A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume IX.
by
Robert Kerr
Part 4 out of 12
completion of her voyage.
_Given at the Castle of Muscat, this_ 16_th November_, 1611.
_Written by Antonio de Peitas, notary of the said factory,
&c._
_Sealed and signed by_
ANTONIO PEREIRA."
The certificate on the back was thus:
"_Registered in the book of Certificates, folio xxxii, et sequ._
Signed, ANT. PEITAS."
The 17th September, we sailed past some high rugged cliffs, close to
which, as Noradin told us, was a good watering place, at a village named
_Ivane_, fifteen leagues west from Guadal. That same evening we arrived
at Guadal, and anchored for the night off the mouth of the port, whence
about thirty boats came out next morning to fish, some of which came to
speak with the _balloches_ we had aboard. What conversation passed among
them we did not understand, being in the _balloche_ language. Betimes on
the 18th, we cleared our pilot and his boat, and he departed well
contented. Soon after, the ambassador sent Nazerbeg, one of his Persian
attendants, on shore in our skiff, with a message to the governor
concerning his landing and passing through that country into Persia.
While on the way, our skiff was met by the governor's boat, coming off
to our ship, and Nazerbeg was taken into that boat, which carried him to
the shore, whence he was accompanied by many of the natives to the
governor's tent. He here delivered his message in Persian, which these
people understand as well as their own language, and was kindly
entertained. The answer from the governor was to this effect: That,
although this country of Mekran did not belong to the king of Persia, it
yet owed love and duty thereto, having been long tributary to the king
and his predecessors, and still was. He farther said, that the king of
Mekran was the king of Persia's slave, with many other hollow
compliments, and that the ambassador should be made as welcome as in
Persian all this only tending to allure his lordship ashore by treachery
to his ruin, as appeared by the event.
With this answer Nazerbeg returned, being accompanied on board by about
a dozen of the most ancient men of the balloches, to confirm the same.
On coming aboard, these men saluted the ambassador most submissively, in
the name of the governor of Guadal, and on their own behalf some even
offering to kiss his feet; and told his lordship that he was most
fortunate in coming to their city at this time, as only the day before
the viceroy had come down with a troop of men, to visit a saint, and
therefore his lordship would be conducted with infinite safety through
the country, and protected from the danger of rebels and thieves, who
infested the country between Mekran and Persia, and might either go
through Kerman or Segistan to Ispahan. They added, that the viceroy
would supply his lordship with camels and horses, and every other
requisite for the journey, and would gladly give him every other
accommodation in his power. They said, moreover, that they were much
rejoiced at having such an opportunity of shewing their unfeigned love
and duty towards the king of Persia, and that the ambassador should be
dispatched on his journey from Guadal in two days, if he were so
inclined. They told us, that our ship should be supplied with water, and
every other necessary of which we were in want; and they gave us three
bags of bruised dates, of about 300 pounds weight, with two boats,
saying the fishing-boats were ordered to give us two fish a-piece daily,
on account of their government, which they did accordingly.
By these shews of good-will, all men concurring in the same fair story,
both now and formerly, we were thoroughly satisfied, and had no distrust
that they meant not as well as they said. The lord ambassador,
especially, was much rejoiced at the prospect of being thus enabled to
reach Persia in twenty days, as they said; and we not less so, in
bringing our long-desired hopes to a bearing. But God, from whom no
secrets of the heart can be hidden, knew their treacherous intentions
towards us; and had not his mercy exceeded his justice, we had been
utterly destroyed, and it had never been known what became of us, our
ship, or our goods.
Being quite satisfied with these fair promises, the ambassador got every
thing in readiness, and in the morning of the 19th September, sent his
money and all his baggage on shore with the _balloches_ boats, which
came aboard for the purpose. They also brought a message from the
viceroy and governor, saying they had provided tents for his lordship
and all his followers, close to their own, where they would be happy to
receive him as soon as he pleased to land. Into this tent accordingly
all the ambassador's goods were carried, and some of his followers were
appointed by his orders to remain there in charge of them, till he
should himself land, intending to have gone ashore the same day, about
four in the afternoon, of which he sent word to the viceroy. In the mean
time our boat went ashore with empty casks to bring off fresh water, and
in her went the Persian followers of the ambassador, and three or four
more of his people, to see the careful landing of his goods, and to
accompany them to the tents.
While the ambassador's baggage was landing, some of the natives asked,
if these were all the things the ambassador had to send ashore? To which
it was answered, that these were all, except jewels and such like
things, which were to come along with himself. Some other natives
standing by, observed among themselves, That it was no matter, as these
were enough for the soldiers. This was overheard and understood by
Nazerbeg, who concealed it for the time, though it raised some suspicion
in his mind, as he said afterwards: Yet so strongly was he prepossessed
by the agreement of all that had passed before, that he could not bring
himself to believe their intentions were bad. He listened, however, more
attentively to all that was said afterwards among them, but could hear
nothing that savoured of double-dealing.
A little while afterwards, Nazerbeg met with one _Haji Comul_,[113] whom
God made an instrument to disclose the devilish project of the balloches
to circumvent and destroy us, and who now revealed the particulars of
their bloody designs. Nazerbeg was amazed, and even chid _Comul_ for not
having told this before the goods were landed. As the time appointed for
the landing of the ambassador was at hand, Nazerbeg was fearful he might
have come ashore before he could get to our ship to forewarn him.
Wherefore, hastening to the shore, where, as God would have it, our
skiff was still filling water, he told our men there was treachery
plotting against us on shore, and entreated them to row him to the ship
with all possible speed. He was therefore brought off immediately, yet
hardly a moment too soon, as the ambassador and all his suite, together
with our captain and all the principal officers among us, willing to
grace the ambassador as far as we could for the honour of our country,
were already in the waste, and ready to go on shore. When Nazerbeg had
communicated his news, we were as ready to change our purpose as we had
been before to go ashore. The purport of what he had learnt from _Haji
Comul_ was as follows:--
The viceroy and governor had agreed together to entice as many of us as
they possibly could ashore, on purpose to cut all our throats; which
done, they meant to have set upon the ship, and having taken her, to
seize every thing she contained. They had made minute enquiry into our
numbers, and had got a particular enumeration of the state and condition
of every person in the ship, all of whom they intended to put to death
without mercy, except the surgeon, the musicians, the women, and the
boys. Their reverence for the king of Persia, of which they had so
boasted, was all a mere pretence to deceive; for they were all rebels,
and it was death to talk of the king of Persia in Guadal. Though we now
understood their intended plot, for which God be praised, and were
sufficiently put upon our guard to prevent its execution by arming
ourselves, knowing that we were able to defend ourselves from injury on
board, although they had great numbers of boats, and above 1500 men
armed with muskets, besides others; yet were we at a loss how we might
recover his lordship's goods, and his three men who were ashore along
with them. But God, who had thus miraculously delivered us from their
cruel treachery, opened likewise our understandings, so that we
recovered all according to our wish, in the following manner:--
As the viceroy and his fellows expected the immediate landing of the
ambassador and followers, together with the captain and others of us, we
sent Nazerbeg again ashore, with instructions what to do. He was to
inform the viceroy that the ambassador was not very well, and had
therefore deferred his landing till next morning, which was Monday the
20th September. He was also directed to request the viceroy and
governor, to send two or three of their boats for him very early, to
bring the women and others of his company ashore, as the ship's boats
were too small; and to say, that the ambassador expected to be attended
by some men of condition from the viceroy, to come in the boats, out of
respect to the king of Persia, whose person he represented. This
message, being well delivered, took the desired effect, and the viceroy
readily promised to comply with every thing required. Having finished
this part of his introductions, Nazerbeg was to repair to the tent where
the baggage was lodged, and to fetch from one of the trunks, two bags of
money containing L200 sterling, and some other things of value, if he
could so contrive without being noticed, as it was wished to conceal the
knowledge we had of the villainous intentions of these barbarians.
Nazerbeg was also desired to use dispatch, and to desire the three
servants of the ambassador to remain all night at the tents, with
promise of being relieved next morning. All was done as directed, and
not only was the money brought away, but a trunk also containing Lady
Shirley's apparel. When the balloches enquired the reason of taking that
trunk back to the ship, they were told it contained the lady's
night-clothes, and that it was to be brought ashore again next day.
[Footnote 113: In Purchas this person is named _Hoge_ Comul; but we
suspect it ought to be _Haji_, intimating that he had made the
pilgrimage of Mecca and Medina.--E.]
The ambassador having thus recovered his money, wished much to get back
one other large trunk, containing things of value, and the three men
which were ashore with his baggage, even if all the rest were lost. For
this purpose, we filled, over night, a large chest and a night-stool,
with billets of wood, rubbish, stones, and other useless matters, to
make them heavy, binding them up carefully with mats and ropes to give
them an air of importance. Nazerbeg was instructed to take these on
shore, to be left in place of the large trunk which he was to bring
away, under pretence that it belonged to one of the merchants, and had
been landed by mistake. The three men at the tent were to accompany him
back to the ship, with their musical instruments, and the _balloches_
were to be told they were wanted by the lord ambassador to accompany him
with their music on his landing.
Every thing being thus properly arranged, we saw next morning early, the
three boats coming off for the purpose of bringing his lordship on
shore, according to promise. We then manned our skiff, and sent her
ashore to put our plan into execution, by which we hoped to entrap the
_balloches_ in the snare they had laid for us. In the mean time, we
received the people from the three boats into our ship, consisting of
seven or eight persons of some condition, among whom was our friend
_Haji Comul_; all the rest being slaves and fishermen. We kept them in
discourse on various matters, to pass away time till our skiff could get
back. During this conversation, one of them said that the viceroy
earnestly desired we might bring our _slurbow_[114] ashore with us, as
he wished much to see it, which we readily promised, to satisfy them. We
soon after had the pleasure to see our skiff returning, having been
completely successful, as it not only brought away the trunk and the
three men, but also one of the chief men among the _balloches_, whom
Nazerbeg enticed along with him. As soon as he came on board, he and the
rest desired to see our gun-rooms, in which they had been told we had
all our fire-works, of which they were in great dread, particularly of
our _slurbow_ and fire-arrows; and this answered exactly to our wishes,
as we meant to have enticed them below, that we might disarm them of
their long knives or daggers. When all these principal persons were down
below in the gun-room, all our people being armed and in readiness, and
dispersed in different parts of the ship, some on deck, some between
decks, and others in the gunroom, to arrest and disarm the traitors;
and when the concerted signal was given, this was instantly
accomplished, to their great astonishment, yet without resistance.
[Footnote 114: From circumstances mentioned in the sequel, this seems to
have been a species of cross-bow for discharging fire-arrows.--E.]
We then laid open to them our knowledge of their murderous intentions,
saying their lives were now in our hands, as they had themselves fallen
into the pit they had dug for us; and, if we served them right, we
should now cut them in pieces, as they meant to have done by us. Yet
they stoutly denied the whole alleged plot. We detained six of the
chiefest men among them, and two of their boats, sending all the rest
a-shore, being all naked rascals, except one, by whom we sent a message
to the viceroy and governor, That, unless he sent us back all the goods
and baggage we had ashore, without abstracting even the smallest
portion, we would carry off those we had now in our custody. When this
message was delivered to the viceroy and governor, they sent back word
by the same messenger, that, if we would release the _balloches_, all
our goods should be sent to us, and at the same time making many hollow
declarations that no evil had ever been intended against us. On
receiving this message, and in sight of the messenger, all our prisoners
were immediately put in irons; and two letters were wrote to the viceroy
in Persian, one by us and the other by the prisoners, intimating in the
most determined terms, that the prisoners would be all put to death, if
the goods were not safely returned without delay, giving only two hours
respite at the most, the sand-glass being set before them as the
messenger left the ship, that he might be induced to make haste. By
these sharp means, we constrained them to restore every thing in the
most ample manner; and this being done, we released the men and boats,
according to promise, and sent them away. One man named _Malim
Simsadim_, whom we had learnt, from _Haji Comul_, was an experienced
pilot for _Sinde_ and _Cambay_, we detained for that purpose, promising
to reward him according to his merits.
Thus, by God's assistance, to whom be endless praise for our
deliverance, we happily extricated ourselves from this dangerous and
intricate affair, which was entirely concluded by six p.m. of the 20th
September. We set sail that same night with our new pilot and _Haji
Comul_, which last remained along with us, as his life would have been
in danger among that accursed crew, for revealing their diabolical plot.
We now bent out course for Sinde, as willing to avoid all subsequent
dangers which these blood-thirsty balloches might attempt to plot
against us. In our way, we had much conversation with Comul, whom we
much esteemed and respected for the excellent service he had done
towards us. _Comul_ was a native of Dabul in India, his father being a
Persian of the sect of Ali, in which _Comul_ was a churchman, or priest,
having likewise some skill in medicine and surgery, in which capacity he
had resided in the tent of the governor of Guadal, and owing to which
circumstance he had overheard their infernal plot. He had obtained leave
to come aboard our ship, under pretence of procuring certain ointments
or balsams, which he alleged had been promised him by our surgeons. He
said that, on hearing their murderous intentions, his heart yearned
within him, to think we should be led like sheep to the slaughter by
such bloody butchers, and that God willed him to reveal their plot to
us. He farther told us, that to his knowledge, they had already betrayed
three ships in the same manner; that they were all rebels against the
King of Persia, refusing to pay the tribute which they and their
ancestors had been accustomed to; and that the king of Persia had levied
an army, which waited not for from Guadal, with the purpose to invade
the country next winter.
This country of _Macquerona_, or Mekran, is on the main land of Asia,
bordering upon the kingdom of Persia. The port of _Guadal_ is nearly in
the lat. of 25 deg. N, the variation being 17 deg. 15' [lat. 24 deg. 40' N. long.
61 deg. 50' E.]. It has good anchorage in four or five fathoms. At night of
the 21st September, the day after leaving Guadal, our _balloche_ pilot
brought our ship in danger of running on a shoal, where we had to come
suddenly to anchor till next morning. The 24th at night, while laying
to, because not far from Cape Camelo, a Portuguese frigate, or bark,
passed close beside us, which at first we suspected to have been an
armed galley, for which cause we prepared for defence in case of need.
3. _Arrival at Diul-ginde,[115] and landing of the Ambassador: Seeking
Trade there, are crossed by the slanderous Portuguese: Go to Sumatra and
Bantam; and thence Home to England_.
[Footnote 115: This singular name ought perhaps to have been Diul-Sinde,
or Diul on the Indus, or Sinde river, to distinguish it from Diu in
Guzerat.--E.]
The 26th September, 1613, we came to anchor right before the mouth of
the river _Sinde_, or Indus, by the directions of a pilot we had from
one of the boats we found fishing at that place. We rode in very good
ground, in a foot less five fathoms, the mouth of the river being E. by
N. being in the latitude of 24 deg. 38' N.[116] That same day, the
ambassador sent two of his people, to confer with the governor about his
coming ashore, and procuring a passage through that country into Persia.
The governor, whose name was _Arah Manewardus_, who was of _Diul_,[117]
was most willing to receive the ambassador, and to shew him every
kindness, both in regard to his entertainment there, and his passage
through his province or jurisdiction. To this intent, he sent a
principal person aboard, attended by five or six more, to welcome his
lordship with many compliments, assuring him of kind entertainment.
Presently after there came boats from _Diul_ for his accommodation, in
which he and all his people and goods went ashore on the 29th September,
all in as good health as when they embarked in our ship from England. At
his departure we saluted him with eleven guns, and our captain entrusted
him with a fine fowling-piece, having two locks, to present to the
governor of Tatta, a great city, a day's journey from Diul,[118] both
cities being in the dominions of the Great Mogul. We also now set ashore
our treacherous _balloche_ pilot, _Sim-sadin_, though he better merited
to have been thrown into the sea, as he endeavoured twice to have cast
us away; once by his own means, as formerly alluded to, and afterwards
by giving devilish council to the pilot we hod from the fisher boat at
this place.
[Footnote 116: The river Indus has many mouths, of which no less than
_seventeen_ are laid down in Arrowsmith's excellent map of Hindoostan,
extending between the latitudes of 24 deg. 45' and 23 deg. 15' both N. and
between the longitudes of 67 deg. 12' and 69 deg. 12' both east. That mouth
where the Expedition now came to anchor, was probably that called the
_Pitty_ river, being the most north-western of the Delta, in lat 24 deg. 45'
N. and long. 67 deg. 12' E. from Greenwich; being the nearest on her way
from Guadal, and that which most directly communicates with Tatta, the
capital of the Delta of the Indus.--E.]
[Footnote 117: Such is the vague mode of expression in the Pilgrims; but
it appears afterwards that he was governor of Diul, at which place Sir
Robert Shirley and his suite were landed. It singularly happens, that
Diul is omitted in all the maps we have been able to consult; but from
the context, it appears to have been near the mouth of the Pitty river,
mentioned in the preceding note. It is afterwards said to have been
fifteen miles up the river, in which case it may possibly be a place
otherwise called _Larry Bunder_, about twenty miles up the Pitty, which
is the port of Tatta.--E.]
[Footnote 118: Tatta is not less than seventy-five English miles from
the mouth of the Pitty, and consequently sixty from Diul.--E.]
When the lord ambassador left us, we requested he would send us word how
he found the country disposed, and whether we might have trade there;
and for this purpose, we gave his lordship a note in writing of what we
chiefly desired, which was to the following purport: "That our coming to
this port was purposely to land his lordship; yet, as we had brought
with us certain commodities and money, we were willing to make sales of
such and so much of those as might suit, if we could obtain licence and
protection for quiet trade; and, with the governor's permission, would
settle a factory at this place, to which, though now but slenderly
provided, we would afterwards bring such kinds and quantities of goods
us might be most suitable for sale. The commodities we now had, were
elephants and morse teeth, fine fowling-pieces, lead and tin in bars,
and some Spanish dollars. If we could not be permitted to trade, we
requested leave to provide ourselves, with refreshments, and so to
depart."
The 30th September, the ambassador had an audience of the governor
concerning all his business, to whom he shewed the _firmaun_ of the king
of Persia, as also the pass of the king of Spain, thinking thereby to
satisfy the jealousy of the Portuguese residents at that place, who
reported, on pretended intelligence from Ornus, that Don Roberto Shirley
was come from England with three ships to the Indies, on purpose to
steal. They peremptorily refused to give credence to the Spanish pass,
saying it was neither signed nor sealed by their king, in which they
could not possibly be mistaken, knowing it so well, and therefore that
it was assuredly forged. On this, the ambassador angrily said, that it
was idle to shew them any king's hand-writing and seal, as they had no
king, being merely a waste nation, forcibly reduced under subjection to
the king of Spain, and mere slaves both to him and his natural subjects.
Yet the Portuguese boldly stood to their former allegations, insisting
that the ambassador had other two ships in the Indies. Then _Arah
Manewardus_ sharply reproved them for their unseemly contradictions of
the Persian ambassador, and ordered them out of the room.
The ambassador then made a speech to the governor concerning our
admittance to trade at his port, on which the governor expressed his
readiness to do so, all inconveniences understood, and desired the
ambassador to send for one or two of our merchants, that he might confer
with them on the subject. Upon this the ambassador wrote to us on the 2d
October, saying what he had done in our affairs, and sending us
assurance for our safe going and returning. Being thereby in good hope
of establishing trade at this place, if not a factory, and to make sale
of the small quantity of goods we now had, Mr Joseph Salbank and I, by
advice of the captain and others, made ourselves ready and went ashore
that same morning in one of the country boats. Our ship lay about four
or five miles from the mouth of the river, from whence we had fifteen
miles to travel to _Diul_, where the ambassador was, so that it was late
in the evening before we landed there.
In our way we met a Portuguese frigate or bark, bound for Ormus, on
purpose to prevent any of their ships coming till we were gone. This
bark went close past our ship, taking a careful review of her, and so
departed. As soon as we were landed, three or four Portuguese came up to
us, asking if we had brought any goods ashore, and such like questions;
but we made them no reply, pretending not to understand their language,
that we might the better understand them for our own advantage, if
occasion served. There then came another Portuguese, who spoke Dutch
very fluently, telling me many things respecting the country and people,
tending to their ill conduct and character, thinking to dissuade us from
endeavouring to have any trade there. Soon after, the officers of the
customs came, and conducted us to the castle, but we could not have an
audience of the governor that night, as it was already late. The
officers, who were mostly banians, and spoke good Portuguese, searched
every part about us for money, not even leaving our shoes unsearched;
and perceiving that we were surprised at this, they prayed us to be
content therewith, as it was the custom of the country. To this I
replied, that though the Portuguese might give them cause for so bad a
fashion, yet English merchants did not hide their money in their shoes
like smugglers. Then the governor's servants came to us, and lighted us
from the castle to the house in which the ambassador lodged, where we
were made heartily welcome, and were lodged all the time we staid in
Diul, and at no expence to us. Seeing us landed, and hearing we came to
treat with the governor for settling trade at that place, the Portuguese
spread many slanderous and malignant lies against our king, country, and
nation, reporting that we were thieves, and not merchants, and that we
derived our chief subsistence by robbing other nations on the sea.
In the morning of the 3d October, the governor sent word to the
ambassador that he would see and converse with us in the afternoon. In
the mean time, we had notice that the Portuguese were using every effort
with him and others to prevent our being entertained, both by offering
him gratifications if he would refuse us, and by threatening to leave
the place if we were received, pretending that they would not remain
where thieves were admitted. Yet the governor sent for us, commanding
four great horses, richly caparisoned, to be sent to the ambassador's
house, for his lordship, Sir Thomas Powell, Mr Salbank, and me, and sent
also a number of his servants to conduct us to the castle; all the
ambassador's servants went likewise along with him, each carrying a
halbert. In this manner we rode through some part of the city, the
people in all the streets flocking out to see us, having heard talk of
Englishmen, but never having seen any before, as we were the first who
had ever been in that part of the country.
On coming to the castle, we were received in a very orderly manner, and
led through several spacious rooms, where many soldiers were standing in
ranks on each side, all cloathed from head to foot in white dresses. We
were then conducted to a high turret, in which the governor and some
others sat, who rose up at our entrance and saluted us, bidding us
kindly welcome. We then all sat down round the room, on carpets spread
on the floor, according to their fashion. The governor again bid us
welcome, saying he was glad to see Englishmen in that country; but said,
in regard to the trade we desired to have there, that the Portuguese
would by no means consent to our having trade, and threatened to desert
the place if we were received. Yet, if he could be assured of deriving
greater benefit from our trade than he now had from that of the
Portuguese, he should not care how soon they left him, as he thought
well of our nation. In the mean time, however, as he farmed the customs
of that port from the king, to whom he was bound to pay certain sums
yearly for the same, whether they were actually received or not, he was
under the necessity of being circumspect in conducting the business,
lest he might incur the displeasure of the king, to his utter ruin. He
then told us that the customs from the Portuguese trade, together with
what arose from their letting out their ships to hire to the Guzerats
and Banians, amounted to a _lack_ of rupees yearly, which is L10,000
sterling.[119]
[Footnote 119: A rupee is two shillings, or somewhat more, and a _lack_
is 100,000.-_Purch._]
He then desired to know the kinds and quantities of the commodities we
had brought, and what amount we had in money? To all which we gave him
distinct answers, as nearly as we could remember; adding, that though we
now brought but small store, we would engage to furnish his port at our
next coming, which would be in about twenty-two months, with such
commodities as were now brought by the Portuguese, and with such
quantities of each kind as might be requisite to satisfy the demands of
that port. He appeared to approve of this, and concluded by saying, as
our present stock of commodities were so small, the Portuguese would
only laugh at him and us if we were now admitted to trade, wherefore he
wished us to defer all trade till our next coming; but that he was ready
to give us a writing under his hand and seal to assure us of good
entertainment at our next coming, provided we came fully prepared as we
said, and on condition we should leave him a written engagement not to
molest any of the ships or goods of the king of the Moguls, or his
subjects. We agreed to all this, and requested he would allow us to sell
those goods we now had; but which he would by no means consent to, for
fear of offending the Portuguese, as stated before.
We then desired that we might have leave to provide our ship with water,
and other necessary refreshments, for our money, after which we should
depart as soon as possible. To this he said, that as soon as we sent him
the writing he desired, he would send us the one he had promised, and
would give orders to his officers to see our wants supplied; but desired
that the Portuguese might know nothing of all this. Seeing no remedy, we
then desired to know what kinds of commodities he wished us to bring,
and also what were the commodities his country could afford in return.
We were accordingly informed, that the commodities in request in Sinde
were broad-cloths of various prices, and light gay colours, as stammels,
reds, greens, sky-blues, indigo-blues, azures, &c. also elephants teeth,
iron, steel, lead, tin, spices, and money. The commodities to be had
there were, indigo of Lahore, indigo of _Cherques_, calicoes of all
sorts, pintadoes, or painted chintzes of all sorts, all kinds of
Guzerat and Cambay commodities, with many kinds of drugs. We then took
our leave, and returned to the ambassador's house, whence I sent him a
letter, according to his desire, signed by Mr Salbanke and me, on which
he sent us another, in the Persian language, which is written backwards,
much like the Hebrew, and which was interpreted to us by the ambassador,
in English, as follows:
"WHEREAS there has arrived at this port of Diul, an English ship called
the Expedition, of which is captain, Christopher Newport, and merchants,
Joseph Salbank and Walter Peyton, and has landed here Don Robert
Shirley, ambassador of the king of Persia, who has desired us to grant
them trade at this port under my government, which I willingly would
have granted, but not having brought merchandize in sufficient quantity
to begin trade, and the Portuguese, from whom I reap benefit, refusing
their consent, threatening to go away if I receive the English nation,
by which I should be left destitute of all trade, whence arises those
sums I have yearly to pay to the king, and in default whereof I should
incur his majesty's displeasure, to my utter ruin. Yet, from the love I
bear to the king of Persia, by whose ambassador I am solicited, and from
affection for the English, together with the faithful performance of the
writing left with me under their hands and seals by the two merchants
before named, I hereby promise the English nation, under my hand and
seal, if they will come like themselves, so fitted that I may derive
more advantage from them than from the Portuguese, that I will
infallibly grant them trade here, with such reasonable privileges as we
may agree upon."
_Given at Diul, this 3d of October_, 1613.
ARAH MANEWARUS.
Having received this writing on the 4th October, together with orders
from the governor to his officers for our being furnished with water and
refreshments, we made haste to return to our ships. A little before we
went away, the ambassador fell into discourse with us about procuring a
_firmaun_ from the Great Mogul, for which purpose he wished Mr Salbank
to accompany him to Agra, the principal residence of that sovereign,
affirming that he would procure that grant of trade for us in a short
time, for which he alleged there was now a favourable opportunity, both
because he had other business to transact at the court of the Mogul, and
in consequence of the willingness of _Manewardus_ to admit us to trade
at his port. He alleged likewise that we might never have so favourable
an opportunity, and assured us that he would therein shew himself a
true-hearted Englishman, whatever the company of merchants might think
of him; and that Mr Salbank should be an evidence of his earnest
endeavours to serve the merchants in procuring this _firmaun_, not only
for Diul, but for other parts of the Mogul dominions, and should also
carry the grant with him over-land to England. All this seemed
reasonable, and as Mr Salbank had been before in these parts, he was
very willing to go, provided it met with the approbation of the captain
and me, and the other gentlemen in the ship; for which purpose the
ambassador wrote a letter to our captain, to urge his consent, which we
carried with us.
We left Diul that same day about four in the afternoon, and on going to
the river side to take boat, many of the natives flocked about to look
at us. We were likewise joined by about a dozen Portuguese, who began to
talk with us in Dutch, as before, asking many frivolous questions. I now
answered them in their own language, on purpose that the Banians, who
were present, might understand what I said; telling them that they were
a shameless and lying people to spread so many slanderous and false
reports of our nation, while they knew their own to be much inferior to
ours in many respects, and that their scandalous conduct proceeded
merely from malignant policy to prevent us from participating with them
in the trade of India. To this I added, that if they did not restrain
themselves within due peaceful bounds, amending their behaviour both in
words and actions, they should be all driven out of India, and a more
honest and loyal nation substituted in their place. Then one of the
principal men among them stepped forwards, and made answer, that they
had already too many enemies, and had no need of more; but that they had
substantial reasons for speaking of us as they had done, as not long
since one of their ships had been taken near Surat, and, as they
supposed, by an English ship. To which I answered, that this was more
like to have been done by the Hollanders. They then became more civil,
and finally wished that we might trade in all parts of India with them,
and they with us, like friends and neighbours, and that our kings might
enter into some agreement to that effect. They then kindly took leave of
us, and we departed.
We got back to our ship on the 6th, when it was agreed that Mr Salbank
should accompany the ambassador to Agra, as proposed. For which purpose
he got himself in readiness, meaning to have gone ashore next day. In
the mean time, the captain, the purser, and his man, went on shore to
buy fresh victuals and necessaries to take with us to sea; but, on
coming to the city, they were presently ordered away by the governor,
and an express order issued by proclamation, that none of the natives
should hereafter bring any of the English ashore, on pain of death. We
were much astonished at this sudden alteration of affairs, for which we
could not divine any cause: but, on the 9th, finding we could get
nothing done here, nor any farther intercourse, we set sail, directing
our course for Sumatra. All the time we were here in Sinde, we had not
the smallest intimation of trade having been settled at Surat, for if we
had, we might have taken a different course.
We came to anchor in the road of Priaman on the 20th November, going in
between the two northermost little islands, and anchored close by the
northermost of these, in five fathoms. We immediately began to bargain
for pepper, the price of which we beat down from twenty-two dollars, as
first asked, to seventeen dollars the bahar, at which price we got two
bahars, which were brought to us on board: but the governor would not
allow us, although we made him a present of a musket, to hire a house,
or to buy pepper ashore, unless we would consent to bestow presents on
some twenty of the officers and merchants of the place. On the 22d, we
received a letter from Captain Christen, of the Hosiander, then at
Tecoo, earnestly advising us to come there immediately, as we could not
fail to get as much pepper as we wished at that place, and in a short
time; and, as we were not acquainted with the place, Captain Chrisen
sent Richard Hall, one of his master's mates, to pilot us through among
the dangerous shoals that lay about the roads of Tecoo. Accordingly we
went to that place, and anchored in four fathoms, Richard Hall returning
on board the Hosiander, where he died that same night, being ill of the
flux.
Before our arrival, the natives had offered their pepper to Captain
Christen at twelve and thirteen dollars the bahar, taking payment in
Surat commodities; but they now demanded twenty-two dollars in ready
money, refusing to barter with them any longer for goods. They also
demanded at this place as many presents as had been required at Priaman;
beside which, they insisted upon having seventy-two dollars for
anchorage duty. Being now in a worse situation than before, and having
no time to waste in delays, we determined to come to short terms with
them; wherefore we told them roundly, that we would on no account submit
to their unreasonable demands, even though we might not get a single
_cattee_ of pepper. For this purpose I drew out a letter from our
captain, which he signed and sealed, addressed to the head governor,
stating that he had not used our nation so well as we had reason to
expect, both in unreasonable demands of presents, which were not usually
given upon compulsion, but rather from good-will, or in reward of good
behaviour, and likewise by their improper delay in implementing their
promises, so very unlike mercantile dealings; since our ships have at
various times remained at their port for three, four, and even five
months, depending on their promises of having full lading, which might
as well have been accomplished in one month, in so far as respected the
small quantity of pepper they had to dispose of. This letter was
translated by the interpreter in the Hosiander, an Indian, named Johen,
who perfectly understood their language.
The governor, in consequence of this remonstrance, gave orders that we
might purchase pepper from any one who was inclined to sell; but sent us
a message, wishing that one of us might come on shore, that the pepper
might be there weighed. But still doubting that they meant to teaze us
with delay, we sent back word that we could not remain so long as it
would require for weighing the pepper ashore, and therefore if they
would bring it to us on board, we would pay them eighteen dollars a
bahar for their pepper, together with two dollars as custom to the
governor, making exactly twenty dollars. As they still put off time, we
set sail, as if meaning to have gone away, on which the governor sent
another messenger, who spoke Portuguese tolerably, entreating us to come
again to anchor, and we should have as much pepper as we could take in.
We did so accordingly, and they brought pepper off to us in proas as
fast as we could conveniently weigh it, and continued to do so till we
had got about 200 bahars. They then began to grow slack in their
proceedings, on which, fearing to lose the monsoon by spending too much
time at this place, we weighed and proceeded for Bantam.
We left Tecoo on the 8th December, three of our men remaining in the
Hosiander, which needed their assistance, and proceeded towards Bantam,
mostly keeping in sight of Sumatra. At our entrance into the straits of
Sunda, on the 16th of that month, we met the Dragon on her homeward
voyage, by which ship we sent letters to England. Next day, the 17th, we
anchored in Bantam roads, and went immediately ashore to provide our
lodging, and by the 29th our whole cargo was completed.
We set sail from Bantam on the 2d January, 1614, for England, not having
hitherto lost a single man by sickness during our whole voyage, for
which we were thankful to God. This same day, as we were going out by
way of Pulo Panian, we met General Saris in the Clove, then returning
from Japan; and we came to anchor, that we might have his letters for
England, together with four chests. We likewise spared him two of our
hands, of which he was in great need; one being a youth, named Mortimer
Prittie, and the other a carpenter's mate, named Thomas Valens, as he
had not a single carpenter alive in his ship.
Having settled all these matters with the Clove, we resumed our voyage
for England on the 4th January, and came to anchor in Saldanha bay on
the 21st March, where we got a sufficient supply of beeves and sheep
from the natives, with abundance of fish, caught in our own seine. We
left that place on the 9th April, with prosperous winds, which continued
favourable till we were three degrees north of the equator, which we
crossed the 11th May. When in lat. 00 deg. 22' N. many of our men began to
fall sick, some of them of the scurvy, and with swelled legs. On the
10th July, 1614, by the blessing of God, we came to anchor in the Downs.
CHAPTER XI.
CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY TO
INDIA.
INTRODUCTION.
In the immediately preceding chapter, we have given a series of the
first twelve voyages fitted out by the English East India Company, in
the prosecution of their exclusive trade to India, as preserved by
Samuel Purchas; and we now mean, chiefly from the same source, to
continue the series for a few years longer. At the close of the last
voyage of the foregoing chapter, Purchas informs us, that "The order of
reckoning must be now altered, because the voyages of the company were
for the future set forth by means of a _joint stock_, instead of by
particular ships, each upon a separate subscription, having separate
stocks and factories; the whole proceedings being, in the sequel, at the
general risk of, and accountable to the entire society or company of
adventurers." He farther adds, "That the whole of these joint-stock
voyages had not come into his hands; but that such as he had been able
to procure, and were meet for publication, he had inserted in his
Collection."
The learned historiographer of the East India Company[120] gives rather
a different account of the former series of separate or unconnected
voyages, than that which we have taken from Purchas, terming the last
voyage in our former chapter only the _ninth_, while Purchas denominates
it the _twelfth_.
[Footnote 120: Ann. of the Hon. E.I. Co, I. 162.]
This difference, which is not at all material, may have arisen from
Purchas having considered some of the ships belonging to _single_
adventurers or subscriptions, which made separate voyages or parts of
voyages, as _separate_ adventures. We come now to a new era in the mode
of conducting the English exclusive trade to India, of the motives for
which the Annals give the following account.[121]
[Footnote 121: Id. I. 165.]
"The inconveniences which had been experienced from separate classes of
adventurers, partners in the East India Company, fitting out equipments
on their own particular portions of stock, induced the directors, or
committees, to resolve, in 1612, that, in future, the trade should be
carried on by a joint stock only; and, on the basis of this resolution,
the sum of L429,000 was subscribed: and, though portions of this joint
stock were applied to the equipment of four voyages, the general
instructions to the commanders were given in the name, and by the
authority, of the governor, deputy-governor, and committees of the
company of merchants in London trading to the East Indies, who explained
that the whole was a joint concern, and that the commanders were to be
responsible to the company for their conduct, both in the sale and
purchase of commodities in the East Indies, and for their general
conduct, in extending the commerce, within the limits of the company.
The transition, therefore, from trading on _separate adventures_, which
has been described as an imitation of the Dutch, to trading on a _joint
stock_, arose out of the good sense of the English nation, which, from
experience, had discovered the evil consequences of internal opposition,
and had determined to proceed on a system better calculated to promote
the general interest of the East India Company.
"Notwithstanding this resolution, the proportions of this aggregate sum
were applied to what has been termed the _tenth, eleventh, twelfth_, and
_thirteenth_ voyages, in the following manner: In 1613, the _tenth_
voyage was undertaken, the stock of which was estimated at L18,810 in
money, and L12,446 in goods, the fleet consisting of _eight_ vessels. In
1614, the stock for the _eleventh_ voyage was L13,942 in money, and
L23,000 in goods, the fleet being _eight ships_. In 1615, the stock for
the _twelfth_ voyage was L26,660 in money, and L26,065 in goods, with
_six ships_. In 1616, the stock for the _thirteenth_ voyage was L52,087
in money, and L16,506 in goods, the fleet containing _seven ships_. The
purchase, repair, and equipment of vessels during these four voyages
amounted to L272,544, which, with the specified stock and cargoes,
accounts for the disbursement of the L429,000, the sum subscribed on the
joint stock in 1613.[122]
[Footnote 122: The enumerated particulars amount to L462,060, and exceed
the subscribed joint stock by L33,060.--E.]
"The profits on this joint stock are stated to have amounted, on the
first two voyages, to L120 per cent. on the original subscription; but
they were subsequently much diminished, by the difficulties which the
English trade to the East Indies began to experience, from the
opposition of the Dutch in the Spice Islands; so that, at the conclusion
of this first joint stock, in 1617, the average profits of the four
voyages did not exceed L87:10s. per. cent on the original subscription,
notwithstanding the cargo of one of the vessels (the New-year's Gift)
cost only 40,000 rials of eight, and the sale produce, in England,
amounted to L80,000 sterling."
It is not the purpose of this Collection to enlarge on the history of
the East India Company, any farther than by giving relations of its
early voyages, so far as these have come down to us in the Pilgrims of
Purchas, their only published record; and we now therefore proceed with
such of these voyages as are contained in that curious collection, and
seem to be worth including in this work.--E.
SECTION I.
_Voyage of Captain Nicholas Downton to India, in 1614._[122]
The ships employed on this voyage, the _second_ set forth by the _joint_
stock of the East India Company, were the New-year's Gift admiral, of
650 tons, on board of which Captain Downton sailed as general or chief
commander; the Hector of 500 tons, vice-admiral; the Merchant's Hope,
of 300 tons; and the Salomon of 200 tons. We have thus only_ four_ ships
enumerated by Purchas, as employed in the _second_ voyage of the new
joint stock, instead at _eight_ mentioned in the _Annals_, as before
stated in the introduction to the present chapter. In this voyage, Mr
William Edwards was lieutenant, or next in command under Captain
Downton, being likewise Cape merchant, and commander of the Hector. Mr
Nicholas Easworth was Cape merchant, and commander of the Merchant's
Hope. Mr Thomas Elkington, Cape merchant, and commander of the Salomon.
Mr Peter Rogers minister; Martin Pring. Arthur Spaight, Matthew
Molineux, and Hugh Bennet, masters of the four ships, assisted by sundry
mates,--Purch.
[Footnote 122: Purch. Pilg. I. 500.--Extracted from the journal of
Captain Downton]
Sec.1. _Incidents at Saldanha, Socotora, and Swally; with an Account of
Disagreements between the Moguls and Portuguese, and between the Nabob
and the English._
We sailed from England on the 1st March, 1614, and arrived in the road
of Saldanha, or Table Bay, on Wednesday the 15th June, being saluted on
our arrival by a great storm. While every person was busy in mooring the
ship, John Barter, who had lost his reason in consequence of a long
fever, was suddenly missing, and was supposed to have made away with
himself. The 16th we erected our tents, and placed a guard for their
defence. We landed half our casks on the 17th, to be overhauled and
seasoned; and this day _Choree_, the Saldanian or Hottentot, presented
me a young steer. The 18th we landed more of our beer casks, to be
washed, repaired, and seasoned. This day, _Choree_ departed into the
interior, carrying with him his copper armour, javelins, and all things
belonging to him, promising to be back the third day after, but he never
returned.
The 29th I sent George Downton ashore, to take observations of the
latitude and variation, in consideration of the great difference in the
variations, as observed in this and my former voyage in the Pepper-corn.
We made the latitude exactly 34 deg. S. and the variation 1 deg. 45' W. by an
azimuth, whereas most of the former variations at this place were
easterly. We this night took down our tents, and brought every thing on
board, making our ships ready to depart next day, which we did
accordingly.
We came to anchor in the bay of St Augustine in Madagascar on the 6th
August, when the inhabitants abandoned the place, so that we could have
no intercourse with them, but we afterwards got some refreshments from
them. We here cut down some straight timber for various uses. We set
sail on the 12th August, and anchored in Delisa bay in Socotora on the
9th September. Next day we went ashore to wait upon the king, who was
ready with his attendants to receive me, and gave me an account of the
existing war in India, where the Mogul and the kings of the Deccan had
united to drive the Portuguese from the country, owing to their having
captured a ship coming from Juddah in the Red Sea, in which were three
millions of treasure. He also informed me of two great fights which
Captain Best had with the Portuguese, and of other news in these parts.
I here procured such refreshments as the place could furnish, and bought
2722 pounds of aloes from the king.
Leaving Delisa on the 14th September, we got sight of the Deccan coast
near Dabul on the 2d October, where we found great hindrance to our
navigation, till we learnt by experience to anchor during the ebb tide,
and continue our course with the tide of flood. Continuing this
procedure, we anchored in the evening of the 14th, two and a half miles
short of the bar of Surat; when presently a fleet of fourteen frigates
or barks came to anchor near us, which we discovered by their lights, as
it was quite dark. But as they could easily see us, by the lights at our
ports, that we were in readiness for them, they durst not come any
nearer, so that we rode quietly all night. Early of the 15th, we weighed
with the land-wind, and coming somewhat near the frigates, they also
weighed and stood to the southwards. We held on our course past the bar,
towards South Swally, where we soon after arrived, though much opposed
by contrary winds.
Soon after we were anchored, I sent Molineux in his pinnace, and Mr
Spooner with Samuel Squire in my _gellywatte_,[123] to take the
soundings within the sands. In a channel where we found only five feet
at low water in our former voyage, Mr Molineux had now three fathoms;
and Mr Spooner had now seven or eight feet, where our boats could not
pass at all formerly. Seeing some people on the shore in the afternoon,
whom I supposed might be some of our merchants from Surat, I sent my
pinnace to them; but they were some of the people belonging to _Coge
Nozan_, sent to discover what nation we were of. From them I got farther
information respecting the wars with the Portuguese, being told that the
Moguls were besieging Damaun and Diu, Mocrib or Mucrob Khan being the
general of the Mogul forces against Damaun; and I also learnt to my
sorrow, that Mucrob Khan was governor and viceroy, as it may be called,
not only over Surat, but all the country round, as, from former
experience, I considered him to be a great enemy of our nation, and a
friend to the Portuguese. From these people likewise, I heard of the
health of Mr Aldworth and the rest of our factory, and wrote to hasten
his presence, sending my letters by the servants of Coge Nozan.
[Footnote 123: From this singular term, what is now called the
_jollyboat_ has probably derived its name.--E.]
I sent my purser on shore in the pinnace, early of the 16th, to purchase
such necessaries as I thought might easily have been got; but he
returned about ten o'clock a.m. without buying any thing for our
purpose, bringing with him Mr Aldword, the chief merchant of our factory
at Surat, along with whom was one Richard Steel, who had come over-land
to Surat from Aleppo.[124] Mr Aldworth endeavoured to persuade me that
Mucrob Khan was our friend, and that we had now an excellent opportunity
to obtain good trade and satisfactory privileges while the Moguls were
engaged in war with the Portuguese; and as both the Nabob and all the
natives were rejoiced at hearing of our arrival, they would assuredly
give us a most favourable reception. Pleased with these hopeful
circumstances, I yet still wished some other person here in command
instead of Mucrob Khan, of whom I remained doubtful, and that we should
have no free trade from him, but in his accustomed manner, which I
believed to have been, of his own accord to cross us, and not as so
constrained by direction of his king; and the event turned out
accordingly, though we were wise behind the band, as will appear in the
sequel. Even the name he bore ought to have opened our eyes as to his
influence with the Great Mogul: as _Mocrub_ signifies as much as _his
own bowels, Khan_ meaning _great lord_. Yet I was deluded to believe
that his favour with the king was tottering, and that he might easily be
brought into disgrace, by complaint of any thing done contrary to the
will or humour of the king; so that we were too bold, and injured our
business when we found him opposing us, as we thought unreasonably. On
enquiring into the state of our business, and the health of our factory,
Mr Aldworth informed me that Paul Canning and several others had died;
that Thomas Kerridge had long since been agent in his room at the court
of the Mogul, and that the factory at Surat now only contained himself
and William Bidulph.
[Footnote 124: Mr Richard Stell, or Steel, had gone to Aleppo, to
recover a debt from a merchant of that city, who had fled to India; and,
following him through Persia, Mr Steel had arrived at Surat. On his
report, the factors at Surat made an experiment to open a trade with
Persia, which will form the subject of a future section of this
chapter.--E.]
In the morning of the 17th, I called a council to advise upon the best
manner of conducting our affairs here, and to consider who might be the
best person to send to Agraas resident. Then entering upon the six
interrogatories, inserted in the second article of our commission, I
required Mr Aldworth to give direct answers to every question.--1. In
what favour was Paul Canning with the emperor and his council, and how
did he conduct himself at court in the business entrusted to him? He
answered, That on his first arrival at court, he was well respected by
the emperor, till the Jesuits made known that he was a merchant, and not
sent immediately from our king; after which he was neglected, as he
himself complained: and, as for his carriage and behaviour there, so far
as he knew, it was sufficiently good;--3. Then demanding, whether it
were needful to maintain a resident at court? Mr Aldworth answered, That
it was certainly necessary, as the emperor required that one of our
nation should reside there; and therefore, that the person ought to be a
man of good respect, for preventing and counteracting any injuries that
might be offered by the Jesuits, our determined adversaries; as he might
also be extremely useful in promoting and directing the purchase and
sale of various commodities.--6. Being questioned as to the expences of
a resident at court? he said, according to the estimate of Paul Canning,
it might be about L300 per annum; but, some time afterwards, his
estimate was found to extend to five, six, and seven hundred pounds a
year.--Being afterwards questioned, Whether he thought it fit that Mr
Edwards should proceed to court under the designation of a merchant,
according to the strict letter of the company's commission? his opinion
was, by the experience of the late Mr Canning, that such a resident
would not be at all respected by the king.
In the morning of the 24th, Coge Nozan came down to the water side, and
rested in my tent till I landed. I repaired to him, accompanied by all
our merchants, and attended by a strong guard, armed with halberts,
muskets, and pikes, having a coach to carry me from the landing place to
the tent. On alighting from my coach, Coge Nozan came immediately to
meet me. Before entering on business, he was told that a present for the
Nabob was to be delivered to him, which was brought in. This consisted
of a case containing six knives, two pair of knives, six sword-blades,
six Spanish pikes, one case of combs, one mirror, one picture of Mars
and Venus, one ditto of the Judgment of Paris, two Muscovy hides, and
one gilded case of bottles filled with strong rich cordials. I then made
the following present to himself: Six knives in single sheaths, four
sword-blades, two pikes, one comb-case, a mirror, a picture of Moses,
and a case of bottles, in consideration of the promise made by the nabob
to our people, that whatever Coge Nozan agreed to, he the nabob would
perform.
I then moved for the enlargement of our privileges, and lessening of our
customs, especially at Baroach, and that we might have a daily bazar or
market at the water side, where we might purchase beef for our people,
according to the _firmaun_ already granted by the Mogul, and because
other flesh did not answer for them. He answered, that the nabob would
shew us every favour in his power, if we would assist him against the
Portuguese; that the customs of Baroach were out of his power to
regulate, as the king had already farmed these to another person at a
stipulated rent; and that we should have a regular market, but that
bullocks and cows could not be allowed, as the king had granted a
firmaun to the Banians, in consideration of a very large sum of money,
that these might not be slaughtered. In fine, I found he had no power to
grant us any thing; yet, willing to leave me somewhat contented, he
proposed that I should send some of our merchants along with him to the
nabob, where our business might be farther discussed.
I accordingly sent along with him, Mr Aldworth, Mr Ensworth, Mr
Dodsworth, Mr Mitford, and some others. Two or three days afterwards,
they had access to the nabob, to whom they explained our desires, as
before expressed. He then desired to know whether we would go with our
ships to fight for him against Damaun, in which case, he said, we might
count upon his favour? To this it was answered, that we could not on any
account do this, as our king and the king of Spain were in peace. He
then asked if we would remove our ships to the bar of Surat, and fight
there against the Portuguese ships, if they came to injure the subjects
of the Mogul? This likewise was represented to be contrary to the peace
between our kings. On which he said, since we would do nothing for his
service, he would do nothing for us. Several of the merchants of Surat
endeavoured to persuade our merchants, that I ought to give way to the
reasonable request of the nabob, and might still do what I thought
proper; as, notwithstanding of our ships riding at the bar, the
Portuguese frigates could go in and out on each side of me, owing to
their light draught of water. To this I answered, that the proposal was
utterly unfit for me to listen to; as whatever I promised I must
perform, though at the expence of my own life and of all under my
command, and that I could not possibly lend myself to fight against the
Portuguese on any account whatever, unless they first attacked me, as it
was absolutely contrary to my commission from my own sovereign. I added,
that, if the Portuguese provoked me by any aggression, I would not be
withheld from fighting them for all the wealth of the nabob: But he made
small account of this distinction, and, seeing that we refused to fulfil
his wishes, he opposed us in all our proceedings as far as he could, so
that we nearly lost all our former hopes of trading at this place. In
this dilemma, I made enquiry respecting _Gengomar_ and _Castellata_, and
also of _Gogo_:[125] but could get poor encouragement to change for
better dealing, so that we remained long perplexed how to act, and
returned to our business at the ships.
[Footnote 125: Gogo is on the west shore of the gulf of Cambay. In an
after passage of this voyage, what is here called Gengomar _and_
Castellata, is called Gengomar _or_ Castelletto, which may possibly
refer to Jumbosier, on a river of the same name, about sixty miles north
from Surat. Castelletta must have been a name imposed by the
Portuguese.--E.]
The 27th, in the morning, when Nicholas Ufflet went ashore, he found all
the people belonging to Swally had gone away from the water-side in the
night, as also all those who used to stay beside the tents, in
consequence of an order from the nabob; and was farther informed that
our merchants were detained at Surat, having been stopped by force when
attempting to cross the bridge, and had even been beaten by the guard
set there by the nabob. The gunner's boy and his companion, formerly
supposed to have run away, and who were in company at the time with our
merchants, being on their return to the ships, were also well beaten,
and detained with the rest. The 31st we began to take in fresh water, to
be ready for departing, as our stay here seemed so very uncertain. This
day, Thomas Smith, the master's boy, had most of the outer part of one
of his thighs bitten off by a great fish, while swimming about the ship.
The ravenous fish drew him under water, yet he came up again and swam
to the ship, and got up to the bend, where he fainted. Being brought
into the gun-room, the surgeon endeavoured to do what he could for his
recovery; but he had lost so much blood that he never recovered out of
the swoon, and shortly died.
In the evening of the 2d November, Mr Aldworth and Mr Elkington came
down from Surat, where they left Mr Ensworth very sick. They reported to
me their proceedings with the nabob, as formerly stated; but said they
were now reconciled, and that he had made fair promises of future
respect, with a free trade through all the country under his government.
I do not attribute his severe proceedings hitherto to any hatred or
ill-will to our nation, but to his fears lest we might unite with the
Portuguese against him, owing to my refusing to assist him against
Damaun. These his doubts and fears were increased by a knavish device of
the subtle and lying Jesuits; who, taking advantage of my refusal to
fight against the Portuguese without cause, at Damaun or elsewhere,
pretended with the nabob that they had a letter from the viceroy,
saying, That he and his friends the English meant to join their forces
and come against Surat. This devilish device gave much hindrance to our
business, by occasioning continual doubt in the nabob's mind of our
friendly intentions; and unfortunately likewise, Mr Aldworth had
strengthened these doubts and fears, though ignorant of the lying
inventions of the jesuits; for, thinking to mollify their rigour, he
rashly advised them to beware, lest their ill usage might force us to
join with the Portuguese against them. We likewise believed that the
order of the nabob, forbidding the people to trade with us on board,
proceeded entirely from his desire to thwart us: But we afterwards
learnt, by letter from Thomas Kerridge, that Mucrob Khan, and all other
governors of sea-ports, had express orders from the Mogul, not to allow
any trade with us till they had first chosen and purchased, for the
king's use, all kinds of strange and unusual things we might have to
dispose of.
On the 3d I called a council to deliberate concerning our business, and
especially how far we might proceed in aid of the natives against the
Portuguese, for which purpose we carefully examined our commission and
instructions. We also arranged the appointments of the merchants for
their several places of employment, both such as were to remain in the
factory at Surat, and those who were to proceed on the voyage. This day
likewise, sixty bales of indigo, and eleven packs of cotton-yarn, came
aboard from Surat, being goods that belonged to the _twelfth_ voyage.
It was my desire to have been ashore among our merchants, that I might
assist in arranging our business at Surat; and this the rather because
of the turbulent, head-strong, and haughty spirit of----,[126] who was
ever striving to sway every thing his own way, thwarting others who
aimed at the common good, and whose better discretion led them to more
humility. But such was the uncertain state of our business, partly owing
to the nabob and his people, and partly to the Portuguese, who I heard
were arming against us; and besides, because I understood that the nabob
proposed to demand restitution for the goods taken by Sir Henry
Middleton in the Red Sea, at under rates, as they say, though I know
they had goods for goods even to the value of a halfpenny. On all these
accounts, therefore, I thought it best to keep nearest my principal
charge, referring all things on shore to the merchants of my council, in
most of whom I had great confidence.
[Footnote 126: This name is left blank in the Pilgrims, probably because
Purchas, a contemporary, did not wish to give offence.--E.]
The 22d November, I finished my letters for Persia; being one for the
company, to be forwarded over land, one for Sir Robert Shirley, and one
of instructions for Richard Steel. The 23d, _Lacandus_, the Banian, came
down to us, with news of discontent and hard speeches that had passed
between the nabob and our merchants, but who were now again reconciled.
This was occasioned by Mr Edwards refusing to let him see the presents,
which he was at last obliged to consent to. All these merchants wrote me
at this time separately, that the viceroy was certainly arming against
us. At this time Mr Ensworth and Timothy Wood died within an hour of
each other. John Orwicke, Robert Young, and Esay But, were now
dispatched to provide such cloths and cotton-yarns as we had formerly
agreed on. The 25th Mr Edwards wrote me of the coming of three great
men, bringing seven firmauns from the Great Mogul; in whose presence the
nabob bestowed upon him 850 _mahmudies_, ten fine _basties_, thirty
_top-seels_, and thirty _allizaes_; at the same time he gave ten
_top-seels_ to Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, a cloak to Mr Aldworth and
another to Mr Elkington, Mr Dodsworth having had one before. He likewise
promised free trade to all places under his command, and abundant
refreshments for our people in the ships.
The 27th, John Crowther came from Surat, to inform me he had been
appointed by the chief merchants at Surat to accompany Mr Steel into
Persia, and had therefore come to take leave of me, and to fetch away
his things from the ship. This day also Mr Edwards wrote to me, by
Edmund Espinol, to send him fifty elephants teeth, indifferently chosen
as to size, as a banian merchant was in treaty for them all, if they
could agree on terms. The 6th December, the nabob seemed ashamed that he
had not shewn me the smallest respect since my arrival, and, being
desirous to excuse himself, he this day entreated Mr Edwards to go on
board along with the great banian who had bought our ivory, and
Lacandas, the banian merchant of the junk belonging to the king of
_Cushan_.[127] He chose this last, on account of his former familiarity
with our people, and commissioned him to buy sword-blades, knives, and
mirrors. By them he sent me a present, consisting of two _corge_ of
coarse _bastas_, ten fine _bastas_, ten _top-seels_, ten _cuttonies_,
and three quilts, together with a message, certifying that the nabob
proposed to come down to visit me in a day or two at the most. At their
going ashore, I gave them a salute of five guns.
[Footnote 127: Kessem, on the coast of Arabia Felix, is probably here
meant.--E.]
They told me, that the nabob had certain intelligence from Goa, that the
viceroy was fitting out all the force he could muster to come against
us; and expressed a wish, on the part of the nabob, that I would convoy
one or two of his ships for two or three days sail from the coast, which
were bound for the Red Sea. To this I answered, that I could not do
this; as, if once off the coast, the wind was entirely adverse for our
return: But, if he would further our dispatch, so that we might be ready
in any convenient time, I would do any thing reasonable that he could
desire. The 9th, the nabob's son came to the shore, but would not
venture on board, wherefore I went ashore to him. He had a horse ready
for me on landing to fetch me, and desired me to sit down beside him,
which I did. He then commanded some horsemen, who accompanied him, to
amuse me, by shewing their warlike evolutions on the sands, chasing each
other after the fashion of the Deccan, whence they were; and at his
desire I caused eleven guns to be fired, to do him honour. Though he
refused to drink any wine at this interview, he sent for it after his
departure, as also for a fowling-piece he had seen in the hands of one
of our people, both which I sent him, together with a bowl from which to
drink the wine.
Sec.2. _Account of the Forces of the Portuguese, their hostile Attempts,
and Fight with the English, in which they are disgracefully repulsed_.
On the 16th of December, 1613, Mr Elkington wrote me, That the nabob had
told him the Portuguese frigates had burnt Gogo, with many _gouges_ or
villages in its vicinity, together with ten large ships, of which the
_Rehemee_ was one, and an hundred and twenty small vessels. He said
likewise, that the nabob was much displeased with me for not having
fired upon the Portuguese vessels, as they passed our anchorage, which
circumstance had renewed his suspicions of our friendly intelligence
with the Portuguese; and, although Mr Elkington had said every thing he
could to explain the reason of our conduct, as stated formerly, he could
not satisfy the nabob of its propriety. The 23d two boats came off to us
for lead; and on the same day we saw twenty-two Portuguese frigates,
which came to anchor in the night between, us and the mouth of the
river, where they continued most part of next day.
The 24th, in the morning, we saw four boats coming down the river
towards us; but, on seeing the Portuguese frigates, they immediately
turned back, and were chased up the river by two of the frigates.
Finding they could not get up with the boats, the Portuguese landed and
set fire to two or three poor cottages, and carried off two or three
cattle, and then returned to their squadron at the mouth of the river.
In the afternoon, they all went up the river in company. In the morning
early of the 25th, we saw five or six frigates under sail. An hour or
two after, we saw a boat standing towards us, which was presently chased
by two frigates, on which the men in the small boat ran her a-ground and
forsook her; but as the frigates could not float near where the boat
was, and the tide was ebbing fast, they departed without farther harm.
The 26th in the morning, I sent the Hope a good way to the northward
from the rest of our fleet, to see whether the Portuguese would assail
her.
Early in the morning of the 27th, the Portuguese frigates came and made
a bravado before our ship, and then before the Salomon, which was next
us; and from thence went directly against the Hope, which rode a great
way from us, in which manoeuvre they had all their men close stowed
below, and not one to be seen. The master of the Hope hailed them twice,
but they would give no answer; on which they let fly at them from the
bow-chases of the Hope, which only could be brought to bear, and by
which they were forced with some loss to stand away. The master of the
Hope was satisfied, if he had not shot at them, that they would have
attempted to board, or to have set his ship on fire, as they had the
advantage of both wind and tide, and were so directly a-head of his ship
that he could hardly get any of his guns to bear upon them, while the
rest of our ships could not have come up to his rescue. In the
afternoon, I sent the Salomon to keep company with the Hope; and, going
to the northwards of her, she made several shots at the frigates, but we
did not perceive that any harm was done. I therefore ordered a gun to be
fired, as a warning to desist, on which the Salomon stood in again and
came to anchor.
In the morning of the 28th, I went in the pinnace aboard the Hope and
Salomon, to enquire the reason of their firing. And the Portuguese,
seeing our boats pass to and fro, removed in the afternoon, and anchored
a little way without us, obviously for the purpose of cutting off our
intercourse. In the meantime, the boat which had been chased ashore on
the 25th, came aboard the Gift, bringing some letters from Mr Elkington,
which our master sent to me, as I was then in the Hope. Having answered
Mr Elkington's letter, I sent back the _gelliwat_ to the Gift, with
directions to go thence to Surat in the night. But, as the _gelliwat_
[galivat] returned, she was chased by the frigates; which perceiving, I
waved her to return, but she held on her way, not observing my signal.
The frigates held her so close in chase, that they got within shot of
her, and even fired one gun; and had not the Gift slipped one cable and
veered another, and plied her ordnance at the Portuguese, they had
surely taken or sunk the _gelliwat_. This forced the Portuguese to give
over the chase, not without damage. Late at night, on the tide of ebb, I
made the Hope and Salomon set sail and come near the other two ships,
and then returned on board the Gift.
Perceiving on the 29th, that my continuing off the bar of Surat was
quite unavailing, as the Portuguese frigates could pass and repass to
and from the river, by going across the sands, where there was not
water to float my ships; and that no boats could come to us to fetch
away our goods, for fear of the frigates, neither could we have any
intercourse with our friends ashore, to know what passed; I therefore
set sail for Swally roads, where I arrived next day, having very little
wind.
On the 14th January, 1614, we heard of many frigates being arrived,
which rode at the bar of Surat all next day till night; and, leaving
that place after dark, they came and rode within shot of us till next
morning, when they weighed and stood back to the southwards. While they
remained at anchor, supposing they might be the Mallabars, which the
nabob had formerly promised to send me, I put forth a flag of truce, and
sent Mr Spooner, one of our master's mates, towards them, directing him
to keep a watchful eye to our signals, which we should make if we saw
any reason of suspicion. Seeing our gallivat draw near, and no sign of
friendship in answer to ours, I hoisted my flag and fired a shot to
recall our boat, which immediately came back. At this time, our sentinel
at the mast-head descried another fleet of frigates, which afterwards
assembled at the bar of Surat, and went all into the river. By this I
was satisfied they were all Portuguese, and was glad our men and boat
had escaped their hands. Thinking these frigates were forerunners of a
greater force, I ordered the decks to be cleared, all our guns thrown
loose, and every thing to be in readiness for action, both for the great
guns and small arms, and to fit up barricades for close quarters. In the
night of the 17th, all the frigates came out of the river, and in the
morning were all at the point of the bar.
The 18th, Maugie, the banian captain formerly mentioned, accompanied by
another great man, who was son to _Clych Khan_, came to the water side
to speak with me, to whom I went ashore. Not long after, word was
brought from on board, that they had descried a fleet of ships far off,
which looked very big, but which we could not see from the shore, owing
to its being very low. Taking leave of my visitors, I returned aboard,
and made every thing be put in readiness, which was done immediately.
Towards night, we made them out to be six galleons, with three smaller
ships, besides the sixty frigates which were here before. Two gallies
belonging to this armament were not yet come up. The tide being spent,
they came to anchor till next day. The 19th, they plied up to the
entrance of our new channel, where they came to anchor, and where they
were joined by the two gallies. One of their great ships, being too
forward, came too near the sands and grounded, but was soon got off
again.
On this occasion, Mucrob Khan, the nabob of Surat, sent the sabandar and
several others of the principal men of Surat, with a great present of
provisions to the Portuguese, and to endeavour to enter into terms of
peace; but though great policy was used on both sides, they broke off
without coming to any terms. This was done by the nabob to my great
mortification, for he and all the country despaired of my being able to
resist such disproportionate force, and he was therefore willing before
hand to conciliate the viceroy by presents; considering, if I were once
overthrown, his own turn would come next, either to endure a severe
assault, or to make such a peace as the enemy chose to dictate. Peace
was certainly most desirable for the viceroy, that he might restore
trade with the Moguls. Yet, seeing the tractableness of the nabob, and
his apparent earnestness for peace, the viceroy made light of it for the
present, expecting to bring it to bear with great advantage after he had
overthrown us, which he made no doubt easily to accomplish. When this
was performed, he expected to receive great presents, and great
submission from the Moguls to the dictates of the conqueror. But it
pleased God, who beheld the injustice of his attempt, to turn the event
contrary to the expectations both of the viceroy and the nabob. After
failing in all his attempts against me, and finding he could not even
gain a _boats thole_ from me in all the time he spent here, with loss
and disgrace, the viceroy was fain to revive the former despised proffer
of peace with the nabob: While the nabob on the other hand, confirmed by
the experience of a month, and seeing that the viceroy, after all his
boastful threatenings, and with so vast an armament, was unable to
prevail against our four merchant ships, or even to remove our small
force one foot from their place, gave for answer, that he would not make
peace with the viceroy. Thus was the viceroy frustrated in both his
hopes, of an easy victory over us, and an advantageous peace with the
Moguls. After this digression, I now return to our proceedings.
When we formerly heard of the force which the viceroy was fitting out
against us; we had no conception it would be so formidable as it now
appeared, and therefore deemed it expedient to consult how, by God's
help, we might best resist. The odds and advantages on their side, made
me calculate every thing that made against me. Being far out-numbered
by his forces, which I esteemed the principal ships and means belonging
to the Portuguese in India, and having all the people of greatest rank
and valour, I considered it might be too hazardous for us to put out
into deep water, as by their numbers they would be able to intercept and
overcharge me, and to force me irrecoverably aground, on one side or
other. Such were my apparent disadvantages in going out to sea; while I
knew, on the other hand, that their numerous smaller vessels might much
annoy us with fire-works, or put us otherwise into great hazard, in the
place where we now rode at anchor, where I was hopeful their great ships
could not or durst not come, owing to the shoal water. Though my numbers
were considerably lessened by sickness and deaths, all my people, from
the highest to the lowest, seemed quite courageous, yet ignorant both of
our danger and how it was to be prevented; but their brave spirit gave
me great hope. Yet my anxiety was not small, how I might best act in
maintaining the honour of my country, and not neglect the valuable
property entrusted to my care by my friends and employers; as not only
was the present charge to be put in hazard, but all hopes also of future
benefits, if I were now overthrown; as the enemy, if he now got the
mastery, would be able to make peace with the Moguls on his own terms,
to the expulsion of our nation for ever.
Besides these considerations, I leave to such parents as are tender for
the safety of their dutiful and obedient children, to imagine how great
was my anxiety for the safety of the people under my command. So great
was my cares all this time, that I had little time for conversation, or
even almost to shew myself sensible of the approaching dangers. Whenever
I could get free from others, I very earnestly craved the aid and
direction of the almighty and ever merciful God, who had often delivered
me before from manifold dangers, praying that he would so direct me that
I might omit nothing having a tendency to the safety of my charge, and
our defence against the enemy. I had strong confidence that the Almighty
would grant my request, and yet was often led to doubt, through my
manifold and grievous offences. I resolved at length what to do, by
God's assistance, providing the masters of the ships would agree to
second me. Being satisfied, if we should-receive a defeat while at
anchor, our disgrace would be great, and our enemies could in that case
be little injured by us; while by setting sail, the viceroy, in his
greediness and pride, might do himself some wrong upon the sands, by
which he might cripple his own force, and thereby open a way for our
getting out through the rest. Yet this plan seemed only fit for ultimate
necessity, considering that much of our goods were now on their way, and
others were expected from day to day; and, if once out, unless it
pleased God to make us the conquerors, so as to drive the viceroy clean
away, I should on no account be able to return to my anchorage, where
only I could get in my lading. Considering also that the viceroy would
hold his honour in such high estimation, that he would rather die than
give way; and besides, that my people would be tired and half spent with
labour, before going to fight, by heaving at the capstan to get up our
anchors, setting the sails, and so forth, which in this hot country
makes them both weary and faint, to the great diminution of their
courage; while the viceroy and his soldiers being troubled with no
labour, which among them is done by slaves and inferior mariners, would
come fresh into the battle. Likewise, even supposing the viceroy to lose
many men in the fight, he could be again supplied from the nearest towns
belonging to the Portuguese, by means of his frigates; whereas we could
not have a single man replaced, whatever number we might have slain or
disabled.
Having none of our merchants aboard, as they were all employed in the
country, or with Mr Elkington in our factory at Surat, I sent for all
the masters, on the night of this Thursday the 19th January, desiring
them and some of the mates to come to supper with me on board the Gift.
I then made them a speech on our present situation, desiring every one
to give his opinion freely, how we might best proceed in our present
straits. I declared to them my confidence in God, notwithstanding all
the force of these bragging Portuguese, that their injurious attempts
would not prevail against us, who had been careful not to wrong them in
the Indies. I represented also to them, the jealousy entertained of us
by the nabob and other chief men of the country, because we had
refrained from firing at the saucy bragging frigates.
I found all the masters willing and tractable to my heart's desire. We
had some few discourses about our provident mooring, as also about
removing a little lower down. I then proposed my plan to them, desiring
to have their free opinion. I represented that our ships were now in as
good condition for battle as we could make them, yet our danger by
night, if we continued where we were, was not small, however provident
we might be. Wherefore, I thought it fit in the morning at low water, to
send one ship to ride as far down as we could have water for all our
ships at the lowest ebb, at which time none of the enemies ships could
come to annoy her. This, as I thought, might induce the viceroy to make
some attempt at high water, when our other three ships might bear down
against the stream, the springs being now at the highest, when we should
see what efforts the viceroy might make, and might attend to the same
and act accordingly, in the hope that the viceroy might commit some
error to the weakening of his own force and our advantage. And if such
should happen, it would then be proper for us to put out to sea, in the
darkness of the following night, when the viceroy would not be in
condition to make sail to hinder us. Or, if we saw reason, we might make
sail daily on the flood, working to and again, which would somewhat
dismay the Portuguese, and encourage our own men. My proposal was
unanimously agreed to, as the best way of proceeding; and finding Mr
Molineux quite willing to fall down with the Hope at low water next
morning, this was directed accordingly.
In the morning of the 20th, at low water, the Hope went down to induce
the enemy to make some attempt against her when the tide rose, and then
we in the other ships stood after her. The viceroy, and all the worthy
knights about him, thinking I was about to flee, hastened as soon as the
flood would permit to stop the passage, and prevent our getting out. We
all came to anchor short of the Hope, yet not so as to leave her
destitute of our help, but rather doubting of sufficient depth for our
ships at low water so far down. On coming to anchor, I went down into my
cabin, meaning to have given our friends ashore notice of my purposes,
that they might know it proceeded from no rashness, but in good
discretion to wait upon advantages to the prejudice of our enemies. But
presently I had notice, that three of the Portuguese ships and most of
their frigates were coming stem on before the wind upon the Hope,
followed by all the galleons.
We endeavoured to weigh our anchor, but having no time for that, we cut
our cables, and made sail for the rescue of the Hope. Before we could
get sufficiently near, the enemies ships were close aboard of her, and
had entered their men, boarding her with great appearance of resolution.
But they had no quiet abode there, nor could they rest in their own
ships, neither could they cast them loose from the Hope, so greatly were
they annoyed by our great guns and small arms. At length, their
principal officers being slain, the rest in great numbers leapt into the
sea, whence many of them were taken up by their frigates. But, before
quitting their ships, they set them on fire, thinking to have burnt the
Hope along with them. But, praised be the Lord of Hosts, they were burnt
without harm to the Hope; for, so soon as the fire had well kindled, the
flaming ships were cast loose and drifted on the sands, where they
continued burning till quenched by the flowing tide. So long as
day-light lasted, we continued exchanging shots from all our ships with
the galleons, they being on the outside of a spit of sand, and we on the
inside. They did us little injury in our hulls, but much to our ropes
and sails overhead. In this conflict, besides those who were wounded, we
had five men slain. By a great mischance, the main-top-sail, top-mast,
and shrouds got afire, communicated from the main-top, in consequence of
the fire-works lodged there taking fire, the man being slain who had the
charge there. All these were burnt quite away, together with a great
part of the main-mast; and this misfortune prevented us from going out
into deep water to try our fortune with the viceroy in close fight. We
were likewise put to our shifts, not knowing by what means we might get
the mast replaced.
The 21st I got the anchor weighed, which we had been obliged to cut from
the day before. On the 22d, I was informed that many great men,
accompanied by a Portuguese friar, and escorted by five or six hundred
horse, had come down to Swally, meaning to send the friar next day, with
three or four principal Moors, to negociate a peace with the viceroy.
But the nabob sent me word, that he sought for no such thing, and was
resolved to conclude no peace, unless we were included. He also granted
me what timber we might need, of which we availed ourselves, and
promised to supply us with provisions. The Portuguese remaining quiet on
the 25th, the _muccadam_ of Swally came to me, saying that the
before-mentioned friar had sent to entice him to poison the well whence
we had our water, which he would not consent to, and had therefore put
some live tortoises into it, that these might shew by their deaths, if
poison should be put therein by the Portuguese. At night, part of the
120 bales of indigo we had purchased came to the water side, and was
presently got aboard. This day _Isaac Beg_ sent me a present of fruit
from his own garden; and this day likewise the rest of the timber for
repairing the Hope's mast was brought down to us.
The 27th, I sent all our boats to sound the _Swash_ at low water, being
chiefly on purpose to keep the Portuguese in ignorance of my real
intentions. They sent one galley and five frigates, thinking to have cut
off our boats; but in this they failed, as in every thing else they
attempted against us. The 28th, the nabob sent great store of provisions
to the viceroy, as goats, bread, plantains, and the like, together with
a banquet of sweetmeats. Coge Nozan sent me a present of five bullocks.
Several of our men died about this time of fluxes and other diseases.
The 31st, we received aboard from Cambay, fifty bales of indigo. In the
afternoon, one _Coge Arson Ali_ came aboard, and presented me with
several goats, a large supply of bread, roast-meat, plantains, sugar,
and other such things. Along with him came an old acquaintance of mine,
a Persian, who said there were news from Damaun, that the Portuguese had
sent there 350 men to be buried; and we computed, that there could not
be less than 100 more, killed and burnt in their ships, besides those
who were drowned. They also told me, that not only were the Portuguese
opposed here in India, but also by the Persians at Ormus, and that the
Malays were in arms against them at Malacca. They likewise assured me,
that the negociations between Mucrob Khan and the viceroy were entirely
at an end, and that no peace would take place between them.
I had long wished to see this man, who, till now, could never get leave
of the nabob, without which no one dared use that freedom. This jealousy
of the nabob proceeded, as he said, from a great charge enjoined by the
king to procure for his use all curious things of value, and he is
fearful lest any of these should pass through other hands, to his
disgrace, which forces him to employ strange and severe means to prevent
this happening. Day being nearly spent, I sent them ashore, making them
a present, and giving money to all their people, having first shewn them
how far some of our great guns could throw a ball. They then took their
leave and departed.
Sec.3_Supplies received by the Portuguese, who vainly endeavour to use
Fire-boats. They seek Peace, which is refused, and depart. Interview
between the Nabob and Captain Downton, and Departure of the English_.
On the 3d February, 1615, there arrived at the waterside twenty-four
bales of indigo, seven packs of white, seven of black, and four of blue
_bastas,_ six packs of cotton yarn, three of _candikens,_ and one pack
of _crecany,_ all of which were brought immediately on board. This day
also the supplies for the viceroy came in sight, being two ships of
burden, two junks, and eight or ten of the country boats. The nabob sent
me a message by _Lacandas,_ that these were not for the purpose of
fighting, but were full of combustibles, meant to be set on fire, and
allowed to drift with the tide upon our ships in the night. I was glad
of this information, and took immediate measures to prevent the
consequences of such an attempt, as well as to defend ourselves from the
smaller vessels. The spring-tides were now near the highest, and were
consequently fittest for their attacks, so that I expected them every
tide; and to let them see I was ready for their reception, and how
little I cared for them, I directed the setting and clearing our watch,
mornings and evenings, to be announced by a volley of shot from every
ship, pointing the best piece in my ship at the prow of the viceroy's
ship, to try his temper, and to daunt the courage of his people. It
pleased God this morning, when I had least leisure for mourning, to call
my only son, George Downton, to his mercy, who was buried next morning
ashore, and the volleys intended to insult the viceroy, served also to
honour his obsequies.
This morning also, while expecting an assault from the Portuguese, I was
visited by one _Mousa Attale,_ a Malabar captain, together with his
troop, from whom I got a description of the principal ports and harbours
of his country, expressing my anxious desire to become acquainted with
them, and to have league and intercourse between them and the English,
with mutual trade and friendship. He seemed willing to encourage this
proposal, and requested letters to that effect from me, which their
ships might shew to my countrymen when they happened to meet, which I
gave him, as also a letter for his king, requesting kind usage for my
countrymen if any of their ships should come into his harbours. After
some conference, he departed, and I presented him with a sword-blade,
and three or four knives.[128] This day the master of the Hope
represented that he had several men killed in the former engagement, and
many hurt, bruised, and disabled from service, on which I sent him three
men from my ship, four from the Hector, and four from the Salomon.
[Footnote 128: These knives, so often mentioned as presents in India,
were probably daggers.--E.]
The 5th I had letters from Mr Aldworth, informing of his arrival at
Baroach with his companions, and saying that he had been set upon by 200
Rajput thieves, nine _coss_ from Baroach, the day before, the thieves
being armed with pikes, matchlocks, and bows and arrows; but, after some
skirmishing, they fled, three of them being slain, and more wounded. In
this affair Humphrey Elkington was shot through the thigh with an arrow,
one of the horsemen sent by Surder Khan to guard our people was killed,
and Mr Aldworth's horse sore wounded. The nabob sent me word that the
viceroy proposed to assault me this day, and therefore sent Coge Nozan
to guard the land. Nozan came accordingly to the water side, and sent
his son, _Mamud Iehad,_ to visit me on board, accompanied by a chief
named _Kemagee,_ the son of _Leckdarsee, rajput_ chieftain of _Guigamar_
or _Castelletto,_[129] who had for a long time maintained war with the
Moguls and Portuguese. These chiefs entreated permission to see and
partake in the fight, and as no assault was made that day, they remained
all night on board. The _rajput_ chief went ashore next morning, but the
other remained on board two or three days, and seeing the enemy would do
nothing, he went likewise ashore.
[Footnote 129: On a former occasion supposed to have been
Jumbosier.--E.]
On the forenoon of the 8th, we received more indigo aboard, and in the
afternoon all the Portuguese frigates, with the two junks, and two
gallies, came driving up with the flood, as if for some attempt against
us, either by fire, which I most doubted, or otherwise. We therefore got
under weigh and advanced to meet them, upon which they all made off as
fast as they could, and we came again to anchor. This was merely a
device, to make us believe their fire-boats were to come against us
from the south, and that we might have no suspicion of their coming from
the northwards; wherefore they again assembled all their junks,
frigates, and galleys next night, a little without the sands, to call
our attention from the northern quarter. But I was aware of that being
the place of greatest danger; and though I commanded a careful outlook
to be kept both ways, I especially enjoined to be watchful in the north
quarter, as it fell out accordingly. A little within the night, between
us and a great light to the westwards, upon the island of Gogo, we could
discern them creeping up to the north upon the flood; and then, about
ten o'clock at night, when very dark, and before the moon rose, upon the
last quarter of the ebb tide, there came down towards us two fire-boats,
towed by two frigates, which we happily descried before they came nigh,
and plied them heartily both with great guns and small arms. By this we
soon beat off the frigates, which set the fire-boats adrift, and made
sail from us.
One of the fire-boats drifted clear of the Gift, Hector, and Salomon,
but got athwart the cable of the Hope, and presently blew up; but,
blessed be God, the Hope received no harm, having cut her cable and got
clear. The other fire-boat came up likewise on the quarter of the Hope,
all in flames, but did no harm, as she drifted past with the ebb. She
came up again with the tide of flood, and was like to have got foul of
us; but our boats towed her ashore continually burning. The former one
floated likewise back with the flood, but sank near us in the morning.
This day I had a letter from Thomas Kerridge, specifying that Nicholas
Whittington had gone distracted, and expressing some doubts of Richard
Steel.
The 10th, at night, about the same time as before, two other fire-boats
came against us, towed by four or five frigates, bearing directly on the
Hector. Immediately on perceiving them, the Gift and Hector let drive at
them with great guns and small arms, so that the frigates threw them
adrift, firing them sooner than they otherwise would. The burning boats
floated toward the Hector, but having a stiff breeze, drifted past to
leewards. Within half an hour after, we perceived many boats drifting
towards the Hector, against which we again let drive, forcing the
frigates to abandon them in such a hurry that they only set two of them
on fire, there being four of them chained together. Fortunately we had
a stiff gale, and by edging up to windward, they all floated clear to
leeward. While passing, our gunner made a shot at one of the boats that
was unfired, which struck her and set her on fire. The vehemence of the
flames reached the fourth boat, and set her likewise on fire; so they
all drifted ashore in flames, hard by our landing-place. My pinnace took
three of the actors in a small canoe, in which they thought to have
escaped. Two of these men were brought aboard my ship, the third being
left in the Hector. Besides these, our _gelliwat_ picked up another,
which she brought with her. Thus did God disappoint all the malicious
practices of our enemy.
Seeing himself foiled in all his injurious attempts, the viceroy set
sail on the 11th, and fell down to the bar of Surat, where he anchored.
Being suspicious that he meant to attempt taking Surat, I resolved, in
that case, to have gone with my ships to set upon his fleet, which must
have constrained him to desist from his enterprise against Surat, as I
was desirous to assist in defending a place where we had so great a
stock, and so many of our merchants. But the viceroy durst not trust me
so far as to unman his ships, lest I should come against him. In the
night he sent all his frigates into the river, and sent some person to
propose peace, but received a flat denial. The 12th, the nabob sent
_Lacandas_ to inform me that five or six frigates had gone to the
northwards, having four or five fire-boats, which they meant to let
drive upon us in the night, and therefore wished me to keep a good
look-out. I acknowledged his kindness, and was glad of his care, though
needing no such admonition, as I was equally suspicious of their
practices when out of sight as when they rode near us. The nabob had
this intelligence from the Jesuits, with whom he kept on fair terms, for
his better security, if he should have been put to the worst. As the
frigates, or other vessels in the offing, could not well discern the
place where our ships rode during the darkness of the night, by reason
of the shadow of the shore, they had lights made for them ashore for
guiding them where to find us during their hellish incendiary plans.
Having observed this light, night after night, always in the same place,
and seeing it as before on the night of the 13th, I sent William Gurdin
ashore with twenty men, armed with muskets and pikes, directing them to
endeavour to surround this fire-blazer, supposing him to be some traitor
inhabiting the neighbourhood. But, on coming near, the fire was
presently put out, and was again seen at another place, quite contrary
to the direction of their pursuit; and so going up and down for a long
time, they gave it over, esteeming it some delusion of the devil. This
night the viceroy set sail from the bar of Surat, leaving about twenty
of his frigates in the river to keep in check the Malabar frigates which
were there for the defence of the town.
The 14th, the nabob sent a great man, who, in token of friendship, was
called his brother, to visit me. This person gave as his opinion that
the viceroy was gone with all his fleet to Goa, leaving some frigates to
keep possession of the river, and others to return to Diu and Ormus. But
my own opinion is, that the viceroy has only gone somewhere to refresh
his people, and to reinforce his ships, against our putting to sea, when
no sands will be in the way of his greatest ships coming against me. He
also told me that the king had sent down forces for the purpose of
conquering Damaun and all the sea coast. He said likewise, that they
were more willing to give entertainment and trade to our nation than the
Portuguese, which I thought very reasonable, as the Portuguese had
always been injurious, and had done many vile things against them. Yet,
unless we continue able to resist the Portuguese, they will soon unsay
that speech for their own ease. When he had viewed our ship, with our
ordnance and defensive preparations, we sent him and his train on shore
in oar boats, in all courtesy.
We now set seriously to work in clearing and loading the Hope for
England, having hitherto taken in our goods confusedly and by hasty
snatches, some into one ship, and some into others, not deeming it
proper to hazard all in one bottom while exposed to so much danger from
the Portuguese. I had resolved to send home the Hope, not that I
esteemed her burden the fittest for the goods we had provided, but
because of the many impediments and disabilities of that ship, as daily
complained of by the master and carpenter; in particular, that her
stern-post within the rudder was unsheathed, a strange and dangerous
neglect and unaccountable oversight, on which account it was fitting she
should soonest return; besides, we were in danger of losing our
quicksilver which was in her, and lay on her keel and bilges.
The 18th, the nabob sent to me Cage Arson Ali, the sabandar, and other
merchants of Surat, requesting me to remain for fifteen days, which I
would in no sort consent to. They then importuned me to stop for ten
days, which likewise I refused, shewing them how prejudicial so long
delay might be to my voyage. The cause of their request was, lest the
viceroy might come with all his forces against Surat after my departure.
Seeing them discontented at my denial, and loth to give displeasure to
the nabob, which might be prejudicial to our affairs afterwards, and
considering that it would require six days of the ten before we could
get the Hope ready, I at last consented to their request, to their great
satisfaction. At night on the 22d I had a letter from Surat, informing
me that the nabob meant to visit me next day, and accordingly two
elephants and six camels came down in the morning of the 23d, bringing
his tents and other matters for his reception. The 24th, Mr Aldworth
came down with the rest of the merchants to finish all business with me
previous to our departure.
In the morning of the 25th, the nabob came down with a great train, with
six other elephants, and was two hours at the water side before I knew
of his arrival. When told, I was sorry for the neglect, and sent Mr
Aldworth, Mr Elkington, and Mr Dodsworth ashore to compliment him, and
to keep him in discourse till I could go on shore, which I did soon
after. I proposed to have gone to him as a son to his father, in my
doublet and hose, without arms or any great train, according to custom,
to shew the trust and confidence I reposed in him; but my friends
persuaded me to the contrary, insisting that I should go well appointed,
and attended by a sufficient guard, to which I consented, though I
afterwards repented that I had not followed my own way. I went
accordingly ashore with about 140 men, part pikes, and part firelocks,
who gave me a volley of small arms as I entered the nabob's tent. The
nabob received me with much kindness, seeming much pleased at my coming
ashore to him. We sat for some time under a very fair tent, open on all
sides, and surrounded by many people, both his attendants and mine.
At length he brought me into a more private room, near adjoining, having
only along with him Ali Khan, a great Persian captain, with Henie the
Banian as his interpreter; while I was accompanied by Messrs. Aldworth,
Elkington, and Dodsworth. We there conferred about the state of his
country, and about our affairs. At last I invited him to go on board to
view our ship, to which he readily consented. He then presented me with
his own sword, with many complimentary speeches, saying it was the
custom of his country to honour with arms such captains as had deserved
well. This sword, as he said, was made in his own house, the hilt being
of massy gold. In return, I presented to him my own arms, being sword
and dagger, together with my girdle and hangers, by me much esteemed,
and making a much finer shew than his, though of less value. We came
forth together from the private tent, and I walked down to the shore to
wait for his coming, whither he sent me a present of ten _cuttonee_
quilts and twenty _topseels_.
Soon after the nabob came to the shore, and we took boat together, going
on board my ship. Having shewn our ordnance, and the manner of pointing
the guns, and explained all our other preparations for defence, I
presented him with a very handsome gilt cup and cover, some fair knives,
a rundlet of Muscadine wine, and some other toys. Desiring to see some
of our ordnance shot off, and how far they could carry their balls on
the water, I caused three guns to be fired. He would then have taken
leave, but I accompanied him ashore, and ordered him to be saluted at
his departure with eleven guns. When we parted at the water side, the
nabob gave me four baskets of grapes. He likewise gave among the gunners
and trumpeters 200 mahmoodies, and 500 among the ship's company,
together with 100 _books_ of white _bastas_, worth two mahmoodies each.
Thus, after some compliments, we took leave of each other and parted.
While rowing up along shore for my better getting on board, as the tide
ran very swiftly, _Lacandas_ came running towards the boat, bearing a
message from the nabob to ask if he should erect a tomb over the grave
of my son. I returned my hearty thanks for the kind offer, desiring
Lacandas to say that I had already begun to do so. The nabob then went
away to Surat, and not long after his tent was taken down and went after
him, with all the rest of his carriages.
The 26th, the nabob's son and son-in-law, a very ingenious young man,
came to visit me, upon whom I bestowed some knives and other things,
such as I had left, which could not be much, as I had every now and then
some great man or other to visit me, to all of whom I had to give
something. The 27th, the three sons of Ali Khan came to visit me, the
eldest of whom, named Guger Khan, presented me with two antilopes, a
male and a female, of which I was very glad, having endeavoured before
ineffectually to send some home to Sir Thomas Smith. After viewing all
our ship, with our ordnance and warlike preparations for defence, I gave
him four Spanish pikes, and some other things of my own, and saluted him
with eleven guns at his departure.
In the afternoon of the 3d March, upon the tide of ebb, and having a
light gale from the north, sufficient to give steerage-way to our ships,
we hastened to get up our anchors, meaning to set sail in the
prosecution of our voyage, though our friends, the Malabars, who had
desired to go with us, made no attempt to come out. At this time we saw
another fleet of Portuguese frigates standing in from the westwards, and
being willing to do my best to hinder them from going into the river of
Surat, were it only to shew our good-will to the country people, we shot
at the nearest of them, though without hope of doing them any hurt, as
there was room for them to pass on either side of us, beyond reach of
our shot. I was willing also to shew our friends on land, as also to
those who I made no doubt would go down the coast to give notice to the
galleons of our coming, that we shot at their frigates going into Surat,
that they might also expect that we cared little for their greater
strength.
In our passage this night we had various flaws of inconstant winds,
which obliged us to come to anchor for some time. As the wind became
afterwards steady, though faint, we again made sail, continuing our
course S. by E. along shore. At day-light nest morning we began to
descry, between us and the shore, the Portuguese galleons and two
gallies; all of which made sail on perceiving us, following with a light
breeze, while we stood somewhat out of our course with all our sails,
partly to gain time to prepare ourselves perfectly for battle, and
partly to give rest to my people, who had taken much fatigue the night
before, as also to draw the enemy farther from the coast, and from
having the convenience of fresh supplies. Ere long, the tide of flood
obliged us to anchor, not having sufficient wind to stem the current.
The enemy, resting his hopes on the wind, kept longer under sail, to his
great disadvantage. But as I did not consider this at the time as an
error in them, I was is great doubt lest they might intend going against
Surat with all their force, now that we were at sea, and there work
their wills upon our friends and goods, which I could only prevent by
following them. Yet the season was now so far advanced that I doubted,
even with our best haste, we should hardly get off the coast before the
foul weather set in; and this gave me hope that the viceroy would not
expose himself to the danger of the approaching winter. While
considering these things, the tide of flood was spent, and it was time
for us to use the ebb, when, to my great satisfaction, I saw the viceroy
and his whole fleet standing towards us, with a fresh breeze. We
likewise made sail, and stood our course before him all that ebb, and so
spent that night to the best advantage, partly at anchor, and partly
under sail, according as wind and tide served.
In the morning of the 5th, the enemy had gained very little way upon us.
We spent this day, as before, in riding or sailing, as the tide
answered. This night the viceroy gained much ground upon us, and by this
time we had got a good way from the coast, and had advanced well to the
southwards, so that I was now satisfied the Portuguese forces could not
this year give any annoyance to Surat. I considered that my purposes in
these parts, both by the authority of my king, and to fulfil the designs
of my employers, were, in merchant ships, fitted indeed for defence, to
seek honest commerce, without striving to injure any; wherefore I held
it fit for me to proceed soberly and discreetly, neither basely to flee
from the enemy, nor to tempt danger by proudly seeking it, if it might
be honourably avoided. The viceroy was quite differently situated. He
had been sent by his master with the principal ships of all India, and
all the gallants and braggarts of these parts, not only to disturb and
intercept the peaceable trade of the English with the subjects of the
Mogul, but to take and burn them in the harbours of that great king. The
viceroy was furnished with abundance of all things the country could
afford, and only wanted an upright cause. He found what he was in search
of,--four poor merchant ships, having few men, many being dead, and more
sick; and these bragadocios, measuring our hearts by their own, thought
we could never stand against what they esteemed so superior a force;
and, seeing their intent, I baited my hook, which the fish presently ran
after.
The Hope, being heavily laden, was in tow of the Hector, and being
sternmost, three of the Portuguese ships, and thirty or forty of their
frigates, as I had expected, boarded her with the flower of all their
chivalry. But, by the hand of God, and to their great amazement, they
received such a blow that few of them escaped, and these by
extraordinary chance, and three of their ships were burnt.[130] Thus it
pleased God to baffle this their first assault. Ever after, though they
beleaguered us round about for many days together, with all sorts of
ships, our people still in action, and sadly worn out with continual
labour, even shifting goods from ship to ship in that time, yet did they
never gain from us even the value of a _louse_ in all that time, except
our bullets, which we most willingly gave them roundly, their fire-boats
always failing, and nothing prospering in all their efforts. For many
days together I sent the viceroy a defiance once every twenty-four
hours, which must needs lie heavy on the stomach of so courageous a
gentleman. Craving pardon for this digression, I now proceed with my
narrative.
[Footnote 130: I strongly suspect this to be a mere recapitulation of
what happened in Swally roads, as already related, as this second attack
on the Hope by the Portuguese is entirely omitted by Elkington and
Dodsworth.--E.]
The 6th, in the morning, I sent for my master, letting him know that I
proposed, when the viceroy should come up near us, to cast about and
charge him suddenly, that we might strike unexpected terror in his
people, who now bragged us, seeing us flee before them. To this end I
went on board all the ships, giving them directions how to act, and gave
orders to the Hector, by means of her pinnace and mine, to take in an
hundred bales of goods from the Hope, to lighten her, and even staid to
see it done. By this time it was mid-day, when my ship struck sail for
my better getting on board; at which, the viceroy thinking it staid for
him in contempt, as we imagined, be and his consorts bore up with the
shore, and gave up all hope of mending their fortunes by following us
any farther; which course I very well liked, as there is nothing under
his foot to make amends for the loss of the worst man's finger in all
our ships. Besides, I wished for no occasion of fighting unless for the
honour of my king and country as I would rather save the life of one of
my poorest sailors than kill a thousand enemies.
Having now finished with the viceroy, I set myself to write letters for
the dispatch of the Hope, yet still thinking to have stood in for the
bar of Goa to endeavour to have left some compliments there for the
viceroy at his return. This was my earnest desire, but we were so long
delayed in dispatching the Hope, that by the time we had finished, we
were far beyond Goa.
* * * * *
"The rest of this journal is wanting, as he is also wanting who should
have finished it. But, alas! this is the imperfection of man's best
perfections; death lying in ambush to entrap those whom by open force he
could not devour. He dying in this voyage, and following his son, hath
left this glorious act, _memoriae sacrum_, the memorable epitaph of his
worth, savouring of a true heroic disposition, piety and valour being in
him seasoned by gravity and modesty."--_Purch._
SECTION II.
_Relations by Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, in Supplement to the former
Voyage_.[131]
"Since writing the voyage of Captain Downton, I have obtained the
journal of Captain Elkington, in which the reader may proceed with this
worthy captain to Bantam, and thence to his grave; this history
succeeding the former, as its author did in command."--_Purch._
[Footnote 131: Purch. Pilgr. I. 514.]
In employing the journals of Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, to continue
the account of the voyage set forth under the command of Captain
Downton, only so much of both are here inserted as answers that purpose,
to avoid prolix repetition of circumstances, already sufficiently
related. The journal of Elkington breaks off abruptly, like that of
Downton, and probably from the same cause; as we learn from Purchas, in
the preceding notice, that Elkington died at Bantam. The journal of
Dodsworth entirely relates to the voyage of the Hope to England, after
parting company with the other two ships, except that it mentions
several incidents of the transactions previous to the departure of that
ship, most of which are here omitted, as already sufficiently
explained.--E.
Sec.1. _Continuation of the Voyage from Surat to Bantam, by Captain Thomas
Elkington_.
On the 4th March, 1615, we descried the Portuguese fleet, which
immediately gave us chace, which it continued all that day and the next.
On the 6th, the general came aboard us, wishing us to make ready, as he
proposed to turn suddenly round and give an onset upon the enemy: But,
about noon that day, the Portuguese bore up and stood for the coast, and
in three hours after we lost sight of them. At night of the 10th, the
Hope departed from us. The 15th we saw three water-spouts at no great
distance; one of them, which was very large, continued for the space of
half an hour. The 19th we doubled Cape Comorin.
The 10th May, the wind and current both against as, the general went to
a green island, to the north or the salt hill, where we came to anchor
in twenty fathoms on good sand. We here sought fresh water, but found
none. There were plenty of bogs and pigs on this island, where likewise
we gathered abundance of cocoa-nuts. All about this island is good
anchorage, within a stone's throw of the shore, in twelve fathoms. The
pinnace brought water from another island, about four leagues off but it
was brackish.[132] The 2d June we came to anchor in Bantam road.
[Footnote 132: So vaguely is this journal expressed, or rather so
miserably abbreviated by Purchas, that there are no indications by which
to guess even where this island lay, except that it was on the way
between Cape Comorin and Bantam.--E.]
The 3d July we weighed mace, and received silk towards furnishing the
Salomon for Masulipatam, to which place we agreed to send the following
merchants: George Chancie, Ralph Preston, Humphry Elkington, Timothy
Mallory, George Savage, and Robert Savage. The 8th we loaded porcelain
into the Salomon. This day we had news by a junk from the Moluccas, that
the Thomasine was there; and that there were twelve sail of Hollanders
at Ternate, who endeavoured to prevent all others from trading. The 11th
our old house very narrowly escaped burning, in conscience of a fire
very near. The 20th, Mr Jordan had letters from. Mr Ball at Macasser,
complaining of violent ill usage from the Hollanders, who had driven him
from thence, and stating that they proposed coming with all their force
to take possession of Bantam, and to place the king of _Motron_ in the
government. The 21st Mr Bennet set sail in the Salomon. The 25th, the
Advice and Attendance arrived from England, after a voyage of eight
months. They met the Globe and James at the Cape, to which ships they
spared eighteen men. These ships departed for England on the 17th July,
and the Advice and her consort on the 18th, meeting a ship near the
Cape, which we suppose might be either the Samaritan or the Hope, bound
for England.
The 5th of August I went aboard to visit the general, Captain Nicholas
Downton, who was then very ill, and we got word of his death next
day.[133] Mr Evans the preacher, and Mr Hambdon, followed him, on the
8th, as we supposed by taking laudanum, as they were both well a little
before. On the 11th the Advice was sent to Japan, having a complement of
twenty-two Englishmen, together with five blacks, and Fernando the
Spaniard. The Concord returned on the 14th from Succadanea in Borneo and
Macasser. That night we had a prodigious tempest of rain, with thunder
and lightning, and the mosque of Bantam was split in two by a
thunderbolt, on which occasion the chief priest was nearly slain, which
the king and people took for a bad omen, and therefore determined to
make peace with Jacatra. The 16th the boat belonging to the Thomasine
came to Bantam, with twenty-two English and five blacks, bringing
intelligence of that ship having been lost on certain flats the night
before, twenty-two leagues from Macasser, owing to the carelessness of
Wilson the master, while all the people were asleep, he only being at
the helm. They saved all the money, which they brought along with them;
and as Mr Bailey told us that his wrecked crew had compelled him to pay
them their wages, we caused them to restore the money.
[Footnote 133: By order in the box, Mr Elkington succeeded in the
command.--_Purch._]
On the 19th, the Hollanders clapped three blacks into the bilboes, whom
Mr Bailey had brought with him from Celoar, pretending they were caught,
climbing over the rails of their house, and also, as they were brought
from a place under their protection, they refused to give us them back.
We are in various ways most vilely abused by these Hollanders, neither
do I see any means to right ourselves, unless we go to war with them;
for we believe this matter to have been done on purpose, and these
blacks enticed by them to it, as if taken by force. I was much offended
with Mr Bailey for his conduct in taking away these blacks, as the
means of making us hated as man-stealers, in, places where we used to be
well received, which the Hollanders will take care to blaze abroad to
our disgrace.
In the night of the 13th September, the watch discovered a fire in the
thatch over the house in which Mr Jordan lodged, which was soon
extinguished; but we could plainly perceive it had been done apurpose,
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