History of Friedrich II of Prussia V 19
by
Thomas Carlyle
Part 3 out of 5
Accordingly, Wednesday, August 15th, at eight in the morning,
Wolfersdorf by the Elbe Gate moves out; across Elbe Bridge, and the
Redoubt which is on the farther shore yonder. Near this Redoubt,
Stolberg and many of his General Officers are waiting to see him
go. He goes in state; flags flying, music playing. Battalion
Hessen-Cassel, followed by all our Packages, Hospital
convalescents, King's Artillery, and whatever is the King's or
ours, marches first. Next comes, as rear-guard to all this,
Battalion Grollmann;--along with which is Wolfersdorf himself,
knowing Grollmann for a ticklish article (Saxons mainly);
followed on the heel by Battalion Hofmann, and lastly by Battalion
Salmuth, trusty Prussians both of these.
Battalion Hessen-Cassel and the Baggages are through the Redoubt,
Prince of Stolberg handsomely saluting as saluted. But now, on
Battalion Grollmann's coming up, Stolberg's Adjutant cries out with
a loud voice of proclamation, many Officers repeating and
enforcing: "Whoever is a brave Saxon, whoever is true to his
Kaiser, or was of the Reichs Army, let him step out:
Durchlaucht will give him protection!" At sound of which Grollmann
quivers as if struck by electricity; and instantly begins
dissolving;--dissolves, in effect, nearly all, and is in the act of
vanishing like a dream! Wolfersdorf is a prompt man; and needs to
be so. Wolfersdorf, in Olympian rage, instantly stops short;
draws pistol: "I will shoot dead every man that quits rank!"
vociferates he; and does, with his pistol, make instant example of
one; inviting every true Prussian to do the like: "Jagers, Hussars,
a ducat for every traitor you shoot down!" continues Wolfersdorf
(and punctually paid it afterwards): unable to prevent an almost
total dissolution of Grollmann. For some minutes, there is a scene
indescribable: storm of vociferation, menace, musket-shot, pistol-
shot; Grollmann disappearing on every side,--"behind the Redoubt,
under the Bridge, into Elbe Boats, under the cloaks of the Croats;"
--in spite of Wolfersdorf's Olympian rages and efforts.
At sight of the shooting, Prince Stolberg, a hot man, had said
indignantly, "Herr, that will be dangerous for you (DAS WIRD NICHT
GUT GEHN)!" Wolfersdorf not regarding him a whit; regarding only
Grollmann, and his own hot business of coercing it at a ducat per
head. Grollmann gone, and Battalion Hofmann in due sequence come
up, Wolfersdorf--who has sent an Adjutant, with order, "Hessen-
Cassel, HALT"--gives Battalion Hofmann these three words of
command: "Whole Battalion, halt!--Front!--Make ready!" (with due
simultaneous click of every firelock, on utterance of that last);--
and turning to Prince Stolberg, with a brow, with a tone of voice:
"Durchlaucht, Article 9 of the Capitulation is express on this
point; 'ALL DESERTION STRICTLY PROHIBITED; NO DESERTER TO BE
RECEIVED EITHER ON THE IMPERIAL OR ON THE PRUSSIAN SIDE!'
[Durchlaucht silently gives, we suppose, some faint sniff.]
Since your Durchlaucht does not keep the Capitulation, neither will
I regard it farther. I will now take you and your Suite prisoners,
return into the Town, and again begin defending myself. Be so good
as ride directly into that Redoubt, or I will present, and
give fire!"
A dangerous moment for the Durchlaucht of Stolberg;
Battalion Salmuth actually taking possession of the wall again;
Hofmann here with its poised firelock on the cock, "ready" for that
fourth word, as above indicated. A General Lusinsky of Stolberg's
train, master of those Croats, and an Austrian of figure, remarks
very seriously: "Every point of the Capitulation must be kept!"
Upon which Durchlaucht has to renounce and repent; eagerly assists
in recovering Grollmann, restores it (little the worse, little the
FEWER); will give Wolfersdorf "COMMAND of the Austrian Escort you
are to have", and every satisfaction and assurance;--wishful only
to get rid of Wolfersdorf. Who thereupon marches to Wittenberg,
with colors flying again, and a name mentionable ever since.
[Templehof, iii. 201-204; Seyfarth, ii. 562 n., and
Beylagen, ii. 587; Militair-Lexikon,
italic> iv. 283.]
This Wolfersdorf was himself a Pirna Saxon; serving Polish Majesty,
as Major, in that Pirna time; perhaps no admirer of "Feldmarschall
Bruhl" and Company?--at any rate, he took Prussian service, as then
offered him; and this is his style of keeping it. A decidedly
clever soldier, and comes out, henceforth, more and more as such,--
unhappily not for long. Was taken at Maxen, he too, as will be
seen. Rose, in after times, to be Lieutenant-General, and a man
famous in the Prussian military circles; but given always, they
say, to take the straight line (or shortest distance between self
and object), in regard to military matters, to recruiting and the
like, and thus getting himself into trouble with the
Civil Officials.
Wolfersdorf, at Wittenberg or farther on, had a flattering word
from the King; applauding his effective procedures at Torgau;
and ordering him, should Wittenberg fall (as it did, August 23d),
to join Wunsch, who is coming with a small Party to try and help in
those destitute localities. Wunsch the King had detached (21st
August), as we heard already. Finck the King finds, farther, that
he can detach (from Waldau Country, September 7th); [Tempelhof,
iii. 211, 237.] Russians being so languid, and Saxony fallen into
such a perilous predicament.
"Few days after Kunersdorf," says a Note, which should be inserted
here, "there had fallen out a small Naval matter, which will be
consolatory to Friedrich, and go to the other side of the account,
when he hears of it: Kunersdorf was Sunday, August 12th; this was
Saturday and Sunday following. Besides their Grand Brest Fleet,
with new Flat-bottoms, and world-famous land-preparations going on
at Vannes, for Invasion of proud Albion, all which are at present
under Hawke's strict keeping, the French have, ever since Spring
last, a fine subsidiary Fleet at Toulon, of very exultant hopes at
one time; which now come to finis.
"SEA-FIGHT (PROPERLY SEA-HUNT OF 200 MILES), IN THE CADIZ WATERS,
AUGUST 18th-19th. The fine Toulon Fleet, which expected at one
time, Pitt's ships being so scattered over the world, to be
'mistress of the Mediterranean,' has found itself, on the contrary
(such were Pitt's resources and promptitudes); cooped in harbor all
Summer; Boscawen watching it in the usual strict way. No egress
possible; till, in the sultry weather (8th July-4th August),
Boscawen's need of fresh provisions, fresh water and of making some
repairs, took him to Gibraltar, and gave the Toulon Fleet a
transient opportunity, which it made use of.
"August 17th, at 8 in the evening, Boscawen, at Gibraltar (some of
his ships still in deshabille or under repair), was hastily
apprised by one of his Frigates, That the Toulon Fleet had sailed;
been seen visibly at Ceuta Point so many hours ago. 'Meaning,' as
Boscawen guesses, 'to be through the Straits this very night!'
By power of despatch, the deshabille ships were rapidly got
buttoned together (in about two hours); and by 10 P.M. all were
under sail. And soon were in hot chase; the game, being now in
view,--going at its utmost through the Straits, as anticipated.
At 7 next morning (Saturday, August 18th) Boscawen got clutch of
the Toulon Fleet; still well east of Cadiz, somewhere in the
Trafalgar waters, I should guess. Here Boscawen fought and chased
the Toulon Fleet for 24 hours coming; drove it finally ashore, at
Lagos on the coast of Portugal, with five of its big ships burnt or
taken, its crews and other ships flying by land and water, its poor
Admiral mortally wounded; and the Toulon Fleet a ruined article.
The wind had been capricious, here fresh, there calm; now favoring
the hunters, now the hunted; both Fleets had dropped in two. De la
Clue, the French Admiral, complained bitterly how his Captains
lagged, or shore off and forsook him. Boscawen himself, who for his
own share had gone at it eagle-like, was heard grumbling, about
want of speed in some people; and said: 'It is well; but it might
have been better!' [Beatson, ii. 313-319; ib. iii. 237-238, De la
Clue, the French Admiral's Despatch;--Boscawen's Despatch, &c., in
Gentleman's Magazine, xxix. 434.]
"De la Clue--fallen long ago from all notions of 'dominating the
Mediterranean'--had modestly intended to get through, on any terms,
into the Ocean; might then, if possible, have joined the Grand
'Invasion Squadron,' now lying at Brest, till Vannes and the
furnishings are ready, or have tried to be troublesome in the rear
of Hawke, who is blockading all that. A modest outlook in
comparison;--and this is what it also has come to. As for the Grand
Invasion Squadron, Admiral Conflans, commanding it, still holds np
his head in Brest Harbor, and talks big. Makes little of Rodney's
havoc on the Flat-bottoms at Havre, 'Will soon have Flat-bottoms
again: and you shall see!'--if only Hawke, and wind and weather and
Fortune, will permit."
AUSTRIAN REICHS ARMY DOES ITS CROWNING FEAT
(August 26th-September 4th): DIARY OF WHAT IS
CALLED THE "SIEGE" OF DRESDEN.
Since the first weeks of, August there have been Austrian
detachments, Wehla's Corps, Brentano's Corps, entering Saxony from
the northeast or Daun-ward side, and posting themselves in the
strong points looking towards Dresden; waiting there till the
Reichs Army should capture its Leipzigs, Torgaus, Wittenbergs, and
roll forward from northwest. To all which it is easy to fancy what
an impetus was given by Kunersdorf and August 12th; the business,
after that, going on double-quick, and pointing to immediate
practical industry on Dresden. The Reichs Army hastens to settle
its northwestern Towns, puts due garrison in each, leaves a 10 or
12,000 movable for general protection, in those parts; and, August
23d, marches for Dresden. There are only some 15,000 left of it
now; almost half the Reichs Army drunk up in that manner; were not
Daun now speeding forth his Maguire with a fresh 12,000; who is to
command the Wehlas and Brentanos as well. And, in effect, to be
Austrian Chief, and as regards practical matters, Manager of this
important Enterprise,--all-important to Daun just now. Schmettau in
Dresden sees clearly what mischief is at hand.
To Daun this Siege of Dresden is the alpha to whatever omegas there
may be: he and his Soltikof are to sit waiting this; and can
attempt nothing but eating of provender, till this be achieved.
As the Siege was really important, though not quite the alpha to
all omegas, and has in it curious points aud physiognomic traits,
we will invite readers to some transient inspection of it,--the
rather as there exist ample contemporary Narratives, DIARIUMS and
authentic records, to render that possible and easy. [In TEMPELHOF
(iii. 210-216-222) complete and careful Narrative; in ANONYMOUS OF
HAMBURG (iii. 371-377) express "DAY-BOOK" by some Eye-witness
in Dresden.]'
"Ever since the rumor of Kunersdorf," says one Diarium, compiled
out of many, "in the last two weeks of August, Schmettau's need of
vigilance and diligence has been on the increase, his outlooks
becoming grimmer and grimmer. He has a poorish Garrison for number
(3,700 in all [Schmettau's LEBEN (by his Son), p. 408.]), and not
of the best quality; deserters a good few of them: willing enough
for strokes; fighting fellows all, and of adventurous turn, but
uncertain as to loyalty in a case of pinch. He has endless stores
in the place; for one item, almost a million sterling of ready
money. Poor Schmettau, if he knew it, has suddenly become the
Leonidas of this campaign, Dresden its Thermopylae; and"--But
readers can conceive the situation.
"AUGUST 20th, Schmettau quits the Neustadt, or northern part of
Dresden, which lies beyond the River: unimportant that, and
indefensible with garrison not adequate; Schmettau will strengthen
the River-bank, blow up the Stone Bridge if necessary, and restrict
himself to Dresden Proper. The Court is here; Schmettau does not
hope that the Court can avert a Siege from him; but he fails not to
try, in that way too, and may at least gain time.
"AUGUST 25th, He has a Mine put under the main arch of the Bridge:
'mine ill-made, uncertain of effect,' reports the Officer whom he
sent to inspect it. But it was never tried, the mere rumor of it
kept off attacks on that side. Same day, August 25th, Schmettau
receives that unfortunate Royal Missive [Tempelhof, iii. 208;
Schmettau's LEBEN (p. 421) has "August 27th."] written in the dark
days of Reitwein, morrow of Kunersdorf (14th or 13th August),"
which we read above. "That there is another Letter on the road for
him, indicating 'Relief shall be tried,' is unknown to Schmettau,
and fatally continues unknown. While Schmettau is reading this
(August 25th), General Wunsch has been on the road four days:
Wunsch and Wolfersdorf with about 8,000, at their quickest pace,
and in a fine winged frame of mind withal, are speeding on:
will cross Elbe at Meissen to-morrow night,--did Schmettau only
know. People say he did, in the way of rumor, understand that
Kunersdorf had not been the fatal thing it was thought; and that
efforts would be made by a King like his. In his place one might
have, at least, shot out a spy or two? But he did not, then
or afterwards.
"Already, ever since the arrival of Wehla and Brentano in those
parts, he has been laboring under many uncertainties; too many for
a Leonidas! Hanging between Yes and No, even about that of quitting
the Neustadt, for example: carrying over portions of his goods, but
never heartily the whole; unable to resolve; now lifting visibly
the Bridge pavement, then again visibly restoring it;--and, I
think, though the contrary is asserted, he had at last to leave in
the Neustadt a great deal of stores, horse-provender and other, not
needful to him at present, or impossible to carry, when dubiety got
ended. He has put a mine under the Bridge; but knows it will not
go off.
"Schmettau has been in many wars, but this is a case that tries his
soldier qualities as none other has ever done. A case of endless
intricacy,--if he be quite equal to it; which perhaps he was not
altogether. Nobody ever doubted Schmettau's high qualities as a man
and captain; but here are requisite the very highest, and these
Schmettau has not. The result was very tragical; I suppose, a pain
to Friedrich all his life after; and certainly to Schmettau all
his. This is Saturday night, 25th August: before Tuesday week
(September 4th) there will have sad things arrived, irremediable to
Schmettau. Had Schmettau decided to defend himself, Dresden had not
been taken. What a pity Schmettau had not been spared this Missive,
calculated to produce mere doubt! Whether he could not, and should
not, after a ten days of inquiry and new discernment, have been
able to read the King's true meaning, as well as the King's
momentary humor, in this fatal Document, there is no deciding.
Sure enough, he did not read the King's true meaning in it, but
only the King's momentary humor; did not frankly set about
defending himself to the death,--or 'seeing' in that way 'whether
he could not defend himself,'--with a good capitulation lying in
the rear, after he had.
"SUNDAY, AUGUST 26th, Trumpet at the gates. Messenger from
Zweibruck is introduced blindfold; brings formal Summons to
Schmettau. Summons duly truculent: 'Resistance vain; the more you
resist, the worse it will be,--and there is a worst [that of being
delivered to the Croats, and massacred every man], of which why
should I speak? Especially if in anything you fail of your duty to
the Kur-Prinz [Electoral Prince and Heir-Apparent, poor crook-
backed young Gentleman, who has an excellent sprightly Wife, a
friend of Friedrich's and daughter of the late Kaiser Karl VII.,
whom we used so beautifully], imagine what your fate will be!'--To
which Schmettau answers: 'Can Durchlaucht think us ignorant of the
common rules of behavior to Persons of that Rank? For the rest,
Durchlaucht knows what our duties here are, and would despise us if
we did NOT do them;'--and, in short, our answer again is, in polite
forms, 'Pooh, pooh; you may go your way!' Upon which the Messenger
is blindfolded again; and Schmettau sets himself in hot earnest to
clearing out his goods from the Neustadt; building with huge
intertwisted cross-beams and stone and earth-masses a Battery at
his own end of the Bridge, batteries on each side of it, below and
above;--locks the Gates; and is passionately busy all Sunday,--
though divine service goes on as usual.
"Hardly were the Prussian guns got away, when Croat people in
quantity came in, and began building a Battery at their end of the
Bridge, the main defence-work being old Prussian meal-barrels,
handily filled with earth. 'If you fire one cannon-ball across on
us,' said Schmettau, 'I will bombard the Neustadt into flame in few
minutes [I have only to aim at our Hay Magazine yonder]: be warned!
'Nor did they once fire from that side; Electoral Highness withal
and Royal Palace being quite contiguous behind the Prussian Bridge-
Battery. Electoral Highness and Household are politely treated,
make polite answer to everything; intend going down into the
'APOTHEKE' (Kitchen suite), or vaulted part of the Palace, and will
lodge there when the cannonade begins.
"This same SUNDAY, AUGUST 26th, Maguire arrived; and set instantly
to building his bridge at Pillnitz, a little way above Dresden:
at Uebigau, a little below Dresden, the Reichsfolk have another.
Reichsfolk, Zweibruck in person, come all in on Wednesday;
post themselves there, to north and west of the City. What is more
important, the siege-guns, a superb stock, are steadily floating,
through the Pirna regions, hitherward; get to hand on Friday next,
the fifth day hence. [Tempelhof, p. 210.] Korbitz (half-way out to
Kesselsdorf) is Durchlaucht's head-quarter:--Chief General is
Durchlaucht, conspicuously he, at least in theory, and shall have
all the glory; though Maguire, glancing on these cannon, were it
nothing more, has probably a good deal to say. Maguire too, I
observe, takes post on that north or Kesselsdorf side;
contiguous for the Head General. Wehla and Brentano post themselves
on the south or up-stream side; it is they that hand in the siege-
guns: batteries are already everywhere marked out, 13 cannon-
batteries and 5 howitzer. In short, from the morrow of that
truculent Summons, Monday morning to Thursday, there is hot stir of
multifarious preparation on Schmettau's part; and continual pouring
in of the hostile force, who are also preparing at the utmost.
Thursday, the Siege, if it can be called a Siege, begins.
Gradually, and as follows:--
"THURSDAY MORNING (August 30th), Schmettau, who is, night and day,
'palisading the River,' and much else,--discloses (that is, Break
of Day discloses on his part) to the Dresden public a huge Gallows,
black, huge, of impressive aspect; labelled 'For Plunderers,
Mutineers and their Helpers.' [ANONYMOUS OF HAMBURG, iii. 373.]
The Austrian heavy guns are not yet in battery; but multitudes of
loose Croat people go swarming about everywhere, and there is
plentiful firing from such artilleries as they have. This same
Thursday morning, two or three battalions of them rush into the
Pirna Suburb; attack the Prussian Guard-parties there.
Schmettau instantly despatches Captain Kollas and a Trumpet:--
'Durchlaucht, have the goodness to recall these Croat Parties;
otherwise the Suburb goes into flame! And directly on arrival of
this Messenger, may it please Durchlaucht. For we have computed the
time; and will not wait beyond what is reasonable for his return!'
Zweibruck is mere indignation and astonishment; 'will burn Halle,'
burn Quedlinburg, Berlin itself, and utterly ruin the King of
Prussia's Dominion in general:--the rejoinder to which is, burning
of Pirna Suburb, as predicted; seventy houses of it, this evening,
at six o'clock.
"Onward from which time there is on both sides, especially on
Schmettau's, diligent artillery practice; cannonade kept up
wherever Schmettau can see the enemy busy; enemy responding with
what artillery he has:--not much damage done, I should think,
though a great deal of noise; and for one day (Saturday, September
1st), our Diarist notes, 'Not safe to walk the streets this day.'
But, in effect, the Siege, as they call it,--which fell dead on the
fifth day, and was never well alive--consists mainly of menace and
counter-menace, in the way of bargain-making and negotiation;--and,
so far as I can gather, that superb Park of Austrian Artillery,
though built into batteries, and talked about in a bullying manner,
was not fired from at all.
"Schmettau affects towards the enemy (and towards himself, I dare
say) an air of iron firmness; but internally has no such feeling,--
'Calls a Council of War,' and the like. Council of War, on sight of
that King's Missive, confirms him with one voice: 'Surely, surely,
Excellenz; no defence possible!' Which is a prophecy and a
fulfilment, both in one. Why Schmettau did not shoot forth a spy or
two, to ascertain for him What, or whether Nothing whatever, was
passing outside Dresden? I never understand! Beyond his own Walls,
the world is a vacancy and blank to Schmettau, and he seems content
it should be so.
"SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 2d. Though Schmettau's cannonade was very loud,
and had been so all night, divine service was held as usual,
streets safe again,--Austrians, I suppose, not firing with cannon.
About 4 P.M., after a great deal of powder spent, General Maguire,
stepping out on Elbe Bridge, blows or beats Appeal, three times;
'wishes a moment's conversation with his Excellency.' Granted at
once; witnesses attending on both sides. 'Defence is impossible;
in the name of humanity, consider!' urges Maguire. 'Defence to the
last man of us is certain,' answers Schmettau, from the teeth
outwards;--but, in the end, engages to put on paper, in case he, by
extremity of ill-luck, have at any time to acoept terms, what his
terms will inflexibly be. Upon which there is 'Armistice till
To-morrow:' and Maguire, I doubt not, reports joyfully on this
feeling of the enemy's pulse. Zweibruck and Maguire are very well
aware of what is passing in these neighborhoods (General Wunsch
back at Wittenberg by forced marches; blew it open in an hour);
and are growing highly anxious that Dresden on any terms
were theirs.
"MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 3d, The death-day of the Siege; an uncommonly
busy day,--though Armistice lasted perfect till 3 P.M., and soon
came back more perfect than ever. A Siege not killed by cannon, but
by medical industry. Let us note with brevity the successive
symptoms and appliances. About seven in the morning Maguire had his
Messenger in Dresden, 'Your Excellency's Paper ready?'
'Nearly ready,' answers Schmettau; 'we will send it by a Messenger
of our own.' And about eleven of the day Maguire does get it;--the
same Captain Kollas (whose name we recollect) handing it in;
and statue-like waiting Answer. 'Pshaw, this will never do,'
ejaculates Maguire; 'terms irrationally high!' Captain Kollas
'knows nothing of what is IN the Paper; and is charged only to
bring a Written Answer from Excellenz.' Excellenz, before writing,
'will have to consult with Durchlaucht;' can, however, as if
confidentially and from feelings of friendship, can assure you,
Sir, on my honor, That the Garrison will be delivered to the
Croats, and every man of it put to the sword. 'The Garrison will
expect that (WIRD DAS ERWARTEN),' said Kollas, statue-like;
and withdrew, with the proper bow. [Tempelhof, iii. 211.]
Something interesting to us in these Military diplomatic passages,
with their square-elbowed fashions, and politeness stiff as iron!
"Not till three of the afternoon does the Written Answer reach
Schmettau: 'Such Terms never could be accepted.'--'Good,' answers
Schmettau: 'To our last breath no others will be offered.'
And commences cannonading again, not very violently, but with the
order, 'Go on, then, night and day!'
"About 10 at night, General Guasco, a truculent kind of man, whom I
have met with up and down, but not admitted to memory, beats Appeal
on the Bridge: 'Inform the Commandant that there will now
straightway 13 batteries of cannon, and 5 ditto of howitzers open
on him, unless he bethinks himself!' Which dreadful message is
taken to Schmettau. 'Wish the gentleman good-evening,' orders
Schmettau; 'and say we will answer with 100 guns.' Upon which
Guasco vanishes;--but returns in not many minutes, milder in tone;
requests 'a sight of that Written Paper of Terms again.' 'There it
still is,' answers Schmettau, 'not altered, nor ever shall be.'
And there is Armistice again:--and the Siege, as turns out, has
fired its last shot; and is painfully expiring in paroxysms of
negotiation, which continue a good many hours. Schmettau strives to
understand clearly that his terms (of the King's own suggesting, as
Schmettau flatters himself) are accepted: nor does Durchlaucht take
upon him to refuse in any point; but he is strangely slow to sign,
still hoping to mend matters.
"Much hithering and thithering there was, till 4 next morning
(Durchlaucht has important news from Torgau, at that moment);
till 11 next day; till 4 in the afternoon and later,--Guasco and
others coming with message after message, hasty and conciliatory:
(Durchlaucht at such a distance, his signature not yet come; but be
patient; all is right, upon my honor!' Very great hurry evident on
the part of Guasco and Company; but, nothing suspected by
Schmettau. Till, dusk or darkness threatening now to supervene,
Maguire and Schmettau with respective suites have a Conference on
the Bridge,--'rain falling very heavy.' Durchlaucht's signature,
Maguire is astonished to say, has not yet come; hut Maguire pledges
his honor 'that all shall be kept without chicane;' and adds 'what
to some of us seemed not superfluous afterwards), 'I am incapable
of acting falsely or with chicane.' In fact, till 9 in the evening
there was no signature by Durchlaucht; but about 6, on such pledge
by Maguire of his hand and his honor, the Siege entirely gave up
the ghost; and Dresden belonged to Austria. Tuesday Evening,
4th September, 1759; Sun just setting, could anybody see him for
the rain.
"Schmettau had been over-hasty; what need had Schmettau of haste?
The terms had not yet got signature, perfection of settlement on
every point; nor were they at all well kept, when they did!
Considerable flurry, temporary blindness, needless hurry, and
neglect of symptoms and precautions, must be imputed to poor
Schmettau; whose troubles began from this moment, and went on
increasing. The Austrians are already besetting Elbe Bridge,
rooting up the herring-bone balks; and approaching our Block-
house,--sooner than was expected. But that is nothing. On opening
the Pirna Gate to share it with the Austrians, Friedrich's Spy
(sooner had not been possible to the man) was waiting; who handed
Schmettau that Second Letter of Friedrich's, 'Courage; there is
relief on the road!' Poor Schmettau!"
What Captain Kollas and the Prussian Garrison thought of all this,
THEY were perhaps shy of saying, and we at such distance are not
informed,--except by one symptom: that, of Colonel Hoffman,
Schmettau's Second, whose indignation does become tragically
evident. Hoffman, a rugged Prussian veteran, is indignant at the
Capitulation itself; doubly and trebly indignant to find the
Austrians on Elbe Bridge, busy raising our Balks and Battery:
"How is this Sir?" inquires he of Captain Sydow, who is on guard at
the Prussian end; "How dared you make this change, without
acquainting the Second in Command? Order out your men, and come
along with me to clear the Bridge again!" Sydow hesitates, haggles;
indignant Hoffman, growing loud as thunder, pulls out a pistol,
fatal-looking to disobedient Sydow; who calls to his men, or whose
men spring out uncalled; and shoot Hoffman down,--send two balls
through him, so that he died at 8 that night. With noise enough,
then and afterwards. Was drunk, said Schmettau's people.
Friedrich answered, on report of it: "I think as Hoffman did. If he
was 'drunk,' it is pity the Governor and all the Garrison had not
been so, to have come to the same judgment, as he." [P.S. in
Autograph of Letter to Schmettau, "Waldau, 11th September, 1759"
(Preuss, ii.; Urkundenbuch, p. 45).]
Friedrich's unbearable feelings, of grief and indignation, in
regard to all this Dresden matter,--which are not expressed except
coldly in business form,--can be fancied by all readers. One of the
most tragical bits of ill-luck that ever befell him. A very sore
stroke, in his present condition; a signal loss and affront.
And most of all, unbearable to think how narrowly it has missed
being a signal triumph;--missed actually by a single hair's-
breadth, which is as good as by a mile, or by a thousand miles!
Soon after 9 o'olock that evening, Durchlaucht in person came
rolling through our battery and the herring-bone balks, to visit
Electoral Highness,--which was not quite the legal time either,
Durchlaucht had not been half an hour with Electoral Highness, when
a breathless Courier came in: "General Wunsch within ten miles
[took Torgau in no time, as Durchlaucht well knows, for a week
past]; and will be here before we sleep!" Durchlaucht plunged out,
over the herring-bone balks again (which many carpenters are busy
lifting); and the Electoral Highnesses, in like manner, hurry off
to Toplitz that same night, about an hour after. What a Tuesday
Night! Poor Hoffman is dead at 8 o'clock; the Saxon Royalties,
since 11, are galloping for Pirna, for Toplitz; Durchlaucht of
Zweibruck we saw hurry off an hour before them,--Capitulation
signature not yet dry, and terms of it beginning to be broken;
and Wunsch reported to be within ten miles!
The Wunsch report is perfectly correct. Wunsch is at Grossenhayn
this evening; all in a fiery mood of swiftness, his people and he;
--and indeed it is, by chance, one of Wolfersdorf's impetuosities
that has sent the news so fast. Wunsch had been as swift with
Torgau as he was with Wittenberg: he blew out the poor Reichs
Garrison there by instant storm, and packed it off to Leipzig,
under charge of "an Officer and Trumpet:"--he had, greatly against
his will, to rest two days there for a few indispensable cannon
from Magdeburg. Cannon once come, Wunsch, burning for deliverance
of Dresden, had again started at his swiftest, "Monday, 3d
September [death day of the Siege], very early."
"He is under 8,000; but he is determined to do it;--and would have
done it, think judges, half thinks Zweibruck himself: such a fire
in that Wunsch and his Corps as is very dangerous indeed. At 4 this
morning, Zweibruck heard of his being on march: 'numbers uncertain'
--(numbers seemingly not the important point,--blows any number of
us about our business!)--and since that moment Zweibruck has driven
the capitulation at such a pace; though the flurried Schmettau
suspected nothing.
"Afternoon of TUESDAY, 4th, Wunsch, approaching Grossenhayn, had
detached Wolfersdorf with 100 light horse rightwards to Grodel, a
boating Village on Elbe shore, To seek news of Dresden; also to see
if boats are procurable for carrying our artillery up thither.
At Grodel, Wolfersdorf finds no boats that will avail: but certain
boat-people, new from Dresden, report that no capitulation had been
published when they left, but that it was understood to be going
on. New spur to Wolfersdorf and Wunsch. Wolfersdorf hears farther
in this Village, That there are some thirty Austrian horse in
Grossenhayn:--'Possible these may escape General Wunsch!' thinks
Wolfersdorf; and decides to have them. Takes thirty men of his own;
orders the other seventy to hold rightward, gather what
intelligence is going, and follow more leisurely; and breaks off
for the Grossenhayn-Dresden Highway, to intercept those fellows.
"Getting to the highway, Wolfersdorf does see the fellows;
sees also,--with what degree of horror I do not know,--that there
are at least 100 of them against his 30! Horror will do nothing for
Wolfersdorf, nor are his other 70 now within reach. Putting a bold
face on the matter, he commands, Stentor-like, as if it were all a
fact: 'Grenadiers, march; Dragoons, to right forwards, WHEEL;
Hussars, FORWARD: MARCH!'--and does terrifically dash forward with
the thirty Hussars, or last item of the invoice; leaving the others
to follow. The Austrians draw bridle with amazement; fire off their
carbines; take to their heels, and do not stop for more.
Wolfersdorf captures 68 of them, for behoof of Grossenhayn;
and sends the remaining 32 galloping home. [Tempelhof, iii. 214.]
Who bring the above news to Durchlaucht of Zweibruck: '12,000 of
them, may it please your Durchlaucht; such the accounts we had!'--
Fancy poor Schmettau's feelings!
"On the morrow Dresden was roused from its sleep by loud firing and
battle, audible on the north side of the River: 'before daybreak,
and all day.' It is Wunsch impetuously busy in the woody countries
there. Durchlaucht had shot out Generals and Divisions, Brentano,
Wehla, this General and then that, to intercept Wunsch: these the
fiery Wunsch--almost as if they had been combustible material
coming to quench fire--repels and dashes back, in a wonderful
manner, General after General of them. And is lord of the field all
day:--but cannot hear the least word from Dresden; which is a
surprising circumstance.
"In the afternoon Wunsch summons Maguire in the Neustadt:
'Will answer you in two hours,' said Maguire. Wunsch thereupon is
for attacking their two Pontoon Elbe-Bridges; still resolute for
Dresden,--and orders Wolfersdorf on one of them, the Uebigau
Bridge, who finds the enemy lifting it at any rate, and makes them
do it faster. But night is now sinking; from Schmettau not a word
or sign. 'Silence over there, all day; not a single cannon to or
from,' say Wunsch and Wolfersdorf to one another. 'Schmettau must
have capitulated!' conclude they, and withdraw in the night-time,
still thunderous if molested; bivouac at Grossenhayn, after twenty-
four hours of continual march and battle, not time even for a
snatch of food. [BERICHT VON DER ACTION DES GENERAL-MAJORS VON
WUNSCH, BEY REICHENBERG, DEN 5 SEPEMBER, 1759 in Seyfarth,
Beylagen, ii. 606-608.]
"Resting at Grossenhayn, express reaches Wunsch from his Commandant
at Torgau: 'Kleefeld is come on me from Leipzig with 14,000;
I cannot long hold out, unless relieved.' Wunsch takes the road
again; two marches, each of twenty miles. Reaches Torgau late;
takes post in the ruins of the North Suburb, finds he must fight
Kleefeld. Refreshes his men 'with a keg of wine per Company,'
surely a judicious step; and sends to Wolfersdorf, who has the
rear-guard, 'Be here with me to-morrow at 10.' Wolfersdorf starts
at 4, is here at 10: and Wunsch, having scanned Kleefeld and his
Position [a Position strong IF you are dexterous to manoeuvre in
it; capable of being ruinous if you are not,--part of the Position
of a bigger BATTLE OF TORGAU, which is coming],--flies at Kleefeld
and his 14,000 like a cat-o'-mountain; takes him on the left
flank:--Kleefeld and such overplus of thousands are standing a
little to west-and-south of Torgau, with the ENTEFANG [a desolate
big reedy mere, or PLACE OF DUCKS, still offering the idle Torgauer
a melancholy sport there] as a protection to their right; but with
no evolution-talent, or none in comparison to Wunsch's;--and
accordingly are cut to pieces by Wunsch, and blown to the winds, as
their fellows have all been." [HOFBERCHT VON DER AM 8 SEPTEMBER,
1759, BEY TORGAU, VORGEFALLENEN ACTION: in Seyfarth,
Beylagen, ii. 609, 610. Tempelhof, iii. 219-222.]
Wunsch, absolute Fate forbidding, could not save Dresden: but he is
here lord of the Northern regions again,--nothing but Leipzig now
in the enemy's hand;--and can await Finck, who is on march with a
stronger party to begin business here. It is reckoned, there are
few more brilliant little bits of Soldiering than this of Wunsch's.
All the more, as his men, for most part, were not Prussian, but
miscellaneous Foreign spirits of uncertain fealty: roving fellows,
of a fighting turn, attracted by Friedrich's fame, and under a
Captain who had the art of keeping them in tune. Wunsch has been
soldiering, in a diligent though dim miscellaneous way, these five-
and-twenty years; fought in the old Turk Wars, under disastrous
Seckendorf,--Wunsch a poor young Wurtemberg ensign, visibiy busy
there (1737-1739)) as was this same Schmettau, in the character of
staff-officer, far enough apart from Wunsch at that time!--fought
afterwards, in the Bavarian service, in the Dutch, at Roucoux, at
Lauffeld, again under disastrous people. Could never, under such,
find anything but subaltern work all this while; was glad to serve,
under the eye of Friedrich, as Colonel of a Free Corps; which he
has done with much diligence and growing distinction: till now, at
the long last, his chance does come; and he shows himself as a real
General. Possibly a high career lying ahead;--a man that may be
very valuable to Friedrich, who has now so few such left? Fate had
again decided otherwise for Wunsch; in what way will be seen before
this Campaign ends: "an infernal Campaign," according to Friedrich,
"CETTE CAMPAGNE INFERNALE."
Finck, whom Friedrich had just detached from Waldau (September 6th)
with a new 8 or 6,000, to command in chief in those parts, and,
along with Wunsch, put Dresden out of risk, as it were,--Finck does
at least join Wunsch, as we shall mention in a little. And these
Two, with such Wolfersdorfs and people under them, did prove
capable of making front against Reichsfolk in great overplus of
number. Nor are farther SIEGES of those Northern Garrisons, but
recaptures of them, the news one hears from Saxony henceforth;--
only that Dresden is fatally gone. Irrecoverably, as turned out,
and in that unbearable manner. Here is the concluding scene:--
DRESDEN, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 8th; EXIT SCHMETTAU. "A thousand times
over, Schmettau must have asked himself, 'Why was I in such a
hurry? Without cause for it I, only Maguire having cause!'--The
Capitulation had been ended in a huddle, without signature:
an unwise Capitulation; and it was scandalously ill kept.
Schmettau was not to have marched till Monday, 10th,--six clear
days for packing and preparing;--but, practically, he has to make
three serve him; and to go half-packed, or not packed at all.
Endless chicanes do arise, 'upon my honor!'--not even the 800
wagons are ready for us; 'Can't your baggages go in boats, then?'
'No, nor shall!' answers Schmettau, with blazing eyes, and heart
ready to burst; a Schmettau living all this while as in Purgatory,
or worse. Such bullyings from truculent Guasco, who is now without
muzzle. Capitulation, most imperfect in itself, is avowedly
infringed: King's Artillery,--which we had haggled for, and ended
by 'hoping for,' to Maguire that rainy evening: why were we in such
a hurry, too, and blind to Maguire's hurry!--King's Artillery,
according to Durchlaucht of Zweibruck, when he actually signed
within the walls, is 'NICHT ACCORDIRT (Not granted), except the
Field part.' King's regimental furnishings, all and sundry, were
'ACCORDIRT, and without visitation,'--but on second thoughts, the
Austrian Officials are of opinion there must really be visitation,
must be inspection. 'May not some of them belong to Polish
Majesty?' In which sad process of inspection there was incredible
waste, Schmettau protesting; and above half of the new uniforms
were lost to us. Our 80 pontoons, which were expressly bargained
for, are brazenly denied us: '20 of them are Saxon,' cry the
Austrians: 'who knows if they are not almost all Saxon,'--upon my
honor! At this rate, only wait a day or two, and fewer wagons than
800 will be needed! thinks Schmettau; and consents to 18 river-
boats; Boats in part, then; and let us march at once. Accordingly,
"SATURDAY, 8th, at 5 in the morning, Schmettau, with goods and
people, does at last file out: across Elbe Bridge through the
Neustadt; Prussians five deep; a double rank of Austrians, ranged
on each side, in 'espalier' they call it,--espalier with gaps in it
every here and there, to what purpose is soon evident. The march
was so disposed (likewise for a purpose) that, all along, there
were one or two Companies of Prussian Foot; and then in the
interval, carriages, cannon, cavalry and hussars.
Schmettau's carriage is with the rear-guard, Madam Schmettau's well
in the van:--in two other carriages are two Prussian War-and-Domain
Ministers. [ANONYMOUS OF HAMBURG, III. 376.] 'Managers of Saxon
Finance,' these Two;--who will have to manage elsewhere than in
Dresden henceforth. Zinnow, Borck, they sit veritably there, with
their multiform Account Papers: of whom I know absolutely nothing,
--except (if anybody cared) that Zinnow, who 'died of apoplexy in
June following,' is probably of pursy red-nosed type; and that
Borck, for certain, has a very fine face and figure;
delicacy, cheerful dignity, perfect gentlemanhood in short, written
on every feature of him; as painted by Pesne, and engraved by
Schmidt, for my accidental behoof. [ Fredericus Wilhelmus
Borck (Pesne pinxit, 1732; Schmidt, sculptur
Regis, sculpsit, Berolini, 1764): an excellent Print
and Portrait.] Curious to think of that elaborate court-coat and
flowing periwig, with this specific Borck, 'old as the Devil' (whom
I have had much trouble to identify), forming visible part of this
dismal Procession: the bright eye of Borck not smiling as usual,
but clouded, though impassive! But that of Borck or his Limners is
not the point.
"The Prussians have been divided into small sections, with a mass
of baggage-wagons and cavalry between every two. And no sooner is
the mass got in movement, than there rises from the Austrian part,
and continues all the way, loud invitation, 'Whosoever is a brave
Saxon, a brave Austrian, Reichsman, come to us! Gaps in the
espalier, don't you see!' And Schmettau, in the rear, with baggage
and cavalry intervening,--nobody can reach Schmettau. Here is a way
of keeping your bargain! The Prussian Officers struggle stoutly:
but are bellowed at, struck at, menaced by bayonet and bullet,--
none of them shot, I think, but a good several of them cut and
wounded;--the Austrian Officers themselves in passionate points
behaving shamefully, 'Yes, shoot them down, the (were it nothing
else) heretic dogs;' and being throughout evidently in a hot
shivery frame of mind, forgetful of the laws. Seldom was such a
Procession; spite, rage and lawless revenge blazing out more and
more. On the whole, there deserted, through those gaps of the
espalier, about half of the whole Garrison. On Madam Schmettau's
hammercloth there sat, in the Schmettau livery, a hard-featured
man, recognizable by keen eyes as lately a Nailer, of the Nailer
Guild here; who had been a spy for Schmettau, and brought many
persons into trouble: him they tear down, and trample hither and
thither,--at last, into some Guard-house near by." [The Schmettau
DIARIUM in ANONYMOUS OF HAMBURG, iii. 364-376 (corrected chiefly
from TEMPELHOF): Protest, and Correspondence in consequence, is in
Seyfarth, Beylagen, ii. 611-621; in
Helden-Geschichte, &c. &c.]
Schmettau's protest against all this is vehement, solemnly
circumstantial: but, except in regard to the trampled Nailer
(Zweibruck on that point "heartily sorry for the insult to your
Excellency's livery; and here the man is, with a thousand
apologies"), Schmettau got no redress. Nor had Friedrich any, now
or henceforth. Friedrich did at once, more to testify his disgust
than for any benefit, order Schmettau: "Halt at Wittenberg, not at
Magdeburg as was pretended to be bargained. Dismiss your Escort of
Austrians there; bid them home at once, and out of your sight."
Schmettau himself he ordered to Berlin, to idle waiting.
Never again employed Schmettau: for sixteen years that they lived
together, never saw his face more.
Schmettau's ill-fortune was much pitied, as surely it deserved to
be, by all men. About Friedrich's severity there was, and still
occasionally is, controversy held. Into which we shall not enter
for Yes or for No. "You are like the rest of them!" writes
Friedrich to him; "when the moment comes for showing firmness, you
fail in it." ["Waldau, 10th September, 1759:" in Preuss, ii.
URKUNDEN. p. 44.] Friedrich expects of others what all Soldiers
profess,--and what is in fact the soul of all nobleness in their
trade,--but what only Friedrich himself, and a select few, are in
the habit of actually performing. Tried by the standard of common
practice, Schmettau is clearly absolvable; a broken veteran,
deserving almost tears. But that is not the standard which it will
be safe for a King of men to go by. Friedrich, I should say, would
be ordered by his Office, if Nature herself did not order him, to
pitch his ideal very high; and to be rather Rhadamanthine in
judging about it. Friedrich was never accused of over-generosity to
the unfortunate among his Captains.
After the War, Schmettau, his conduct still a theme of argument,
was reduced to the Invalid List: age now sixty-seven, but health
and heart still very fresh, as he pleaded; complaining that he
could not live on his retiring Pension of 300 pounds a year.
"Be thankful you have not had your head struck off by sentence of
Court-Martial," answered Friedrich. Schmettau, after some farther
troubles from Court quarters, retired to Brandenburg, and there
lived silent, poor but honorable, for his remaining fifteen years.
Madam Schmettau came out very beautiful in those bad circumstances:
cheery, thrifty, full of loyal patience; a constant sunshine to her
poor man, whom she had preceded out of Dresden in the way we saw.
Schmettau was very quiet, still studious of War matters;
[See Leben (by his Son, "Captain Schmettau;"
a modest intelligent Book), pp. 440-447.] "sent the King" once,--in
1772, while Polish Prussia, and How it could be fortified, were the
interesting subject,--"a JOURNAL," which he had elaborated for
himself, "OF THE MARCHES OF KARL TWELFTH IN WEST PREUSSEN;" which
was well received: "Apparently the King not angry with me farther?"
thought Schmettau. A completely retired old man; studious, social,
--the best men of the Army still his friends and familiars:--nor,
in his own mind, any mutiny against his Chief; this also has its
beauty in a human life, my friend. So long as Madam Schmettau
lived, it was well; after her death, not well, dark rather, and
growing darker: and in about three years Schmettau followed (27th
October, 1775), whither that good soul had gone. The elder Brother
--who was a distinguished Academician, as well as Feldmarschall and
Negotiator--had died at Berlin, in Voltaire's time, 1751. Each of
those Schmettaus had a Son, in the Prussian Army, who wrote Books,
or each a short Book, still worth reading. [ Bavarian War
of 1778, by the Feldmarschall's Son; ad this
Leben we have just been citing, by the Lieutenant-
General's.] But we must return.
On the very morrow, September 5th, Daun heard of the glorious
success at Dresden; had not expected it till about the 10th at
soonest. From Triebel he sends the news at gallop to Lieberose and
Soltikof: "Rejoice with us, Excellenz: did not I predict it?
Silesia and Saxony both are ours; fruits chiefly of your noble
successes. Oh, continue them a very little!" "Umph!" answers
Soltikof, not with much enthusiasm: "Send us meal steadily;
and gain you, Excellenz's self, some noble success!" Friedrich did
not hear of it for almost a week later; not till Monday, 10th,--as
a certain small Anecdote would of itself indicate.
Sunday Evening, 9th September, General Finck, with his new 6,000,
hastening on to join Wunsch for relief of Dresden, had got to
Grossenhayn; and was putting up his tents, when the Outposts
brought him in an Austrian Officer, who had come with a Trumpeter
inquiring for the General. The Austrian Officer "is in quest of
proper lodgings for General Schmettau and Garrison [fancy Finck's
sudden stare!];--last night they lodged at Gross-Dobritz, tolerably
to their mind: but the question for the Escort is, Where to lodge
this night, if your Excellency could advise me?" "Herr, I will
advise you to go back to Gross-Dobritz on the instant," answers
Finck grimly; "I shall be obliged to make you and your Trumpet
prisoners, otherwise!" Exit Austrian Officer. That same evening,
too, Captain Kollas, carrying Schmettau's sad news to the King,
calls on Finck in passing; gives dismal details of the Capitulation
and the Austrian way of keeping it; filling Finck's mind with
sorrowful indignation. [Tempelhof, iii. 237.]
Finck--let us add here, though in date it belongs a little
elsewhere--pushes on, not the less, to join Wunsch at Torgau;
joins Wunsch, straightway recaptures Leipzig, garrison prisoners
(September 13th): recaptures all those northwestern garrisons,--
multitudinous Reichsfolk trying, once, to fight him, in an
amazingly loud, but otherwise helpless way ("ACTION OF KORBITZ"
they call it); cannonading far and wide all day, and manoeuvring
about, here bitten in upon, there trying to bite, over many leagues
of Country; principally under Haddick's leading; [HOFBERICHT VON
DER AM 21 SEPTEMBER BEY KORBITZ (in Meissen Country, south of Elbe;
Krogis too is a Village in this wide-spread "Action") VORGEFALLENEN
ACTION (Seyfarth, Beylagen, ii. 621-630).
Tempelhof, iii. 248, 258.] who saw good to draw off Dresden-ward
next day, and leave Finck master in those regions. To Daun's sad
astonishment,--in a moment of crisis,--as we shall hear farther on!
So that Saxony is not yet conquered to Daun; Saxony, no, nor indeed
will be:--but Dresden is. Friedrich never could recover Dresden;
though he hoped, and at intervals tried hard, for a long while
to come.
Chapter VI.
PRINCE HENRI MAKES A MARCH OF FIFTY HOURS;
THE RUSSIANS CANNOT FIND LODGING IN SILESIA.
The eyes of all had been bent on Dresden latterly; and there had
occurred a great deal of detaching thitherward, and of marching
there and thence, as we have partly seen. And the end is, Dresden,
and to appearance Saxony along with it, is Daun's. Has not Daun
good reason now to be proud of the cunctatory method? Never did his
game stand better; and all has been gained at other people's
expense. Daun has not played one trump card; it is those obliging
Russians that have played all the trumps, and reduced the Enemy to
nothing. Only continue that wise course,--and cart meal, with your
whole strength, for the Russians!--
Safe behind the pools of Lieberose, Friedrich between them and
Berlin, lie those dear Russians; extending, Daun and they, like an
impassable military dike, with spurs of Outposts and cunningly
devised Detachments, far and wide,--from beyond Bober or utmost
Crossen on the east, to Hoyerswerda in Elbe Country on the west;--
dike of eighty miles long, and in some eastern parts of almost
eighty broad; so elaborate is Daun's detaching quality, in cases of
moment. "The King's broken Army on one side of us," calculates
Daun; "Prince Henri's on the other; incommunicative they;
reduced to isolation, powerless either or both of them against such
odds. They shall wait there, please Heaven, till Saxony be quite
finished. Zweibruck, and our Detachments and Maguires, let them
finish Saxony, while Soltikof keeps the King busy. Saxony finished,
how will either Prince or King attempt to recover it! After which,
Silesia for us;--and we shall then be near our Magazines withal,
and this severe stress of carting will abate or cease." In fact,
these seem sound calculations: Friedrich is 24,000; Henri 38,000;
the military dike is, of Austrians 75,000, of Russians and
Austrians together 120,000. Daun may fairly calculate on succeeding
beautifully this Year: Saxony his altogether; and in Silesia some
Glogau or strong Town taken, and Russians and Austrians wintering
together in that Country.
If only Daun do not TOO much spare his trump cards! But there is
such a thing as excess on that side too: and perhaps it is even the
more ruinous kind,--and is certainly the more despised by good
judges, though the multitude of bad may notice it less. Daun is
unwearied in his vigilantes, in his infinite cartings of provision
for himself and Soltikof,--long chains of Magazines, big and
little, at Guben, at Gorlitz, at Bautzen, Zittau, Friedland;
and does, aided by French Montalembert, all that man can to keep
those dear stupid Russians in tune.
Daun's problem of carting provisions, and guarding his multifarious
posts, and sources of meal and defence, is not without its
difficulties. Especially with a Prince Henri opposite; who has a
superlative manoeuvring talent of his own, and an industry not
inferior to Daun's in that way. Accordingly, ever since August
11th-13th, when Daun moved northward to Triebel, and Henri shot out
detachments parallel to him, "to secure the Bober and our right
flank, and try to regain communication with the King,"--still more,
ever since August 22d, when Daun undertook that onerous cartage of
meal for Soltikof as well as self, the manoeuvring and mutual
fencing and parrying, between Henri and him, has been getting
livelier and livelier. Fain would Daun secure his numerous Roads
and Magazines; assiduously does Henri threaten him in these points,
and try all means to regain communication with his Brother.
Daun has Magazines and interests everywhere; Henri is everywhere
diligent to act on them.
Daun in person, ever since Kunersdorf time, has been at Triebel;
Henri moved to Sagan after him, but has left a lieutenant at
Schmottseifen, as Daun has at Mark-Lissa:--here are still new
planets, and secondary ditto, with revolving moons. In short, it is
two interpenetrating solar systems, gyrating, osculatiug and
colliding, over a space of several thousand square miles,--with an
intricacy, with an embroiled abstruseness Ptolemean or more!
Which indeed the soldier who would know his business--(and not
knowing it, is not he of all solecisms in this world the most
flagrant?)--ought to study, out of Tempelhof and the Books;
but which, except in its results, no other reader could endure.
The result we will make a point of gathering: carefully riddled
down, there are withal in the details five or six little passages
which have some shadow of interest to us; these let us note, and
carefully omit the rest:--
OF FOUQUET AT LANDSHUT. "Fouquet was twice attacked at Landshut;
but made a lucky figure both times. Attack first was by Deville:
attack second by Harsch. Early in July, not long after Friedrich
had left for Schmottseifen, rash Deville (a rash creature, and then
again a laggard, swift where he should be slow, and VICE VERSA)
again made trial on Landshut and Fouquet; but was beautifully dealt
with; taken in rear, in flank, or I forget how taken, but sent
galloping through the Passes again, with a loss of many Prisoners,
most of his furnitures, and all his presence of mind: whom Daun
thereupon summoned out of those parts, 'Hitherward to Mark-Lissa
with your Corps; leave Fouquet alone!' [HOFBERICHT VON DEN
UNTERNEHMUNGEN DES FOUQUETSCHEN CORPS, IM JULIUS 1759: in Seyfarth,
Beylagen, ii. 582-586.]
"After which, Fouquet, things being altogether quiet round him, was
summoned, with most part of his force, to Schmottseifen;
left General Goltz (a man we have met before) to guard Landshut;
and was in fair hopes of proving helpful to Prince Henri,--when
Harsch [Harsch by himself this time, not Harsch and Deville as
usual] thought here was his opportunity; and came with a great
apparatus, as if to swallow Landshut whole. So that Fouquet had to
hurry off reinforcements thither; and at length to go himself,
leaving Stutterheim in his stead at Schmottseifen. Goltz, however,
with his small handful, stood well to his work. And there fell out
sharp fencings at Landshut:--especially one violent attack on our
outposts; the Austrians quite triumphant; till 'a couple of cannon
open on them from the next Hill,'--till some violent Werner or
other charge in upon them with Prussian Hussars;--a desperate
tussle, that special one of Werner's; not only sabres flashing
furiously on both sides, but butts of pistols and blows on the
face: [Tempelhof, iii. 233: 31st August.] till, in short, Harsch
finds he can make nothing of it, and has taken himself away, before
Fouquet come." This Goltz, here playing Anti-Harsch, is the Goltz
who, with Winterfeld, Schmettau and others, was in that melancholy
Zittau march, of the Prince of Prussia's, in 1757: it was Goltz by
whom the King sent his finishing compliment, "You deserve, all of
you, to be tried by Court-Martial, and to lose your heads!"
Goltz is mainly concerned with Fouquet and Silesia, in late times;
and we shall hear of him once again. Fouquet did not return to
Schmottseifen; nor was molested again in Landshut this year, though
he soon had to detach, for the King's use, part of his Landshut
force, and had other Silesian business which fell to him.
FORTRESS OF PEITZ. The poor Fortress of Peitz was taken again;--do
readers remember it, "on the day of Zorndorf," last year?
"This year, a fortnight after Kunersdorf, the same old Half-pay
Gentleman with his Five-and-forty Invalids have again been set
adrift, 'with the honors of war,' poor old creatures; lest by
possibility they afflict the dear Russians and our meal-carts up
yonder. [Tempelhof, iii. 231: 27th August.] I will forget who took
Peitz: perhaps Haddick, of whom we have lately heard so much?
He was captor of Berlin in 1757, did the Inroad on Berlin that
year,--and produced Rossbach shortly after. Peitz, if he did Peitz,
was Haddick's last success in the world. Haddick has been most
industrious, 'guarding the Russian flank,'--standing between the
King and it, during that Soltikof march to Mullrose, to Lieberose;
but that once done, and the King settled at Waldau, Haddick was
ordered to Saxony, against Wunsch and Finck:--and readers know
already what he made of these Two in the 'Action at Korbitz,
September 21st,'--and shall hear soon what befell Haddick himself
in consequence."
COLONEL HORDT IS CAPTURED. "It was in that final marching of
Soltikof to Lieberose that a distinguished Ex-Swede, Colonel Hordt,
of the Free Corps HORDT, was taken prisoner. At Trebatsch;
hanging on Soltikof's right flank on that occasion. It was not
Haddick, it was a swarm of Cossacks who laid Hordt fast; his horse
having gone to the girths in a bog. [ Memoires du Comte de
Hordt (a Berlin, 1789), ii. 53-58 (not dated or
intelligible there): in Tempelhof (iii. 235, 236) clear account,
"Trebatsch, September 4th."] Hordt, an Ex-Swede of distinction,--a
Royalist Exile, on whose head the Swedes have set a price (had gone
into 'Brahe's Plot,' years since, Plot on behalf of the poor
Swedish King, which cost Brahe his life),--Hordt now might have
fared ill, had not Friedrich been emphatic, 'Touch a hair of him,
retaliation follows on the instant!' He was carried to Petersburg;
'lay twenty-six months and three days' in solitary durance there;
and we may hear a word from him again."
ZIETHEN ALMOST CAPTURED. "Prince Henri, in the last days of August,
marched to Sagan in person; [Tempelhof, iii. 231: 29th August.]
Ziethen along with him; multifariously manoeuvring 'to regain
communication with the King.' Of course, with no want of counter-
manoeuvring, of vigilant outposts, cunningly devised detachments
and assiduous small measures on the part of Daun. Who, one day, had
determined on a more considerable thing; that of cutting out
Ziethen from the Sagan neighborhood. And would have done it, they
say,--had not he been too cunctatory. September 2d, Ziethen, who is
posted in the little town of Sorau, had very nearly been cut off.
In Sorau, westward, Daun-ward, of Sagan a short day?s march:
there sat Ziethen, conscious of nothing particular,--with Daun
secretly marching on him; Daun in person, from the west, and two
others from the north and from the south, who are to be
simultaneous on Sorau and the Zietheners. A well-laid scheme;
likely to have finished Ziethen satisfactorily, who sat there aware
of nothing. But it all miswent: Daun, on the road, noticed some
trifling phenomenon (Prussian party of horse, or the like), which
convinced his cautious mind that all was found out; that probably a
whole Prussian Army, instead of a Ziethen only, was waiting at
Sorau; upon which Daun turned home again, sorry that he could not
turn the other two as well. The other two were stronger than
Ziethen, could they have come upon him by surprise; or have caught
him before he got through a certain Pass, or bit of bad ground,
with his baggage. But Ziethen, by some accident, or by his own
patrols, got notice; loaded his baggage instantly; and was through
the Pass, or half through it, and in a condition to give stroke for
stroke with interest, when his enemies came up. Nothing could be
done upon Ziethen; who marched on, he and all his properties, safe
to Sagan that night,--owing to Daun's over-caution, and to
Ziethen's own activity and luck." [Tempelhof, iii. 233.]
All this was prior to the loss of Dresden. During the crisis of
that, when everybody was bestirring himself, Prince Henri made
extraordinary exertions: "Much depends on me; all on me!" sighed
Henri. A cautious little man; but not incapable of risking, in the
crisis of a game for life and death. Friedrich and he are wedged
asunder by that dike of Russians and Austrians, which goes from
Bober river eastward, post after post, to Hoyerswerda westward,
eighty miles along the Lausitz-Brandenburg Frontier, rooting itself
through the Lausitz into Bohemia, and the sources of its meal.
Friedrich and he cannot communicate except by spies ("the first
JAGER," or regular express "from the King, arrived September 13th"
[Ib. iii. 207.]): but both are of one mind; both are on one
problem, "What is to be done with that impassable dike?"--and
co-operate sympathetically without communicating. What follows
bears date AFTER the loss of Dresden, but while Henri still knew
only of the siege,--that JAGER of the 13th first brought him news
of the loss.
"A day or two after Ziethen's adventure, Henri quits Sagan, to move
southward for a stroke at the Bohemian-Lausitz magazines; a stroke,
and series of strokes. SEPTEMBER 8th, Ziethen and (in Fouquet's
absence at Landshut) Stutterheim are pushed forward into the Zittau
Country; first of all upon Friedland,--the Zittau Friedland, for
there are Friedlands many! SEPTEMBER 9th, Stutterheim summons
Friedland, gets it; gets the bit of magazine there; and next day
hastens on to Zittau. Is refused surrender of Zittau;
learns, however, that the magazine has been mostly set on wheels
again, and is a stage forward on the road to Bohemia;
whitherward Stutterheim, quitting Zittau as too tedious, hastens
after it, and next day catches it, or the unburnt remains of it.
A successful Stutterheim. Nor is Ziethen idle in the mean while;
Ziethen and others; whom no Deville or Austrian Party thinks itself
strong enough to meddle with, Prince Henri being so near.
"Here is a pretty tempest in the heart of our Bohemian meal-
conduit! Continue that, and what becomes of Soltikof and me? Daun
is off from Triebel Country to this dangerous scene; indignantly
cashiers Deville, 'Why did not you attack these Ziethen people?
Had not you 10,000, Sir?' Cashiers poor Deville for not attacking;
--does not himself attack: but carts away the important Gorlitz
magazine, to Bautzen, which is the still more important one;
sits down on the lid of that (according to wont); shoots out
O'Donnell (an Irish gentleman, Deville's successor), and takes
every precaution. Prince Henri, in presence of O'Donnell, coalesces
again; walks into Gorlitz; encamps there, on the Landskron and
other Heights (Moys Hill one of them, poor Winterfeld's Hill!),--
and watches a little how matters will turn, and whether Daun,
severely vigilant from Bautzen, seated on the lid of his magazine,
will not perhaps rise."
First and last, Daun in this business has tried several things;
but there was pretty much always, and emphatically there now is,
only one thing that could be effectual: To attack Prince Henri, and
abolish him from those countries;--as surely might have been
possible, with twice his strength at your disposal?--This, though
sometimes he seemed to be thinking of such a thing, Daun never
would try: for which the subsequent FACTS, and all good judges,
were and are inexorably severe on Daun. Certain it is, no rashness
could have better spilt Daun's game than did this extreme caution.
DAUN, SOLTIKOF AND COMPANY AGAIN HAVE A COLLOQUY
(Bautzen, September 15th); AFTER WHICH EVERYBODY
STARTS ON HIS SPECIAL COURSE OF ACTION.
Soltikof's disgust at this new movement of Daun's was great and
indignant. "Instead of going at the King, and getting some victory
for himself, he has gone to Bautzen, and sat down on his meal-bags!
Meal? Is it to be a mere fighting for meal? I will march to-morrow
for Poland, for Preussen, and find plenty of meal!" And would have
gone, they say, had not Mercury, in the shape of Montalembert with
his most zealous rhetoric, intervened; and prevailed with
difficulty. "One hour of personal interview with Excellency Daun,"
urges Montalembert; "one more!" "No," answers Soltikof.--"Alas,
then, send your messenger!" To which last expedient Soltikof does
assent, and despatches Romanzof on the errand.
SEPTEMBER 15th, at Bautzen, at an early hour, there is meeting
accordingly; not Romanzof, Soltikof's messenger, alone, but
Zweibruck in person, Daun in person; and most earnest council is
held. "A noble Russian gentleman sees how my hands are bound,"
pleads Daun. "Will not Excellency Soltikof, who disdains idleness,
go himself upon Silesia, upon Glogau for instance, and grant me a
few days?" "No," answers Romanzof; "Excellency Soltikof by himself
will not. Let Austria furnish Siege-Artillery; daily meal I need
not speak of; 10,000 fresh Auxiliaries beyond those we have:
on these terms Excellency Soltikof will perhaps try it; on lower
terms, positively not." "Well then, yes!" answers Daun, not without
qualms of mind. Daun has a horror at weakening himself to that
extent; but what can he do? "General Campitelli, with the 10,000,
let him march this night, then; join with General Loudon where you
please to order: Excellency Soltikof shall see that in every point
I conform." [Tempelhof, iii. 247-249.]--An important meeting to us,
this at Bautzen; and breaks up the dead-lock into three or more
divergent courses of activity; which it will now behoove us to
follow, with the best brevity attainable. "Bautzen, Saturday, 15th
September, early in the morning," that is the date of the important
Colloquy. And precisely eight-and-forty hours before, "on Thursday,
13th, about 10 A.M.", in the western Environs of Quebec, there has
fallen out an Event, quite otherwise important in the History of
Mankind! Of which readers shall have some notice at a time
more convenient.--
Romanzof returning with such answer, Soltikof straightway gathers
himself, September 15th-16th, and gets on march. To Friedrich's
joy; who hopes it may be homeward; waits two days at Waldau, for
the Yes or No. On the second day, alas, it is No: "Going for
Silesia, I perceive; thither, by a wide sweep northward, which they
think will be safer!" Upon which Friedrich also rises; follows,
with another kind of speed than Soltikof's; and, by one of his
swift clutchings, lays hold of Sagan, which he, if Soltikof has
not, sees to be a key-point in this operation. Easy for Soltikof to
have seized this key-point, key of the real road to Glogau;
easy for Loudon and the new 10,000 to have rendezvoused there:
but nobody has thought of doing it. A few Croats were in the place,
who could make no debate.
From Sagan Friedrich and Henri are at length in free communication;
Sagan to the Landskron at Gorlitz is some fifty miles of country,
now fallen vacant. From Henri, from Fouquet (the dangers of
Landshut being over), Friedrich is getting what reinforcement they
can spare (September 20th-24th); will then push forward again,
industriously sticking to the flanks of Soltikof, thrusting out
stumbling-blocks, making his march very uncomfortable.
Strange to say, from Sagan, while waiting two days for these
reinforcements, there starts suddenly to view, suddenly for
Friedrich and us, an incipient Negotiation about Peace!
Actual Proposal that way (or as good as actual, so Voltaire thinks
it), on the part of Choiseul and France; but as yet in Voltaire's
name only, by a sure though a backstairs channel, of his
discovering. Of which, and of the much farther corresponding that
did actually follow on it, we purpose to say something elsewhere,
at a better time. Meanwhile Voltaire's announcement of it to the
King has just come in, through a fair and high Hand: how Friedrich
receives it, what Friedrich's inner feeling is, and has been for a
fortnight past--Here are some private utterances of his, throwing a
straggle of light on those points:--
FOUR LETTERS OF FRIEDRICH'S (10th-24th September).
No. 1. TO PRINCE FERDINAND (at Berlin). Poor little Ferdinand, the
King's Brother, fallen into bad health, has retired from the Wars,
and gone to Berlin; much an object of anxiety to the King, who
diligently corresponds with the dear little man,--giving earnest
medical advices, and getting Berlin news in return.
"WALDAU, 10th September, 1759.
"Since my last Letter, Dresden has capitulated,--the very day while
Wunsch was beating Maguire at The Barns [north side of Dresden,
September 5th) day AFTER the capitulation]. Wunsch went back to
Torgau, which St. Andre, with 14,000 Reichs-people under him, was
for retaking; him too Wunsch beat, took all his tents, kettles,
haversacks and utensils, 300 prisoners, six cannon and some
standards. Finck is uniting with Wunsch; they will march on the
Prince of Zweibruck, and retake Dresden [hopes always, for a year
and more, to have Dresden back very soon]. I trust before long to
get all these people gathered round Dresden, and our own Country
rid of them: that, I take it, will be the end of the Campaign.
"Many compliments to the Prince of Wurtemberg [wounded at
Kunersdorf], and to all our wounded Generals: I hope Seidlitz is
now out of danger: that bleeding fit (EBULLITION DE SANG) will cure
him of the cramp in his jaw, and of his colics; and as he is in
bed, he won't take cold. I hope the viper-broth will do you
infinite good; be assiduous in patching your constitution, while
there is yet some fine weather left: I dread the winter for you;
take a great deal of care against cold. I have still a couple of
cruel months ahead of me before ending this Campaign. Within that
time, there will be, God knows what upshot." [ OEuvres de
Frederic, xxvi. 544.]--This is "September 10th:" the
day of Captain Kollas's arrival with his bad Dresden news; Daun and
Soltikof profoundly quiet for three days more.
No. 2. TO THE DUCHESS OF SACHSEN-GOTHA (at Gotha). Voltaire has
enclosed his Peace-Proposal to that Serene Lady, always a friend of
Friedrich's and his; to whom Friedrich, directly on receipt of it,
makes answer:--
"SAGAN, 22d September, 1759.
"MADAM,--I receive on all occasions proofs of your goodness, to
which I am as sensible as a chivalrous man can be. Certainly it is
not through your hands, Madam, that my Correspondence with V. [with
Voltaire, if one durst write it in full] ought to be made to pass!
Nevertheless, in present circumstances, I will presume to beg that
you would forward to him the Answer here enclosed, on which I put
no Address. The difficulty of transmitting Letters has made me
choose my Brother," Ferdinand, at Berlin, "to have this conveyed to
your hand.
"If I gave bridle to my feelings, now would be the moment for
developing them; but in these critical times I judge it better not;
and will restrict myself to simple assurances of--" F.
No. 3. TO VOLTAIRE, at the Delices (so her Serene Highness will
address it). Here is part of the Enclosure to "V." Friedrich is all
for Peace; but keeps on his guard with such an Ambassador, and
writes in a proud, light, only half-believing style:--
"SAGAN, 22d September, 1759.
"The Duchess of Sachsen-Gotha sends me your Letter. I never
received your packet of the 29th: communications all interrupted
here; with much trouble I get this passed on to you, if it is happy
enough to pass.
"My position is not so desperate as my enemies give out. I expect
to finish my Campaign tolerably; my courage is not sunk:--it
appears, however, there is talk of Peace. All I can say of positive
on this article is, That I have honor for ten; and that, whatever
misfortune befall me, I feel myself incapable of doing anything to
wound, the least in the world, this principle,--which is so
sensitive and delicate for one who thinks like a gentleman (PENSE
EN PREUX CHEVALIER); and so little regarded by rascally
politicians, who think like tradesmen.
"I know nothing of what you have been telling me about [your
backstairs channels, your Duc de Choiseul and his humors]: but for
making Peace there are two conditions which I never will depart
from: 1. To make it conjointly with my faithful Allies [Hessen and
England; I have no other]; 2. To make it honorable and glorious.
Observe you, I have still honor remaining; I will preserve that, at
the price of my blood.
"If your people want Peace, let them propose nothing to me which
contradicts the delicacy of my sentiments. I am in the convulsions
of military operations; I do as the gamblers who are in ill-luck,
and obstinately set themselves against Fortune. I have forced her
to return to me, more than once, like a fickle mistress, when she
had run away. My opponents are such foolish people, in the end I
bid fair to catch some advantage over them: but, happen whatsoever
his Sacred Majesty Chance may please, I don't disturb myself about
it. Up to this point, I have a clear conscience in regard to the
misfortunes that have come to me. As to you, the Battle of Minden,
that of Cadiz" (Boscawen VERSUS De la Clue; Toulon Fleet running
out, and caught by the English, as we saw), these things perhaps,
"and the loss of Canada, are arguments capable of restoring reason
to the French, who had got confused by the Austrian hellebore.
"This is my way of thinking. You do not find me made of rose-water:
but Henri Quatre, Louis Quatorze,--my present enemies even, whom I
could cite [Maria Theresa, twenty years ago, when your Belleisle
set out to cut her in Four],--were of no softer temper either.
Had I been born a private man, I would yield everything for the
love of Peace; but one has to take the tone of one's position.
This is all I can tell you at present. In three or four weeks the
ways of correspondence will be freer.--F." [ OEuvres de
Frederic, xxiii. 60, 61.]
No. 4. TO PRINCE FERDINAND. Two days later: has got on foot again,
--end of his first march upon Soltikof again:--
"BAUNAU, 24th September, 1759.
"Thank you for the news you send of the wounded Officers,"
Wurtemberg, Seidlitz and the others. "You may well suppose that in
the pass things are at, I am not without cares, inquietudes,
anxieties; it is the frightfulest crisis I have had in my life.
This is the moment for dying unless one conquer. Daun and my
Brother Henri are marching side by side [not exactly!]. It is
possible enough all these Armies may assemble hereabouts, and that
a general Battle may decide our fortune and the Peace. Take care of
your health, dear Brother.--F." [ OEuvres de Frederic,
italic> xxvi. 545.]
Baunau is on Silesian ground, as indeed Sagan itself is; at Baunau
Friedrich already, just on arriving, has done a fine move on
Soltikof, and surprisingly flung the toll-gate in Soltikof's face.
As we shall see by and by;--and likewise that Prince Henri, who
emerges to-morrow morning (September 25th), has not been "marching
side by side with Daun," but at a pretty distance from
that gentleman!--
Soltikof is a man of his word; otherwise one suspects he already
saw his Siege of Glogau to be impossible. Russians are not very
skilful at the War-minuet: fancy what it will be dancing to such a
partner! Friedrich, finding they are for Glogau, whisks across the
Oder, gets there before them: "No Glogau for you!" They stand agape
for some time; then think "Well then Breslau!" Friedrich again
whisks across from them, farther up, and is again ahead of them
when they cross: "No Breslau either!" In effect, it is hopeless;
and we may leave the two manoeuvring in those waste parts, astride
of Oder, or on the eastern bank of it, till a fitter opportunity;
and attend to Henri, who is now the article in risk.
Zweibruck's report of himself, on that day of the general Colloquy,
was not in the way of complaint, like that of the Russians, though
there did remain difficulties. "Dresden gloriously ours;
Maguire Governor there, and everything secure; upon my honor.
But in the northwest part, those Fincks and Wunsches, Excellenz?"--
And the actual truth is, Wunsch has taken Leipzig, day before
yesterday (September 13th), as Daun sorrowfully knows, by news come
in overnight. And six days hence (September 21st), Finck and Wunsch
together will do their "ACTION OF KORBITZ," and be sending Haddick
a bad road! These things Zweibruck knows only in part; but past
experience gives him ominous presentiment, as it may well do;
and he thinks decidedly: "Excellenz, more Austrian troops are
indispensable there; in fact, your Excellenz's self, were that
possible; which one feels it is not, in the presence of
these Russians!"
Russians and Reichsfolk, these are a pair of thumbscrews on both
thumbs of Daun; screwing the cunctation out of him; painfully
intimating: "Get rid of this Prince Henri; you must, you must!"
And, in the course of the next eight days Daun has actually girt
himself to this great enterprise. Goaded on, I could guess, by the
"Action of Korbitz " (done on Friday, thirty hours ago); the news
of which, and that Haddick, instead of extinguishing Finck, is
retreating from him upon Dresden,--what a piece of news! thinks
Daun: "You, Zweibruck, Haddick, Maguire and Company, you are 36,000
in Saxony; Finck has not 12,000 in the field: How is this?"--and
indignantly dismisses Haddick altogether: "Go, Sir, and attend to
your health!" [Tempelhof, iii. 276, 258-261.] News poignantly
astonishing to Daun, as would seem;--like an ox-goad in the lazy
rear of Daun. Certain it is, Daun had marched out to Gorlitz in
collected form; and, on Saturday afternoon, SEPTEMBER 22d is
personally on the Heights (not Moys Hill, I should judge, but other
points of vision), taking earnest survey of Prince Henri's position
on the Landskron there. "To-morrow morning we attack that Camp,"
thinks Daun; "storm Prince Henri and it: be rid of him, at any
price!" [Ib. iii. 253-256 (for the March now ensuing):
iii. 228-234, 241-247 (for Henri's anterior movements).]
"To-morrow morning," yes:--but this afternoon, and earlier, Prince
Henri has formed a great resolution, his plans all laid, everything
in readiness; and it is not here you will find Prince Henri
to-morrow. This is his famous March of Fifty Hours, this that we
are now come to; which deserves all our attention,--and all Daun's
much more! Prince Henri was habitually a man cautious in War;
not aggressive, like his Brother, but defensive, frugal of risks,
and averse to the lion-springs usual with some people;
though capable of them, too, in the hour of need. Military men are
full of wonder at the bold scheme he now fell upon; and at his
style of executing it. Hardly was Daun gone home to his meditations
on the storm of the Landskron to-morrow, and tattoo beaten in
Prince Henri's Camp there, when, at 8 that Saturday evening,
issuing softly, with a minimum of noise, in the proper marching
columns, baggage-columns, Henri altogether quitted this Camp;
and vanished like a dream. Into the Night; men and goods, every
item:--who shall say whitherward? Leaving only a few light people
to keep up the watch-fires and sentry-cries, for behoof of Daun!
Let readers here, who are in the secret, watch him a little
from afar.
Straight northward goes Prince Henri, down Neisse Valley, 20 miles
or so, to Rothenburg; in columns several-fold, with much delicate
arranging, which was punctually followed: and in the course of
to-morrow Prince Henri is bivouacked, for a short rest of three
hours,--hidden in unknown space, 20 miles from Daun, when Daun
comes marching up to storm him on the Landskron! Gone veritably;
but whitherward Daun cannot form the least guess. Daun can only
keep his men under arms there, all day; while his scouts gallop far
and wide,--bringing in this false guess and the other; and at
length returning with the eminently false one, misled by some of
Henri's baggage-columns, which have to go many routes, That the
Prince is on march for Glogau:--"Gone northeast; that way went his
wagons; these we saw with our eyes." "Northeast? Yes, to Glogau
possibly enough," thinks Daun: "Or may not he, cunning as he is and
full of feints, intend a stroke on Bautzen, in my absence?"--and
hastens thither again, and sits down on the Magazine-lid, glad to
find nothing wrong there.
This is all that Daun hears of Henri for the next four days.
Plenty of bad news from Saxony in these four days: the Finck-
Haddick Action of Korbitz, a dismal certainty before one started,--
and Haddick on his road to some Watering Place by this time! But no
trace of Henri farther; since that of the wagons wending northeast.
"Gone to Glogau, to his Brother: no use in pushing him, or trying
to molest him there!" thinks Daun; and waits, in stagnant humor,
chewing the cud of bitter enough thoughts, till confirmation of
that guess arrive:--as it never will in this world! Read an
important Note:--
"To northward of Bautzen forty miles, and to westward forty miles,
the country is all Daun's; only towards Glogau, with the Russians
and Friedrich thereabouts, does it become disputable, or offer
Prince Henri any chance. Nevertheless it is not to Glogau, it is
far the reverse, that the nimble Henri has gone. Resting himself at
Rothenburg 'three hours' (speed is of all things the vitalest),
Prince Henri starts again, SUNDAY afternoon, straight westward this
time. Marches, with his best swiftness, with his best arrangements,
through many sleeping Villages, to Klitten, not a wakeful one: a
march of 18 miles from Rothenburg;--direct for the Saxon side of
things, instead of the Silesian, as Daun had made sure.
"At Klitten, MONDAY morning, bivouac again, for a few hours,--'has
no Camp, only waits three hours,' is Archenholtz's phrase: but I
suppose the meaning is, Waits till the several Columns, by their
calculated routes, have all got together; and till the latest in
arriving has had 'three hours' of rest,--the earliest having
perhaps gone on march again, in the interim? There are 20 miles
farther, still straight west, to Hoyerswerda, where the outmost
Austrian Division is: 'Forward towards that; let us astonish
General Wehla and his 3,000, and our March is over!' All this too
Prince Henri manages; never anything more consummate, more
astonishing to Wehla and his Master.
"Wehla and Brentano, readers perhaps remember them busy, from the
Pirna side, at the late Siege of Dresden. Siege gloriously done,
Wehla was ordered to Hoyerswerda, on the northwest frontier;
Brentano to a different point in that neighborhood; where Brentano
escaped ruin, and shall not be mentioned; but Wehla suddenly found
it, and will require a word. Wehla, of all people on the War-
theatre, had been the least expecting disturbance. He is on the
remotest western flank; to westward of him nothing but Torgau and
the Finck-Wunsch people, from whom is small likelihood of danger:
from the eastern what danger can there be? A Letter of Dauns, some
days ago, had expressly informed him that, to all appearance, there
was none.
"And now suddenly, on the Tuesday morning, What is this?
Prussians reported to be visible in the Woods! 'Impossible!'
answered Wehla;--did get ready, however, what he could;
Croat Regiments, pieces of Artillery behind the Elster River and on
good points; laboring more and more diligently, as the news proved
true. But all his efforts were to no purpose. General Lentulus with
his Prussians (the mute Swiss Lentulus, whom we sometimes meet),
who has the Vanguard this day, comes streaming out of the woods
across the obstacles; cannonades Wehla both in front and rear;
entirely swallows Wehla and Corps: 600 killed; the General himself,
with 28 Field-Officers, and of subalterns and privates 1,785,
falling prisoners to us; and the remainder scattered on the winds,
galloping each his own road towards covert and a new form of life.
Wehla is eaten, in this manner, Tuesday, September 25th:--
metaphorically speaking, the March of Fifty Hours ends in a
comfortable twofold meal (military-cannibal, as well as of common
culinary meat), and in well-deserved rest." [Tempelhof, iii. 255,
256; Seyfarth, Beylagen; &c.]
The turning-point of the Campaign is reckoned to be this March of
Henri's; one of the most extraordinary on record. Prince Henri had
a very fast March INTO these Silesian-Lausitz Countries, early in
July, [Seyfarth, ii. 545.] and another very fast, from Bautzen, to
intersect with Schmottseifen, in the end of July: but these were as
nothing compared with the present. Tempelhof, the excellent solid
man,--but who puts all things, big and little, on the same level of
detail, and has unparalleled methods of arranging (what he reckons
to be "arranging"), and no vestige of index,--is distressingly
obscure on this grand Incident; but at length, on compulsion, does
yield clear account. [Tempelhof, iii. 253-258.] In Archenholtz it
is not DATED at all; who merely says as follows: "Most
extraordinary march ever made; went through 50 miles of Country
wholly in the Enemy's possession; lasted 56 hours, in which long
period there was no camp pitched, and only twice a rest of three
hours allowed the troops. During the other fifty hours the march,
day and night, continually proceeded. Ended (NO date) in surprise
of General Wehla at Hoyerswerda, cutting up 600 of his soldiers,
and taking 1,800 prisoners. Kalkreuth, since so famous," in the
Anti-Napoleon Wars, "was the Prince's Adjutant." [Archenholtz,
i. 426.]
This is probably Prince Henri's cleverest feat,--though he did a
great many of clever; and his Brother used to say, glancing towards
him, "There is but one of us that never committed a mistake."
A highly ingenious dexterous little man in affairs of War, sharp as
needles, vehement but cautious; though of abstruse temper, thin-
skinned, capricious, and giving his Brother a great deal of trouble
with his jealousies and shrewish whims. By this last consummate
little operation he has astonished Daun as much as anybody ever
did; shorn his elaborate tissue of cunctations into ruin and
collapse at one stroke; and in effect, as turns out, wrecked his
campaign for this Year.
Daun finds there is now no hope of Saxony, unless he himself at
once proceed thither. At once thither;--and leave Glogau and the
Russians to their luck,--which in such case, what is it like to be?
Probably, to Daun's own view, ominous enough; but he has no
alternative. To this pass has the March of Fifty Hours brought us.
There is such a thing as being too cunctatory, is not there, your
Excellency? Every mortal, and more especially every Feldmarschall,
ought to strike the iron while it is hot. The remainder of this
Campaign, we will hope, can be made intelligible in a more
summary manner.
FRIEDRICH MANAGES (September 24th-October 24th) TO GET THE
RUSSIANS SENT HOME; AND HIMSELF FALLS LAMED WITH GOUT.
Friedrich's manoeuvres against Soltikof,--every reader is prepared
to hear that Soltikof was rendered futile by them: and none but
military readers could take delight in the details. Two beautiful
short-cuts he made upon Soltikof; pulled him up both times in mid
career, as with hard check-bit. The first time was at Zobelwitz:
September 24th, Friedrich cut across from Sagan, which is string to
bow of the Russian march; posted himself on the Heights of
Zobelwitz, of Baunau, Milkau (at Baunau Friedrich will write a
LETTER this night, if readers bethink themselves; Milkau is a place
he may remember for rain-deluges, in the First Silesian War [Supra,
p. 323; ib. vol. vii. p. 311.]): "Let the Russians, if they now
dare, try the Pass of Neustadtel here!" A fortunate hour, when he
got upon this ground. Quartermaster-General Stoffel, our old
Custrin acquaintance, is found marking out a Camp with a view to
that Pass of Neustadtel; [Tempelhof, iii. 293; Retzow, ii. 163.]
is, greatly astonished to find the Prussian Army emerge on him
there; and at once vanishes, with his Hussar-Cossack retinues.
"September 24th," it is while Prince Henri was on the last moiety
of his March of Fifty Hours. This severe twitch flung Soltikof
quite out from Glogau,--was like to fling him home altogether, had
it not been for Montalembert's eloquence;--did fling him across the
Oder. Where, again thanks to Montalembert, he was circling on with
an eye to Breslau, when Friedrich, by the diameter, suddenly laid
bridges, crossed at Koben, and again brought Soltikof to halt, as
by turnpike suddenly shut: "Must pay first; must beat us first!"
These things had raised Friedrich's spirits not a little.
Getting on the Heights of Zobelwitz, he was heard to exclaim, "This
is a lucky day; worth more to me than a battle with victory."
[Retzow, ii. 163.] Astonishing how he blazed out again, quite into
his old pride and effulgence, after this, says Retzow. Had been so
meek, so humbled, and even condescended to ask advice or opinion
from some about him. Especially "from two Captains," says the
Opposition Retzow, whose heads were nearly turned by this sunburst
from on high. Captain Marquart and another,--I believe, he did
employ them about Routes and marking of Camps, which Retzow calls
consulting: a King fallen tragically scarce of persons to consult;
all his Winterfelds, Schwerins, Keiths and Council of Peers now
vanished, and nothing but some intelligent-looking Captain
Marquart, or the like, to consult:--of which Retzow, in his
splenetic Opposition humor, does not see the tragedy, but rather
the comedy: how the poor Captains found their favor to be
temporary, conditional, and had to collapse again. One of them
wrote an "ESSAY on the COUP-D'OEIL MILITAIRE," over which Retzow
pretends to weep. This was Friedrich's marginal Note upon the MS.,
when submitted to his gracious perusal: "You (ER) will do better to
acquire the Art of marking Camps than to write upon the Military
Stroke of Eye." Beautifully written too, says Retzow; but what, in
the eyes of this King, is beautiful writing, to knowing your
business well? No friend he to writing, unless you have got
something really special, and urgent to be written.
Friedrich crassed the Oder twice. Took Soltikof on both sides of
the Oder, cut him out of this fond expectation, then of that;
led him, we perceive, a bad life. Latterly the scene was on the
right bank; Sophienthal, Koben, Herrnstadt and other poor places,--
on that big eastern elbow, where Oder takes his final bend, or
farewell of Poland. Ground, naturally, of some interest to
Friedrich: ground to us unknown; but known to Friedrich as the
ground where Karl XII. gave Schulenburg his beating, ["Near Guhrau"
(while chasing August the Strong and him out of Poland), "12th
October, 1704:" vague account of it, dateless, and as good as
placeless, in Voltaire ( Charles Douse, liv.
iii.), OEuvres, xxx. 142-145.] which produced
the "beautiful retreat" of Schulenburg. The old Feldmarschall
Schulenburg whom we used to hear of once,--whose Nephew, a
pipeclayed little gentleman, was well known to Friedrich and us.
For the rest, I do not think he feels this out-manoeuvring of the
Russians very hard work. Already, from Zobelwitz Country, 25th
September, day of Henri at Hoyerswerda, Friedrich had written to
Fouquet: "With 21,000 your beaten and maltreated Servant has
hindered an Army of 50,000 from attacking him, and compelled them
to retire on Neusatz!" Evidently much risen in hope; and Henri's
fine news not yet come to hand. By degrees, Soltikof, rendered
futile, got very angry; especially when Daun had to go for Saxony.
"Meal was becoming impossible, at any rate," whimpers Daun:
"O Excellency, do but consider, with the nobleness natural to you!
Our Court will cheerfully furnish money, instead of meal."--"Money?
My people cannot eat money!" growled Soltikof, getting more and
more angry; threatening daily to march for Posen and his own meal-
stores. What a time of it has Montalembert, has the melancholy
Loudon, with temper so hot!
At Sophienthal, October 10th, Friedrich falls ill of gout;--
absolutely lamed; for three weeks cannot stir from his room.
Happily the outer problem is becoming easier and easier;
almost bringing its own solution. At Sophienthal the lame Friedrich
takes to writing about CHARLES XII. AND HIS MILITARY CHARACTER,--
not a very illuminative Piece, on the first perusal, but I intend
to read it again; [REFLEXIONS SUR LES TALENS MILITAIRES ET SUR LE
CARACTERE DE CHARLES XII. ( OEuvres de Frederic,
italic> vii. 69-88).]--which at least helps him to pass the time.
Soltikof, more and more straitened, meal itself running low, gets
angrier and angrier. His treatment of the Country, Montalembert
rather encouraging, is described as "horrible." One day he takes
the whim, whim or little more, of seizing Herrnstadt; a small Town,
between the Two Armies, where the Prussians have a Free Battalion.
The Prussian Battalion resists; drives Soltikof's people back.
"Never mind," think they: "a place of no importance to us;
and Excellency Soltikof has ridden else-whither." By ill-luck, in
the afternoon, Excellency Soltikof happened to mention the place
again. Hearing that the Prussians still have it, Soltikof mounts
into a rage; summons the place, with answer still No; thereupon
orders instant bombardment of it, fiery storms of grenadoes for it;
and has the satisfaction of utterly burning poor Herrnstadt;
the Prussian Free-Corps still continuing obstinate. It was
Soltikof's last act in those parts, and betokens a sulphurous state
of humor.
Next morning (October 24th), he took the road for Posen, and
marched bodily home. [Tempelhof, iii. 299, 291-300 (general
account, abundantly minute).] Home verily, in spite of Montalembert
and all men. "And for me, what orders has Excellency?" Loudon had
anxiously inquired, on the eve of that event. "None whatever!"
answered Excellency: "Do your own pleasure; go whithersoever seems
good to you." And Loudon had to take a wide sweep round, by Kalish,
through the western parts of Poland; and get home to the Troppau-
Teschen Country as he best could.
By Kalish, by Czenstochow, Cracow, poor Loudon had to go: a dismal
march of 300 miles or more,--waited on latterly by Fouquet, with
Werner, Goltz and others, on the Silesian Border; whom Friedrich
had ordered thither for such end. Whom Loudon skilfully avoided to
fight; having already, by desertion and by hardships, lost half his
men on the road. Glad enough to get home and under roof, with his
20,000 gone to 10,000; and to make bargain with Fouquet:
"Truce, then, through Winter; neither of us to meddle with the
other, unless after a fortnight's warning given." [Tempelhof, iii.
328-331.] NOVEMBER 1st, a month before this, the King, carried on a
litter by his soldiers, had quitted Sophienthal; and, crossing the
River by Koben, got to Glogau. [Rodenbeck, i. 396.] The greater
part of his force, 13,000 under Hulsen, he had immediately sent on
for Saxony; he himself intending to wait recovery in Glogau, with
this Silesian wing of the business happily brought to finis for
the present.
On the Saxon side, too, affairs are in such a course that the King
can be patient at Glogau till he get well. Everything is prosperous
in Saxony since that March on Hoyerswerda; Henri, with his Fincks
and Wunsches, beautifully posted in the Meissen-Torgau region;
no dislodging of him, let Daun, with his big mass of forces, try as
he may. Daun, through the month of October, is in various Camps, in
Schilda last of all: Henri successively in two; in Strehla for some
ten days; then in Torgau for about three weeks, carefully
intrenched, [Tempelhof. iii. 276, 281, 284 (Henri in Strehla,
October 4th-17th; thence to Torgau: 22d October, Daun "quits his
Camp of Belgern" for that of Schilda, which was his last in those
parts).]--where traces of him will turn up (not too opportunely)
next year. Daun, from whatever Camp, goes laboring on this side
and on that; on every side the deft Henri is as sharp as needles;
nothing to be made of him by the cunning movements and contrivances
of Daun. Very fine manoeuvring it was, especially on Henri's part;
a charm to the soldier mind;--given minutely in Tempelhof, and
capable of being followed (if you have Maps and Patience) into the
last details. Instructive really to the soldier;--but must be,
almost all, omitted here. One beautiful slap to Duke d'Ahremberg (a
poor old friend of Daun's and ours) we will remember: "Action of
Pretsch" they call it; defeat, almost capture of poor D'Ahremberg;
who had been sent to dislodge the Prince, by threatening his
supplies, and had wheeled, accordingly, eastward, wide away;
but, to his astonishment, found, after a march or two, Three select
Prussian Corps emerging on him, by front, by rear, by flank, with
Horse-artillery (quasi-miraculous) bursting out on hill-tops, too,
--and, in short, nothing for it but to retreat, or indeed to run,
in a considerably ruinous style: poor D'Ahremberg! [Seyfarth
( Beylagen, ii. 634-637), "HOFBERICHT VON DER
AM 29 OCTOBER, 1759, BEY MEURO [chiefly BEY PRETSCH] VORGEFALLENEN
ACTION;" ib. ii. 543 n.] On the whole, Daun is reduced to a panting
condition; and knows not what to do. His plans were intrinsically
bad, says Tempelhof; without beating Henri in battle, which he
cannot bring himself to attempt, he, in all probability, will, were
it only for difficulties of the commissariat kind, have to fall
back Dresden-ward, and altogether take himself away. [Tempelhof,
iii. 287-289.]
After this sad slap at Pretsch, Daun paused for consideration;
took to palisading himself to an extraordinary degree, slashing the
Schilda Forests almost into ruin for this end; and otherwise sat
absolutely quiet. Little to be done but take care of oneself.
Daun knows withal of Hulsen's impending advent with the Silesian
13,000;--November 2d, Hulsen is actually at Muskau, and his 13,000
magnified by rumor to 20,000. Hearing of which, Daun takes the road
(November 4th); quits his gloriously palisaded Camp of Schilda;
feels that retreat on Dresden, or even home to Bohemia altogether,
is the one course left.
And now, the important Bautzen Colloquy of SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER
15th, having here brought its three or more Courses of Activity to
a pause,--we will glance at the far more important THURSDAY, 13th,
other side the Ocean:--
ABOVE QUEBEC, NIGHT OF SEPTEMBER 12th-13th, In profound silence, on
the stream of the St. Lawrence far away, a notable adventure is
going on. Wolfe, from two points well above Quebec ("As a last
shift, we will try that way"), with about 5,000 men, is silently
descending in boats; with purpose to climb the Heights somewhere on
this side the City, and be in upon it, if Fate will. An enterprise
of almost sublime nature; very great, if it can succeed. The cliffs
all beset to his left hand, Montcalm in person guarding Quebec with
his main strength.
Wolfe silently descends; mind made up; thoughts hushed quiet into
one great thought; in the ripple of the perpetual waters, under the
grim cliffs and the eternal stars. Conversing with his people, he
was heard to recite some passages of Gray's ELEGY, lately come out
to those parts; of which, says an ear-witness, he expressed his
admiration to an enthusiastic degree: "Ah, these are tones of the
Eternal Melodies, are not they? A man might thank Heaven had he
such a gift; almost as WE might for succeeding here, Gentlemen!"
[Professor Robison, then a Naval Junior, in the boat along with
Wolfe, afterwards a well-known Professor of Natural Philosophy at
Edinburgh, was often heard, by persons whom I have heard again, to
repeat this Anecdote. See Playfair, BIOGRAPHICAL ACCOUNT OF
PROFESSOR ROBISON,--in Transactions of Royal
Society of Edinburgh, vii. 495 et seq.] Next morning (Thursday,
13th September, 1759), Wolfe, with his 5,000, is found to have
scrambled up by some woody Neck in the heights, which was not quite
precipitous; has trailed one cannon with him, the seamen busy
bringiug up another; and by 10 of the clock stands ranked (really
somewhat in the Friedrich way, though on a small scale); ready at
all poiuts for Montcalm, but refusing to be over-ready.
Montcalm, on first hearing of him, had made haste: "OUI, JE LES
VOIS OU ILS NE DOIVENT PAS ETRE; JE VAIS LES E'CRASER (to smash
them)!" said he, by way of keeping his people in heart. And marches
up, beautifully skilful, neglecting none of his advantages.
Has numerous Canadian sharpshooters, preliminary Indians in the
bushes, with a provoking fire: "Steady!" orders Wolfe; "from you
not one shot till they are within thirty yards." And Montcalm,
volleying and advancing, can get no response, more than from
Druidic stones; till at thirty yards the stones become vocal,--and
continue so at a dreadful rate; and, in a space of seventeen
minutes, have blown Montcalm's regulars, and the gallant Montcalm
himself, and their second in command, and their third, into ruin
and destruction. In about seven minutes more the agony was done;
"English falling on with the bayonet, Highlanders with the
claymore;" fierce pursuit, rout total:--and Quebec and Canada as
good as finished. The thing is yet well known to every Englishman;
[The military details of it seem to be very ill known (witness
Colonel Beatson's otherwise rather careful Pamphlet, THE PLAINS OF
ABRAHAM, written quite lately, which we are soon to cite farther);
and they would well deserve describing in the SEYFARTH-BEYLAGEN, or
even in the TEMPELHOF way,--could an English Officer, on the spot
as this Colonel was, be found to do it!--Details are in Beatson
(quite another "Beatson"), Naval and Military History,
ii. 300-308; in Gentleman's Magazine
italic> for 1759, the Despatches and particulars: see also Walpole,
George the Second, iii. 217-222.] and how
Wolfe himself died in it, his beautiful death.
Truly a bit of right soldierhood, this Wolfe. Manages his small
resources in a consummate manner; invents, contrives, attempts and
re-attempts, irrepressible by difficulty or discouragement, How
could a Friedrich himself have managed this Quebec in a more
artistic way? The small Battle itself, 5,000 to a side, and such
odds of Savagery and Canadians, reminds you of one of Friedrich's:
wise arrangements; exact foresight, preparation corresponding;
caution with audacity; inflexible discipline, silent till its time
come, and then blazing out as we see. The prettiest soldiering I
have heard of among the English for several generations.
Amherst, Commander-in-chief, is diligently noosing, and tying up,
the French military settlements, Niagara, Ticonderoga; Canada all
round: but this is the heart or windpipe of it; keep this firm,
and, in the circumstances, Canada is yours.
Colonel Reatson, in his recent Pamphlet, THE PLAINS OF
ABRAHAM,--which, especially on the military side, is distressingly
ignorant and shallow, though NOT intentionally incorrect
anywhere,--gives Extracts from a Letter of Montcalm's ("Quebec,
24th August, 1759"), which is highly worth reading, had we room. It
predicts to a hair's-breadth, not only the way "M. Wolfe, if he
understands his trade, will take to beat and ruin me if we meet in
fight;"
but also,--with a sagacity singular to look at, in the years
1775-1777, and perhaps still more in the years 1860-1863,--what
will be the consequences to those unruly English, Colonial and
other. "If he beat me here, France has lost America utterly,"
thinks Montcalm: "Yes;--and one's only consolation is, In ten years
farther, America will be in revolt against England!"
Montcalm's style of writing is not exemplary; but his power of
faithful observation, his sagacity, and talent of prophecy are so
considerable, we are tempted to give the IPSISSIMA VERBA of his
long Letter in regard to those two points,--the rather as it seems
to have fallen much out of sight in our day:--
MONTCALM TO A COUSIN IN FRANCE.
"CAMP BEFORE QUEBEC, 24th August, 1759.
"MONSIEUR ET CHER COUSIN,--Here I am, for more than three months
past, at handgrips with M. Wolfe; who ceases not day or night to
bombard Quebec, with a fury which is almost unexampled in the Siege
of a Place one intends to retain after taking it." ... Will never
take it in that way, however, by attacking from the River or south
shore; only ruins us, but does not enrich himself. Not an inch
nearer his object than he was three months ago; and in one month
more the equinoctial storms will blow his Fleet and him away.--
Quebec, then, and the preservation of the Colony, you think, must
be as good as safe?" Alas, the fact is far otherwise. The capture
of Quebec depends on what we call a stroke-of-hand--[But let us
take to the Original now, for Prediction First]:--
"La prise de Quebec depend d'un coup de main. Les Anglais sont
maitres de la riviere: ils n'ont qu'a effectuer une descente sur la
rive ou cette Ville, sans fortifications et sans defense, est
situee. Les voila en etat de me presenter la bataille; que je ne
pourrais plus refuser, et que je ne devrais pas gagner. M. Wolfe,
en effet, s'il entend son metier, n'a qu'a essuyer le premier feu,
venir ensuite a grands pas sur mon armee, faire a bout portant sa
decharge; mes Canadiens, sans discipline, sourds a la voix du
tambour et des instrumens militaires, deranges pa cette escarre, ne
sauront plus reprendre leurs rangs. Ils sont d'ailleurs sans
baionettes pour repondre a celles de l'ennemi: il ne leur reste
qu'a fuir,--et me voila battu sans ressource. [This is a curiously
exact Prediction! I won't survive, however; defeat here, in this
stage of our affairs, means loss of America altogether:] il est des
situations ou il ne reste plus a un General que de perir avec
honneur. ... Mes sentimens sont francais, et ils le seront jusque
dans le tombeau, si dans le tombeau on est encore quelque chose.
"Je me consolerai du moins de ma defaite, et de la perte de la
Colonie, par l'intime persuasion ou je suis [Prediction Second,
which is still more curious], que cette defaite vaudra, un jour, a
ma Patrie plus qu'une victoire; et que le vainqueur, en
s'agrandissant, trouvera un tombeau dans son agrandissement meme.
"Ce que j'avance ici, mon cher Cousin, vous paraitra un paradoxe:
mais un moment de reflexion politique, un coup d'oeil sur la
situation des choses en Amerique, et la verite de mon opinion
brillera dans tout son jour. [Nobody will obey, unless necessity
compel him: VOILA LES HOMMES; GENE of any kind a nuisance to them;
and of all men in the world LES ANGLAIS are the most impatient of
obeying anybody.] Mais si ce sont-la les Anglais de l'Europe, c'est
encore plus les Anglais d'Amerique. Une grande partie de ces Colons
sont les enfans de ces hommes qui s'expatrierent dans ces temps de
trouble ou l'ancienne Angleterre, en proie aux divisions, etait
attaquee dans ses privileges et droits; et allerent chercher en
Amerique une terre ou ils pussent vivre et mourir libres et presque
independants:--et ces enfans n'ont pas degenere des sentimens
republicains de leurs peres. D'autres sont des hommes ennemis de
tout frein, de tout assujetissement, que le gouvernement y a
transportes pour leurs crimes, D'autres, enfin, sont un ramas de
differentes nations de l'Europe, qui tiennent tres-peu a l'ancienne
Angleterre par le coeur et le sentiment; tous, en general, ne ce
soucient gueres du Roi ni du Parlement d'Angleterre.
"Je les connais bien,--non sur des rapports etrangers, mais sur des
correspondances et des informations secretes, que j'ai moi-meme
menagees; et dont, un jour, si Dieu me prete vie, je pourrai faire
usage a l'avantage de ma Patrie. Pour surcroit de bonheur pour eux,
tous ces Colons sont parvenues, dans un etat tres-florissant;
ils sont nombreux et riches:--ils recueillent dans le sein de leur
patrie toutes les necessites de la vie. L'ancienne Angleterre a ete
assez sotte, et assez dupe, pour leur laisser etablir chez eux les
arts, les metiers, les manufactures:--c'est a dire, qu'elle leur a
laisse briser la chaine de besoins qui les liait, qui les attachait
a elle, et qui les fait dependants. Aussi toutes ces Colonies
Anglaises auraient-elles depuis longtemps secoue le joug, chaque
province aurait forme une petite republique independante, si la
crainte de voir les Francais a leur Porte n'avait ete un frein qui
les avait retenu. Maitres pour maitres, ils ont pefere leurs
compatriotes aux etrangers; prenant cependant pour maxime de
n'obeir que le moins qu'ils pourraient. Mais que le Canada vint a
etre conquis, et que les Canadiens et ces Colons ne fussent plus
qu'une seul peuple,--et la premiere occasion ou l'ancienne
Angleterre semblerait toucher a leurs interets, croyez-vous, mon
cher Cousin, que ces Colons obeiront? Et qu'auraient-ils a craindre
en se revoltant? ... Je suis si sur de ce que j'ecris, que je ne
donnerais pas dix ans apres la conquete du Canada pour en voir
l'accomplissement.
"Voila ce que, comme Francais, me console aujourd'hui du danger
imminent, que court ma Patrie, de voir cette Colonie perdue pour
elle." [In Beatson, Lieutenant-Colonel R.E., The Plains of
Abraham; Notes original and selected (Gibraltar,
Garrison Library Press, 1858), pp. 38 et seq.: Extract from
"Lettres de M. le Marquis de Montcalm a MM. De Berryer et
De la Mole: 1757-1759 (Londres, 1777),"--which is not
in the British-Museum Library, on applying; and seems to be a
forgotten Book. (NOTE OF FIRST EDITION, 1865.)
"A Copy is in the BOSTON ATHENAEUM LIBRARY, New-England: it is a
Pamphlet rather than a Book; contains Two Letters to Berryer
MINISTRE DE LA MARINE, besides this to Mole the Cousin: Publisher
is the noted J. Almon,--in French and English." (From
Boston Sunday Courier, of 19th April, 1868, where this
Letter is reproduced.)
In the Temple Library, London, I have since found a Copy: and, on
strict survey, am obliged to pronounce the whole Pamphlet a
FORGERY,--especially the Two Letters to "Berryer MINISTER OF
MARINE;" who was not yet Minister of anything, nor thought of as
likely to be, for many months after the date of these Letters
addressed to him as such! Internal evidence too, were such at all
wanted, is abundant in these BERRYER Letters; which are of gross
and almost stupid structure in comparison to the MOLE one. As this
latter has already got into various Books, and been argued of in
Parliaments and high places (Lord Shelburne asserting it to be
spurious, Lord Mansfield to be genuine: REPORT OF PARLIAMENTARY
DEBATES in Gentleman's Magazine for NOVEMBER
and for DECEMBER, 1777, pp. 515, 560),--it may be allowed to
continue here in the CONDEMNED state. Forger, probably, some
Ex-Canadian, or other American ROYALIST, anxious to do the
Insurgent Party and their British Apologists an ill turn, in that
critical year;--had shot off his Pamphlet to voracious Almon; who
prints without preface or criticism, and even without correcting
the press. (NOTE OF JULY, 1868.)]
Montcalm had been in the Belleisle RETREAT FROM PRAG (December,
1742); in the terrible EXILLES Business (July, 1747), where the
Chevalier de Belleisle and 4 or 5,000 lost their lives in about an
hour. Captain Cook was at Quebec, Master in the Royal Navy;
"sounding the River, and putting down buoys." Bougainville, another
famous Navigator, was Aide-de-Camp of Montcalm. There have been
far-sounding Epics built together on less basis than lies ready
here, in this CAPTURE OF QUEBEC;--which itself, as the Decision
that America is to be English and not French, is surely an Epoch in
World-History! Montcalm was 48 when he perished; Wolfe 33.
Montcalm's skull is in the Ursulines Convent at Quebec,--shown to
the idly curious to this day. [Lieutenant-Colonel Beatson,
pp. 28, 15.]
It was on October 17th,--while Friedrich lay at Sophienthal, lamed
of gout, and Soltikof had privately fixed for home (went that day
week),--that this glorious bit of news reached England. It was only
three days after that other, bad and almost hopeless news, from the
same quarter; news of poor Wolfe's Repulse, on the other or eastern
side of Quebec, July 31st, known to us already, not known in
England till October 14th. Heightened by such contrast, the news
filled all men with a strange mixture of emotions. "The incidents
of Dramatic Fiction," says one who was sharer in it, "could not
have been conducted with more address to lead an audience from
despondency to sudden exultation, than Accident had here prepared
to excite the passions of a whole People. They despaired; they
triumphed; and they wept,--for Wolfe had fallen in the hour of
victory! Joy, grief, curiosity, astonishment, were painted in every
countenance: the more they inquired, the higher their admiration
rose. Not an incident but was heroic and affecting." [Walpole, iii.
219.] America ours; but the noble Wolfe now not!
What Pitt himself said of these things, we do not much hear. On the
meeting of his Parliament, about a month hence, his Speech,
somebody having risen to congratulate and eulogize him, is still
recognizably of royal quality, if we evoke it from the Walpole
Notes. Very modest, very noble, true; and with fine pieties and
magnanimities delicately audible in it: "Not a week all Summer but
has been a crisis, in which I have not known whether I should not
be torn to pieces, instead of being commended, as now by the
Honorable Member. The hand of Divine Providence; the more a man is
versed in business, the more he everywhere traces that! ...
Success has given us unanimity, not unanimity success. For my own
poor share, I could not have dared as I have done, except in these
times. Other Ministers have hoped as well, but have not been so
circumstanced to dare so much. ... I think the stone almost rolled
to the top of the hill; but let us have a care; it may rebound, and
hideously drag us down with it again." [Ib. iii. 225; Thackeray,
i. 446.]
The essential truth, moreover, is, Pitt has become King of England;
so lucky has poor England, in its hour of crisis, again been.
And the difference between an England guided by some kind of
Friedrich (temporary Friedrich, absolute, though of insecure
tenure), and by a Newcastle and the Clack of Tongues, is very
great! But for Pitt, there had been no Wolfe, no Amherst;
Duke Ferdinand had been the Royal Highness of Cumberland,--and all
things going round him in St. Vitus, at their old rate. This man is
a King, for the time being,--King really of the Friedrich type;--
and rules, Friedrich himself not more despotically, where need is.
Pitt's War-Offices, Admiralties, were not of themselves quick-going
entities; but Pitt made them go. Slow-paced Lords in Office have
remonstrated, on more than one occasion: "Impossible, Sir; these
things cannot be got ready at the time you order!" "My Lord, they
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