A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. IV.
by
Robert Kerr
Part 8 out of 10
fifty to seventy-five pounds.--E.
[9] It was now towards the close of 1527, the third year from the first
departure of Pizarro from Panama.--Robertsons America, II. 281.
[10] Robertson, II. 284. gives a different account of these four relations
of Francisco Pizarro from Zarate. According to him, Ferdinand was the
only lawful son of old Gonzalo Pizarro; Francisco, Juan, and the
younger Gonzalo being all natural sons; and Francisco de Alcantara was
the uncle of Don Francisco, being the brother of his mother. In the
sequel, the conqueror of Peru shall be always mentioned by the single
name of Pizarro, distinguishing his brothers by the addition of their
Christian names. While in Spain, Pizarro received a supply of money
from Cortes, under whom he had served in the early part of the
conquest of Mexico.--E.
[11] His commission from the crown of Spain, imposed the condition of
raising 250 men, and to supply the ships and warlike stores necessary
for the expedition; but his funds and credit were so low that he could
hardly complete half the number, and had to steal away from the port
of Seville to elude the examination of the officers as to the
fulfilment of his contract.--Robertsons America, II. 284.
[12] It is impossible to give any competent geographical account of this
extensive country in the compass of a note. Proper Peru begins at the
river Tumbez in the gulf of Guayaquil, in about lat. 3 deg. 20' S. and
extends S.S.E. along the Pacific Ocean to the desert of Atacama, which
divides it from Chili, in lat. 21 deg. 28 S. an extent of about 1200 miles;
consisting of two remarkably different tracts of country. A narrow
valley along the Pacific Ocean, seldom so much as 70 miles in breadth,
bounded on the east by the enormous main ridge of the Andes; beyond
which are many elevated vallies or table lands of various extent,
divided by collateral ridges and branches of the Andes, from each
other and from the prodigiously extensive plains of the vast Orinoco
Maranon and La Plata rivers. Quito, which had been annexed to the
kingdom of Peru, only a short time before the Spanish conquest, is
similarly situated, both as to maritime vale, and elevated table land,
immediately to the north of Peru proper, and seems to have reached
from lat. 3 deg. 20' S. to about lat, 1 deg. N. but is now included in the
viceroyalty of New Granada which reaches to the Carribbean sea, with
which it is connected by the river Magdalena.--E.
[13] The substance of this description appears to refer entirely to that
province of the kingdom of Quito which is named Esmeraldas or Tacamez,
on both sides of the equator.--E.
[14] Various reasons have been assigned for the origin of the word Peru,
as the name of the empire of the Incas, unknown to themselves, at
least in that sense. The most probable derivation is from the river
_Piura_, near its northern frontier, where it was first visited by
Pizarro.--E.
[15] This circumstance is unintelligible, as the bones could not shrink,
unless by supposing these _human heads_ to have been the heads of
small apes, resembling human faces. The expression of the text,
immediately before, of human carcasses hung up _in the form of
crosses_, ought perhaps to have been rendered _instead of_ crosses.--E.
[16] A good deal more is said of these giants, both by Zarate and
Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 363, but so vague and absurd as not to be
worth insertion. The whole story seems to have arisen out of the
colossal representation of a man and woman at Puerto viejo.--E.
[17] This is merely a repetition of the _big bones_ of Mexico and the Ohio,
already referred to the Mammoth, or animal ignotum.--E.
[18] Puna is in the bay of Guayaquil, in lat. 3 deg. S. and is near _thirty_
leagues in circumference, being about _ten_ leagues long by five in
breadth.--E.
[19] The estimate in the text is exceedingly erroneous. The city of Parto
is in lat. 1 deg. 12' N. and the Rio de Loa, or commencement of the desert
of Atacama, in lat. 21 deg. 26' S. which give only a difference of nearly
25 degrees of latitude, which at 17-1/2 Spanish leagues to the degree
are only 438 leagues. Even supposing the text to include Chili, which
extends to 39 deg. 21' S. the whole extent of Peru and Chili is only 753
Spanish leagues.--E.
[20] This is only to be understood of the period when Zarate wrote, about
the middle of the sixteenth century, or two hundred and fifty years
ago. The first town he enumerates, Puerto Viejo, is now in the
viceroyalty of New Granada.--E.
[21] The wool-bearing animals of Peru, improperly named sheep, are one or
other of the species of camel already mentioned in a former note.--E.
[22] Instead of _four_ degrees, Quito is only the _fourth_ part of a
degree beyond the line.--E.
[23] Bracamoras, or Jaen de Bracamoras, in lat. 5 deg. 30' S. is in the
district or province of Jaen in the kingdom of New Granada, on one of
the branches of the Lauricocha or Tanguragua, which is one of the
great rivers which contribute to form the vast Maranon, or river of
the Amazons.--E.
[24] No place of that name is now found in our best maps. The principal
town of the district of Chachapoyas has the same name, otherwise
called St Juan de la Frontera.--E.
[25] Not far to the south of San Leon de Guanuco, in the mountains of
Lauricocha, there are considerable silver mines.--E.
[26] No such place is now found on our maps in the province of Guamanga;
but the ruins of a town named Vittoria are marked in the district of
Calca, about fifty miles north-west from the city of Cuzco. Perhaps
the Vittoria of the text is the town now called Guamanga.--E.
[27] Probably the country of the people now called _Chunchos_, who are
implacable enemies to the Spaniards.--E.
[28] Probably the province now called _Chicas_ on the eastern side of the
Andes, occupying the head of the river Chirivionas which joins the
Paraguay or Rio Plata.--E.
[29] Off the mouth of the river Lurin, in lat. 12 deg. 26' S. is the island of
Pachacamac, probably indicating the situation of the ancient province
of that name.--E.
[30] The first of the Incas is named by Robertson, II. 290. and III. 47.
Manco Capac.--E.
[31] By Zarate this Inca is named Guaynacava, but the more general name
used by Garcilasso de la Vega and other Spanish writers, and from them
by the illustrious Robertson, is adopted in this translation.--E.
[32] Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 65, describes the bridge over the Apurimac
not far from Cuzco, as about two hundred paces in length. He says that
its floor consisted of three great cables as thick as the body of a
man; having another cable on each side, a little raised, to serve as
rails. The two hundred toises or four hundred yards of the text seem
an exaggeration; perhaps a mistake of the French translator.--E.
[33] This prince is called Atabaliba by Zarate, and Atabalipa by some
other writers, but we have chosen to follow the illustrious historian
of America in naming him Atahualpa.--E.
[34] These names are not to be found in our best modern maps of Peru: but
some other names not unlike, as Mayobamba, Chachapoyas, Partas, and
Caxamarca, are in the present bishopric of Truxillo, the most northern
in Peru proper, and therefore likely to have been the seat of war
against the revolters in Quito.--E.
[35] The whole of this appendix to the first section is an addition to
Zarate, extracted from Garcilasso de la Vega and Robertson; which,
being too long for a note, has been placed in the text. The
introductory part of this deduction is from the History of America,
Vol. II p. 289. The list of kings is from Garcilasso, whose
disarranged work is too confused for quotation.--E.
[36] By some authors an Inca Roca is here interposed, who was deposed
after a reign of eleven days.--E.
SECTION II.
_Transactions of Pizarro and the Spaniards in Peru, from the commencement
of the Conquest, till the departure of Almagro for the Discovery of Chili_.
After the return of Don Francisco Pizarro from Spain to Panama, he made
every preparation in his power for the conquest of Peru, in which he was
not seconded with the same spirit as formerly by his companion Almagro, by
which their affairs were considerably retarded, as Almagro was the richer
man and had greater credit among the settlers. Diego Almagro, as formerly
mentioned, was much dissatisfied with Pizarro for having neglected his
interest in his applications to his majesty; but at length became pacified
by his apologies and promises, and their friendship was renewed; yet
Almagro could never be thoroughly reconciled to the brothers of Pizarro,
more especially Ferdinand, against whom he had a rooted dislike. Owing to
these disputes a considerable time elapsed; but at length Ferdinand Ponce
de Leon[1] fitted out a ship which belonged to him, in which Don Francisco
Pizarro embarked with all the soldiers he could procure, which were very
few in number, as the people in Panama were much discouraged by the great
difficulties and hardships which had been suffered in the former attempt,
and the poor success which had then been met with[2]. Pizarro set sail
about the commencement of the year 1531; and in consequence of contrary
winds was obliged to land on the coast of Peru a hundred leagues more to
the north than he intended[3]; by which means he was reduced to the
necessity of making a long and painful march down the coast, where he and
his troops suffered great hardships from scarcity of provisions, and by
the extreme difficulty of crossing the different rivers which intersected
their line of march, all of which they had to pass near their mouths,
where they are wide and deep, insomuch that both men and horses had often
to pass them by swimming. The courage and address of Pizarro was
conspicuous amidst these difficulties, by encouraging the soldiers, and
frequently exposing himself to danger for their relief, even assisting
those who were unable to swim. They arrived at length at a place named
_Coaque_[4] on the sea side, which was well peopled, and where they
procured abundance of provisions to refresh and restore them after the
hardships and privations they had undergone. From that place, Pizarro sent
back one of his vessels to Panama, and the other to Nicaragua, sending by
them above 30,000 _castillanas_[5] of gold, which he had seized at Coaque,
to encourage fresh adventurers to join him, by giving a specimen of the
riches of the country. At Coaque the Spaniards found some excellent
emeralds, as this country being under the line, is the only place where
such precious stones are to be had. Several of these were destroyed by the
Spaniards, who broke them in order to examine their nature; as they were
so ignorant as to believe that good emeralds ought to bear the hammer
without breaking, like diamonds. Believing therefore that the Indians
might impose false stones upon them, they broke many of great value
through their ignorance. The Spaniards were here afflicted by a singular
disease, formerly mentioned, which produced a dangerous kind of warts or
wens on their heads faces and other parts of their body, extremely sore
and loathsome, of which some of the soldiers died, but most of them
recovered, though almost every one was less or more affected.
Leaving Coaque on account of this strange disease, which Pizarro
attributed to the malignity of the air, he marched on to that province or
district in which _Puerto Viejo_ now stands, and easily reduced all the
surrounding country to subjection. The captains Sebastian Benalcazar and
Juan Fernandez joined him at this place, with a small reinforcement of
horse and foot, which they brought from Nicaragua[6].
Having reduced the province of Puerto Viejo to subjection, Pizarro
proceeded with all his troops to the harbour of _Tumbez_, whence he
determined to pass over into the island of Puna, which is opposite to that
port. For this purpose he caused a number of flats or rafts to be
constructed after the manner of the Peruvians, formerly mentioned, to
transport his men and horses to the island, which is above twenty miles
from the river of Tumbez. The Spaniards were in imminent danger in this
passage, as the Indians who guided their floats had resolved to cut the
cords by which their planks were held together, on purpose to drown the
men and horses; but as Pizarro had some suspicion or intimation of their
secret intentions, he ordered all his people to be on their guard,
constantly sword in hand, and to keep a watchful eye on the Indians. On
arriving in the island, the inhabitants received them courteously and
requested that there might be peace between them; yet it was soon known
that they had concealed their warriors in ambush, with the intention of
massacring the Spaniards during the night. When Pizarro was informed of
this treachery, he attacked and defeated the Indians, and took the
principal cacique of the island; and next morning made himself master of
the enemies camp, which was defended by a considerable body of warriors.
Learning that another body of the islanders had attacked the flat vessels
or rafts in which they had come over, Pizarro and his brothers went in all
haste to assist the Spanish guard which had the care of them, and drove
away the enemy with considerable slaughter. In these engagements two or
three of the Spaniards were killed, and several wounded, among whom was
Gonzalo Pizarro, who received a dangerous hurt on the knee.
Soon after this action, Hernando de Soto arrived from Nicaragua with a
considerable reinforcement of foot and horse. But finding it difficult to
subdue the islanders effectually, as they kept their canoes concealed
among the mangrove trees which grow in the water, Pizarro resolved to
return to Tumbez; more especially as the air of Puna is unwholesome from
its extreme heat, and the marshy nature of its shores. For this reason he
divided all the gold which had been collected in the island, and abandoned
the place. In this island of Puna, the Spaniards found above six hundred
prisoners, men and women, belonging to the district of Tumbez, among whom
was one of the principal nobles of that place. On the 16th May 1532,
Pizarro set all these people at liberty, and supplied them with barks or
floats to carry them home to Tumbez; sending likewise in one of these
barks along with the liberated Indians, three Spaniards to announce his
own speedy arrival. The Indians of Tumbez repaid this great favour with
the blackest ingratitude, as immediately on their arrival, they sacrificed
these three Spaniards to their abominable idols. Hernando de Soto made a
narrow escape from meeting with the same fate: He was embarked on one of
these floats, with a single servant, along with some of the Indians, and
had already entered the river of Tumbez, when he was seen by Diego de
Aguero and Roderick Lozan, who had already landed, and who made him stop
the float and land beside them; otherwise, if he had been carried up to
Tumbez, he would certainly have been put to death.
From the foregoing treachery of the inhabitants of Tumbez, it may readily
be supposed that they were by no means disposed to furnish barks for the
disembarkation of the Spanish troops and horses; so that on the first
evening, only the Governor Don Francisco Pizarro, with his brothers
Ferdinand and Juan, the bishop Don Vincente de Valverde, captain de Soto,
and the other two Spaniards already mentioned, Aguero and Lozan, were able
to land. These gentlemen had to pass the whole night on horseback entirely
wet, as the sea was very rough, and they had no Indians to guide their
bark, which the Spaniards did not know how to manage, so that it overset
while they were endeavouring to land. In the morning, Ferdinand Pizarro
remained on the shore to direct the landing of the troops, while the
governor and the others who had landed rode more than two leagues into the
country without being able to find a single Indian, as all the natives had
armed themselves and retired to the small hills in the neighbourhood. On
returning towards the coast, he met the captains Mina and Salcedo, who had
rode to meet him with several of the cavalry which had disembarked. He
returned with them to Tumbez, where he encamped with all the troops he was
able to collect.
Soon afterwards, Captain Benalcazar arrived with the rest of the troops
from the island of Puna, where he had been obliged to remain till the
return of the vessels, as there was not enough of shipping to contain the
whole at once. While he waited for the vessels, he had to defend himself
from continual attacks of the islanders; but now rejoined the governor
with very little loss. Pizarro remained above twenty days at Tumbez,
during which time he used every endeavour to persuade the cacique to enter
into terms of peace, by sending him repeated messages to that effect, but
all to no purpose. On the contrary, the natives did every injury in their
power to our people, and especially to the servants and others who went
out into the country in search of provisions; while the Spaniards were
unable to retaliate, as the Indians kept always on the opposite side of
the river. The governor caused three barks or floats to be brought up
secretly from the coast, in which he crossed the river during the night,
with his brothers Juan and Gonzalo, and the Captains Benalcazar and Soto,
with above fifty horsemen. With these he made a very fatiguing march
before day, as the road was very difficult and uneven, and full of knolls
overgrown with brambles and bushes. About day break he came unexpectedly
to the Indian camp, which he immediately attacked and carried, putting
many of the natives to the sword; and for fifteen days he pursued them
into all their haunts, making a cruel war upon them with fire and sword,
in revenge for the three Spaniards whom they had sacrificed. At length,
the principal cacique of Tumbez sued for peace, and made some presents of
gold and silver in token of submission.
Having thus reduced the province of Tumbez, Pizarro left a part of his
troops there under the charge of Antonio de Navarre and Alonso Requelme,
the former of whom was Contador or comptroller of accounts, and the latter
treasurer, both in the service of his majesty. Taking along with himself
the greater part of his troops, he went forwards to the river _Poechos_[7],
thirty leagues to the southward of Tumbez, in which march, as the caciques
and inhabitants received him peaceably, he conducted himself in a friendly
manner to the natives. Passing beyond the before mentioned river, he came
to the bay of Payta, which is the best on all that coast; whence he
detached de Soto to reduce the caciques inhabiting the banks of the river
Amatape or Chira, in which he succeeded after a slight resistance, all the
caciques and natives submitting and demanding peace.
While at this place, Pizarro received a message from Cuzco by certain
envoys sent by Huascar, informing him of the revolt of his brother
Atahualpa, and requesting his assistance to establish him, as the lawful
sovereign, in his just rights[8]. On the receipt of this message, Pizarro
determined to take advantage of the divisions in Peru. He sent therefore
his brother Ferdinand to Tumbez to bring the troops from thence; and
established a colony at San Miguel in the district of Tangarara, near the
sea on the river Chira[9], as a port in which to receive vessels coming
with reinforcements from Panama. Having placed a garrison in St Miguel,
and made a division of all the gold and silver which had been procured
since leaving Puna, the governor marched with the rest of his army for the
province of Caxamarca, in which he was informed that Atahualpa then
was[10].
On this march towards Caxamarca, the Spaniards suffered intolerably, while
passing through the dry and burning sandy desert of Sechura, where for
above fifty miles they could not find any water to drink, or a single tree
to shelter them from the sun. This desert reaches from San Miguel or the
river Piura to the province of Motupe, in which latter they found some
well peopled vallies full of verdure, and were supplied with abundance of
provisions and refreshments to restore them after the fatigues and
privations they had suffered in the desert. Marching from thence by way of
the mountain towards Caxamarca, Pizarro was met by an envoy from Atahualpa,
bringing presents from that prince, among which were painted slippers and
golden bracelets. This messenger informed the governor, that, when he
appeared before Atahualpa, he must wear these slippers and bracelets, that
the prince might know who he was[11]. Pizarro received this envoy with
much kindness, and promised to do every thing that had been required on
the part of Atahualpa; desiring the envoy to inform his sovereign that he
might be assured of receiving no injury from him or the Spaniards, on
condition that the Peruvians treated them with peace and friendship; as he
had it in orders from the king his master, who had sent him to this
country, to do no harm to any one without just cause.
On the departure of the Peruvian envoy, Pizarro continued his march with
great precaution, being uncertain whither the Indians might not attack him
during the passage of the mountains, in one part of which he had to pass
through an almost inaccessible narrow defile, where a few resolute men
might have destroyed his whole party. On his arrival at Caxamarca, he
found another messenger from Atahualpa, who desired that he would not
presume to take up his quarters in that place until he received permission
for the purpose. Pizarro made no answer to this message, but immediately
took up his quarters in a large court, on one side of which there was a
house or palace of the Inca, and on the other side a temple of the sun,
the whole being surrounded, by a strong wall or rampart of earth. When he
had posted his troops in this advantageous situation, he sent captain Soto
at the head of twenty horsemen to the camp of Atahualpa, which was at the
distance of a league from Caxamarca, with orders to announce his arrival.
On coming towards the presence of Atahualpa, Soto pushed his horse into a
full career, making him prance and curvet to the great terror of many of
the Peruvians, who ran away in a prodigious fright. Atahualpa was so much
displeased at his subjects for their cowardice, that he ordered all who
had run away from the horse to be immediately put to death.
After Soto had delivered his message, Atahualpa declined giving any direct
answer, not choosing to address his discourse immediately to Soto: He
spoke first to one of his attendant chiefs, who communicated what the king
had said to the interpreter, after which the interpreter explained what
had been said to Soto. While this circuitous conversation was going on,
Ferdinand Pizarro arrived with some more horsemen, and addressed Atahualpa
in the name of his brother, to the following effect. "That his brother the
general had been sent to wait upon Atahualpa by his sovereign Don Carlos
with an offer of friendship and alliance, and wished therefore to have an
audience of his majesty, that he might communicate what had been given to
him in charge by the king of Spain." To this Atahualpa replied; "That he
accepted with pleasure the offer of friendship from the general, provided
he would restore to his subjects all the gold and silver he had taken from
them, and would immediately quit the country; and that on purpose to
settle an amicable arrangement, he meant next day to visit the Spanish
general in the palace of Caxamarca."
After visiting the Peruvian camp, which had the appearance of an immense
city, from the prodigious multitude of tents and the vast numbers of men
which it contained, Ferdinand Pizarro returned to his brother, to whom he
gave a faithful account of every thing he had seen, and of the words of
Atahualpa. The answer of that prince gave some considerable uneasiness to
Pizarro, as having rather a menacing appearance, more especially
considering that the army of the Peruvians outnumbered his own small force
in the proportion of one or two hundred to one. Yet as the general and
most of those who were with him were men of bold and determined resolution,
they encouraged each other during the night to act like men of courage and
honour, trusting to the assistance of God in the discharge of their duty.
They passed the whole night under arms, keeping strict watch round their
quarters, and in complete readiness for whatever might befal.
Early in the morning of the 16th November 1532, Pizarro drew up his small
body of men in regular order. Dividing his cavalry into three bodies,
under the command of his three brothers, Ferdinand, Juan, and Gonzalo,
assisted by the Captains Soto and Benalcazar, he ordered to keep
themselves concealed within their quarters till they should receive orders
to attack. He remained himself at the head of the infantry, in another
part of the inclosed court, having issued the strictest commands that no
one should make the smallest motion without his orders, which were to be
conveyed by the discharge of the artillery.
Atahualpa employed a great part of the day in arranging his troops in
order of battle, pointing out to each of the commanders where and in what
manner their divisions were to attack the Spaniards. He likewise sent a
detachment of 5000 Peruvian warriors under one of his principal officers
named Ruminagui, with orders to take possession of the defile by which the
Spaniards had penetrated the mountain, and to kill every one of them who
might endeavour to escape in that way[12]. Atahualpa having given all
these orders, began his march and advanced so slowly that in four hours
his army hardly proceeded a short league. He was carried in his litter in
the usual state, on the shoulders of some of the principal lords of his
court, having three hundred Indians marching before him in rich uniforms,
who removed every stone or other substance which might obstruct the way,
even carefully picking up the smallest straws. He was followed by a
numerous train of curacas or caciques, and principal officers of his court,
all carried in litters. The Peruvians held the Spaniards in small
estimation, they were so few in number, and imagined they could easily
make them all prisoners without presuming to make the smallest resistance.
One of the caciques had sent to inform Atahualpa not to stand in any awe
of the Spaniards, as they were not only few in number, but so effeminate
and lazy that they were unable to march on foot without being tired by a
very short distance, for which reason they travelled on the backs of
_large sheep_, by which name they distinguished our horses.
In the order already described, Atahualpa entered with all his army and
attendants into a large square or enclosure in front of the _tambos_ or
palace of Caxamarca; and seeing the Spaniards so few in number and all on
foot, as the cavalry remained in concealment, he conceived that they would
not certainly dare to stand before him or to resist his commands. Rising
up therefore in his litter, be said to his attendants, "These people are
all in our power, and will assuredly surrender." To which they all
answered that this was certainly the case. At this time, the bishop Don
Vincente Valverde advanced towards Atahualpa, holding a crucifix in one
hand and his breviary in the other, and addressed him to the following
effect.
"There is but one God in three persons who has created the heavens and the
earth and all that are therein. He formed Adam the first man out of the
dust of the earth, and afterwards made Eve his wife from a rib taken out
of his side. All the generations of men are descended from these our first
parents, by whose disobedience we have all become sinners, unworthy
therefore of the grace and mercy of God, and beyond the hope of heaven,
until Jesus Christ our Redeemer was born of the Virgin and suffered death
to purchase for us life and immortality. After our Lord had suffered a
shameful death upon the cross, he rose again in a glorious manner; and,
having remained a short time on earth, he ascended into Heaven, leaving St
Peter his vicar on earth, and after him his successors who dwell in Rome,
and are named popes by the Christians. These holy successors of St Peter
have divided all the countries of the world among the Christian kings and
princes, giving in charge to each to subdue that portion which has been
alotted to him. This country of Peru having fallen to the share of his
imperial and royal majesty, the emperor Don Carlos king of Spain, that
great monarch hath sent in his place the governor Don Francisco Pizarro,
now present, to make known to you on the part of God and the king of Spain,
all that I have now said. If you are disposed to believe all this, to
receive baptism, and to obey the emperor, as is done by the greatest
portion of the Christian world, that great prince will protect and defend
you and your country in peace, causing justice to be administered to all.
He will likewise confirm all your rights and liberties, as he is
accustomed to do to all the kings and princes who have voluntarily
submitted to his authority. But if you refuse this and choose to run the
hazard of war, the governor will attack you with fire and sword, and is
ready at this moment to do so with arms in his hand[13]."
When Atahualpa had listened to this discourse, very imperfectly rendered
by an ignorant interpreter, he answered, "That the whole of this country
had been conquered by his father and his ancestors, who had left it in
rightful succession to his elder brother the inca Huascar. That he having
been conquered and taken prisoner, Atahualpa held himself as legitimate
sovereign, and could not conceive how St Peter could pretend to give it
away to any one, without the knowledge and consent of him to whom it
belonged. As for Jesus Christ, who he said had created heaven and earth
and man and all other things, he knew nothing of all this, believing that
the sun his father was the creator of all, whom he and his nation
venerated as a god, worshipping likewise the earth as the mother of all
things, and the _guacas_ as subordinate divinities, and that Pachacama was
the supreme ruler and creator of all things. As for what he had said of
the king of Spain, he knew nothing at all about the matter, never having
seen him." At the last, he asked the bishop where he had learnt all those
things which he had been telling him. Valverde answered him that all these
things were contained in the book which he held in his hand, which was the
word of God. Atahualpa asked it from him, opened the book turning over its
leaves, saying that it said nothing to him, and threw it on the ground.
The bishop then turning to the Spaniards, called out, "To arms! to arms!
Christians: The word of God is insulted."
Pizarro being of opinion that he would be easily destroyed if he waited
for the attack of the Peruvians, immediately ordered his soldiers to
advance to the charge, sending word to his brothers and the other officers
who commanded the cavalry to execute the orders which they had already
received. He likewise ordered the artillery and the crossbows to commence
firing upon the Indians, on which the cavalry, as had been concerted,
sallied forth and charged through among the Indians in three separate
bodies; while he moved forwards at the head of the infantry, pushing
directly for the litter in which Atahualpa was carried, the bearers of
which they began to slay, while others pressed on to supply their places.
As Pizarro was convinced that he and his people would be infallibly
destroyed if the battle remained for any length of time undecided, the
loss of one soldier being of infinitely worse consequence to him than the
destruction of hundreds was to the enemy, and that he gained nothing by
the death of thousands of the Peruvians, determined to make every effort
to gain possession of Atahualpa, for which purpose he cut his way up to
the litter in which he was carried; and seizing him by his long hair
dragged him from his seat to the ground. In doing this, as several of his
soldiers were making cuts with their swords against the golden litter, one
of their swords glancing off wounded Pizarro in the hand. Paying no
attention to this wound, he held fast his rich prize, in spite of the
endeavours of multitudes of Indians to rescue their sovereign, who were
all either killed or driven away, and at length secured Atahualpa as his
prisoner.
When the Peruvians saw their sovereign in the hands of the Spaniards, and
found themselves assailed in so many places at once by the enemy,
especially by the horse, the fury of whose charge they were unable to
resist, they threw down their arms and dispersed in every direction,
endeavouring to preserve their lives by flight. A prodigious multitude of
them being stopped by a corner of the great court or square, pressed with
such violence against the wall that a part of it gave way, forming a large
breach by which many of them escaped. The cavalry pursued the fugitives in
every direction till night, when they returned to quarters[14].
When Ruminagui heard the noise of the artillery, and saw a centinel who
had been placed on the top of a rock thrown down by a Spaniard, he
concluded that the Spaniards had gained the victory; and was so much
alarmed that he marched away with all his men to Quito, never stopping for
any time till he got to that city, which is two hundred and fifty leagues
from Caxamarca.
Atahualpa being thus made prisoner, and his whole army having taken to
flight, the Spaniards went next morning to pillage his camp, where they
found a prodigious quantity of gold and silver vessels, excessively rich
tents, stuffs, vestments, and many other articles of immense value. The
gold plate alone which was carried along with the army for the use of
Atahualpa exceeded the value of 60,000 pistoles[15]. Above 5000 women who
were found in the camp of the enemy voluntarily surrendered themselves to
the Spaniards.
The captive Atahualpa now made submissive application to Pizarro,
earnestly intreating to be well used, and made offer for his ransom to
deliver a quantity of gold that should fill a large chamber, besides so
large a mass of silver that the Spaniards would be unable to carry the
whole away. Pizarro was astonished at this magnificent offer, which he
could hardly credit, yet promised the fallen monarch that he should be
well used, and even engaged to restore his freedom if he made good his
offer. Atahualpa was so much pleased with this promise, that he
immediately sent numerous messengers through the whole empire,
particularly to Cuzco, ordering all the gold and silver that could be
procured to be brought to Caxamarca to pay his ransom. He had promised an
immense quantity, as he had engaged to fill a long hall in the _tambos_ or
palace of Cazamarca as high as he could reach with his hand[16], for which
purpose the height was marked by a coloured line drawn round the whole
room. Although large quantities of gold and silver arrived every day after
this agreement, the Spaniards could not be satisfied that the promise of
Atahualpa would ever be fulfilled. They began even to murmur at the delay,
alleging that the time which had been fixed by Atahualpa for the
accomplishment of his promise was already past; and they alleged that he
had fallen upon this scheme on purpose to gain time for the assemblage of
a new army, with which to attack them at unawares. As Atahualpa had
considerable sagacity, he soon noticed the discontent of the Spaniards,
and asked Pizarro the reason. On being informed, he made answer that they
were in the wrong to complain of the delay, which was not such as to give
any reasonable cause for suspicion. They ought to consider that Cuzco,
from whence the far greater part of the gold had to be brought, was above
200 _large_ leagues distant from Caxamarca by an extremely difficult road,
by which all the gold had to be carried on the shoulders of the Peruvians,
and that very little time had elapsed for the accomplishment of so
laborious a work. Having thus endeavoured to explain the cause of delay in
payment of the ransom, he requested that they would satisfy themselves on
the subject by inspection that he was actually able to perform his
engagement; after which they would not think much of its being delayed a
month more or less. For this purpose, he proposed that he should depute
two or three of the Spaniards, who might go to Cuzco, having orders from
him to be shewn the royal treasures in that city, of which they would then
be able to bring back certain information to satisfy the rest.
Opinions were much divided among the Spaniards, as to the adoption or
rejection of this proposal. Several considered it is a most dangerous
measure for any person to trust himself in the hand of the Peruvians,
especially to so great a distance. Atahualpa considered this doubt of
safety as very strange, especially as they had him in their hands as an
hostage, together with his wives, children, and brothers. On this,
Hernando de Soto and Pedro de Barco resolved to undertake the journey; and
accordingly by the directions of Atahualpa, they set out in litters, each
of which was carried on the shoulders of two men, with a number of other
Peruvians accompanying them, to serve as reliefs when the others were
tired. They were carried in this manner almost as fast as if they had rode
post; as the litter carriers went along with great swiftness, frequently
relieved by the others, of whom there were fifty or sixty in all.
Several days journey from Caxamarca, Soto and Barco met a party of the
troops of Atahualpa, who were escorting the Inca Huascar as a prisoner.
This unfortunate prince, on learning who they were, requested to have a
conference with them, to which they consented, and in which he was
distinctly informed of all the recent events. On being informed of the
intentions of his imperial majesty Don Carlos, and of Pizarro, who
commanded the Spaniards in his name, to cause impartial justice to be
executed both to the Peruvians and Spaniards, he laid before them a
distinct account of the injustice which he had suffered from his brother
Atahualpa, who not only wished to deprive him of the kingdom, which
belonged to him of right, as the eldest son of the late monarch Huana
Capac, but now kept him a prisoner, with the design of putting him to
death. He urged them to return to their general, and to lay his complaints
before him, requesting that he, who now had both competitors in his power,
and was consequently entire master of the country, would judge between
them, and decree the possession of the empire to him who held the lawful
right of succession. He farther promised, if Pizarro would do this, that
he would not only fulfil all that Atahualpa had promised, which was to
fill the apartment at Caxamarca to a certain height, but he would fill it
with gold to the roof, which would be three times more than Atahualpa had
promised. He assured them that he was better able to do all this, than was
Atahualpa to perform what he had promised; because Atahualpa, to implement
his engagement, would be under the necessity of stripping the temple of
the Sun at Cuzco of all the plates of gold and silver with which it was
lined; whereas he, Huascar, was in possession of all the treasures which
belonged to his father Huana Capac, and the former Incas, by which he was
able to perform what he had now offered, and a great deal more.
All that he alleged was certainly true, as Huascar was in possession of
immense treasures, which he had hidden under ground in some secret place,
unknown to all the world. On this occasion, he had employed many Indians
to transport his wealth into the place of concealment, after which he had
ordered them all to be put to death, that they might not inform any one of
the place. After the Spaniards were entire masters of the country, they
made every possible search after these treasures, and even continue their
search to the present day, digging in every place where they suspect they
may be concealed, but hitherto without being able to find them.
Soto and Barco told Huascar, that it was out of their power to turn back,
being under the necessity of continuing the journey on which they had been
sent by order of their general; but that on their return they would make a
faithful report of all he had said. They accordingly went on their way
towards Cuzco. But this meeting and conference occasioned the death of
Huascar, and the loss to the Spaniards of the vast treasure he had
promised for his liberty and restoration. The captains who had the custody
of Huascar made a report to Atahualpa of all that had passed in the
interview between their prisoner and the Spanish messengers; and Atahualpa
had sufficient sagacity to see, if these matters came to the knowledge of
Pizarro, that he would feel inclined to take part with Huascar, especially
in consideration of the prodigious quantity of gold which had been offered
for his interference. He had remarked the extreme eagerness of the
Spaniards for the possession of gold, and feared that they would deprive
him of the kingdom, and give it his brother, and might put himself to
death, as an unjust usurper of the clear rights of another. Being disposed,
from these motives, to order his brother Huascar to be put to death, he
was only restrained from doing this immediately by one circumstance. He
had frequently heard from the Christians, that one of their principal laws,
which was most religiously observed, was, that all who were guilty of
murder were punished with death, whether the murder were committed by
themselves personally, or by others at their instigation. He resolved,
therefore, to sound Pizarro, and to discover his sentiments on this
subject, which he did with wonderful artifice and dissimulation. One day
he pretended to be overcome with extreme grief, weeping and sobbing, and
refusing to eat or drink, or to speak with any one. When Pizarro inquired
the cause of this distress, he allowed himself to be long intreated before
he would give any reason of his sorrow. At length, as if overcome by
solicitation, he said, "That he had just received intelligence that one of
his officers had put his brother Huascar to death, by which news he was
entirely overcome with grief, as he had always entertained the warmest and
most respectful affection for him, not only as his eldest brother, but in
a great measure as his father and sovereign. That although he had taken
Huascar prisoner, he not only had no intention of using him ill in his
person, but did not even mean to deprive him of the kingdom: his sole
object being to oblige him to give up the possession of the kingdom of
Quito, according to the last will of their father, Huana Capac; who had
made a conquest of that country, which was beyond the boundary of the
hereditary empire of the incas, and which consequently their father had an
undoubted right to dispose of in his favour." Pizarro endeavoured to
console the pretended affliction of Atahualpa, by assuring him, when peace
and good order re-established in the empire, that he would make a strict
inquiry into the circumstances of the death of Huascar, and would severely
punish all who had participated in the crime.
When Atahualpa found that Pizarro took up this affair with so much
coolness and moderation, he resolved to execute his design, and sent
immediate orders to his officers who had the custody of Huascar to put him
to death. So promptly were these orders obeyed, that it was difficult to
ascertain in the sequel whether the excessive grief of Atahualpa was
feigned, and whether it preceded or followed the death of his brother
Huascar. Most of the soldiers blamed Soto and Barco for this unhappy event:
not considering the necessity of every one to obey the orders of their
superiors with exactness, according to their instructions, especially in
time of war, without assuming the liberty of making any alteration or
modification according to circumstances in their own opinion, unless they
have express and formal discretionary power.
It was currently reported among the Peruvians, that when Huascar learnt he
was to be put to death by order of his brother, he made the following
observation: "I have been only a short while sovereign of this country,
but my faithless brother, by whose orders I am to die, will not be longer
a king than I have been." When the Peruvians soon afterwards saw Atahualpa
put to death, conformable to this prediction, they believed Huascar to
have been a true son of the sun. It is reported also, that Huascar should
have said, when his father Huana Capac took his last leave of him, he
foretold "That white men with long beards would soon come into Peru, and
advised him to treat them as friends, as they would become masters of the
kingdom." Huana Capac may have received some intimation of this future
circumstance from the demons; and that the more readily, that Pizarro had
been on the coast of Peru before his death, and had even begun to make
some conquests.
While Pizarro continued to reside in Caxamarca, he sent out his brother
Ferdinand with a party of cavalry to discover the country, who went as far
as Pachacamac, about a hundred leagues from Caxamarca. In the district of
Huamachucos, Ferdinand met with Hlescas, one of the brothers of Atahualpa,
who was escorting a prodigious quantity of gold to Caxamarca, part of the
ransom of the captive inca, to the value of two or three millions at the
least, without counting an immense quantity of silver[17]. He continued
his journey from Huamachucos to Pachacamac, not far to the south of where
Lima now stands, through several difficult and dangerous passes; when he
learnt that one of the generals of Atahualpa, named Cilicuchima was
stationed with a large army at a place about forty leagues from thence.
Ferdinand Pizarro sent a message to the Peruvian general to request that
he would come to speak with him; and as Cilicuchima refused, Ferdinand
took the resolution to wait upon him in person. This was considered by
many as extremely rash and imprudent, to trust himself in the hands of a
barbarous and powerful enemy. He was successful however in the attempt, as
by various representations and promises, he prevailed on the Peruvian
general to dismiss his army, and to go along with him to Caxamarca to
wait upon his sovereign Atahualpa. To shorten their journey, they took a
very difficult route through mountains covered with snow, where they were
in danger of perishing with cold.
On arriving at Caxamarca, before entering into the presence of Atahualpa,
Cilicuchima bared his feet and carried a present to his sovereign after
the custom of the country, and said to him weeping, that if he had been
along with him, the Spaniards should not have been allowed to make him a
prisoner. Atahualpa answered, that his captivity was a punishment from the
gods, whom he had not honoured and respected as he ought to have done; but
that his defeat and capture were chiefly owing to the cowardice and flight
of Ruminagui with his 5000 men, who ought to have succoured him when
attacked by the Spaniards.
While Don Francisco Pizarro was in the province of Poecho between Tumbez
and Payta, before he marched to Caxamarca, he received a letter without
any signature, which it was afterwards learnt had been sent to him by the
secretary of Don Diego de Almagro. He was informed by this letter, that
Almagro had fitted out a large ship and several smaller vessels with a
considerable number of soldiers, in which he proposed to sail beyond the
country of which Pizarro had taken possession, and to reduce the best
portion of Peru under his own authority, as beyond the government which
had been granted to Pizarro by his majesty, which only extended 200
leagues to the south of the equator[18]. The governor had never shewn his
patents to any person[19]; yet it was currently reported that Almagro
actually left Panama with the intention of carrying that design into
execution; but on arriving at Puertoviejo, and learning the amazing
successes of Pizarro, and the prodigious quantities of gold and silver he
had already acquired, the half of which he considered as belonging to him,
he changed his purpose, and marched with all his people to Caxamarca to
join Pizarro. On his arrival there, the greater part of the ransom of
Atahualpa was already brought, and Almagro and his followers were filled
with astonishment and admiration at the sight of the prodigious masses of
gold and silver which were there collected, more than they thought could
have been in any part of the world.
When all this gold and silver was melted down, weighed and essayed, it was
found to amount to the amazing sum of six hundred millions of _maravedies_,
or more than 4,500,000 livres. It is true that the proof or essay of this
gold was made hurriedly, and only by means of the touchstone, as they had
no _aqua fortis_ to conduct the process in a more exact manner. It
afterwards appeared that this gold had been estimated two or three
_carats_ below its real value; so that the whole amount ought to have been
reckoned at _seven_ millions of maravedies, or 5,250,000 livres. The
quantity of silver was so large, that the royal fifth amounted to 30,000
marks of fine silver, most of which was afterwards found to contain two or
three carats of gold. The royal fifth of the gold amounted to 120 millions
of maravedies, or 900,000 livres. Each horseman received for his share in
gold, without counting the silver 240 marks or 12,000 pesos, equal to
80,000 francs. The shares of the horsemen were a quarter part larger than
those of the foot soldiers. Yet all these sums did not amount to a fifth
part of what Atahualpa had engaged to pay for his ransom. Those who had
come along with Almagro, though considerable both from their rank and
number, certainly had no just title to demand any share in the treasure
which Atahualpa paid for his ransom, as they had no share in his capture;
yet the general assigned each of them 20 marks, or 1000 pesos, as a
donative to keep them in good humour.
Pizarro thought it now incumbent upon him to send intelligence to his
majesty of the success of his enterprize, for which purpose he sent over
his brother Ferdinand to Spain; and as when he departed, the precious
metals had not been melted or proved, so that it was impossible to
ascertain what was the exact share belonging to the king, two thousand
marks of gold and twenty thousand marks of silver, were set apart for this
purpose[20]. In making the selection of articles to be sent to Spain, the
largest and finest pieces were chosen, that they might have a grander
appearance: Among these were several large vessels of various kinds and
for different uses, together with figures of men and women and various
animals. When Atahualpa learnt that Ferdinand Pizarro was to embark for
Spain he was much afflicted, having a great affection for that gentleman,
in whom he reposed implicit confidence; and when Ferdinand came to take
leave, he said to him, "I am sore afflicted at your departure, for I am
much afraid the big-belly and the blinkard will put me to death in your
absence." By the former he meant Requelme the treasurer, who was very fat,
and by the latter Almagro, who had lost an eye, whom he had observed
frequently to mutter against him, for certain reasons, which will appear
in the sequel.
As Atahualpa suspected, Ferdinand Pizarro had not been long gone, when the
death of the unfortunate prince began to be talked of among the Spaniards.
This was brought about by the suggestions of an Indian named Philippillo,
who had accompanied the general into Spain, and now served him as an
interpreter with the Peruvians. He pretended that Atahualpa had secretly
laid a plan for destroying all the Spaniards; for which purpose he had a
great number of armed men concealed in various places, meaning to employ
them when a favourable opportunity occurred. The proofs and examination of
facts and circumstances respecting this alleged plot, had all to come
through Philippillo, as the only one who knew both languages; and he gave
such a turn to every thing as best suited his own views and purposes.
Accordingly the Spaniards were never able perfectly to discover the truth,
or to penetrate entirely into his motives for this procedure. It has been
alleged by some persons, that Philippillo had become amorous of one of the
wives of Atahualpa, with whom he even had a criminal intercourse, and
expected to secure the quiet possession of his mistress by the death of
that unfortunate prince. It was even reported that Atahualpa had come to
the knowledge of that amour, and had complained to Pizarro of the criminal
and even treasonable conduct of the paramours; which, by the laws of Peru,
could only be expiated by burning the guilty persons, putting to death all
their near relations, destroying all their cattle and substance, laying
waste the place of their birth, and sowing salt on the place, so as to
render the memory of the crime infamous for ever.
It has been alleged by others that the death of Atahualpa was occasioned
by the solicitations and intrigues of those newly arrived Spaniards who
accompanied Almagro, who considered his continuing to live as prejudicial
to their interests. The soldiers of Pizarro who were with him when
Atahualpa was taken prisoner, insisted that those who came with Almagro
had no right to participate in any part of the treasure given or to be
given on account of his ransom, and could not justly pretend to any share
of what might be collected until all that Atahualpa had promised was
entirely paid up. The soldiers of Almagro, on the other hand, believed it
to be for their interest that Atahualpa should be removed out of the way;
since as long as he might live, the soldiers of Pizarro would always
pretend that all the treasure which might be procured formed part of his
ransom, so that they would never come in for any share. However this might
be, the death of that unfortunate prince was resolved on, and even this
determination was communicated to him. Astonished at this fatal
intelligence, of which he had never entertained the slightest suspicion,
Atahualpa urged his merciless conquerors to confine him rather in a
stricter captivity, or even to put him on board their ships. "I know not,"
said he, "how you can possibly suppose me so stupid as to think of any
treachery against you in my present situation. How can you believe those
troops which you say are assembled, have been called together by my orders
or by my consent? Am I not a prisoner, in chains, and in your hands? And
is it not easy for you to put me to death whenever these pretended troops
make their appearance? If you believe that my subjects will undertake any
thing against you without my consent, you are ill informed of the absolute
authority I possess over all my subjects, and the perfect obedience which
it is their glory to render me on all occasions. So to speak, the birds do
not dare to fly, nor the leaves to move upon the trees without my orders;
and how then shall my subjects presume to go to war against you without my
consent."
All that he could urge was of no avail, as his death was absolutely
resolved upon, although he offered to place hostages of the highest
consideration in the hands of the Spaniards, whose lives should be
answerable for any of the Christians who might be slain or ill treated by
his subjects. Besides the suspicions already mentioned, which were alleged
against Atahualpa, it is said that he was accused of the death of his
brother Huascar. He was condemned to die, and his sentence was executed
without delay. In his distress, he was continually repeating the name of
Ferdinand Pizarro; saying, if he had been present, he would not have
allowed him to be thus unjustly put to death. Shortly before his death, he
was persuaded by Pizarro and Valverde to submit to the ceremony of
baptism[21].
"While Almagro and his followers openly demanded the life of Atahualpa,
and Philippillo laboured to ruin him by private machinations, that unhappy
prince inadvertently contributed to hasten his own fate. During his
confinement he had attached himself with peculiar affection to Ferdinand
Pizarro and Hernando Soto; who, as they were persons of birth and
education superior to the rough adventurers with whom they served, were
accustomed to behave with more decency and attention to the captive
monarch. Soothed with this respect from persons of such high rank, he
delighted in their society. But in the presence of the governor he was
always uneasy and overawed. This dread soon came to be mingled with
contempt. Among all the European arts, that which he most admired, was
reading and writing; and he long deliberated with himself, whether he
should regard it as a natural or acquired talent. In order to determine
this, he desired one of the soldiers who guarded him, to write the name of
God on the nail of his thumb. This he shewed successively to several
Spaniards, asking its meaning; and, to his amazement, they all, without
hesitation, gave the same answer. At length Pizarro entered; and on
presenting it to him, he blushed, and with some confusion was obliged to
acknowledge his ignorance. From that moment, Atahualpa considered him as a
mean person, less instructed than his own soldiers; and he had not address
enough to conceal the sentiments with which this discovery inspired him.
To be the object of scorn to a barbarian, not only mortified the pride of
Pizarro; but excited such resentment in his breast, as added force to all
the other considerations which prompted him to put the Inca to death."
"But in order to give some colour of justice to this violent action, and
that he himself might be exempted from standing singly responsible for the
commission of it, Pizarro resolved to try the Inca with all the
formalities observed in the criminal courts of Spain. Pizarro himself and
Almagro, with two assistants, were appointed judges, with full power to
acquit or condemn; an attorney-general was named to carry on the
prosecution in the king's name; counsellors were chosen to assist the
prisoner in his defence; and clerks were ordained to record the
proceedings of court. Before this strange tribunal, a charge was exhibited
still more amazing. It consisted of various articles: That Atahualpa,
though a bastard, had dispossessed the rightful owner of the throne, and
usurped the regal power; that he had put his brother and lawful sovereign
to death; that he was an idolater, and had not only permitted, but
commanded the offering of human sacrifices; that he had a great number of
concubines; that since his imprisonment he had wasted and embezzled the
royal treasures, which now belonged of right to the conquerors; that he
had incited his subjects to take arms against the Spaniards. On these
heads of accusation, some of which are so ludicrous, and others so absurd,
that the effrontery of Pizarro, in making them the subject of a serious
procedure, is not less surprizing than his injustice, did this strange
court go on to try the sovereign of a great empire, over whom it had no
jurisdiction. With respect to each of the articles, witnesses were
examined; but as they delivered their evidence in their native tongue,
Philippillo had it in his power to give their words whatever turn best
suited his malevolent intentions. To judges pre-determined in their
opinion, this evidence appeared sufficient. They pronounced Atahualpa
guilty, and condemned him to be burnt alive. Friar Valverde prostituted
the authority of his sacred function to confirm this sentence, and by his
signature warranted it to be just. Astonished at his fate, Atahualpa
endeavoured to avert it by tears, by promises, and by entreaties that he
might be sent to Spain, where a monarch would be the arbiter of his lot.
But pity never touched the unfeeling heart of Pizarro. He ordered him to
be led instantly to execution; and, what added to the bitterness of his
last moments, the same monk who had just ratified his doom, offered to
console, and attempted to convert him. The most powerful argument Valverde
employed to prevail with him to embrace the Christian faith, was a promise
of mitigation in his punishment. The dread of a cruel death extorted from
the trembling victim a desire of receiving baptism. The ceremony was
performed; and Atahualpa, instead of being burnt alive, was strangled at
the stake."
Ruminagui, one of the captains under Atahualpa, who had fled with five
thousand men from Caxamarca, as already related, having arrived in the
kingdom of Quito, seized the children of Atahualpa, and made himself
master of that country as if he had been the lawful sovereign. A short
time before his death, Atahualpa had sent his brother Illescas into the
kingdom of Quito, with orders to bring his children from thence; but
Ruminagui not only refused to deliver them up, but even put them all to
death. After the death of Atahualpa, some of his principal officers,
according to his dying commands, carried his body to Quito that it might
be interred beside the remains of his father Huana capac. Ruminagui
received them in the most honourable manner, with every outward mark of
affection and respect, and caused the body of Atahualpa to be buried with
much pomp and solemnity, according to the custom of the country. After the
ceremony, he gave a grand entertainment to the officers of the late
unfortunate monarch, at which, when they were intoxicated, he caused them
all to be put to death, together with Illescas the brother of Atahualpa.
He caused this person to be flead alive, and had a drum covered with his
skin, inclosing his head in the inside of the drum.
After the governor Pizarro had made a repartition of all the gold and
silver which was found in Caxamarca, he learned that one of the officers
of Atahualpa, named Quizquiz, had assembled some troops in the province of
_Xauxa_[22], and endeavoured to excite an insurrection in the country.
Pizarro therefore marched against him, but Quizquiz durst not wait for him
in Xauxa, and retreated to a greater distance. Pizarro pursued, causing
Hernando de Soto to lead the van with a party of horse, while he led the
rear or main body himself. While advancing in this order into the province
of _Vilcacinga_[23], Soto was unexpectedly attacked by a vast body of
Peruvians, and in great danger of being totally defeated, five or six of
his men being slain; but on the approach of night, the Peruvians retreated
to a mountain, and the governor sent on Almagro with a reinforcement of
cavalry to Soto. Early next morning the fight was resumed, and the
Spaniards endeavoured to draw the Peruvians into the plain, by pretending
to retreat, that they might not be exposed to the prodigious quantity of
stones which the Indians hurled down upon them from the mountain. The
Peruvians seemed aware of this stratagem, as they continued to defend
their position on the mountain; though they were not apprized of the
reinforcement which Soto had received, as the morning was thick and misty.
Being unable to induce their enemies to descend from their advantageous
situation, the Spaniards assailed the Peruvians with so much resolution,
that they drove them from their position with considerable slaughter, and
forced them to take to flight.
At this place, a brother of the late Incas, Huascar and Atahualpa, named
_Paul_ Inca_[24], came to Pizarro under pretence of entering into terms of
peace and submission. After the death of his brothers, this prince had
been recognised as king of Peru, and had been invested with the fringed
fillet, which answered among the Peruvians as the crown or emblem of
supreme rule. The Inca told the governor that he had a very considerable
force of warriors in Cuzco, all of whom only waited his arrival to submit
to his orders. Pizarro accordingly marched towards that city, and arrived
within sight of it after several days march. So thick a smoke was seen to
arise from the city, that Pizarro suspected the Peruvians had set it on
fire, and immediately sent on a detachment of cavalry to endeavour if
possible to prevent the destruction of the city. On their arrival near
Cuzco, a vast body of Peruvians issued from the city and attacked them
with great violence, with stones, darts, and other arms; insomuch that the
Spaniards were forced to retreat above a league to rejoin the main body of
the army which was commanded by Pizarro in person. He immediately detached
the greater part of his cavalry under the command of his brothers Juan and
Gonzalo, who attacked the enemy with so much courage and impetuosity, that
they were soon defeated and many Peruvians were slain in the pursuit. On
the approach of night, Pizarro reassembled all his army, which he ordered
to lie on their arms; and marched next morning with every precaution to
Cuzco, which he entered without opposition.
After remaining twenty days in Cuzco, Pizarro was informed that the
Peruvian General Quizquiz had drawn together a considerable body of
warriors, with whom he pillaged and raised contributions in a province
named _Condefugo_[25]. The governor detached Hernando Soto with fifty
horsemen against Quizquiz, who did not think proper to await his arrival;
but he took the resolution of marching to Xauxa or Jauja, on purpose to
attack the baggage and royal treasure belonging to the Spaniards, which
had been left there with a guard, under the care of Requelme the treasurer.
Although the Spanish troops in Xauxa were few in number, they posted
themselves in a strong position, waiting the attack of Quizquiz, and
defended themselves so courageously that he was unable to make any
impression upon them, and accordingly drew off his troops, taking the road
to Quito. The governor sent Soto after him with his detachment of cavalry,
and soon afterwards sent off his two brothers, Juan and Gonzalo, to
reinforce Soto. These three Spanish captains pursued Quizquiz above a
hundred leagues, but were unable to come up with him, and returned
therefore to Cuzco.
In that ancient capital of the Peruvian empire, Pizarro and the Spaniards
found a prodigious booty in gold and silver, not less in value than all
they had collected at Caxamarca for the ransom of Atahualpa. He made a
division of this among his soldiers, and settled a colony in Cuzco, which
had long been the capital of the Peruvian empire, and continued to be so
for a considerable time under the Spaniards. He likewise made a
repartition of Indians among such Spaniards as chose to settle in the
place as colonists: Only a few, however, chose to avail themselves of
their advantage; as a considerable proportion of the Spaniards were better
pleased to return into Spain, that they might enjoy in repose the treasure
which they had acquired at Caxamarca and Cuzco, than to remain in Peru.
"The riches displayed by the early conquerors of Peru on their return
among their astonished countrymen, had so great an effect to induce others
to try their fortunes in that golden region, that the governors of
Guatimala, Panama, and Nicaragua could hardly restrain the people under
their jurisdiction from abandoning their possessions, and crowding to that
inexhaustible source of wealth which seemed to be opened in Peru. In spite
of every check or regulation, such numbers resorted to the standard of
Pizarro, that he was soon enabled to take the field at the head of five
hundred men, besides leaving sufficient garrisons in San Miguel and other
places necessary for the defence of his conquests[26]".
It has been already said that Pizarro, soon after his arrival in Peru,
established a settlement at the town of San Miguel in the province of
Tangarara, not far from the harbour of Tumbez[27], as a secure place of
disembarkation for those who came to join him from Spain. While he still
remained at Caxamarca after the death of Atahualpa, on recollection that
he had left a weak garrison in San Miguel, the governor thought proper to
send a reinforcement of ten horsemen to that place under the command of
Benalcazar. Soon after his arrival, a considerable number of Spanish
soldiers came there from Panama and Nicaragua, and as the Cagnares made
loud complaints to him that they were oppressed by Ruminagui and the
Peruvians of Quito, Benalcazar chose two hundred of the new recruits,
eighty of whom were cavalry, with whom he marched for Quito, because he
was informed that Atahualpa had left a large quantity of gold in that city,
and that he might likewise protect the Cagnares, who had declared
themselves the friends of the Spaniards. Ruminagui advanced with an army
of more than twelve thousand Peruvians to defend the defiles of the
mountains leading towards the kingdom of Quito, which he endeavoured to do
with considerable judgment, taking advantage of the nature of the ground,
and fighting only in places of difficult approach. Benalcazar, on his side
likewise, joined stratagem and military conduct to courage and prudence;
for, while he occupied the attention of the enemy by frequent skirmishes,
and demonstrations of attacking them in front, he detached one of his
officers with fifty or sixty horsemen, who gained possession of a
commanding post during the night on the rear of the Peruvians, so that he
was able next morning to render himself easily master of the pass they had
endeavoured to defend. In this way, Benalcazar gradually drove the enemy
from their strong ground into the plain of Quito, where they were unable
to withstand the charge of the cavalry and suffered considerably.
Ruminagui still endeavoured to make head in several different posts, which
he carefully forfeited with concealed pit-falls, digging for this purpose
broad and deep ditches, in the bottom of which a number of pointed stakes
were set up, the whole covered over with green turf held up by slender
twigs, somewhat like those described by Caesar as contrived by the
inhabitants of Alesia. But all the contrivances of the Peruvians for
surprizing Benalcazar, or for drawing him into their snares were quite
unavailing. He avoided them all, and never attacked on the side they
expected; often making a circuit of several leagues so as to attack them
unexpectedly on the flank and rear, and always carefully avoiding every
piece of ground that had not a natural appearance. The Peruvians tried
another stratagem, on seeing the former miscarry: They dug a great number
of small pits close to each other, about the size of a horses foot, in
every place around their camp where they thought the cavalry might come to
attack them. But all their arts and labour were useless, as Benalcazar was
never off his guard, and was not to be deceived by any of their
contrivances, so that they were at last driven all the way to the city of
Quito. It is reported of Ruminagui, that one day after his arrival in
Quito, where he had a great number of wives, that he told them they might
soon expect to have the pleasure of seeing the Christians, with whom they
would have the opportunity of diverting themselves; and that, believing
him in jest, they laughed heartily at the news, on which he caused most of
them to be put to death. After this cruel deed, he set fire to a large
apartment filled with rich dresses and valuable moveables belonging to the
late Inca Huana Capac, and retired from Quito, having first made another
unsuccessful attempt to surprise the Spaniards by a night attack, after
which Benalcazar made himself master of Quito with very little opposition.
While these things were going on in the kingdom of Quito, the governor
Pizarro received information that Don Pedro de Alvarado, who was governor
of Guatimala, had embarked with a considerable force for Peru, on which
account he deemed it proper to detach some troops under Almagro to San
Miguel, to inquire into the truth of that report and to prevent the
invasion of his government. As Almagro on his arrival at San Miguel could
get no distinct accounts of the motions of Alvarado, and was informed of
the resistance made to Benalcazar in the kingdom of Quito by Ruminagui, he
accordingly marched there with his troops and formed a junction with
Benalcazar, assuming the command of the combined forces, after which he
reduced several districts and fortified stations of the natives. But, as
he did not find any gold in that country, which was by no means so rich as
he thought he had reason to expect from report, he soon afterwards
returned towards Cuzco, leaving the command in Quito to Benalcazar.
After the conquest of New Spain by the Marquis del Valle, he detached one
of his captains named Don Pedro de Alvarado to a neighbouring country
called Guatimala; which that officer accordingly reduced to subjection
after much trouble and many dangers, and, as a reward of his services, was
appointed to the government of that province by the king of Spain. On
receiving intelligence of the riches of the newly discovered empire of
Peru, Alvarado solicited permission from the emperor Don Carlos to be
permitted to undertake the conquest of some part of that country, beyond
the bounds that had been granted to Pizarro, and received a patent to that
effect. Having received authority for this purpose, while he was making
preparations for the expedition, he sent one of his officers, named
Garcias Holguin, with two ships to examine the coast of Peru, and to gain
some precise intelligence respecting its actual state. From the report of
Holgum respecting the immense quantities of gold which the governor Don
Francisco Pizarro had found in that country, Alvarado was encouraged to
proceed in his enterprize; flattering himself, that while Pizarro and his
troops were occupied at Caxamarca, he might be able to acquire possession
of Cuzco[28], which he considered as beyond the two hundred and fifty
leagues which had been assigned as the extent of the government conferred
upon Pizarro. For the better execution of his design, and lest
reinforcements might be sent from Nicaragua to Pizarro, he came by sea to
that place one night, where he made himself master of two large ships
which had been fitted out there expressly for the purpose of carrying a
large reinforcement of men and horses to Peru. In these two ships, and in
those which he brought with him from Guatimala, Alvarado set sail with
five hundred men, cavalry and infantry, and landed on the coast of South
America at the harbour of Puerto Viejo.
From Puerto Viejo, Alvarado marched almost due east with his army,
crossing those mountains which separate the plain country of Guayaquil
from the table land of Quito, which the Spaniards call the _Arcabucos_,
being thickly covered with brushwood, but over which the road is tolerably
easy and only moderately steep, being almost under the equator. In this
march his men suffered extremely from hunger and thirst, as the country
through which they went was very barren, and had neither springs nor
rivulets. The only relief they could procure was from certain large canes
as thick as a mans leg, in each of the joints of which they usually found
rather more than a quart of excellent water. They were so much distressed
by famine on this march as to be under the necessity of eating several of
their horses, the flesh of which sold so high that a dead horse brought
more money on this occasion than he had cost when living. Besides thirst
and famine, they were very much distressed during a considerable part of
the way by quantities of hot ashes falling upon them, which they
afterwards learnt were thrown up by a volcano in the neighbourhood of
Quito, which burns with such violence that its ashes are often carried by
the wind to the distance of eighty leagues, and its noise like prodigious
thunder is sometimes heard at a hundred leagues from Quito. In the whole
march, which was nearly under the equinoctial line, the troops of Alvarado
found everywhere abundance of emeralds. After a long and difficult march
through these _arcabucos_, where they were for the most part obliged to
cut their way through the thick brushwood by means of axes and their
swords, they came at length to a high chain of mountains covered with snow,
over which it was necessary to pass. In this difficult and dangerous
passage by an extremely narrow road, it snowed almost continually, and the
cold was so extremely severe, that although every one put on all the
clothes they had along with them, more than sixty men perished from the
extreme severity of the weather. One of the soldiers happened to be
accompanied by his wife and two young children, and seeing them entirely
worn out with fatigue, while he was unable to assist them, he preferred to
remain with them and perish, although he might have saved himself. At
length, after infinite toil and danger, they found that they had reached
the top of the mountain, and began joyfully to descend into the lower
grounds of the kingdom of Quito. It is true that in this country they
found other high mountains covered likewise with snow, as the province is
entirely surrounded and interspersed with mountains; but then there are
many temperate vallies among these mountains, which are well peopled and
cultivated. About this time, so great a quantity of snow melted suddenly
on one of these mountains, producing such prodigious torrents of water,
that the valley and village of _Contiega_ were entirely overwhelmed and
inundated. These torrents bring down immense quantities of stones, and
even vast fragments of rock, with as much ease as if they were only pieces
of cork.
It has been already said that Almagro had left Benalcazar in the
government of Quito, meaning to return to Cuzco, because no intelligence
had reached him of the motions of Alvarado; and mention has been made of
his having reduced certain rocks and fortresses into which the Indians of
Quito had retired to defend themselves. This had occupied him so long,
that Alvarado had penetrated into the province of Quito before Almagro had
returned into the south of Peru, being still employed in reducing the
southern districts of Quito. He received the first intelligence of the
arrival of Alvarado while reducing the province of _Liribamba_[29], for
which purpose he had to pass a considerable river with much difficulty and
danger, as the Indians had destroyed the bridges, and waited on the other
side of the river to attack him while passing. He defeated them, though
with much difficulty, as the Indians were very numerous, and their wives
fought as bravely as the men, being very expert in slinging stones. In
this engagement the head cacique of the Indians was made prisoner, and
from him Almagro got the first intelligence of the arrival of Alvarado,
who was then only at the distance of about sixty miles, employed in
reducing an Indian fortress into which one of the captains of the Indians
had retired, whose name was Zopazopaqui. On receiving this news, Almagro
sent seven horsemen to inquire into its truth, and to bring him exact
information of the strength and intentions of Alvarado. These were all
made prisoners by the troops of Alvarado, who liberated them some time
afterwards. Alvarado advanced with his troops within less than twenty
miles of the camp of Almagro, who, considering the great superiority in
number possessed by Alvarado, formed the resolution of returning to Cuzco
with an escort of twenty-five horse, and to leave the remainder of his
troops under Benalcazar for the defence of the country.
At this time, Philipillo, the Indian interpreter who has been already
mentioned as the cause of the death of Atahualpa, fearing to incur the
punishment of his treachery, fled from the camp of Almagro to that of
Alvarado, taking along with him a principal Peruvian cacique. These men
had concerted with most of the Peruvian _curacas_ or chiefs who
accompanied Almagro, to hold themselves and their people in readiness to
abandon him and to join Alvarado at the earliest notice sent them for that
purpose. Immediately on his arriving in the presence of Alvarado,
Philipillo offered to make him master of the whole country, informing him
at the same time of the design of Almagro to retire to Cuzco, and that if
he chose to attack him without delay he might easily make him prisoner, as
he had only about eighty horsemen and a hundred and fifty infantry. On
this advice, Alvarado marched immediately to attack Almagro, whom he found
at Liribamba, resolved to defend himself bravely, and to die fighting
rather than fly. Almagro had thrown up intrenchments for his defence,
having divided his small party into two bands, one of which he commanded
in person, and placed the other under the command of Benalcazar. Alvarado
marched up with his troops in order of battle; but when just on the point
of commencing the attack, certain propositions of peace were made, and a
truce was agreed upon for the rest of the day and the following night, on
purpose to agree upon conditions[30]. In a conferrence for this purpose,
an agreement was entered into, which was greatly forwarded by a licentiate
named Caldera. It was agreed that Almagro should pay to Alvarado 100,000
pesos, or 2000 marks of gold[31], as an equivalent for the expences he had
incurred in fitting out his expedition, and that the two commanders should
go together to Pizarro, for the purpose of procuring the necessary funds
for payment of this agreement. The conditions were kept secret, lest the
companions of Alvarado might prevent their execution, as their interest
had been entirely overlooked in this agreement. It was therefore given out
that Alvarado was to embark with his people to make farther discovery of
the country, leaving that part which was already occupied and conquered by
the Spaniards, and permission was given to all who thought proper that
they might remain at Quito with Benalcazar. A considerable number of the
followers of Alvarado availed themselves of this permission, and others
accompanied him and Almagro to Pachacamac, where they were informed
Pizarro had gone from Xauxa expressly to receive them. Before leaving the
province of Quito, Almagro ordered the _curaca_ who deserted from him
along with Philipillo to be burnt alive, and would have treated the
interpreter in the same manner, but Alvarado interceded for him, and
obtained his pardon.
While Almagro and Alvarado were on their march from the province of Quito
for Pachacamac, the _curaca_ or chief of the Cagnares, informed them that
the Peruvian general Quizquiz had assembled an army of above 12,000 men,
with which he had collected all the people and cattle of the country
between and Xauxa, and intended attacking them on their march. This chief
added, that if they would delay their march for some time, he would
contrive a plan for delivering Quizquiz into their hands. Almagro was not
disposed to put too much confidence in this proposal, and continued his
journey. On arriving in the province of _Chaparra_[32], they unexpectedly
fell in with above two thousand Peruvian warriors commanded by a curaca
named Sotaurco. This was the advanced guard of Quizquiz, whose main body
was two or three days march in the rear. Quizquiz had a similar detachment
at a considerable distance on his left flank, on purpose to raise
contributions of provisions from the inhabitants of the country for the
subsistence of his army; and had besides a rear guard of three or four
thousand warriors, two days march behind. The main body under his own
immediate command escorted all the cattle which had been collected on the
march, and great numbers of prisoners, so that his whole army occupied a
space of above sixty miles of country.
Sotaurco, the commander of the Peruvian vanguard, endeavoured to gain
possession of a defile or pass in the mountains, by which he supposed the
Spaniards intended to march; but Almagro not only prevented the execution
of that project by seizing the pass, but even made Sotaurco prisoner. From
him Almagro was informed of the order of march observed by Quizquiz, and
determined to make a forced march with all his cavalry to attack him. In
this march, at a steep stoney pass near a river which it was necessary to
pass, most of the horses lost their shoes; and as it was in the night, the
Spaniards had to replace them as well as they could by the light of fires
and candles. Being afraid lest Quizquiz might be informed of their
approach by some of the natives of the country, Almagro continued his
march with all possible expedition, and towards the evening of the second
day of his march he came in sight of the Peruvian camp.
Immediately on seeing the Spaniards, Quizquiz withdrew to some distance
with all the women and people who were unfit for battle, and placed his
troops in a post of very difficult access under the command of _Huaypalca_,
a brother of the late inca Atahualpa. Almagro advanced without hesitation
to attack them, although the horses were so weary that they were hardly
able to move though led mostly by the soldiers; besides which the
Peruvians rolled down upon them from the mountain great quantities of
large stones and fragments of rock. In spite of every obstacle, the
Spaniards made their way to the post occupied by Huaypalca, which they
attacked both in front and flank, and forced him to retire among the steep
rocks, where he defended himself till night, and then drew off under cover
of the darkness to rejoin Quizquiz. Sometime afterwards, it was learnt
that the detached party of Peruvians which marched on the left of Quizquiz,
had made prisoners of fourteen Spaniards, all of whom they put to death.
Almagro, in continuing his march, was opposed by the Peruvian rear-guard
at the passage of a river, so that he was unable to get over for a whole
day. Besides occupying the opposite bank of the river, the Peruvians had
taken possession of a very high mountain immediately above the place
occupied by the Spaniards, so that they were unable to attack the enemy
without exposing themselves to great danger; and indeed a good many of the
Spaniards were wounded, among whom Alfonso de Alvarado was pierced quite
through the thigh by a javelin, and another officer of rank was severely
wounded. The Peruvians kept firm all night, but in the morning they
abandoned their post on the banks of the river, leaving the passage free
for the Spaniards. The Indians had burnt all the baggage which they could
not carry off, but above 15,000 Peruvian sheep were found in their camp,
and more than four thousand Indian men and women, of those whom Quizquiz
had made prisoners, who now voluntarily surrendered themselves to the
Spaniards. The Peruvian warriors had retired to a strong post on the top
of a mountain, where Almagro did not think fit to attack them, as he was
desirous to continue his march to the south.
On their arrival at San Miguel, Almagro sent the Captain Diego de Mora to
Puerto Viejo, to take the charge of the vessels belonging to Alvarado, who
likewise sent Garcias de Holguin on his part, that this measure might be
executed amicably according to agreement. After giving all the necessary
orders at San Miguel, and having provided his own men and those of
Alvarado with arms, money, and clothes, he and Alvarado continued their
journey towards Pachacamac. In the course of this march, he left Captain
Martin Astete to build and settle a town now called Truxillo, in a
convenient situation on the coast, in pursuance of orders to that effect
from the governor Don Francisco Pizarro.
About this time Quizquiz, having continued his march towards Quito, had
his advanced guard attacked and defeated by one of the officers belonging
to Benalcazar. Quizquiz was much afflicted by this loss, and knew not well
what to do or how to conduct himself. The curacas or native chiefs in his
army advised him to make his peace with Benalcazar; but he would not
listen to this proposal, even threatening to put them to death if they
ever mentioned such a thing again, and ordered them to prepare for
returning into Peru. But, as they were in want of provisions, and had no
hopes of procuring any in the retreat which Quizquiz meditated, several of
the _curacas_, at the head of whom was Huaypalca, remonstrated with him
that it was better to die like brave men in battle against the Spaniards,
than to retreat as he desired and to die of famine in a desert country. As
Quizquiz gave a very unsatisfactory answer to this remonstrance, Huaypalca
gave him a thrust in the breast with his lance, and all the other curacas
fell upon him with their clubs and axes, cutting him to pieces. After this
they dismissed the troops, allowing every one to go where he pleased.
On the arrival of Almagro and Alvarado at Pachacamac, they were joyfully
received by the governor, who had come there from Xauxa to meet them.
Pizarro honourably fulfilled the entire agreement which Almagro had made
with Alvarado, by the payment of the stipulated sum of 100,000 gold pesos;
though several persons remonstrated against paying so large a sum, and
alleged that Almagro had been constrained to enter into the agreement by
necessity, and that Alvarado, instead of receiving so much money, deserved
to be sent prisoner into Spain, for having invaded the government
belonging to another person. After receiving the money, Alvarado returned
quietly to his government of Guatimala[33].
After the departure of Alvarado, the governor Pizarro began the
establishment of a colony or settlement in the district of Pachacamac,
which he named _Ciudad de los Reyes_, or the City of the Kings, otherwise
called Lima, to which place he removed the colonists whom he had formerly
established at Xauxa or Jauja; as the situation of Lima appeared to him
exceedingly well calculated for trade, being near the sea[34]. From that
place, Almagro went with a considerable force to Cuzco, and Pizarro
visited Truxillo on purpose to place that colony on a proper footing, by
making an equitable repartition of the lands and Indians among the
colonists.
While at Truxillo, Pizarro received information that Almagro was inclined
to take possession of the city of Cuzco, having been apprized by Ferdinand
Pizarro, who was sent to Spain, that his majesty had appointed him a
separate government extending a hundred leagues beyond the boundaries
which had been assigned to Pizarro, and which Almagro alleged were
considerably to the north of Cuzco. Juan and Gonzalo Pizarro, brothers of
the governor, who were then in Cuzco, and several other persons of
consideration, vigorously opposed Almagro and Hernando Soto, who took the
part of Almagro, and a civil war seemed on the point of breaking out: But
Almagro was unable to succeed in his design, as the great majority of the
senators or members of the Cabildo took the part of the governor and his
brothers. Immediately on receiving intelligence of these disputes, Pizarro
posted with all expedition to Cuzco, where he soon re-established
tranquillity by his presence. He pardoned Almagro, who was much ashamed of
having occasioned so much confusion by attempting a matter of such high
importance on such slight grounds as a mere hearsay or report. The ancient
friendship and association between Pizarro and Almagro was renewed, and it
was agreed that Almagro should go with a military force on discovery to
the south, and if he found any country worth taking possession of, that
the associates were to use their joint interest at the court of Spain to
procure the government of it for him; but, if no good country were to be
found, the government of Peru was then to be divided between Pizarro and
Almagro. This agreement was solemnly ratified by oath upon the consecrated
host, pledging themselves never to attempt in future to do any thing
contrary to the interests of each other. Some have said that Almagro, on
this occasion, swore that he would never make any future attempt upon
Cuzco, or any part of the country to the distance of a hundred and thirty
leagues to the south of that city, even in the event of being named by the
king to to its government; and they add, that in addressing himself on
this occasion to the holy body of Christ, he used these words, "If I
should violate the oath which I now make, I pray, O Lord! that thou mayest
punish and confound me in body and soul."
After this solemn agreement; Almagro prepared everything for his departure,
and accordingly set out with above five hundred men, as shall be related
in the next section. Pizarro returned to Lima, whence he sent Alfonso de
Alvarado to conquer the country of the Chachapoyas, which is in the
mountainous region of Peru about sixty leagues from Truxillo. This officer
and his followers encountered much difficulty and labour in this
enterprize, in which they at length succeeded, by forming establishments
and reducing the inhabitants to submission; after which, the government of
the province was conferred upon Alvarado, by whom the conquest had been
effected.
[1] With regard to this person, the original French translator makes the
following observation: "Perhaps this is the person named Hernando de
Luque at the beginning of the first section, who is said to have been
one of the original adventurers in the enterprize. If so, the name of
de Luque on the former occasion may be an error of the press."--It
must be observed however, that Garcilasso de la Vega names the third
person of the original fraternity Hernando de Luque, and makes no
mention whatever of Ponce de Leon.--E.
[2] Neither Zarate nor Garcilasso mention the number of troops embarked on
this expedition, but we learn from Robertson, II. 206, that the whole
armament consisted of 180 soldiers, 36 of whom were horsemen.--E.
[3] According to Robertson, II. 293, Pizarro landed in the bay of St
Matthew. The distance of 100 Spanish leagues from Tumbez, mentioned by
Garcilasso as the intended place of landing, would lead us to the Rio
de Santjago in lat. 1 deg. S. on the coast of Tacames or Esmeraldas.
Garcilasso says that Pizarro had two vessels, which he immediately
sent back to Panama. But these seem to have accompanied the march of
Pizarro to Coaque.--E.
[4] From the sequel, this place appears to have been in the province of
Tacames.--E.
[5] A species of gold coin worth 14 reals 18 maravedies. Garcilasso says
that Pizarro sent 24000 or 25000 ducats of gold to Almagro, part of
which was plunder, and part received in ransom for prisoners.--E.
[6] In making this small progress the whole of the year 1531 had been
employed, and the year 1532 was already begun before Pizarro left
Coaque.--Roberts. H. of Amer. II. 288.
[7] Perhaps that now called Mancora, intermediate between the river of
Tumbez and that of Piura. In this route Pizarro had to cross a
mountainous district, not mentioned by Zarate, called the hills of
Castro, Aguarro, and Pachini--E.
[8] Garcillasso suspects that this message must have come from some
_curaca_ in the interest of Huascar, who was then a prisoner to
Atahualpa.--E.
[9] San Miguel stands on the river Piuru, which runs into the sea upwards
of forty miles farther south than the Chira. This colony being
intended for a harbour to receive reinforcements, was probably first
established at the mouth of the river, where Sechura now stands. The
present town of San Miguel is near thirty miles from the sea--E.
[10] In this adventurous march into the interior of an extensive empire,
the forces commanded by Pizarro, who had now received several
reinforcements, consisted of 62 horsemen and 102 foot soldiers, twenty
of whom were armed with cross-bows, and only three carried muskets or
rather matchlocks.--Robertson, H. of Amer. II. 295. He appears also to
have had two small field-pieces.--E.
[11] This envoy would assuredly bring some other message; and accordingly
Robertson, II. 296, says that he offered an alliance, and a friendly
reception at Caxamarca. Garcilasso gives a long and vague account of
the object of this message, and enumerates many articles of provisions
and curiosities, and some rich presents of gold and silver dishes and
vases which were sent on this occasion by Atahualpa to Pizarro.--E.
[12] Robertson, II. 299, suppresses all mention of any hostile intentions
on the part of Atahualpa.--E.
[13] Robertson, note cxxx, justly observes, that the extravagant and
absurd discourse of Valverde, of which that given by Zarate in the
text is an epitome, is merely a translation or paraphrase of a form,
concerted in 1509 by a junto of Spanish lawyers and divines, for
directing the office employed in the New World how to take possession
of any new country.--E.
[14] In this engagement, or massacre rather, according to one Spanish
writer 2000 Peruvians were slain, while another author swells the
number to six or seven thousand, and a third says five thousand. Of
the Spaniards not one was even hurt except the general Pizarro, who
was wounded in the hand by one of his own soldiers.--Roberts. Hist. of
America. II. 302. and note cxxxi.
[15] Considerable even as this sum appears, it seems too small for the
sovereign of so vast an empire which abounded so much in gold; yet we
have no means of correcting the amount. Garcilasso however mentions
one piece of goid plate found in the baths of Atahualpa after the
battle worth 100,000 ducats; but his work is so strange a farrago of
confusion and absurdity as to bear very little authority.--E.
[16] The omission of the length and breadth of this room by Zarate, is
supplied by Robertson, ii. 503, from the other original Spanish
authors, who say the room was 22 feet long by 16 feet broad. The reach
of Atahualpa could not be less than. 7-1/2 feet, 2640 cubic feet of
gold, even heaped up of hollow vessels, must have produced a most
astonishing value of that precious metal; but there are no data on
which to calculate the numerical value of this imperial ransom, which
the Spaniards certainly meant to accept, but would never have
fulfilled the alternative.--E.
[17] The sum in the text is quite vaguely expressed; perhaps pieces of
eight reals, or dollars.--E.
[18] At 17-1/2 leagues to the degree, this government accorded to Pizarro,
would have reached from about Tacames to the lat. of 11 deg. 25' S.
whereas the kingdom of Peru extends to lat. 21 deg. 35' S. and its most
valuable and richest provinces would have fallen to the share of
Almagro.--E.
[19] This expression is entirely vague, and does not even say which
governor is meant. We shall see afterwards that this project of
Almagro to appropriate the southern part of Peru took place at a
subsequent period, and involved the recent conquest in long and
destructive civil wars.--E.
[20] Reckoning the mark at _eight_ ounces, the gold at L.4, and the silver
at 5s 6d. per oz. this royal fifth would come to L.108,000, and the
whole treasure to five times that sum, or L.540,000. But as the
precious metals were then worth at least _six_ times as much as now,
or would purchase _six_ times the amount of labour or necessaries,
this first fruit of the conquest of Peru exceeded the value of three
millions sterling.--E.
[21] Of this tragical event, the illustrious Historian of America, gives a
somewhat different account, II. 310, from Herrera and Garcilasso de la
Vega; which, as much too long for a note, is subjoined in the text to
the narrative of Zarate, and distinguished by inverted commas.--E.
[22] Probably the district now called Jauja: as the x and j have nearly
the same sound in Spanish with the aspirated Greek xi.--E.
[23] Apparently Guancavelica, in which is the town of Vilca-bamba.--E.
[24] This name of _Paul_ could hardly be Peruvian. Manco Capac, a full
brother of Huascar, had been recognized as Inca at Cuzco; perhaps the
person named Paul by Zarate, is the same prince who is called Paullu
by Gardilasso, and may have received that name in baptism at an after
period.--E.
[25] This it probably an error of the press for _Condesugo_. To the south
of Cusco, and in the plain of Peru, there are two contiguous districts
named the Condesuyos of Arequipa and Cusco, which are probably the
province alluded to in the text. The term seems Spanish; but it is not
unusual with Zarate to substitute posterior names to those of the
period concerning which he writes.--E.
[26] This paragraph is added from the history of America, II. 313, to the
text of Zarate, as necessary to account for the subsequent operations
of Pizarro, after the secession of a considerable part of his original
followers.--E.
[27] Tumbez seems here substituted by mistake for Payta. San Miguel is not
less than 130 miles from Tumbez, and only about 30 from Payta--E.
[28] From the subsequent operations of Alvarado, this seems an error of
the press for Quito.--E.
[29] Probably that now called Riobamba by the Spaniards, about 100 miles
south from Quito.--E.
[30] Garcilasso says that the soldiers of both armies, being mostly
natives of Estremedura, mixed together without permission of their
officers, and made propositions of peace and amity, by which the
generals were in a great measure forced to an agreement.
[31] Two thousand marks of gold of eight ounces each, and the ounce at
four pound Sterling are worth L.64,000, perhaps equivalent to near
L.460,000 of modern money.--E.
[32] Perhaps that now called Xibarros, in the south of the kingdom of
Quito.--E.
[33] According to Garcilosso, Pizarro made an additional free gift to
Alvarado of 20,000 gold pesos to defray the expence of his voyage back
to his government, with emeralds and turquoises to a considerable
value, and several articles of gold plate for the use of his table.--E.
[34] Lima or Los Reyes is built on the banks of a river named Rimac or
Limac by the Peruvians, whence its ordinary name of Lima. It is about
ten miles from the sea, having a port named Callao at the mouth of the
river. This city got the name of _the City of the Kings_; either from
its foundation being laid on the 18th of January 1535, on the festival
of the _three kings_; or in honour of Juana and Carlos, joint
sovereigns of Castile.--E.
SECTION III.
_Occurrences from the departure of Almagro for Chili, to his capture by
Pizarro, being the first part of the civil wars in Peru_.
Inconsequence of the agreement between Pizarro and Almagro, which was
ratified on the 12th of June 1535, Almagro soon afterwards set out upon
the proposed discovery and conquest at the head of five hundred and
seventy men, partly cavalry and part infantry; for so great were the hopes
of acquiring riches in this expedition, that several who had already
acquired establishments in Peru, abandoned their houses, lands, and
Indians, to follow the fortunes of Almagro[1]. Juan, de Saavedra was sent
on before the main body of the army with a detachment of a hundred men;
and, in the course of his march through that province which has since been
called _Los Charcas_, he met with some Indians on their road from Chili to
Peru, who were going to pay their homage to the Inca. Almagro having along
with him a body of two hundred men, both horse and foot, made a march of
two hundred and fifty leagues, reducing the whole country in his way, till
he arrived in the district of the _Chichas_, where he learnt that he was
followed by a body of fifty Spaniards commanded by Niguerol de Ulloa.
Almagro commanded that party to join him, and continued his march towards
Chili, which is 350 leagues beyond the province, of Chichas, reducing all
the tribes on his route to submission. Almagro halted at this place with
half his troops, and sent on the rest under Gomez de Aivarado, who
proceeded sixty leagues farther; but was forced to return to Almagro, in
consequence of the severity of the weather.
After the departure of Almagro from Cuzco, the Inca Manco Capac and his,
brother Villaoma entered into a plot for massacring all the Spaniards in
Peru on a certain day. Manco Capac had engaged execute to that part of the
conspiracy which had for its object the destruction of Almagro and his
troops, but which he was unable to accomplish. What was done by his
brother will be related afterwards. Philipillo, the Peruvian interpreter
who has been formerly mentioned, was acquainted with this conspiracy, on
which account he made his escape from Almagro, and being pursued and taken
was condemned to be quartered. Before his execution, he confessed that he
had unjustly procured the death of Atahualpa, that he might thereby secure
to himself one of the wives of that unhappy prince, of whom he was
enamoured.
About two months after the arrival of Almagro in Chili, one of his
captains named Ruy Dias came to him with a reinforcement of a hundred men,
and informed him that all the natives of Peru had revolted and had
massacred most of the Spaniards in that country. Almagro was much grieved
at this intelligence, and resolved immediately to return, that he might
chastise the revolters and restore the country to obedience; meaning
afterwards to send one of his captains with a sufficient force to reduce
Chili. He accordingly set out on his return, and was met on his way by
Rodrigo Orgognez, who brought him a reinforcement of twenty-five men, and
was soon afterwards joined by Juan de Herrada with a farther reinforcement
of a hundred. Herrada brought him likewise the letters patent of the king,
by which he was appointed governor of two hundred leagues of country
beyond the boundaries assigned to Pizarro. This new government which was
granted to Almagro was directed to be named the New Kingdom of Toledo, and
that of Pizarro, the New Kingdom of Castille. Having said at the
commencement of this section, that Almagro carried with him from Cuzco on
this expedition a force of 570 Spanish troops; it must be remarked that
such was his intention, but that in reality he had only 200 men along with
him, after which his army was made up nearly to the intended number by the
different reinforcements of which we have made mention.
In the march of Almagro into Chili, his army suffered excessive hardships
from hunger and thirst. Besides their other fatigues, they had often to
encounter Indians of great stature, clothed in the skins of sea-wolves and
seals, who used the bow and arrow with great strength and address. But the
most severe circumstance during this march was the intense cold which they
encountered in passing over some mountains covered with snow. In
particular, several of the soldiers belonging to Ruy Dias and a good many
horses were frozen to death; and so excessive was the cold, that when
Almagro returned towards Cuzco five months afterwards, several of the
bodies of those who had been frozen to death were found upright and
leaning against the rocks, still holding the bridles of their horses,
which were likewise frozen, and their flesh still remained as sweet and
uncorrupted as if they had only just expired, insomuch that the troops
used the flesh of these horses as food on their return to Peru. In some
parts of these deserts where there was no snow, the Spaniards were reduced
to great straits from want of water; on which account they had to make
bags or leather bottles of the skins of sheep, in which to carry water for
their supply.
It is proper to remark, that the Peruvian sheep are much larger animals
than those of Europe, and are used as beasts of burden. They resemble in
some measure the camel in their shape, except that they have no hunches on
their backs, and are able to carry a load of a hundred pounds or more,
with which they are able to travel four or five leagues a-day. The
Spaniards even sometimes rode on their backs. When fatigued, they
immediately lie down, and it is impossible to make them rise again by any
means whatever, neither blows nor kindness are of any avail, and it
becomes necessary to unload them. When a person rides on one of these
animals, and endeavours to urge it on when weary, it turns round its head
towards the man, blowing upon him a most offensive breath mixed with a
kind of stinking dew, which seems to proceed from the contents of its
stomach. This is a most useful and profitable animal, as besides serving
as a beast of burden, its wool is excellent and very fine; more especially
that species which is called _pacas_, which has very long wool. These
animals are supported at very little expence while on a journey, requiring
only a very small allowance of maize, and they can subsist four or five
days without drinking. Their flesh is well tasted and wholesome, and equal
to the best fat mutton of Spain; and it is accordingly sold in all the
butcher-markets of Peru. At the first settlement of the Spaniards in this
country, before the establishment of regular markets, when any person
killed one of these sheep, his neighbours used to participate, and they in
their turns killed others, and divided them among the neighbours.
In some of the level plains of Peru there is a species of ostrich, which
is taken in the following manner. Several horsemen place themselves in
ambush, while others likewise on horseback pursue the ostriches and
endeavour to drive them towards their companions who are concealed. These
birds, although they are unable to rise in flight into the air, go with
astonishing swiftness, partly by running, and partly by means of short
flights close to the ground, insomuch that a man on horseback is
altogether unable to get up with them, so that it requires stratagem to
kill or take them alive.
In Chili there are some rivers which have water only during the day, and
are entirely dry during the night. This is owing to the heat of the sun
melting the snow on the mountains by day, by which temporary rivers, or
torrents rather, are formed by day, which cease again at night when the
cold puts a stop to the melting of the snow. When we have got about 500
leagues along the coast from Peru towards the south, or in the lat. of
about 30 deg. S. rain is often met with, and the winds are no longer so
regular as nearer the line, but blow sometimes one way and sometimes
another, as in Spain and other countries of Europe. Chili is a tolerably
well peopled country, and resembles Peru in being divisible into two
districts, the plain and the mountain, and its coast is considerably more
indented by gulfs and bays than that of Peru[2]. It enjoys the
vicissitudes of summer and winter nearly as in Spain, but at opposite
times of the year, the winter of Chili being at the same time with the
Spanish summer, and vice versa. The pole seen from that country, which is
directly opposite our _Arctic_ or north pole, is only marked by a kind of
small white cloud or nebula, which is seen after sunset in that direction
in which astronomers have placed the antartic or south pole. There is
likewise seen a constellation of seven stars, four of them being in form
of a cross, followed by three others, resembling the lesser bear of the
astronomers which turns round the north polar star. These seven stars near
the south pole are situated somewhat like those of the _ursa minor_,
except that the four which form the cross are nearer each other than those
of the north pole which are seen in our hemisphere. Our north pole is lost
sight of somewhat less than 200 leagues to the south of Panama, under the
equator; from whence, or a little beyond, on either side of the line,
these two constellations may be seen when they rise a little above the
poles of the horizon. On the south side of the equinoctial line,
navigators are only able to see the four stars near the antarctic pole
which form the cross, until they reach the _thirtieth_ degree of south
latitude, after which they get sight of the other three stars which form
this constellation.
The change in the length of the days and nights in Chili is nearly the
same as in Spain, only the longest day in Chili is at that time of the
year when Spain has the day shortest. In Peru and Tierra firma and
generally in all places near the equinoctial line, the days and nights are
always equal or nearly so during the whole year. Even at Lima and other
places the difference is so small as hardly to be noticed. The natives of
Chili are clothed nearly in the same manner with the Peruvians, and use
the same kind of food. The inhabitants, both men and women, are tolerably
well looked. They are governed by great lords, who make war against each
other, and some of whom are able to bring 200,000 men into the field. One
of these lords at this time was named _Leuchengorma_, who possessed an
island about two leagues from the coast which was consecrated to his idols,
in which was a temple ministered to by two thousand priests. The subjects
of Leuchengorma informed the Spaniards, that there was a great province
about fifty leagues farther on, situated between two rivers, which was
entirely inhabited by women, who did not admit any men among them but at
certain times, for the purpose of having children, and who sent all their
sons to their fathers, reserving their daughters only to be brought up
among themselves. They said farther, that these women were subjects of
Leuchengorma, and were ruled over by a queen named _Guaboymilla_, which
signifies _golden heaven_ in their language, and so named because her
country produces a great quantity of gold. These women manufactured rich
stuffs, in which, and in the gold produced in their country, they paid
tribute to Leuchengorma. Although these things have often been spoken of,
their truth has not as yet been ascertained by the discovery of the
country, Almagro having made no establishment there. Of late, indeed,
Pedro de Valdivia has been sent thither to establish some colonies, but he
has never yet had a sufficient force for making discoveries, or for
colonization, and has settled one colony only, which is placed about
thirty-three degrees to the south of the equator[3].
The whole coast of Chili is well peopled, as far as to the latitude of 40 deg.
south and still farther; which is known by one of the ships belonging to
the fleet sent out by Don Gabriel de Carvajal bishop of Placentia, which
passed through the straits of Magellan, and sailed along the whole western
coast of South America from south to north, and at length reached the port
belonging to Lima. This ship brought over the first rats ever seen in Peru,
which have so multiplied since that there are plenty in every town of the
whole country.
These animals are named _ococha_ by the Peruvians, which word signifies
having come from the sea.
Soon after the departure of Almagro from Cuzco on his expedition to Chili,
Ferdinand Pizarro returned from Spain, where his majesty made him a knight
of the order of St Jago, with other advantages[4]. He had likewise
obtained an enlargement of the government of his brother to a certain
extent, and brought out with him a commission for Almagro to a new
government.
At this time Manco Capac, whom Pizarro had permitted to assume the nominal
title of Inca of Peru, was detained a prisoner in the citadel of Cuzco, in
consequence of the discovery of a conspiracy he had entered into with his
brothers Paul and Villaoma to exterminate the Spaniards. Manco Capac wrote
to Juan Pizarro, intreating to be set at liberty before the arrival of
Ferdinand Pizarro at Cuzco; and Juan, who was then in the _Collao_
endeavouring to reduce certain Indians who had retired into a strong place
among rocks, sent orders to liberate the Inca. On the arrival of Ferdinand
Pizarro at Cuzco, he treated Manco Capac with much respect, yet kept a
constant guard over him, and it is believed that Ferdinand shewed great
friendship for the Inca, in the hope of procuring gold from him, to send
to the king of Spain or for his own use. Two months after the return of
Ferdinand to Cuzco, Manco Capac solicited permission from Ferdinand to go
into the district of _Jucaya_[5] on purpose to celebrate a solemn festival,
promising on his return to present him with a statue of the late Huana
Capac of solid gold as large as life. Ferdinand allowed him to attend this
festival, which turned out merely the unravelment of the plot which had
been formed at the time when Almagro began his march for Chili. Manco
Capac gave immediate orders to put to death some Spaniards who
superintended the working of the mines, and others who were travelling
through the country on various affairs. He sent likewise one of his
captains with a considerable body of troops against Cuzco, who by a sudden
and unexpected attack got possession of the castle of that city. The
Spaniards indeed retook it after six or seven days, yet not without hard
fighting, in which they lost Juan Pizarro; who was killed by a stone which
struck him on the head, at a time when he was unable to wear his helmet in
consequence of a former wound. His death was much regretted by the
Spaniards, being a brave man and much experienced in the manner of
carrying on war with the Indians, and besides because his manners had made
him beloved by every one.
Notwithstanding the recapture of the castle of Cuzco by the Spaniards, the
Inca brought a large army against the city, which he besieged for more
than eight months, making frequent assaults on various parts of the works,
chiefly during moon-light nights when the moon was full. Ferdinand Pizarro
and his brothers, assisted by Gabriel de Roias, Hernand Ponce de Leon, Don
Alfonso Enriquez, the treasurer Requelme, and other brave officers, made a
resolute defence, and were almost perpetually under arms day and night, as
the number of the garrison was exceedingly inadequate to the extent of the
place and the multitude of assailants. As the Spaniards in Cuzco were
aware that the insurrection was general over all Peru, they hardly doubted
but the governor and all their other countrymen were cut off, so that they
defended themselves as men who had no earthly hope of succour, depending
only on the mercy of God and their own courage. Their small number was
daily diminished, as hardly a day passed in which the Indians did not kill
or wound some of their people. One time during the siege, Gonzalo Pizarro
made a sally with twenty horsemen, and proceeded to the lake or marsh of
Chinchero which is five leagues from Cuzco, where he was surrounded by so
vast a force of Indians that he must inevitably have been made prisoner,
had not Ferdinand Pizarro and Alfonso de Toro come up to his rescue with a
body of horse. Gonzalo was much blamed on this occasion for having
advanced so far among the enemy with so few men.
We have already mentioned that Almagro had resolved to return into Peru
and to make himself master of Cuzco, from the time that Juan de Herrada
had brought him the commission by which he was appointed to a government
beyond that assigned to Don Francisco Pizarro. The principal officers who
were along with him, strongly urged him to this measure, particularly
Gomez Alvarado and Diego Alvarado, brother and uncle of Don Pedro Alvarado
the governor of Guatimala, and Rodrigo Orgognez; some of whom were eager
to procure settlements in Peru, and others were desirous of gaining
establishments in Chili. To succeed in their design, as reports of the
insurrection in Peru had reached Chili, they instructed some Indian
interpreters to inform Almagro that the governor Francisco Pizarro and
most of the Spaniards in Peru had been slain by the Peruvians. Urged by
all these considerations, Almagro marched back into Peru, and even arrived
within six leagues of Cuzco without giving notice to Ferdinand Pizarro of
his motions or intentions[6]. Almagro made overtures to the Inca Manco
Capac for an accommodation, offering to forgive him all the injury he had
already done to the Spaniards, in consideration of joining his party and
assisting him to become master of Cuzco, of which he pretended that he had
been appointed governor by the king of Spain. The Inca proposed an
interview between them under pretence of settling the terms of an
agreement, to which Almagro consented without suspecting any treachery,
and went accordingly with a part only of his troops to the place appointed
for the conference, leaving the rest of his force under the command of
Juan de Saavedra. Taking advantage of this confidence, the Inca attacked
Almagro by surprize with extreme fury, and even killed and wounded several
of his men.
In the mean time, Ferdinand Pizarro received notice of the arrival of
Almagro, and that Juan de Saavedra was left at the village of Hurcos in
command of the troops in the absence of Almagro. He went therefore from
Cuzco at the head of an hundred and seventy of his best troops, in hope of
being able to prevail on Saavedra and the rest to abandon the party of
Almagro, or to fall upon them by surprize and make them prisoners. But
Saavedra got timely notice of his approach, and drew up his forces,
amounting to three hundred Spaniards, in an advantageous situation for his
reception. When the two parties were just about to engage, Ferdinand
Pizarro sent a message to Saavedra proposing a private interview, that
they might endeavour to agree upon an accommodation, to which the other
consented. As this conference was entirely between themselves, it is
difficult to know with any certainty what passed; but it was reported that
Ferdinand endeavoured to persuade Saavedra to join him with the troops
under his command, for which he offered a large recompense in gold; but
that Saavedra, like a man of honour, peremptorily refused to betray his
general.
On the return of Almagro from his affair with the Inca, he rejoined the
troops under Saavedra, and marched for Cuzco with his whole force. While
on the march, he made prisoners of four horsemen who had been sent out by
Ferdinand Pizarro to reconnoitre, from whom he learnt all the particulars
of the insurrection of the Peruvians, who had killed more than six hundred
Spaniards, and had burnt down a great part of the city of Cuzco, on which
news Almagro was very sensibly afflicted. He sent however, his patents as
governor to the senators of the royal council or Cabildo of Cuzco, whom he
urged to receive him as their governor; since, as he insisted, the bounds
of the government assigned to Francisco Pizarro certainly did not include
their city, and even fell considerably short of it to the north. In answer
to this demand, the council made answer, that whenever the extent of the
government belonging to Pizarro was accurately measured and determined,
they would be ready to accede to his desires, provided their city was
found to be beyond his limits. This subject was endeavoured to be settled
at that time, and has been since tried to be ascertained by several
experienced persons; but the manner in which this affair ought to be
regulated has never been agreed upon between the two interested parties.
The adherents of Almagro have always insisted, that the extent assigned by
his majesty as the government of Pizarro, ought to be measured either
along the sea coast or by the grand road of the Incas, taking into the
account all the turnings and windings in either of these routes; by which
means, in either of these ways not only the city of Cuzco, but even Lima
according to the opinions of several persons, would be left out of the
province of Pizarro. He on the other hand, insisted that the extent of
country granted to him, ought to be measured in a straight line directly
from north to south, without any angles or turnings, or by means of
settling the degrees of latitude at the two extremities, allowing so many
leagues to each degree.
Ferdinand Pizarro offered to admit Almagro and his troops into Cuzco, and
to assign them a particular quarter of the city for their residence, if he
would agree to defer the dispute about the boundaries, till intelligence
were sent to the governor Don Francisco Pizarro, then at Lima, that he
might have it in his power to endeavour to fall upon some means of
settling the difference between them in an amicable manner. It has been
said by some, that a truce was agreed upon between them on these
principles; and that on the faith of this truce, Ferdinand Pizarro allowed
all the soldiers and inhabitants to retire to their quarters for rest and
refreshment, after their long fatigues, having spent several days and
nights continually under arms, without time to sleep or even to take
proper food. It is farther said, that Almagro, being informed of this
circumstance, made a night attack on Cuzco, in which he was aided by a
thick mist, so that he got possession of the defences without being
observed. Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro, awakened by the noise, flew to
arms and defended their house, which was the first attacked, with the
assistance of their servants; but as the enemy set it on fire in several
places, they were forced to surrender. Next day, Almagro obliged the
Cabildo to receive him as governor, and committed Ferdinand and Gonzalo
Pizarro to prison. Several of his confidents even urged him to secure his
conquest by putting the Pizarros to death; but he was chiefly dissuaded
from this by the influence of Diego de Alvarado, who became responsible
for them.
It has been said that Almagro violated the truce which he had agreed to
with Ferdinand Pizarro, in consequence of the false representations of
several Indians and Spaniards, who told him that Ferdinand had ordered all
the bridges to be broken down, and was employed in fortifying Cuzco
against him. In proof of this, it is alleged that when Almagro was
advancing to attack the city, and saw the bridges remained uninjured, he
said aloud that he had been imposed on. The governor Don Francisco Pizarro
did not receive any account of these events at Cuzco for a good many days
afterwards. As the Inca Manco Capac had fled with a large body of Peruvian
warriors to the high mountains of the Andes, Almagro invested his brother
the _Inca Paul_[7] with the royal fringed fillet, appointing him nominal
king of Peru.
Among those things which Don Francisco Pizarro had solicited from his
majesty in reward for his services in the discovery and conquest of Peru,
he particularly requested the grant in perpetuity to him and his
descendants of twenty thousand Indians in a province named _Atabillos_[8],
with all the revenues, imposts, rights, and jurisdictions appertaining to
them, together with the title of Marquis of that province. The king gave
him the title of Marquis according to his desire; but in regard to the
grant of Indians which he solicited, answered, that he must in the first
place be better informed of the nature and circumstances of the country
and its native institutions, before he could determine on that measure,
but that Pizarro might rest assured of having every reasonable concession
in his favour.
On receiving information of the insurrection of the Peruvians around Cuzco
under Manco Capac, Francisco Pizarro, now Marquis, sent several
detachments of troops to the assistance of his brother Ferdinand at Cuzco,
sometimes ten or fifteen only together, according as circumstances or
convenience occurred, not believing the state of affairs to be so
hazardous as it was in reality[9]. The Peruvians having accurate
information of the march of these detachments, occupied the difficult
passes of the mountains with parties of warriors, and succeeded on several
occasions to defeat these small bodies, most of whom were slain. One
considerable reinforcement of seventy horsemen, was sent by the Marquis
from Truxillo and San Miguel under the command of Diego Pizarro, who was
waylaid by the Peruvians at a difficult pass called the mountain of Parios,
about fifty leagues from Cuzco, where he and his men were all slain. One
Gonzalo de Tapia, who was brother-in-law to the Marquis, who went with a
body of eighty horsemen, was likewise defeated and slain; and two other
Back to Full Books
|