A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. IV.
by
Robert Kerr
Part 10 out of 10
persons allege that Vaca de Castro was afraid of permitting Gonzalo to
join the army, lest they might elect him as their general, as he was
greatly beloved by the soldiers. At this time likewise, Vaca de Castro
sent orders to those persons who had the charge of the children of the
late marquis in San Miguel and Truxillo, to remain with them there till
farther orders, and on no account to carry them to Lima; alleging, as a
specious pretext, that they were safer there than at Lima.
All his military preparations being completed, Vaca de Castro left Jauja
with his army in excellent order, taking the route for Guamanga, as he was
informed that Don Diego was in full march to take possession of that city,
or to take post at a very important passage of a river in that
neighbourhood, which would give great advantage in the future operations
of the war to either party which might obtain possession of that post, as
Guamanga was surrounded by precipitous rocks and deep vallies, serving as
natural fortifications of extremely difficult access. Captain Diego de
Royas, who has been formerly mentioned as commanding the advanced guard of
the royal army, had already occupied the city of Guamanga; and on
receiving intelligence of the rapid march of Don Diego to that place, had
fortified himself there as strongly as possible, that he might be able to
defend it till the arrival of the army under Vaca de Castro. The governor,
therefore, marched with as much celerity as possible, sending on Captain
de Castro with his company of musqueteers to take post on a craggy hill of
difficult ascent near Guamanga, called _Farcu_ by the Peruvians and Parcos
by the Spaniards. Vaca de Castro, on his arrival one evening within two
leagues of Guamanga, received information that Don Diego was already in
possession of that city, which disappointed him greatly, more especially
as the whole of his own troops were not yet come up. Alonso de Alvarado
was sent back therefore, to expedite their march, and to bring them on in
good order, as the enemy was so near. Some of the rear-guard of the army
marched that day above five long leagues, which was a most fatiguing
exertion, as the road was full of rocks and steep passes, and they were
under the necessity of carrying their arms and accoutrements. Having
passed the city, the whole army stood to their arms all night, not having
any accurate intelligence of the enemy, who was believed to be nigh. Next
day, however, learning by their scouts, who had been above six leagues in
advance, that the enemy was still at a considerable distance, the
royalists encamped to take some rest.
Receiving more certain information of the situation of the enemy, who were
still at the distance of nine leagues from his camp, Vaca de Castro sent a
letter to Don Diego by Francisco Ydiaquez, commanding him in his majesty's
name to dismiss his army, and to repair to the royal standard, on doing
which he should be pardoned for all that was past: But, if he refused, he
might expect to be proceeded against with the utmost severity, as a rebel
against the king. The governor sent likewise a private soldier who was
well acquainted with the country, diguised as an Indian, carrying letters
for several gentlemen in the rebel army, offering them an amnesty and
large rewards if they would abandon Don Diego. Though this man took every
precaution to prevent discovery, his track was noticed in some places in
the snow, and he was followed and carried prisoner to Don Diego, who
ordered him to be hanged. Don Diego complained loudly of Vaca de Castro
for sending spies to corrupt his followers while making offers of
accommodation; and drawing out his army in complete order before the
governors messengers, he ordered all his officers to prepare for battle,
promising that whoever killed any of the hostile inhabitants of the
country, should be rewarded with the wife, lands, Indians, and wealth of
the slain. He then gave an answer to the governors message, that he would
never acknowledge or obey him so long as he was associated with his
enemies, Pedro Alvarez Holguin, Alonso de Alvarado, Gomez de Tordoya, Juan
de Saavedra, Garcilasso de la Vega, Yllen Suarez de Carvajal, Gomez de
Alvarado, and others of that party. That he would never disband his army,
unless he received a formal amnesty under the royal sign manual; as he
could not give faith to one signed by the Cardinal de Loaysa. That de
Castro was much mistaken in supposing any of his army would abandon him,
and might therefore prepare for battle, as he was determined to defend the
country to his last breath.
On receiving this resolute answer, Vaca de Castro marched his army to a
small distance from Guamanga, where the ground was too rough and uneven
for his cavalry, and took up a position in a smooth plain named _Chupaz_,
where he remained three days, during all which time it never ceased
raining, as it was then the middle of winter, yet the troops were forced
to be always under arms and ready for action, as the enemy was very near.
He had resolved to give battle, us the enemy obstinately refused all
accommodation; yet finding that several persons in his army seemed to
hesitate on account of the disapprobation which his majesty had evinced
respecting the former battle of _Salinas_, on which account Ferdinand
Pizarro was detained in prison, he judged it proper to take some formal
judicial steps, both for his own justification, and to satisfy the
scruples of his troops. He pronounced therefore a formal sentence against
Don Diego, whom he declared a traitor and rebel, condemning him and all
his adherents to death and the confiscation of all their goods. After
signing this judicial sentence in the presence of the whole army, he
commanded the officers to give him asistance for carrying it into
execution.
Next morning, being Saturday, the scouts brought intelligence after mass
that the enemy, who had encamped for the night at two short leagues
distance, was very near, and in full march towards the left of the
royalist camp, advancing by some low hills to avoid a marsh which covered
the front of the royalists. Don Diego wished to gain possession of
Guamanga before giving battle, and entertained no doubt of being
victorious, trusting to his great superiority in artillery over the
royalist army. When the two armies were so near that the advanced guards
were within musket shot, the governor detached Captain Castro with fifty
musqueteers to skirmish with the enemy, while the rest of his troops
marched up the slope of a hill on purpose to intercept the march of the
rebels. This movement was liable to considerable danger, as Don Diego
might have done the royalists much damage by means of his artillery if he
had taken advantage of the nature of the ground in proper time; for during
this conversion, the royalist infantry were often obliged to halt to
recover their order, which was much deranged by the difficulty of the
ground. When Carvajal the serjeant-major observed this circumstance, he
ordered all the troops to gain the height as quickly as possible without
preserving any precise order of march, and to form again when they were
arrived at the summit. They accordingly got all up, while Captain Castro
and his musqueteers were skirmishing with the troops of Don Diego; who
likewise continued his march, and drew up in order of battle.
After the royal army had been marshalled in good order by the
serjeant-major, the governor made them a speech, in which he exhorted them
to recollect that they were loyal Spaniards who were fighting in the just
cause of their sovereign. He told them that the fate of Peru was now in
their hands and depended on their courage. If defeated he and they could
only expect to be put to death; but if victorious, besides the important
service to the king, which they were bound as good and loyal subjects to
perform, they would thereby secure the possession of their estates and
effects, and to such as had none he would provide amply in the name and by
the authority of his majesty, who only desired to preserve the sovereignty
of Peru, that he might divide it among those who served him faithfully. In
conclusion, he said there needed not a long harangue to encourage
gentlemen of honour and brave soldiers to do their duty, whose example he
proposed to himself to follow, not pretending to give them one; yet, as a
proof that he meant to imitate their bravery, he intended to march at
their head and should be among the first to break a lance. They all
declared that they would do their duty manfully, and would rather be cut
to pieces than allow themselves to be defeated, as they all considered
themselves interested in the success of the war on their own accounts, as
well as from duty to the king. All the officers earnestly intreated Vaca
de Castro not to hazard himself in the front of battle, insisting that he
should take post in the rear with thirty horsemen, whence he might send
succour to wherever it might be needed. He consented to this, and as the
day drew towards a close, being within an hour and a half of sunset, he
proposed to postpone the battle till next morning. But Alonso de Alvarado
assured him that he would be defeated if he delayed, as the whole army
seemed then animated by the best resolution, and it was impossible to say
whether some might not change their sentiments during the night. The
governor assented to this advice, only saying that he wished to have the
power which had been given to Joshua, that he might stop the going down of
the sun.
At this time the artillery belonging to Don Diego opened its fire upon the
royalists; and as it was dangerous to descend the hill in front towards
the enemy, on account of being too much exposed in that direction to their
guns, the serjeant-major and Alonso Alvarado directed the army to move by
the left, where there was a hollow which led towards the enemy, by which
they were protected from the balls which all flew over their heads. The
troops marched in the following order. Alonzo de Alvarado was on the right
with his troops of horse, having the royal standard carried by Christoval
de Barientos; on the left were the other four captains of horse, Pedro
Holguin, Gomes Alvarado, Garcilasso de la Vega, and Pedro Anzurez, all at
the head of their respective troops in excellent order. Between the two
wings of cavalry, the Captains Pedro de Vergara and Juan Velez de Guevara
marched with the infantry; and Nunno de Castro marched in front with his
musqueteers to begin the battle, with orders to retire when pressed by the
enemy under the protection of the main body. The governor, at the earnest
entreaty of his officers, remained in the rear guard at the head of thirty
horse, at some short distance from the main body, where he could see all
that occurred, so as to send assistance where it was wanted, which he did
with much judgment.
During the advance of the royalists, the enemy kept up a constant fire of
their artillery, but altogether ineffectually, as all their balls flew too
high. Don Diego observing this circumstance, suspected that Pedro de
Candia the captain of his artillery was gained by the enemy and did this
on purpose; for which reason he went to him in great rage and killed him
with his own hand. After this he pointed and fired off one of the cannon
against a squadron of the royalists, by which shot several of the troopers
were killed. Seeing this, and considering that the artillery of the royal
army was too insignificant to do much service, Carvajal determined to
leave it behind that the army might advance more quickly. At this time Don
Diego and his officers had arranged their army in order, the cavalry
divided on the two wings, and the infantry in the centre, having their
cannon in front, directly over against the only ground by which the
royalists could advance to the attack. The rebels believed it would argue
timidity in them thus to wait for the enemy, and that it was proper for
them to advance and meet them half way. This movement was much against the
opinion and advice of Pedro Suarez, serjeant-major to Don Diego, a brave
and experienced officer; who remonstrated that, as the enemy had to
advance over a plain of considerable extent, they would be greatly injured
by the artillery before they could come to the charge, whereas by
advancing the troops of Don Diego would shorten this dangerous way for
their enemies, and would lose an excellent advantage now in their power.
Nothwithstanding this judicious remonstrance the Almagrian army continued
to advance, and took post near a rising ground over which the royalists
had to march, and after which the rebel artillery could do them very
little harm, and was unable to prevent them from charging, as the way
between was very short. Suarez was so much dissatisfied at his advice
being thus despised, that he set spurs to his horse and galloped over to
the royalist army.
About this time the Indians under the command of Paullu the brother of
Inca Manco Capac, attacked the left wing of the royalists with repeated
vollies of stones and arrows, but were soon put to flight by a few
discharges from the musqueteers. Martin Cote who commanded a company of
musqueteers on the side of Almagro, advanced to that side and began to
skirmish with the adverse musqueteers of Nunno de Castro. At this time the
royalists, advancing slowly and in good order to the music of their drums
and trumpets, made their appearance on the height, where they halted as
waiting an opportunity to charge, in hopes that the incessant discharge
from the artillery of the enemy might relax. Although now so near, the
rebel artillery did them very little harm, as having to point upwards,
most of their balls flew too high, whereas if the royalists had advanced
only twenty paces farther, they would have been exposed to point blank
shot. The infantry indeed of the royalists suffered materially at this
time, as they were more directly exposed to the shot, insomuch that by one
ball a whole file of seventeen men was brought down. This made a wide gap
in the battalion, which the officers took care immediately to fill up. The
serjeant-major, Francisco de Carvajal, still held back the royalist
cavalry from the charge, waiting for some relaxation in the fury of the
adverse artillery, by which the captains Pedro Alvarez Holguin and Gomez
de Tordoya were both slain, and several others were killed and wounded by
every discharge. Captain Pedro de Vergara being wounded by a musket shot,
exclaimed loudly against the conduct of the cavalry, saying that all the
infantry would be speedily destroyed if the cavalry did not charge the
enemy. The trumpets immediately sounded a charge, and the royalist
squadrons advanced, on which those of Don Diego moved forward to meet them
courageously. The shock was so violent that almost all the lances on both
sides were broken, and many horsemen of both armies were borne to the
ground, some killed and others wounded. A bloody engagement succeeded this
charge, in which they fought man to man with swords, maces and battle axes;
some even of the cavalry being armed with large woodmens axes which they
wielded in both hands, gave such heavy blows as no armour could withstand.
After continuing the battle with great fury till both sides were out of
breath, they drew off for a little.
In the meantime the royalist infantry advanced against those of Don Diego,
encouraged by the exhortations and example of Carvajal who marched at
their head. "Be not afraid, said he, of the artillery: I, who am as large
as any two of you, do not fear it, and you all see how many bullets pass
by without hurting me." That his soldiers might not conceive that he
confided in the goodness of his armour, he threw away his coat of mail and
helmet, and advanced in this manner to the rebel cannon; and being bravely
seconded by his men, he soon got possession of them all, killing several
of those who guarded them, after which he turned them against the enemy.
By this vigorous, and successful exploit, the event of the battle was in a
great measure decided. The day was now ended, and the evening became so
dark that the opponents could hardly distinguish each other except by the
voice. After a short rest, the cavalry renewed the fight, and victory
began to lean to the side of the royalists, when Vaca de Castro made a
furious assault on the left of the enemy, where two troops belonging to
Don Diego still kept their ground, while all the rest began to fall back.
On charging the enemy, the governor exclaimed, _Vittoria! Vittoria!_ Yet
the battle continued undecided for some time, and several of the horsemen
who followed Vaca de Castro were wounded and unhorsed, two gentlemen and
several others being slain. The rebels were at last thrown into disorder
and fled from the field, being pursued for some distance. Two of their
officers, named Bilboa and de Sosa, were so enraged on seeing the defeat
and flight of their companions, that they rushed like madmen into the
thickest of the enemy, crying out _I am he who killed the marquis_, till
both were slain. Many of the Almagrians saved themselves by favour of the
darkness; and some of them, for greater security, threw away their _white_
scarfs, by which the rebels were distinguished, and put on the _red_
scarfs of the royalists who lay dead on the field. Thus Vaca de Castro
obtained a complete victory, although before the charge was given his army
lost many more men than the enemy, insomuch that Don Diego thought himself
till then secure of conquering. Such of the fugitives as endeavoured to
save themselves by way of the plain were all killed by the Indians; and a
hundred and fifty horse, who made their escape to Guamanga, about two
leagues from the field of battle, were disarmed and made prisoners by the
small number of inhabitants who remained in that city. Don Diego fled to
Cuzco, where Rodrigo de Salazar, his own lieutenant, and Antonio Ruyz de
Guevara, one of the magistrates made him prisoner. Thus ended the
authority of Don Diego Almagro, who one day was lord and master of the
great kingdom of Peru, and the next day was thrown into prison by officers
of his own appointment. This decisive battle of Chupaz was fought on the
16th September 1542.
A great part of the night was over before their officers could reassemble
the victorious army, as the soldiers were busied in pillaging the tents of
the rebels, where they got a rich plunder in silver and gold, and killed
several of the wounded fugitives who were unable to continue their flight
any farther. When all were reassembled, Vaca de Castro made the army
remain all the rest of the night under arms and in order of battle, lest
the enemy might rally and renew the fight. Vaca de Castro employed himself
likewise during most part of the night in going about among the troops,
praising the whole in general, and thanking the individual soldiers for
having so bravely done their duty. In this battle several officers and
soldiers on both sides signalized themselves remarkably. Don Diego
distinguished himself particularly, shewing much courage, and more conduct
than could have been expected from a young man only twenty-two years of
age[11]. He was animated by what he considered a just vengeance for the
death of his father; and was well seconded by many of his followers. Many
of those on the side of Vaca de Castro, were on the contrary incited by
the desire of avenging the death of the marquis, for whose memory they
preserved an inviolable attachment, insomuch that no danger could prevent
them from using their utmost efforts to punish his murderers. On the two
sides, about 300 men were slain[12], among whom were several officers and
men of note. Pedro Alvarez Holguin and Gomez de Tordoya eminently
distinguished themselves on the side of the royalists, having mantles of
white velvet richly embroidered over their armour, owing to which they
were particularly marked out by the musqueteers of the enemy, and both
lost their lives in consequence. Alonso de Alvarado and Carvajal likewise
distinguished themselves signally, particularly the latter, as already
mentioned, in a manner that it seemed almost impossible he should have
escaped. But by despising death, he appeared to have made it flee from him;
as indeed it often happens during great dangers, that those who meet them
bravely are preserved, while those who shrink are lost. A signal instance
of this happened in the present battle, as a young man who was afraid of
the balls concealed himself behind a projecting rock; where his head was
shattered to pieces by a splinter driven off by a cannon ball[13]. Many
others signalized themselves in the battle, to most of whom the governor
gave competent estates in lands and Indians, when he made the re-partition
of the country, adding his warm acknowledgements for having resigned their
individual interests and resentments in the service of the crown.
The night after the battle was extremely frosty, and as the baggage was
considerably in the rear, only two of the wounded officers had their
wounds dressed, so that a good many of the wounded died of cold during the
night. Next morning, the governor caused every attention to be given to
the wounded, who exceeded four hundred in number[14], and had the dead
buried, ordering the bodies of Holguin and Tordoya to be carried to the
city of Guamanga, where they were magnificently interred. On the day
succeeding the battle, the governor ordered the heads of several prisoners
to be cut off, who had been concerned in the murder of the marquis. Next
day he went to Guamanga, where Captain Diego de Royas had already beheaded
Juan Tello and some other captains of the rebels. The governor now gave
orders to the licentiate de la Gama to try the rest of the prisoners, and
to punish them according to their deserts. De la Gama accordingly hanged
several and beheaded others, to the number of forty of the most culpable,
insomuch that in all about sixty were executed. Some others were banished,
and the rest were pardoned, such of them as had settlements being allowed
to return to their houses.
The governor went afterwards to Cuzco, where he brought Don Diego to trial,
and ordered him to be beheaded. Diego de Mendez, Gomez Perez, and another,
made their escape from prison into the mountains of the Andes, where they
were kindly received by Manco Capac the fugitive Inca, who had taken
refuge in an inaccessible country. The Inca was much grieved on learning
the death of Don Diego, whom he was greatly attached to, and to whom he
had sent several coats of mail, corselets, cuirasses, and other arms,
which he had taken from the Spaniards whom he defeated and slew, at the
time when he went by order of the marquis to relieve Gonzalo and Juan
Pizarro, then besieged in Cuzco.
After the death of Don Diego and the entire dispersion of his adherents,
by which peace was restored through the whole country, the governor did
not consider it proper to disband his army, as he had not sufficient funds
to reward them according to their services; for which reason he resolved
to send them in different detachments to make discoveries and conquests.
Captain Vergara and his troops were accordingly sent back to complete the
conquest of the Bracamoras. The Captains Diego de Royas and Philip
Gutierez were sent with above three hundred men to the eastwards, where
they afterwards made some establishments on the Rio de la Plata. Captain
Monroy was sent to Chili with reinforcements to Pedro de Valdivia, who was
engaged in reducing that country. Captain Juan Perez de Guevara was sent
to reduce the country of Mullobamba which he had discovered. This is an
exceedingly mountainous country, in which the two great rivers Marannon
and La Plata have their sources, both of which run into the Atlantic. Its
inhabitants are Caribs, or canibals, and their country so hot that they go
entirely naked, or at least have only a few rags round their loins. While
in this country, Juan Perez got notice of an extensive province beyond the
mountains towards the north, in which there are rich gold mines, and which
has camels and fowls like those of New Spain, and a species of sheep
considerably smaller than those of Peru. In that country it is necessary
to water all kinds of seeds regularly, as it seldom rains. In it there is
a lake, the environs of which are exceedingly populous. In all its rivers
there are certain _fishes_ as large as dogs, which they likewise very much
resemble, which kill and eat the Indians when they go into the water or
even pass near it, as they often come out of the water and walk on the dry
land[15]. This great country is bounded on the north by the Marannon, on
the east by Brasil, and on the south by the Rio de la Plata; and it is
said that the Amazons dwell in this country, of whom Orellana received
intelligence while descending the Marannon.
Vaca de Castro remained above eighteen months in Cuzco after the departure
of these various expeditions, employing himself in making a distribution
of the unoccupied lands and Indians, and settling the whole country in
good order, issuing likewise many useful regulations for the protection
and preservation of the Indians. In that period the richest gold mine ever
heard of in our days was discovered near Cuzco in a river named _Carabaya_,
where a single Indian is able to gather to the extent of a mark in one
day[16]. The whole country being now perfectly tranquil, and the Indians
protected from those excessive toils to which they had been subjected
during the civil war, Gonzalo Pizarro was permitted to come to Cuzco, and
after a few days went thence to Las Charcas, where he employed himself in
taking care of the extensive estate which he possessed in that country. He
there remained in quiet, till the arrival of the viceroy, Blasco Nunnez
Vela in Peru, as shall be related in the sequel.
[1] This chapter is merely a continuation of the history of the discovery
and conquest of Peru, by Zarate: but we have thought proper to divide
it in this manner, separating the transactions which took place during
the life of Francisco Pizarro, from those which occurred after his
death.--E.
[2] _Il les fit prenare_, are the words of the French translator:
_prendre_ may possibly be an error of the press on this occasion for
_pendre_; in which case those officers of the late marquis were
ordered to be _hanged_; and indeed they do not appear in the
sequel.--E.
[3] There must have been two persons in Peru of this name and surname, as
we have already seen _one_ Francisco de Chaves killed on the same day
with the marquis.--E.
[4] This officer was father to the historian of the same name.--E.
[5] It was now the year 1542.--E.
[6] As Zarate introduces Vaca de Castro into the history of Peru without
any previous notice of his appointment, it has been deemed proper to
give a short account of his commission from Robertsons History of
America, II. 339, which, being too long for a note, is distinguished
in the text by inverted commas--E.
[7] The remainder of the circumstances relative to de Castro, here quoted,
are to be found in Robertson II. 353.; the other events in the history
of Peru having been already given from Zarate.--E.
[8] We now return to the narrative of Zarate.--E.
[9] Garcilasso says, that on this occasion, the Inca Manca Capac, who had
retired to the mountains, in remembrance of the friendship which had
subsisted between him and the elder Almagro, provided Don Diego with
large quantities of armour, swords and saddles, which had been
formerly taken from the Spaniards, sufficient to arm two hundred
men.--E.
[10] The rank of serjeant major in the Spanish service appears to answer
to our adjutant, as applied to a battalion: On the present occasion
Carvajal may be considered as adjutant general under Vaca de Castro.
Maestre de Campo seems equivalent to Major-General.--E.
[11] Garcilasso, himself a mestee, says that Don Diego was the bravest
Mestizo, or son of a Spaniard by an Indian woman, that ever the New
World produced.--E.
[12] According to Garcilasso, of 1500 combatants, including both sides,
500 men were slain, and about an equal number wounded; the royalists
having 500 killed and 400 wounded, while the rebels had only 200 slain
and 100 wounded. In this estimate he has surely made a material error,
as he makes the killed and wounded of the royalists equal to the whole
number thay had in the field.--E.
[13] At this place, a naked list of a great number of names of those who
signalized themselves in the battle, are enumerated by Zarate, but
omitted here as altogether uninteresting.--E.
[14] This appears to countenance the account of Garcilasso in a former
note, who probably quoted from Zarate; but the latter does not limit
this number to the royal troops.--E.
[15] Obviously a misunderstood description of alligators. Indeed the whole
account of this country, now called Colona, seems to have been derived
from the reports of Indians, and is in many circumstances entirely
fabulous, as is well known from the more recent accounts of the Jesuit
missions.--E.
[16] Carabaya is an elevated valley of considerable extent, to the south
east of Cuzco. A mark of gold or eight ounces is worth about L.32;
hence we may readily believe so rich a days work was seldom made.--E.
SECTION II.
_Commencement of the Viceroyalty of Blasco Nunnez Vela, and renewal of the
civil war in Peru by the usurpation of Gonzalo Pizarro_.
At this period, some of the clergy who had been in the New World,
represented to the Emperor Don Carlos and the lords of his council, that
the Spaniards treated the natives in the conquered provinces of America
with extreme cruelty, depriving them of all their property by excessive
exactions, forcing them to labour in the mines and to dive for pearls
beyond their strength, obliging them to carry heavy burdens in long
journeys, and frequently subjecting them to arbitrary punishments, and
even wantonly putting them to death; insomuch that their numbers were fast
diminishing, and that in a short time they would be entirely extirpated
from Mexico and Peru and the other continental dominions of Spain in
America, as was already the case in the islands of Cuba, Hispaniola, Porto
Rico, Jamaica, and others, where hardly any trace remained of the original
inhabitants. To confirm these representations, they particularly recited
many instances of cruelty exercised by the Spaniards upon the Indians,
among which were numerous circumstances that were by no means well
authenticated. They alleged as one of the greatest of these evils, and a
principal cause of the destruction of the Indians, that they were forced
to carry heavy burdens on long journeys, far beyond their strength,
without any consideration of justice or humanity. They added that these
tyrannical practices had been carried to the greatest excess by the
governors, lieutenants, and other officers of the crown, and by the
bishops, monks, and other favoured and privileged persons, trusting to
their authority and immunities to be exempted from punishment for their
improper conduct, by which they were encouraged to the commission of every
excess. He who insisted in these remonstrances with the greatest zeal and
perseverance was Fra Bartholomew de las Casas, a Dominican monk, whom his
majesty had raised to the bishopric of Chiapa.
After maturely considering these representations, his majesty was anxious
to devise proper means to relieve the Indians from oppression; and for
this purpose he assembled a council of all those persons to whom the
administration of affairs in the Indies was confided, with several other
persons of probity learned in the laws. By this assembly the whole affair
was deliberately examined, and a code of regulations drawn up by which it
was expected to remedy the abuses complained of. By these regulations it
was enacted that no Indian should be forced to labour in the mines, or to
dive for pearls; that no excessive labours should be imposed on them, and
even that they should not be obliged to carry burdens except in places
where no other means could be employed; that all Indians should be paid
for their labour, and that the tribute which they were to pay to their
masters should be fixed; that upon the death of any person to whom lands
and Indians now belonged, they were to revert to the crown. Besides, that
all lands and Indians belonging to bishops, monasteries, and hospitals, or
to governors, lieutenant-governors, or other officers of the crown, should
be taken from them and annexed to the crown, even although the possessor
should incline to demit their offices for the purpose of enabling them to
retain their repartitions. It was particularly ordered in regard to Peru,
that all who had taken any share in the civil wars between the marquis and
Almagro should forfeit their lands and Indians. And finally, all Indians
set at liberty by this regulation were to belong in perpetuity to the
crown, to whom their tributes were to be paid in all time coming.
It is perfectly obvious, in consequence of the concluding clause but one
of these regulations, by which all who had taken any share in the late
civil wars were to be deprived of their lands and Indians, that every
individual then in Peru would have been reduced to poverty, as it may be
seen by every circumstance related in the foregoing part of this history,
that every Spaniard in the country had embraced one or other of these
parties with extreme violence. Even the native Peruvians had taken a part
in the civil discords, and had frequent quarrels and engagements on the
subject, some of them taking part with the _Chilese_, and others with the
_Pachacamacs_, by which titles they distinguished respectively the
adherents of Almagro and of the marquis. Hitherto the only court of
justice or royal audience was held at Panama, at a most inconvenient
distance from Peru. By the new regulations this court of Panama was
abolished, and besides the establishment of a new court on the frontiers
of Gauatimala and Nicaragua for all the provinces from Tierra Firma
northwards, of which the licentiate Maldonado was made president, another
court of royal audience was ordered to be established in Lima, consisting
of four oydors or judges, and a president who was to have the title of
Viceroy and captain general. This measure was deemed indispensibly
necessary for the well being of this distant country, the richest and most
valuable dominion which belonged to the crown in all America. All these
regulations were enacted and published at Madrid in 1542, and copies of
them were immediately sent to different parts of the New World. These new
reglations gave extreme dissatisfaction to the conquerors of the American
provinces, and particularly to those of Peru; as every Spanish settler in
that country must have been deprived by them of almost every thing they
possessed, and reduced to the necessity of looking out for new means of
subsistence. Every one loudly declared that his majesty must have received
erroneous information respecting the late events, as the partizans and
adherents both of the marquis and of Almagro, had conducted themselves to
the best of their judgment as faithful subjects of his majesty, believing
that they acted in obedience to his orders in what respected the two rival
governors, who acted in his name and by his authority, and were besides
under the necessity of obeying their officers, either by force or good
will, so that they were in fact guilty of no crime in what they had done;
or, even if their conduct were in some measure faulty, they certainly did
not deserve to be stript entirely of their property. They alleged farther,
that when they discovered and conquered the country, which had been done
at their own proper cost, it had been expressly covenanted that they were
to enjoy the division of the lands and Indians among them for their lives,
with remainder to their eldest sons, or to their widows in case of having
no children; and that, in confirmation of all this, an order had been
issued by his majesty, by which all who had participated in making the
conquest of Peru were to marry within a certain specified time, under the
penalty of losing their lands and Indians, with which regulation most of
them had complied; and that it were now unjust, when they had become old
and worn out, and were encumbered with wives and families, to deprive them
of their substance, when they looked to enjoy repose after all their
fatigues and dangers; being unable from age and infirmity to go in search
of new countries and new establishments.
Great numbers of persons repaired to Cuzco, where Vaca de Castro then
resided, to lay their complaints before him. He told them, that he was
persuaded his majesty would remedy their grievances when informed of the
true state of affairs, and recommended therefore that the procurators or
syndics of the different cities should assemble, and elect a deputation to
carry a true statement of matters to the king and royal council of the
Indies, with a humble supplication that his majesty might apply a proper
remedy, by the revocation or modification of those regulations, which, as
they stood, would produce such ruinous consequences to the colony. On
purpose to facilitate this assembly, the governor promised to repair in
person to Lima, as the most convenient and most central situation for the
deputies of all the other cities. He accordingly set out from Cuzco for
Lima, accompanied by the syndics of all the neighbouring cities, and by
several gentlemen and other persons of consequence.
In the year 1542, while these things were going on in Peru, his majesty
appointed Blasco Nunnez Vela, who had been commissary general of the
revenue in Castille, as Viceroy of Peru, and president of the court of
royal audience, to carry those regulations into effect which we have
already given an accoun of. Vela was chosen to this high and important
office as a person of capacity and experience, who would dispense strict
justice without respect of persons, and would punctually fulfil the royal
orders. The four oydors or judges nominated to the royal audience of Lima
were the licentiate Cepeda, doctor Lison de Texada, and the licentiates
Alvarez and Pedro Ortiz. Augustin de Zarate[1], secretary of the royal
council of Castille, was appointed at the same time auditor general of
accounts both for Peru and the Tierra Firma, as since the discovery and
settlement of these provinces, no accounts of the royal revenues had ever
been rendered to the treasurers. All these persons embarked at San Lucar
de Barrameda on the 1st November 1543, and arrived safe at the harbour of
Nombre de Dios, where they made some stay, on purpose to prepare for their
voyage to Peru. As the viceroy was eager to proceed, he embarked at Panama
in the middle of February 1543, without waiting for the judges of the
royal audience, who anxiously requested to accompany him, and who were
accordingly much chagrined by this procedure. Even before this, some
slight disputes had occurred between them and Vela, which though of small
importance in themselves, had left some impression of mutual
dissatisfaction, and evinced that they were not likely to agree in the
government of the country.
Befere leaving the Tierra Firma, the viceroy began to carry one of the new
regulations into effect, by which all Indians were enjoined to be at
liberty to return to their native countries, whatever might have been the
cause of their transportation to other places. He accordingly collected
all the natives of Peru who happened to be in the province of Tierra Firma;
and as there was a great and constant intercourse between that province
and Peru, the number of Peruvians in Tierra Firma was considerable, and he
ordered all of these to embark in the same ship with himself at the
expence of their masters. The new viceroy had a quick passage from Panama
to the port of Tumbez at the northern extremity of proper Peru, where he
disembarked on the 4th of March, being resolved to go from thence by land
to Lima, and immediately proceeded to enforce the new regulations in every
one of the places by which he travelled. In regard to some of the
colonists, he fixed the services and tributes which they were in future to
exact from the Indians; and others he deprived entirely of their lands and
Indians, annexing them to the crown. Many of those who found themselves
aggrieved by these regulations, particularly all the inhabitants of San
Miguel and Truxillo, waited on the viceroy, respectfully yet earnestly
entreating that he would at least postpone the execution of those rigorous
decrees till the arrival of the judges, when they would make their humble
application for justice at Lima in the royal court of audience. In
corroboration of this request, they pointed out one of the articles of the
regulations, which directed that they were to be put in force by the
viceroy and oydors conjunctly, and that therefore he was not authorised to
execute them by his single authority. All their remonstrances and
reasonings were unavailing, as he refused to listen to them, saying, that
the orders with which he was entrusted were general laws, which could not
be suspended or even postponed in compliance with any requests or
supplications whatever. He persisted, therefore, to put the regulations
strictly in force, through the whole extent of his journey from Tumbez
till his arrival in the province of Guavara[2], which is eighteen leagues
from Lima.
Immediately on his arrival at Tumbez, the viceroy sent an express to
notify his arrival and the extent of his powers and authority to the
governor Vaca de Castro, whom he directed to discontinue all exercise of
authority as governor. By this messenger, and by other persons who
followed him, the inhabitants of Lima were informed of the rigorous manner
in which the viceroy had proceeded to enforce the new regulations, and of
his refusal to listen to any supplications or remonstrances on the subject.
On purpose still more to irritate every one against the viceroy, reports
were spread of several other rigorous proceedings as having been exercised
by him, of which he never even conceived the idea. These news caused much
emotion and discontent among the persons who accompanied Vaca de Castro,
insomuch that several of them urged him to refuse recognizing the viceroy,
and to protest both against the regulations and his commission, as he had
rendered himself unworthy of the government by executing his commission
with extreme rigour, refusing justice to his majestys faithful subjects,
and turning a deaf ear to their respectful remonstrances. Vaca de Castro
soothed them as much as possible, by assuring them that when the oydors
were arrived and had begun to act as the royal court of audience, they
would certainly listen to their remonstrances on being instructed in the
true state of the country; but that for himself, he could in no degree
consent to disobey the orders of his majesty. At this time, Vaca de Castro
had arrived at Guarachiri, about twenty leagues from Lima, and on
receiving the orders which had been transmitted to him by the viceroy, he
immediately divested himself of his office, and discontinued from
exercising any of the functions of government; except that he granted some
vacant repartitions of lands and Indians to different people, some of
which grants were in his own name.
Finding all their representations to Vaca de Castro ineffectual, the
principal persons who attended him set out in their return to Cuzco, under
pretence that they dared not to await the arrival of the viceroy so long
as he was alone; but that they would return to Lima on the arrival of the
judges: Yet, in spite of these specious pretexts, it was easy to see that
they were much discontented and had evil intentions. Indeed they clearly
evinced this soon afterwards on their arrival at the city of Guamanga,
where they excited a great tumult, and took possession of all the
artillery which Vaca de Castro had disposed in that place after his
victory over Don Diego. They then collected a great number of Indians, and
caused the whole of this train or artillery to be removed to Cuzco.
Vaca de Castro continued his journey from Guarachiri to Lima, which he
found all involved in confusion and discontent, the inhabitants being much
divided in opinion as to the expediency of receiving the viceroy or
refusing to recognize him in that capacity. Some alleged that the orders
of his majesty did not command his recognition till his actual arrival.
Others said that he ought not to be recognized even on his arrival,
considering the unjust regulations which he brought along with him, and
the rigour with which he put them in force, in spite of every remonstrance
and supplication to the contrary. But by the earnest exhortations of Yllan
Suarez, _alcalde_ or judge of police and royal commissary of Lima, they
came at length to the resolution of receiving the viceroy, and even to
admit the regulations, which were published with much solemnity. Upon this
all the magistrates principal inhabitants of the city, went to Huaura to
welcome the viceroy and to pay him their respectful compliments. From
Huaura he was accompanied by the whole cavalcade to Lima, where he was
received with great pomp and magnificence, making his entry under a canopy
of cloth of gold. All the magistrates walked in procession, carrying the
ensigns of their office, and dressed in long robes of crimson satin turned
up with white damask. In this grand stile the viceroy was conducted in the
first place to church, and thence to his palace.
Next day as the viceroy had received information of the discontents and
seditious conduct of the persons who had retired to Cuzco, he ordered Vaca
de Castro to be arrested and thrown into the common prison, as he
suspected that he had fomented these seditious practices, and that he had
even been their secret adviser to that step. Although the inhabitants of
Lima were by no means perfectly satisfied with the conduct of Vaca de
Castro, they yet humbly petitioned the viceroy, not to allow a person of
such high rank, who was a member of the royal council and had been
governor of the country, to be thrown into the common prison; as, even if
he merited the punishment of death, and were to be beheaded next day, he
ought to be more honourably dealt with. The viceroy was softened by these
remonstrances, and ordered Vaca de Castro to be placed under arrest in the
palace, taking a bail bond from the burgesses for his safe custody under a
heavy penalty; and besides, he placed all the effects of the late governor
under sequestration. The inhabitants of Lima were extremely discontented
by the harsh conduct of the viceroy, holding frequent secret conferences
among themselves, and a considerable number of them withdrew gradually
from the city, repairing to Cuzco, at which place toe viceroy was not
acknowledged.
At this time Gonzalo Pizarro dwelt at Chuquisaca de la Plata, in the
province of las Charcas, employed in the arrangement of the estate which
had been conferred upon him by his brother the marquis, where ten or
twelve of his most intimate friends resided along with him. On learning
the arrival of the viceroy, the causes of his mission, and the regulations
which he had brought out for the government of the colony, and which he
rigorously enforced, Gonzalo took the resolution of going to Cuzco, under
pretence of inquiring after news from Spain, and to regulate the affairs
belonging to his brother Ferdinand, according to the instructions he had
received on that subject. While employed in collecting money for his
journey, he received letters from all parts of Peru, written both by
private persons and the magistrates of the cities and towns, endeavouring
to persuade him to stand forwards in defence of the common interests on
the present emergency, by protesting against the execution of the royal
ordinances, and demanding either that their execution should be delayed,
or that some other remedy should be interposed to prevent universal ruin
among the colonists. Gonzalo was even urged to this interference, as a
person to whom the government of the country belonged of right, as heir to
the marquis his brother. In some of these letters the writers offered to
devote themselves and their fortunes to his service: Others informed him
that the viceroy had publickly declared he would put Gonzalo to death. In
this way every means was used to irritate Gonzalo, that he might come to
Cuzco to prevent the entry of the viceroy into that city. As every thing
seemed to conspire towards the accomplishment of the desire which he had
always cherished, of acquiring the government of Peru, he gathered a large
sum of money, both from his own funds and those belonging to his brother
Ferdinand, and repaired to Cuzco accompanied by a retinue of twenty
Spaniards[3].
The whole Spanish population of the city went out to meet him, and
received him with every demonstration of joy. Every day additional persons
flocked to Cuzco, withdrawing from Lima in consequence of the rigorous
conduct of the viceroy, who continually irritated the inhabitants by his
tyranny. Numerous meetings were held in the town-house of Cuzco, both of
the magistrates and the citizens in general, to consult as to what ought
to be their conduct in the event of the viceroy arriving at their city.
Some proposed that he ought to be received, and that a deputation should
be sent to his majesty, praying him to give relief in respect to the
regulations, which would ruin the colony unless changed or considerably
modified. Others alleged, if the viceroy were received, that he was so
determined on the establishment of the regulations in their entire rigour,
that he would instantly deprive them of all their Indians; and that,
whatever alteration might be afterwards made, it would be exceedingly
difficult to recover them. It was at length resolved to elect Gonzalo
Pizarro procurator-general, and Diego Centeno, who had been sent to
represent the city of la Plata, was appointed his deputy. Gonzalo was
authorised, in the exercise of this new office, to lay the remonstrances
of the Spanish inhabitants of Peru, in regard to the new regulations,
before the royal Court of Audience; and at first considerable difference
of sentiment took place in the councils of the remonstrants, as to the
mode in which he should proceed to Lima: whether he should be accompanied
by a body of troops for his defence in case of need, or should go there
merely as a peaceful messenger. At last the former alternative was
resolved on, and for the following reasons, in excuse for taking up arms
against the viceroy. First, that the viceroy had beat up for volunteers at
Lima, under pretence of chastising those who had taken possession of the
artillery. Secondly, that the viceroy conducted himself with the most
inflexible rigour in carrying the regulations into effect, without
listening to the supplications and remonstrances which had been presented
to him, and without waiting for the arrival of the judges of the royal
audience, to whom, not less than to himself, the authority had been
confided for enforcing or suspending the execution of the regulations.
Lastly, because the viceroy had been several times heard to declare that
he would put Gonzalo to death, on account of his participation in the late
civil war, and in the death of Don Diego. Some of the remonstrants were
disposed to place this measure, of escorting the procurator general by an
armed force, upon a more moderate pretext, alleging that it was necessary
for him to travel through a part of the country, in his way to Lima, where
the Inca was in arms, and that it was proper in consequence that Gonzalo
should be enabled to defend himself from the hostility of the natives.
Others talked more openly, saying that the viceroy was a person of an
obstinate and inflexible disposition, who did not confine himself within
the bounds of justice and equity, and against whom it was necessary to
have some other protection than that of the law. Some able persons among
them endeavoured to place their present conduct in a favourable light, by
drawing up a kind of manifesto, in which they endeavoured to demonstrate,
that there was nothing in their present conduct which could be considered
as derogatory to the respect which was due to the royal authority, as
justice allowed every one to repel force by force, and to defend
themselves against unjust oppression, even resisting by violence a judge
who acts unlawfully, and against the essential forms of law and justice.
It was flnally determined therefore, that Gonzalo should raise a body of
troops, and for this purpose many of the inhabitants of Cuzco offered
their persons and properties, declaring themselves ready to hazard their
lives in defence of the common cause. Besides the title of
Procurator-general of Peru, for the purpose of presenting the
supplications and remonstrances of the colonists, Gonzalo was appointed
general of the army which was to defend him against the Inca. As is usual
in such matters, these resolutions were all extended with much formality,
to give a colour of regularity to their proceedings. The remonstrants then
proceeded to levy an army, for the payment of which they took possession
of the royal treasure, and availed themselves of the property belonging to
deceased colonists and some other funds, under pretence of a loan. After
this captain Francisco de Almendras was detached with some troops to take
possession of the defiles of the mountains, on purpose to prevent any
intelligence of their proceedings being conveyed to Lima. In this measure,
they were aided by Paullu, brother to the Inca, who guarded all the
passes on his side by means of his Peruvians, to prevent any one from
carrying intelligence to the low country.
The Cabildo or council of Cuzco sent letters to the Cabildo of la Plata,
representing the prodigous injuries which would accrue to all the
colonists from the execution of the obnoxious regulations, informing them
of the measures which they had resolved upon for averting the ruin of the
colony, and requiring them to approve of and concur in these measures, to
which in fact they were already parties, since captain Diego Centeno,
their deputy, had already consented to them in their name and behalf. They
therefore required their concurrence and assistance, and requested them to
repair immediately to Cuzco with their arms and horses. Gonzalo wrote by
the same conveyance to all the inhabitants of La Plata, soliciting their
individual concurrence and aid. At this time, Luis de Ribera acted in the
city of La Plata as lieutenant to Vaca de Castro, the former governor, and
Antonio Alvarez, another inhabitant of the same place, held the office of
judge ordinary. These men, on hearing of the transactions which had taken
place at Cuzco immediately revoked the commission which had been given to
Centeno as deputy from their city, and sent an answer to the regency of
Cuzco in the name of the whole cabildo of La Plata declaring that they
were resolved to obey the orders of his majesty, although it should cost
them their lives and properties: That their city had always preserved its
loyalty against all who had acted against the royal authority, and they
were resolved to persist in the same line of conduct: That Centeno had
only been authorised to concur in their name to such measures as might
appear conducive to the service of his majesty, the advantage of his
dominions, and the preservation of the natives of the country; and since,
in the election of Gonzalo, and the other measures which had been resolved
upon at Cuzco, they saw no tendency towards those things which had been
confided to Centeno, they could not be implicated in the consent which
Centeno had given beyond his legitimate powers, nor were they to be
considered as bound to ratify what he had done in their name, as every
thing which had been done was contrary to the orders and instructions
which they had given him.
This letter did not contain the universal sentiments of the citizens of La
Plata, in which Gonzalo had several friends, who used their endeavours to
gain over the inhabitants to his side, and to engage them to join his army.
They even endeavoured more than once to kill Ribera and Alvarez, but these
officers used such precautions as to baffle all their attempts. Ribera and
Alvarez waited patiently for receiving the regulations from the viceroy;
but owing to the great distance of their city from Lima, these had not yet
reached them. In the mean time, they commanded all the inhabitants, under
severe penalties, to remain in La Plata; yet several of them left the city
and joined the remonstrants at Cuzco.
The viceroy made his entry with great pomp, in the month of May 1544, into
Lima, where no one dared to speak to him on the subject of suspending the
obnoxious regulations. The magistrates, indeed, had already made their
respectful remonstrances and supplications, alleging substantial reasons
why they ought to be suspended, but all in vain. He engaged indeed, after
the regulations should have been carried into effect, that he would write
to his majesty, representing that it was for the interest of the crown, as
well as for the advantage of the natives of the country, that they should
be revoked; and that those who had drawn them up were certainly ignorant
of the true state of the country, or they could never have advised the
king to establish them. He acknowledged that the regulations were
prejudicial to the royal interest and the good of the country; and he
recommended that deputies should be sent to him from all parts of Peru, in
conjunction with whom he would write to the king what might be proper on
the subject; and that doubtless he would then receive orders calculated to
remedy the apprehended evils: But that he could not of his own authority
suspend the execution of the ordinances, and must continue to act as he
had already done, as his orders left him no choice but absolute obedience
to the royal instructions.
At this time three of the judges of the court of audience, Cepeda Alvarez
and Texada, arrived at Lima, leaving Ortiz, the other judge, sick at
Truxillo. The viceroy issued immediate orders for the inauguration of the
royal Court of Audience; for which purpose all the necessary preparations
were made for the solemn reception of the royal seal, as usual on the
first establishment of this high tribunal. The seal was placed in a rich
casket, carried by a horse superbly caparisoned and covered by housings of
cloth of gold, and led under a canopy of the same splendid materials, held
up by the magistrates of the city dressed in flowing robes of crimson
velvet, in the same ceremony as is used in Spain on the entry of the king
in person into any of the cities. On this occasion, Juan de Leon led the
horse, being appointed to officiate as chancellor, in the place of the
Marquis de Camarasa, president of Cazorla, who then held the seals in
Spain. After this procession, the court of audience was installed, and
proceeded immediately to business; but a subject of dispute soon arose
between the viceroy and the judges, which renewed the dissentions which
had arisen between them even before their arrival in Peru, the explanation
of which requires some detail.
When the viceroy arrived at the _Tambo_ or palace of Guavra[4], where he
waited till he was sure of being received at Lima, he found written on one
of the walls of the _tambo_ to the following effect: "Whoever may
endeavour to deprive me of my house and property, I shall endeavour to
deprive of life." He dissimulated his displeasure at these words for some
time; but being afterwards persuaded that these words had been written by
Antonio de Solar, to whom the district of Guavra belonged, and who he
believed was not well inclined towards him, because he had found the tambo
entirely deserted on his arrival, he sent for Solar a few days after his
reception at Lima. In a private conference, he spoke to Solar concerning
these words which he had seen on the walls of the tambo, and reproached
him likewise for having spoken to him personally with much insolence: Then,
ordering the gates of the palace to be shut, the viceroy sent for one of
his chaplains to confess Solar, declaring his resolution to have him
immediately hanged from one of the pillars of a gallery fronting the great
square of Lima. Solar refused to confess himself, and the dispute
continued so long that news of what was going forwards spread over the
city, on which the archbishop and some other persons of quality came to
the palace and humbly requested the viceroy to defer the execution. At
first he obstinately persisted in his intention; but at last consented to
postpone the execution till next day, and sent Solar to prison loaded with
fetters. On the morrow, the anger of the viceroy was somewhat appeased, so
that he did not renew his orders for hanging Solar, but detained him for
two months in prison and in irons, without any information or process
respecting his crime.
After the installation of the court of audience, the judges went on a
Saturday to visit the prison; and having been informed of the foregoing
circumstances by a judicial note or request presented to them on the
subject, they demanded to see Solar, whom they asked the cause of his
imprisonment; to which he answered that he knew nothing about the matter.
On examination, they found no process against Solar, and the jailor and
registrars were only able to say that the viceroy had given orders for his
imprisonment. On the ensuing Monday, the judges represented to the viceroy
that they had found no process or informations against Solar, and could
only learn as the reason of his imprisonment that it was by his orders;
and consequently, having no documents to instruct the lawfulness of his
detention, they could not in law or equity do otherwise than order him to
be set at liberty. The viceroy said that Solar had been arrested by his
orders, and that he had even been inclined to have hanged him, on account
of the writing on the wall of the tambo, and because of his personal
insolence when there was no witnesses present; believing, by his sole
authority as viceroy, that he had the power of arrest, and even of
ordering him to be hanged, without being under the necessity of giving
them any reasons for his conduct. To this the judges made answer, that his
authority as viceroy could only extend so far as justice and the laws of
the kingdom allowed. As the viceroy and they could not agree on this point,
when they visited the prison on the following Saturday, they ordered Solar
to be liberated, desiring him however to remain under arrest in his own
house; and on a subsequent visitation, they set him entirely at liberty.
The viceroy was much chagrined by this affront, and sought anxiously for
an opportunity of being revenged, for which he thought the following
circumstance gave him a favourable opening. The three judges lodged
separately with some of the richest inhabitants of Lima, who likewise
provided their tables, and furnished every thing that was necessary for
themselves and their servants. At first this was done with the consent of
the viceroy, till such time as they might be able to procure and to
furnish houses for themselves. After the dispute concerning Solar, the
viceroy caused them to be informed, that it did not seem to him consistent
with decorum that they should live at the expence of the citizens, which
would be assuredly displeasing to his majesty, and therefore that they
ought to look out for houses for their accommodation: And that, besides,
he did not approve of their walking about the streets in company with the
merchants and other inhabitants of the city. The judges made answer, that
they had not been able to find any houses for hire, and that they were
under the necessity of waiting till some then building were finished: That
in future they would live at their own charges: but as to walking in the
streets with the inhabitants, it was neither a criminal nor a forbidden
conduct, nor in any way improper; as even in Spain the members of the
royal council, or of any other tribunal, were in use to do the same, which
was even useful, as in that way the merchants had an opportunity of
informing or reminding them of their affairs. The viceroy and the judges
were always upon bad terms, and their misunderstanding broke out into
disputes on every occasion. It is said that at one time the licentiate
Alvarez, one of the judges, preferred an oath to a procurator or attorney,
respecting a bribe which he had given to Alvarez de Cueto, brother-in-law
to the viceroy, for his interest to obtain the appointment. By this
procedure of Alvarez, the viceroy is said to have been greatly offended.
During all this time, the passes of the mountains leading towards Cuzco
had been so well guarded by the Spaniards and Peruvians appointed for that
purpose, that no intelligence could be had at Lima of what was going on
among the remonstrants. It was only known that Gonzalo Pizarro had gone to
Cuzco, and that all those who had withdrawn from Lima and other places in
the plain had repaired to the same place in expectation of a civil war.
The viceroy and judges of the royal audience issued their joint
proclamation, ordering, in the name of the king, all the inhabitants of
Cuzco, and the other cities of Peru, to recognize and submit to Blasco
Nunnez as viceroy, and to repair with their arms and horses to Lima to
offer their services. Most of these proclamations were lost by the way;
but that which was sent to La Plata was more fortunate, and, by virtue of
its authority, Luis de Ribera, Antonio Alvarez, and the other magistrates
and officers of that city, proclaimed Blasco Nunnez with much ceremony and
great rejoicings: And, in testimony of their submission to his authority,
they equipped twenty-five horsemen, being all the city could spare, who
were sent to join the viceroy under the command of Captain Luis de Ribera.
Lest Gonzalo might cut off their passage and arrest them on their march,
Ribera made his way towards Lima by a desert and unfrequented road.
Some even of the inhabitants of Cuzco got copies of the proclamation, in
consequence of which several of them repaired secretly to Lima to offer
their services to the viceroy, as will be more particularly specified in
the sequel. By their means the viceroy became acquainted with the
transactions at Cuzco, on which account he found himself under the
necessity of using every effort to increase his forces by means of
additional levies; for which purpose he fortunately possessed ample funds,
as Vaca de Castro had embarked upwards of 100,000 crowns which he had
drawn from Cuzco to transmit to the king, which the viceroy took
possession of and employed for the equipment and pay of his troops. He
appointed Don Alfonso de Montemayor and Diego Alvarez de Cuero, who was
his own brother-in-law, captains of horse; Martin de Robles and Paul de
Menezes captains of foot; and Gonzalo Diaz de Pignera captain of
musqueteers. Vela Nunnez, his own brother, was made captain-general of the
troops. Diego de Urbina maestre de campo, or major general, and Juan de
Aguire serjeant-major, or adjutant general. Without including the citizens,
his army amounted to 600 men; of whom 100 were cavalry, 200 musqueteers,
and the remaining 300 armed with pikes. On purpose to arm these soldiers,
he caused a considerable number of musquets to be made, some of which were
of iron, and others of cast metal, which he procured by melting down some
of the bells belonging to the great church.
Besides frequently exercising his troops to perfect them in their
discipline, he occasionally caused false alarms to be given that he might
ascertain their disposition towards him, as it was much suspected that the
majority were by no means hearty in the cause. Having some suspicion of
Vaca de Castro, the former governor, whom he had lately allowed to be a
prisoner at large on parole not to leave the city, and believing that he
had some secret intelligence with his former friends and dependents, the
viceroy ordered a false alarm one day about noon, reporting that Gonzalo
was near at hand; and when the troops were all assembled in the great
square, he sent his brother-in-law, Diego Alvarez de Cueto to arrest Vaca
de Castro. At the same time he arrested Don Pedro de Cabrera, Hernan Mexia
de Gusman, Lorenco de Aldana, Melchior Ramirez, and Baltazar Ramirez his
brother-in-law, all of whom he sent prisoners on board a ship comanded by
Jeronimo de Zurbano. A few days afterwards, he set Lorenco de Aldana at
liberty, and sent off Cabrera and Mexia to Panama, and the two Ramirez to
Nicaragua. Vaca de Castro remained prisoner in the ship, neither he nor
any of the rest being informed of what they were accused, nor were any
informations or law-processes made respecting them. While these civil
discords were going on, two ships loaded with merchandise arrived at the
port belonging to Arequipa[5], both of which were purchased by Gonzalo
Pizarro, with the intention of employing them to transport his artillery,
and for getting possession of the harbour of Lima, and seizing the ships
belonging to the viceroy, believing that whoever was master of the sea
along the coast of Peru must command the country, by having it in his
power to land in any unguarded place and to do all the mischief he pleased,
on account of the prodigious extent of coast. By commanding at sea, he
would likewise have been enabled to procure arms and horses from the
vessels which are in use to bring these to Peru, and would have it in his
power to stop all vessels coming there from Spain with merchandise or
other supplies. On learning that Gonzalo had purchased these two vessels,
and the purpose for which he destined them, the viceroy was a good deal
distressed, fearing they might occasion considerable detriment to his
affairs, as he had no means of opposing two ships so well provided with
artillery; yet he took the best measures in his power to prepare for his
defence. He equipped, therefore, one of the vessels in the port of Lima,
which he armed with eight brass cannon and some others of iron, with
several musquets and cross-bows, appointing Jeronimo de Zurbano to the
command, with orders to make the best resistance he could against the
ships of Gonzalo. Fortunately these preparations became unnecessary; for
the captains Alfonso de la Cacares and Jeronimo de la Cerna, who dwelt in
Arequipa, went secretly by night on board the two ships which Gonzalo had
purchased, and which remained waiting for their artillery, and by large
bribes to the masters and mariners got possession of them for the viceroy;
then, abandoning their houses lands and Indians, they immediately set sail
for Lima. On their arrival off the harbour of Callao, the viceroy got
notice of their approach from some centinels who were stationed in a
neighbouring island, and having no doubt that they were enemies, he
immediately set out from Lima at the head of a body of cavalry. In the
meantime, Zerbana discharged his artillery against the two ships, which
immediately lowered their sails in token of peace, and sent some of their
people on shore in a boat to surrender the ships to the viceroy. This
circumstance gave much satisfaction to the viceroy and all the inhabitants
of Lima, as it relieved them from a danger of which they were in great
fear.
While these things were going on, Gonzalo Pizarro levied troops at Cuzco,
which he carefully armed and disciplined, and made every necessary
preparation for war. He assembled a body of 500 men, of which he appointed
Alfonso de Toro major-general, retaining the chief command in person. He
divided his cavalry into two troops, one of which he gave the command of
to Don Pedro de Porto-Carrero, placing himself at the head of the other.
Gumiel, and the bachelor Juan Belez de Guevera, were appointed captains of
two companies of pikemen; and Captain Pedro Cermeno had the command of the
musqueteers. He had three standards, one having the royal arms, which was
given to Porto Carrero; a second having the arms of Cuzco was confided to
Antonio de Altamirano, alcalde of Cuzco, whom he afterwards beheaded as
inclined to the royal interests: the third, bearing his own arms, was
carried by his ensign; but was afterwards given to Captain Pedro de
Puelles. Ferdinand Bachicao was made commander of the artillery,
consisting of twenty excellent field-pieces, with a plentiful supply of
powder, balls, and every other necessary for their service.
Gonzalo endeavoured to secure the troops in his interest, covering his
designs and endeavouring to justify his criminal enterprize by the most
specious pretexts. Having assembled his army he made a long harangue to
the soldiers, in which he represented, "That he and his brothers, as was
well known to to them all, had discovered the kingdom of Peru, which they
had reduced under the dominion of the king at their own proper charges,
and had already remitted very large sums in gold and silver to his majesty;
yet, after the death of the marquis, the king had not conferred the
government of the country, either on the son of the marquis, or on him who
now addressed them, as ought to have been done in conformity with the
promises and agreements which had been made at the first discovery, but
had even sent a cruel and inflexible person at this time to strip all of
them of their property, as it was quite obvious that every person in Peru
came under the scope of the obnoxious regulations. Blasco Nunnez Vaca, to
whom the execution of these fatal regulations was confided, caused them to
be put in force with the utmost rigour, not only refusing to listen to
remonstrances and petitions the most respectful, but treating every one
harshly who presumed to offer the most humble representations against
their execution; of all which, and many other things of a like nature,
every one who heard him were able to testify. Besides which, it was
publickly given out, that the viceroy had orders to cut off his head;
although it was well known to them all that he had not only never done any
thing contrary to the service of the king, but had always conducted
himself with the most zealous loyalty. For all these reasons, and by the
consent and appointment of the city of Cuzco, he had resolved to go to
Lima, to make a representation of their grievances to the royal audience,
and humbly to supplicate a suspension of the ruinous regulations, that
time might be given for sending deputies to the king in the name and on
behalf of the whole kingdom of Peru, to inform his majesty of the true
state of affairs, and of what seemed necessary to be done in the present
conjuncture; having no doubt, when his majesty was truly informed, that he
would devise a suitable remedy. If however, after using their utmost
efforts, his majesty should still think proper to enforce the regulations,
he and all with whom he acted would then obey the royal orders with the
most entire and unreserved submission. His own journey and compearance
before the viceroy, considering the menaces of that officer and the troops
which he had levied, were obviously attended with the utmost danger to
himself and all who should accompany him, unless he and they should be in
a situation to defend themselves from lawless violence. For this reason it
had been deemed indispensably necessary that he and the other deputies
should be accompanied by a body of troops, which they had not the most
distant intentions of employing to injure any person, unless they were
attacked. He entreated them, therefore, to accompany him in his journey to
Lima, and to observe during their march the strictest and most vigilant
discipline, and that they might be assured, he, and those other gentleman
who acted along with him, would reward them liberally for their toil and
bravery, in enabling them to act with effect for preserving the properties
of all from ruin."
By this specious discourse, in which Gonzalo endeavoured to persuade his
troops that his cause was just and his intentions pure, a considerable
effect was produced, and his soldiers unanimously declared their
determination to follow and defend him at the risk of their lives. He then
marched out from Cuzco, accompanied by all the inhabitants of that city;
and having put his troops in proper order, he gave permission that same
evening to several of the citizens, as had been previously concerted
between them, to return on purpose to prepare for the journey. Next
morning early, twenty-five of the most eminent citizens, who had first
given their assent to the supplications against the obnoxious regulations,
considering that the steps which were now taking were criminal and
rebellious, and dreading the injurious consequences which they would
necessarily produce in Peru, came to the resolution of abandoning the
party of Gonzalo and offering their services to the viceroy. They
immediately set about executing this design, and went by long journeys
through unfrequented ways in the deserts and mountains, lest Gonzalo might
order them to be pursued, which he actually did. The principal persons in
this defection were Gabriel de Roias, and Gomez de Roias his nephew,
Garcilasso de la Vega, Pedro del Barco, Martin de Florencia, Jeronimo de
Soria, Juan de Saavedra, Jeronimo Costilla, Gomez de Leon, Luis de Leon,
and Pedro Manjares[6]. On setting out from Cuzco, they carried with them
the orders they had received from the royal audience, by which they were
enjoined to compear at Lima to submit to the authority of the viceroy.
When Gonzalo was informed of this notable defection from his cause, by
which all his troops seemed very considerably disconcerted, he was almost
in the mind to have abandoned his enterprize, and to withdraw into the
district of Charcas with about fifty horsemen of his most attached friends,
to fortify himself there as well as he could; but after mature reflection,
he considered it as less dangerous to follow his first intentions, and to
continue the march for Lima. Having taken this resolution, he endeavoured
to encourage his troops, by telling them that the deserters were assuredly
ill-informed of the true state of affairs at Lima, as he had letters from
the principal inhabitants of that city, assuring him that, with fifty
horsemen only, he might easily bring his enterprize to a happy conclusion,
and without incurring the smallest danger, as all the colonists
entertained the same sentiments with him, and only needed his countenance
and direction to declare themselves. He continued his march accordingly,
but very slowly and with infinite difficulty, on account of the extreme
labour which was requisite for bringing forward his artillery. All the
cannon and warlike stores had to be carried on the shoulders of Indians,
by means of levers or long spars, for which purpose the guns were taken
off from their carriages, and it required twelve Indians to each gun, who
were hardly able to go above a hundred paces under their load, when they
were relieved by an equal number. On this account, 300 Indians were
assigned to each gun, so that the artillery alone, with its ammunition and
stores, required above 6000 Indians to conduct it over the mountains.
Several gentlemen and other persons of consideration who accompanied
Gonzalo, began to repent of being engaged in the enterprize. They had
concurred with the rest at the beginning, in the propriety of
remonstrating against the execution of the obnoxious regulations, and had
even offered to risk their lives and fortunes in that measure; but on
seeing the turn which affairs had taken, and that Gonzalo gradually
assumed an authority to which he had no pretensions, they wished sincerely
to get away from the engagements into which they had entered. Before
leaving Cuzco, Gonzalo had seized the treasure belonging to the crown, not
only without the consent and authority of the magistrates, but contrary to
their advice and desire. They were anxiously desirous, therefore, of
retracing the dangerous and criminal steps which they had taken, and the
rather because they already believed that it would be unsuccessful.
Gaspard Rodriguez De Campo-rondo, the brother of the deceased Captain
Pedro Anzurez, and who had succeeded to the management of his estate and
Indians, was the leader of these persons who wished to return to their
duty. He and the rest concerted with each other how they might best
abandon Gonzalo and join the viceroy; but they were somewhat afraid of
trusting implicitly to Blasco Nunnez, in consideration of the extreme
severity of his character, fearing that he might punish them for the share
they had taken hitherto in the insurrection, notwithstanding of this their
intended tardy abandonment of Gonzalo. For this reason they resolved to
take effectual measures for securing an indemnity, and sent off, by a
secret and unfrequented road, letters for the viceroy and the audience, in
charge of a priest named Baltasar de Loaysa, by which they craved pardon
for the past and a safe conduct for their compearance at Lima; adding,
that, as they held some rank in the insurgent army, being captains under
Gonzalo, all their friends and dependents might be expected to follow
their example, by which in all probability the army of Gonzalo would fall
to pieces of itself. Besides Rodriguez, Philip Gutierez, Arias Maldonado,
Pedro de Vila-Castin, and others to the number of twenty-five, concurred
in this plan of abandoning Gonzalo.
Loaysa went in all haste to Lima, and, for the better concealment, he
avoided uniting himself with Gabriel de Roias and the others who had
formerly set out from Cuzco to join the viceroy. On his arrival at Lima,
he immediately delivered his dispatches to the viceroy and the audience,
and received without delay the safe conduct which his employers required.
The news of this affair was soon spread over Lima, in which many of the
inhabitants and others secretly wished well to the party of Gonzalo, as
conformable to their own interest; and they were therefore a good deal
mortified at the defection among the insurgents, which they supposed would
soon occasion the army of Gonzalo to disperse; after which, the viceroy
would assuredly carry the regulations into execution with the utmost
rigour, when there was no one to oppose him.
At the time when the viceroy was received at Lima, Pedro de Puelles, who
was lieutenant of Guanuco under Vaca de Castro, came among the first to
pay his compliments and to tender submission to his authority. As he had
resided long in Peru, and had great experience in the affairs of that
country, the viceroy gave him a new commission, by which he was confirmed
in the lieutenancy of Guanuco, to which city he was sent back, with orders
to hold the inhabitants in readiness to take the field with their horses
and arms in case of need. Puelles not only prepared the people of his
government for taking the field, but even retained in his pay some
soldiers who had come from the province of Chachapoyas along with Gomez de
Soliz and Bonefaz. Thinking it necessary to strengthen his army as much as
possible to oppose Gonzalo, who was now marching towards Lima, the viceroy
sent Jeronimo de Villegas with a letter commanding Puelles to join him
without delay with all his force. On the arrival of Villegas at Guanuco,
he and Puelles consulted together on the state of affairs, and concluded
that if they should join the viceroy they would give a decided superiority
to his side; and after the defeat of Gonzalo, having no one to oppose him,
the viceroy would then cause the regulations to be enforced in their
utmost rigour, by which the whole colonists of Peru would suffer extreme
injury; as by depriving them of their Indians, not only the burgesses to
whom they belonged would be reduced to poverty, but even the soldiers
would be materially injured, as the burgesses would be no longer in
condition to furnish subsistence to the troops as now. They came to the
resolution therefore to join the party of Gonzalo, and set out immediately
in search of his army for that purpose.
[1] The author of this history.--E.
[2] About that distance to the north of Lima is the town of _Huaura_,
which is probably the place indicated in the text, as in many names of
places in Peru the initial syllable _Gua_ or _Hua_, are
interchangeably used by different authors.--E.
[3] Zarate is exceedingly negligent in regard to dates. We learn from the
history of America, II. 370, that the present occurrences took place
in 1544.--E.
[4] It has been already mentioned in a former note, that this is probably
a different orthography for Huaura, a place about 70 miles to the N.N.
W. of Lima.--E.
[5] Arequipa is a considerable way from the coast, on which there are
several harbours, thirty or forty miles distant.--E.
[6] Garcilasso de la Vega differs somewhat in the names of one or two of
these leading men who deserted from Gonzalo, and enumerates a
considerable number more, among whom he names one Pedro Pizarro,
saying they were in all about forty, with many of whom he was
personally acquainted.--E.
END OF VOLUME FOURTH.
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