offence to attempt depriving him
of any part of his customs, and for this reason the goods are all most
scrupulously searched, and examined three several times. This search is
particularly rigid in regard to diamonds, pearls, and other articles of
small bulk and great value, as all things, in Pegu that are not of its
own productions pay custom both in or out. But rubies, sapphires, and
spinels, being productions of the country, pay no duties. As formerly
mentioned respecting other parts of India, all merchants going to Pegu
or other places, must carry with them all sorts of household furniture
of which they may be in need, as there are no inns or lodging-houses in
which they can he accommodated, but every man must hire a house when he
comes to a city, for a month or a year, according to the time he means
to remain. In Pegu it is customary to hire a house for six months.
From Cosmin to Pegu they go up the river with the flood in six
hours[166]; but if the tide of ebb begin it is necessary to fasten the
bark to the river side, and to remain there till the next flood. This is
a commodious and pleasant passage, as there are many large villages on
both sides of the river which might even be called cities, and in which
poultry, eggs, pigeons, milk, rice, and other things may be had on very
reasonable terms. The country is all level and fertile, and in eight
days we get up to _Macceo_ which is twelve miles from. Pegu, and the
goods are there landed from the barks, being carried thence to Pegu in
carts or wains drawn by oxen. The merchants are conveyed from _Macceo_
to Pegu in close palanquins, called _delings_ or _doolies_, in each of
which one man is well accommodated, having cushions to rest upon, and a
secure covering from the sun or rain, so that he may sleep if he will.
His four _falchines_ or bearers carry him along at a great rate, running
all the way, changing at intervals, two and two at a time. The freight
and customs at Pegu may amount to 20, 22, or 23 per centum, according as
there may be more or less stolen of the goods on paying the customs. It
is necessary therefore for one to be very watchful and to have many
friends; for when the goods are examined for the customs in the great
hall of the king, many of the Pegu gentlemen go in accompanied by their
slaves, and these gentlemen are not ashamed when their slaves rob
strangers, whether of cloth or any other thing, and only laugh at it
when detected; and though the merchants assist each other to watch the
safety of their goods, they cannot look so narrowly but some will steal
more or less according to the nature or quality of the goods. Even if
fortunate enough to escape being robbed by the slaves, it is impossible
to prevent pilfering by the officers of the customs; for as they take
the customs in kind, they oftentimes take the best, and do not rate each
sort as they ought separately, so that the merchant is often, made to
pay much more than he ought. After undergoing this search and deduction
of the customs, the merchant causes his goods to be carried home to his
house, where he may do with them what he pleases.
[Footnote 166: From subsequent circumstances the text is obviously here
incorrect, and ought to have been translated, that the flood tides run
six hours; as it will be afterwards seen that the voyage to a place 12
miles short of Pegu requires eight days of these tide trips of six]
In Pegu there are eight brokers licenced by the king, named _tareghe_,
who are bound to sell all the merchandise which comes there at the
current prices; and if the merchants are willing to sell their goods at
these rates they sell them out of hand, the brokers having _two per
centum_ for their trouble, and for which they are bound to make good all
debts incurred for the goods sold by them, and often the merchant does
not know to whom his goods are sold. The merchants may indeed sell their
own goods if they will; but in that case the broker is equally intitled
to his two per centum, and the merchant must run his own risk of
recovering his money. This however seldom happens, as the wife,
children, and slaves of the debtor are all liable in payment. When the
agreed time of payment arrives, if the debt is not cleared, the creditor
may seize the person of the debtor and carry him home to his house, and
if not immediately satisfied, he may take the wife, children, and slaves
of the debtor and sell them. The current money through all Pegu is made
of _ganza_, which is a composition of copper and lead, and which every
one may stamp at his pleasure, as they pass by weight; yet are they
sometimes falsified by putting in too much lead, on which occasions no
one will receive them in payment. As there is no other money current,
you may purchase gold, silver, rubies, musk, and all other things with
this money. Gold and silver, like other commodities, vary in their
price, being sometimes cheaper and sometimes dearer. This _ganza_ money
is reckoned by _byzas_, each _byza_ being 100 _ganzas_, and is worth
about half a ducat of our money, more or less according as gold is cheap
or dear.
When any one goes to Pegu to buy jewels, he will do well to remain there
a whole year; for if he would return by the same ship, he can do very
little to purpose in so short a time. Those who come from San Thome
usually have their goods customed about Christmas, after which they must
sell their goods, giving credit for a month or two, and the ships depart
about the beginning of March. The merchants of San Thome generally take
payment for their goods in gold and silver, which are always plentiful
in Pegu. Eight or ten days before their departure they are satisfied for
their goods. They may indeed have rubies in payment, but they make no
account of them. Such as propose to winter in the country ought to
stipulate in selling their goods for payment in two or three months, and
that they are to be paid in so many _ganzas_, not in gold or silver, as
every thing is most advantageously bought and sold by means of this
_ganza_ money. It is needful to specify very precisely both the time of
payment, and in what weight of ganzas they are to be paid, as an
inexperienced person may be much imposed upon both in the weight and
fineness of the _ganza_ money; for the weight rises and falls greatly
from place to place, and he may be likewise deceived by false _ganzas_
or too much alloyed with lead. For this reason, when any one is to
receive payment he ought to have along with him a public weigher of
money, engaged a day or two before he commences that business, whom he
pays two _byzas_ a-month, for which he is bound to make good all your
money and to maintain it good, as he receives it and seals the bags with
his own seal, and when he has collected any considerable sum he causes
it to be delivered to the merchant to whom it belongs. This money is
very weighty, as forty _byzas_ make a porters burden. As in receiving,
so in paying money, a public weigher of money must be employed.
The merchandises exported from Pegu are gold, silver, rubies, sapphires,
spinels, great quantities of benzoin, long-pepper, lead, lac, rice,
wine, and some sugar. There might be large quantities of sugar made in
Pegu, as they have great abundance of sugar-canes, but they are given as
food to the elephants, and the people consume large quantities of them
in their diet. They likewise spend many of these sugar-canes[167] in
constructing houses and tents for their idols, which they call _varely_
and we name pagodas. There are many of these idol houses, both large and
small, which are ordinarily constructed in a pyramidical form, like
little hills, sugar-loaves or bells, some of them being as high as an
ordinary steeple. They are very large at the bottom, some being a
quarter of a mile in compass. The inside of these temples are all built
of bricks laid in clay mortar instead of lime, and filled up with earth,
without any form or comeliness from top to bottom; afterwards they are
covered with a frame of canes plastered all over with lime to preserve
them from the great rains which fall in this country. Also about these
_varely_ or idol-houses they consume a prodigious quantity of leaf gold,
as all their roofs are gilded over, and sometimes the entire structure
is covered from top to bottom; and as they require to be newly gilded
every ten years, a prodigious quantity of gold is wasted on this
vanity, which occasions gold to be vastly dearer in Pegu than it would
be otherwise.
[Footnote 167: This is certainly an error, and Cesar Frederick has
mistaken the bamboo cane used in such erections for the sugar-cane.--E.]
It may be proper to mention, that in buying jewels or precious stones in
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