A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume X
by
Robert Kerr
Part 9 out of 10
reflect how best to turn the expedition to the profit of the owners, as
well as of himself and crew. He knew well that all the coast was now
alarmed, and that two men-of-war were fitting out on purpose to take
him, one of fifty and the other of thirty guns. He had no expectations
of the ships and goods he had taken being ransomed in that pan of the
world, and believed they would prove of little value if brought home;
and reflecting on what had formerly been proposed by Captain Woods
Rogers on a similar occasion, of sending a cargo of such prize goods to
Brazil, he resolved to try that experiment. Accordingly, he fitted out
the bark in which he had taken the Countess de Laguna, armed her with
eight guns, and gave her a crew of thirteen Englishmen and ten negroes,
with what provisions and stores he could spare, calling her the
_Chickly_. Into this vessel he put a cargo of European commodities,
valued at upwards of ten thousand pounds, and on the 27th November,
1719, he sailed for Brazil under the command of Captain Mitchell. As
soon as she was gone, he gave up his other prizes to the Spaniards,
taking out of them whatever he thought worth keeping, and detaining one
of the Spanish masters to serve him as pilot, with all the negroes;
after which he sailed from La Plata to resume his cruize on his former
station.
The 12th December he took a vessel bound from Cherisse for Panama with
provisions, which employed the launch and pinnace of the Success a whole
day in bringing on board the flour and other provisions out of the
prize. Having got as much flour out of her as they could well stow away
in the Success, Clipperton ordered the main-mast of the prize to be cut
away, lest she should overset, and then dismissed her. From the people
of this prize, they learnt that Lieutenant Sergeantson and his men had
been carried prisoners to Lima. On the 27th they anchored in _Guanchaco_
bay, where they found two ships at anchor, which had been abandoned by
their crews, and every thing taken out of them, except some bread and a
few jars of water. These ships were set on fire. It was now resolved to
bear away for the Gallapagos islands for refreshments, and accordingly
anchored in York road, on the north side of the Duke of York's island,
on the 9th January, 1720, immediately under the equinoctial line. They
here found good water, scrubbed and cleaned their ship's bottom, and
after ten days proceeded to the northwards, in order to cruize on the
coast of Mexico. The circumstance of finding good water at this place,
sufficiently justifies Captain Cowley from the aspersions thrown upon
him by later writers, who allege that he gave a fanciful and untrue
account of these islands, as they had not been able to find water or
anchorage at such of them as they tried.
Having returned to the American coast, they fell in with a ship on the
21st of January, which they took after a long chase. This proved to be
the Prince Eugene, on board of which was the Marquis of _Villa Roche_
and all his family, bound from Panama, where he had been president, to
Lima. This was the very ship in which Captain Clipperton had been
circumvented and taken in his last voyage in these seas,[237] when he
had been very indifferently used by the marquis, who was now at his
mercy, and whom he used, notwithstanding, with all civility. On the 8th
March, a priest who was on board the prize, and the boatswain of that
ship, desired leave to go on shore at the island of _Velas_,[238] which
was granted on condition that they would induce the inhabitants to bring
some bullocks to the shore, to exchange them for such goods as they
might think proper to accept in payment. This they promised, and on the
16th they returned with four bullocks, together with some fowls and
fruit as a present to the marquis, but said their alcalde, or governor,
would on no account permit them to trade with the English. They also
learnt that Captain Mitchell had been ashore at this place, and had shot
some of their cattle, but on 200 men appearing under arms, had been
forced to retire. This story seemed the more probable, as these people
had some linen and other articles of clothing belonging to Captain
Mitchell's men. Next day some letters from the marquis were intercepted,
which were by no means conformable to the strict honour to which the
Spanish nobility usually pretend, as they were meant to stir up the
inhabitants of Velas to surprise the men belonging to Captain
Clipperton, and to seize his boat when it went ashore for water. Upon
this Captain Clipperton confined the marquis for some days; yet allowed
him and his lady to go ashore on the 20th, leaving their only child as
an hostage; and soon after the prize was restored to her captain.
[Footnote 237: The circumstance here alluded to no where appears in the
narratives of any of the former circumnavigations.--E.]
[Footnote 238: Perhaps Velas point is here meant, in lat. 10 deg. 9' N. on
the coast of that province of Mexico called _Corta Rica_.--E.]
On the 14th April, the marquis and his lady came on board, accompanied
by the alcalde, and an agreement being made for their ransom, the lady
and child were sent ashore, and the marquis remained as sole hostage. In
the whole of this transaction, Clipperton seems to have been outwitted
by the marquis, who lately broke his word, and by this the crew of the
Success were provoked to murmur against their captain for trusting him.
On the 20th of April, the Success anchored in the Gulf of Amapala, or
Fouseca, in lat. 13 deg. N. and not being able to water there, repaired to
the _Island of Tigers_,[239] where they procured water with great ease.
They went to the island of Gorgona, in lat. 2 deg. 53' N. for the same
purpose, on the 4th June. On the 24th of that month they took a prize
which had once been in their hands before, now laden with timber and
cocoa-nuts; and on the 11th August, anchored with their prize at the
island of _Lobor de la Mar_, in lat. 6 deg. 95' S. where they set up tents
on shore, scrubbed and cleaned their ship's bottom, and took whatever
seemed of any value out of the prize.
[Footnote 239: Perhaps the Isla del Cana, in lat. 8 deg. 46' N. is here
meant, or it may have been one of the islands in the Gulf of
Amapala.--E.]
While here, a plot was entered into by the crew, for seizing the captain
and officers, whom they proposed to leave on the island of Lobos, and
then to run away with the ship; but this was happily discovered on the
6th September, the two principal ringleaders severely punished, and the
rest pardoned. On the 17th, they took a fishing-boat with a considerable
quantity of well-cured and salt fish. On the 1st November they went into
the Bay of Conception, on the coast of Chili, in lat. 36 deg. 35' S. in
chace of a vessel which outsailed them and escaped; whence they bore
away for Coquimbo, in lat. 29 deg. 50' S. and took a ship laden with sugar,
tobacco, and cloth, on their passage between these two places. On the
6th in the afternoon, on opening the harbour of Coquimbo, they saw three
men-of-war at anchor with their topsails loose, which immediately
slipped their cables and stood after them. The Success hauled close upon
a wind, as the prize did likewise, on which the best sailing Spanish
man-of-war gave chase to the prize, which she soon came up with and
took. The two other ships crowded all sail after the Success, till
afternoon, when the biggest carried away her mizen-mast, on which she
fired a gun and stood in for the shore, which favoured the escape of the
Success.
In the re-captured prize, they lost their third lieutenant, Mr James
Milne, with twelve men. The captain of the Spanish man-of-war which took
him, was the famous Don Blas de Lesso, who was governor of Carthagena
when that place was attacked by Admiral Vernon. At first Don Blas
treated Mr Milne very roughly, being enraged at having missed taking the
English privateer, and had only retaken a Spanish prize, and in the
first transport of his passion struck Mr Milne over the head with the
flat of his sword. But on coming to himself he sent for Mr Milne, and
generously asked his pardon, and finding he had been stripped by the
soldiers, ordered him a new suit of clothes, and kept him some time in
his own ship. He afterwards procured his liberty at Lima, paid his
passage to Panama, giving him a jar of wine and another of brandy for
his sea-store, and put 200 dollars in his pocket to carry him to
England. This unlucky accident of losing the prize revived the
ill-humour among the crew of the Success, who did not indeed enter into
any new plot, but became much dejected.
On the 16th they gave chase to another ship, which, after exchanging a
few shots, bore away and left them. This was a fortunate escape, as she
was a ship of force commanded by one Fitzgerald, which had been fitted
out on purpose to take Captain Shelvocke; but knowing this not to be the
ship he was in search of, and doubting her strength, had no great
stomach to engage. These repeated disappointments, as they broke the
spirit of the crew, had a very bad effect on Captain Clipperton, who now
began to take to drinking, which grew at last to such a pitch that he
was hardly ever quite sober; owing to which unhappy propensity he
committed many errors in his future proceedings.
It was now determined to proceed to the northward in search of plunder,
as also to procure a supply of provisions, especially flour, having
expended all their stock of that article, and being now reduced to three
pounds of Indian corn for a mess of six men per day. Having but
indifferent fortune, and being in sight of point _Helena_ in lat. 2 deg. 10'
S. they resolved to bear away for the Gallapagos islands, on the 27th
November, having in the first place set ashore the prisoners belonging
to the vessel in which Mr Milne was taken. In their passage to these
islands, they suspected an error in their log-line, which was found
three fathoms too short, making an error in their computation on this
run of about fifty-two miles. On the 4th of December they lost their
purser, Mr Fairman, and the same day found themselves near the
Gallapagos, being in lat. 0 deg. 36' N. with a strong current running to the
S.W. against which they had to contend. On the 6th the pinnace was sent
to look out for an anchorage at one of the islands, but returned without
finding any, having seen many tortoises on shore. Upon this the pinnace
and yawl were sent out to bring off some of these animals, and returned
with sufficient fish to serve the whole company for a day, but had been
unable to land for turtle, in consequence of a prodigious surf on the
shore. This island was a mere rock in lat. 0 deg. 9' N. and the ground all
about it was foul, with soundings from fifty to eighty fathoms. Leaving
this island, they proceeded to another in the S.W. but could find no
anchorage. Being unwilling to lose more time, they made the best of
their way for the island of _Cocos_,[240] where they hoped to procure
fish, fowls, and cocoa-nuts. On the 7th they saw several islands in the
N.E. through which they passed, and got clear of them all by the
9th,[241] but as the people daily fell sick, they grew very apprehensive
of the dangerous situation they might incur in case of missing the
island of which they were now in search. On the 17th they had the
satisfaction of seeing the long-wished for island in the N.W. at the
distance of nine leagues; and on the 18th, after coming to anchor, all
of them went on shore that could be spared from the necessary duty of
the ship, in order to build a hut for the reception of the sick, who
were then carried on shore and comfortably lodged. They here had plenty
of fish, fowls, eggs, and cocoa-nuts, with other refreshments. The
captain here opened the last hogshead of brandy for the use of the
company, giving every man a dram daily as long as it lasted; and on
new-year's-day 1721, he allowed a gallon of strong beer to every mess.
By means of abundant nourishing food and much ease, the crew began to
recover their health and spirits, and were soon able to take on board
wood and water, though with considerable difficulty, as a very heavy
swell set in from the northwards at the full and change of the moon, so
that they had to wait till after the spring-tides were over, before they
were able to get any thing off.
[Footnote 240: The island of Cocos, nearly north from the Gallapagos, is
in lat. 5 deg. 20' N. and long. 87 deg. 53' W. from Greenwich.--E.]
[Footnote 241: These were probably some of the most northerly of the
Gallapagos.--E.]
On the 17th January, 1721, Captain Clipperton made the necessary
dispositions for sailing, but it was three days before he could get his
people on board, and then no less than eleven of them were missing,
three Englishmen and eight negroes. It is not easy to conceive what
could have induced the former to hazard themselves at this island, so
far removed from the continent, and so little likely to be frequented by
ships, and whence they had so very small a chance of ever getting off.
It must be attributed to their dread of the dangers and fatigues to
which they had been continually exposed, and to their living almost
continually on short allowance, whereas they were here sure of plenty of
provisions, with no other fatigue but the trouble of procuring and
dressing them. Perhaps they might have received some assurance from the
marquis, of having a ship sent for them when he obtained his liberty,
which was at least a hazardous contingency; and there is great reason
to doubt was never performed.
Leaving the island of Cocos on the 20th, they arrived on the coast of
Mexico on the 25th, when they met with an extraordinary adventure.
Discovering a sail about seven in the evening, they gave chase and sent
their pinnace to board, which came up with the chase about eleven. On
the return of the pinnace, her people reported that this was a Spanish
ship named the Jesu Maria, but now in possession of Captain Shelvocke,
who had now only forty of his men remaining, all the rest being dead or
dispersed. He said that he had lost the Speedwell at the island of Juan
Fernandez, where he staid five months, and built a bark out of the wreck
of the Speedwell. Putting to sea in this bark, he had coasted along
Chili and Peru, meeting several ships, but could not take any, till at
length he captured the Jesu Maria at Pisco near Lima. Shelvocke's people
differed much in their stories, but it appeared that there was no
regular command among them; and, as used to be the practice in the
buccaneers, they had chosen a quarter-master, every thing being carried
by a majority of votes, being all equal, and snared every thing among
themselves, contrary to the articles of agreement with their owners.
On the 27th, Mr Clipperton sent for the purser of the Jesu Maria, who
gave but a dark account of their proceedings, only that he was not
allowed to take any account of the treasure for the owners. Captain
Shelvocke afterwards came on board the Success, accompanied by Mr Dod,
his lieutenant of marines, who proposed to remain in the Success, having
been very ill used by the other crew for his attachment to the interest
of the owners, at least so he said, and was credited by Captain
Clipperton and his officers. Next day, Shelvocke sent on board the
Success six chests of pitch and _dammer_, two barrels of tar, and six
slabs of copper; and Captain Clipperton gave him _twenty-four_ quarter
deck guns,[242] some round shot, a compass, and a few other necessaries.
Shelvocke's people laid out a great deal of money with the crew of the
Success, in the purchase of clothes, shoes, hats, and other necessaries;
and there remained with them two of Shelvocke's officers, Mr Hendric the
purser, and Mr Dod the lieutenant of marines.
[Footnote 242: This must be a gross error, as the Success originally
carried only _twenty-four_ guns; and accordingly, in the subsequent
account of the circumnavigation of Shelvocke, only two quarter-deck guns
are mentioned.--E.]
Still keeping to the northward on the coast of Mexico, the Success
afterwards saw the Jesu Maria several times; and at length, in the
beginning of March, it was resolved to propose a conjunct attempt on the
Manilla ship on her way to Acapulco. Accordingly on the 13th March, in a
general consultation by the officers of both ships, it was agreed to
make the attempt jointly, both ships boarding her at once, as the only
chance of taking her. On the 15th, in another consultation, Captain
Clipperton and his officers agreed to certain articles, which were sent
to Captain Shelvocke, proposing, if he and his crew would refund all the
money they had shared among themselves, contrary to the articles agreed
upon with the owners, and put the whole into a joint stock, thus all
their faults should be forgiven, both companies uniting, and should then
proceed together to cruise for the Acapulco ship. This proposal was very
indifferently received by Shelvocke and his men, who did not care to
part with what they possessed, and declined to give any answer to this
proposal. Perceiving, therefore, that nothing good was to be expected
from their quondam consort, considering also that the usual time of the
Manilla ship arriving at Acapulco was already elapsed, that most of
their remaining men were weak and sickly, and that they were only
victualled for five months at their present short allowance, Captain
Clipperton and his men thought it was now proper for them to proceed for
the East Indies without loss of time, in order to preserve what little
they had got for their owners and themselves. It was therefore resolved
upon to put this plan into immediate execution, without any farther
consultation with Shelvocke, and to leave the coast of America directly.
They were now to the S.S.E. of Port Marquis, in lat. 16 deg.50'N. and
accordingly on the 18th March shaped their course for crossing the
Pacific ocean towards the Ladrone islands.
The Manilla ships usually leave the Philippine islands about the
beginning of July, and arrive at the Ladrones about the beginning of
September, whence they proceed for Acapulco, where they are expected to
arrive about the middle of January. They generally remain at Acapulco,
till towards the latter end of April, and then sail for Manilla. This,
though the general rule, is liable to some alterations, according as the
trade-winds set in earlier or later. From this account, it is plain
that the ship they had now proposed to wait for must have been the
galleon on her passage from Acapulco for Manilla, which always has a
prodigious quantity of silver on board.
SECTION III.
_Voyage of the Success from the Coast of Mexico to China._
The Success performed the voyage from the coast of Mexico to the
Ladrones in fifty-three days, arriving in sight of the island of Serpana
on the 10th May, 1721. This island is in lat. 13 deg.42'N. though usually
laid down in the Spanish maps in 14 deg..[243] In this passage they lost six
of their men, and the rest were reduced to so weak and low a state, that
the sight of this island gave them great joy. They determined however to
proceed to Guam, as best known to Europeans, and where they were most
likely to procure provisions; but in their present weakly condition it
might have been better to have gone to Serpana, where the Spaniards have
not so great a force as at Guam. They anchored in the road at this
island on the 13th May, and sent their pinnace ashore with a flag of
truce to obtain provisions. But the people informed them that, without
leave of the governor, they could not trade with them. Application was
therefore made to the governor for this purpose, which was favourably
received for the present; and Mr Godfrey, the owners agent, who had been
sent up to the governor at Umatta, returned on the 16th to the Success
in one of the country proas, with a message from the governor,
intimating, that they should be furnished with provisions, if they
behaved civilly and paid honestly. The launch arrived soon after,
bringing on board some cattle, bread, sugar, brandy, fruit, and
vegetables; and on the 17th the governor sent a handsome present of
palm-wine, sugar, and brandy, with a large quantity of chocolate.
[Footnote 243: Serpana is probably some small island close to Guam, not
inserted in general maps. The centre of Guam is in 13 deg.30'N.]
The _Island of Guam_, in lat. 13 deg.30'N. long 145 deg.30'E. from Greenwich, is
nearly ten leagues long from N. to S. and five leagues from E. to W. It
has several villages, the most remarkable being Amatta, Atry, Agana,
Anigua, Asa, Hugatee, and Rigues. The natives are formerly said to have
amounted to 150,000 souls, but at this time did not exceed a tenth of
the number, of which a few hundreds remained independent in the
mountains, in spite of every effort to reduce them under the Spanish
dominion. The natives are strong, active, vigorous, and war-like, but
are represented as cruel, vindictive, and treacherous, though perhaps
the Spaniards have exaggerated their bad qualities, to extenuate their
own tyranny and oppression. The Spanish garrison at this island at this
time consisted of 300, relieved from time to time from Manilla, and the
King of Spain is said to have allowed 30,000 dollars yearly for the
maintenance of this port, the only use of which is to give refreshments
to the annual ship which goes between Manilla and Acapulco.
Having agreed with the governor of Guam for the ransom of the Marquis de
Villa Roche, that nobleman went ashore on the 18th May, accompanied by
the agent, the first lieutenant, and the doctor; and the Success gave
him a salute of five guns at parting. For six days after, the launch was
continually employed in bringing wood, water, and provisions on board,
during which time the governor requested to be supplied with some arms
and ammunition in exchange, and accordingly Captain Clipperton sent him
twelve fuzees, three jars of gunpowder, sixty rounds of shot, four pair
of pistols, and several cutlasses, swords, and daggers. On the 25th a
letter was sent on board, demanding the jewels belonging to the marquis,
some consecrated plate, and two negroes, who were Christians; as also
requiring to have a certificate signed by the captain and officers of
the Success, that peace had been proclaimed between Britain and Spain;
besides which, this letter intimated that Mr Godfrey and Mr Pritty were
detained till all these demands were complied with. In reply, Captain
Clipperton sent a letter, containing a certificate, that he had been
informed by the Solidad, the last prize taken on the coast of Chili,
that peace had been concluded between Britain and Spain; but threatning,
if the agreed ransom for the marquis, and the two gentlemen now
detained, were not sent off in twenty-four hours, that he would demolish
all the houses on shore, burn the ship in the harbour, and do all the
mischief he could at the Philippine Islands.
Soon after, a letter was received from the governor, saying that he
would pay for the consecrated plate, and desiring to have more powder
and shot; to which Clipperton made answer that he could not spare any
more. The yawl went ashore on the 28th for more provisions; but the
people were told that no more could be had, unless they sent more powder
and shot. Upon this Clipperton weighed anchor, and stood in for the
harbour, sending the pinnace a-head to sound. The people on shore had
raised a battery during the sham treaty about the ransom of the marquis,
from which they fired on the pinnace. The pinnace now returned to
Clipperton, and reported that the only channel they could find lay
within pistol-shot of the shore; yet at six in the afternoon Clipperton
persisted to carry the Success into the harbour, making directly for the
ship that lay there at anchor. The _Spaniards_ carried her into
shoal-water,[244] where she was exposed to two fires, one from the new
battery on land, almost directly over head, and the other from the ship.
At nine she got foul of the rocks, when they had to cut away two of
their anchors, endeavouring to get her off, all the while the enemy
plying them warmly with shot and stones from the new battery on the
hill, so that they suffered severely in the hull and rigging of the
ship. They also had three men wounded, besides losing the first
lieutenant, Mr Davidson, an honest man and a good officer. Thus the
Success had to remain in a miserable situation, exposed during the whole
night to the continual fire of the enemy; and the surface of the water
being as smooth as a mill-pond, the ship was easily seen in the night,
while her unfortunate crew had no other mark to fire at but the flashes
of the enemy's guns.
[Footnote 244: This unexplained circumstance probably meant, that the
Success had at this time _Spanish_ pilots, who betrayed her.--E.]
In this dangerous emergency, Captain Clipperton being overcome with
liquor, and quite unable to command, the officers came to the resolution
of running clear from the enemy as soon as they could get the ship
afloat, and signed a paper to indemnify Mr Cook if he would assume the
command. By four in the afternoon of the 29th they got the ship afloat,
and cut away their small bower anchor, but ran aground again in ten
minutes. At nine they carried out the kedge-anchor, but the hawser broke
in heaving. They now carried out another hawser, having a lower-deck gun
fixed to it, as they had now lost all their anchors, and were still
aground. At two in the morning of the 30th the enemy repeatedly called
upon them to surrender, or they might expect no quarter. At five they
carried out the main-top-mast shrowd hawser, with another gun, still
plying the enemy with their great guns and small-arms, though they were
able to do little harm; while the enemy never missed them, especially
directing their shot at the boats of the Success, whenever they saw them
in motion. At eleven in the forenoon of the 30th they carried out the
remains of their best bower-cable, with two lower-deck guns, which they
dropped right a-head in five fathoms water. They now cleared the hold,
ready to start their water to lighten the ship; got their upper and
lower-deck guns forwards, to bring her by the head as she hung abaft on
the rocks, and kept two guns constantly firing from the stern-ports at
the enemy's battery, but could not get them to bear. During the last
twenty-four hours they had fortunately only one man wounded; but the
ship was wretchedly injured between wind and water, and her rigging torn
to pieces.
At six in the afternoon of the 30th the ship floated, when they cut away
their yawl, having been sunk by a shot. They hove taught their cable,
and then cut it away, together with the two hawsers, and sent the
pinnace a-head to tow the ship off. Just as the ship got afloat, the
enemy fired with great briskness from their new battery, their shot
raking through the Success between wind and water, killed one of her
men, and wounded two others.
The Success had now remained fifty hours as a fair mark for the enemy to
fire at, during which they lost both their bower-anchors and cables,
with the stern and kedge-anchors, four hawsers, four lower-deck guns,
nineteen barrels of powder, two men killed and six wounded; and had they
not now got off, it was believed they must have been sunk before
morning. At ten in the forenoon of the 31st they hove to, and began to
splice their rigging, not a rope of which had escaped the shot of the
enemy. The masts and yards were all sore wounded; and the carpenters had
to work during the whole night, stopping-the shot-holes in the hull.
They stowed away most of their guns in the hold, barred up the ports,
hoisted in the launch and pinnace, and at noon steered away west under
an easy sail, hoping to save their passage before the western monsoon
set in; the carpenters being fully occupied in fishing the masts and
yards, and the rest of the crew in mending the rigging. At six in the
evening of the 31st May, 1721, the body of the island of Guam bore E.
seven leagues distant, and they then took their departure; being in 15 deg.
20' N. designing now for China.
The conduct of Captain Clipperton at Guam was certainly exceedingly
erroneous. He ought on no account to have permitted the marquis to go on
shore till he had received the money for his ransom, and all the
provisions of which he stood in need. The marquis had before behaved
very ill to him, and had no title to any favour; and if he had kept the
marquis, the governor of Guam would not have had any opportunity of
putting his schemes in execution. Clipperton committed also an egregious
error in pretending to attack the town, and the ship in the harbour.
Though drunkenness is rather an aggravation than an excuse for
misconduct, yet it is to be considered that Clipperton was a mere
sailor, who had not the benefit of a liberal education, and that he fell
into this sad vice from disappointment and despair. On all occasions he
had shewn a humane and even generous disposition, with the most
inflexible honesty, and a constant regard to the interest of his owners.
He is therefore much to be pitied, for having fled to the bottle under a
load of misfortunes too heavy for him to bear.
The voyage upon which they had now to enter was very dangerous, the run
from Manilla to China being estimated at 400 leagues; besides that the
distance they had now to sail was much greater. They had only received a
very moderate addition to their former scanty stock of provisions; and
their vessel had been so roughly handled in the late unfortunate affair,
that they were very apprehensive she would not last out the voyage. On
careful examination, she was found to be in a very shattered condition,
having scarcely a whole timber in her upper works, and one of her
_fashion pieces_ being shot through, which is a principal support of the
after-part of the ship, they were obliged to strap her, to keep her
together. As it blew pretty fresh, they durst not carry sail, and for
nearly a week together had to scud almost under bare poles, through
variable winds, bad weather, and a rough sea. This was a melancholy
situation for the people, in seas with which they were little
acquainted, and sailing by charts on which they could not depend. Yet
they found the accounts and charts of Dampier much superior to those
laid down by persons of much greater figure, so that without these they
had hardly been able to have extricated themselves from their
difficulties. The 24th June they were in sight of the _Bashee_ Islands,
in lat. 20 deg. 45' N. long. 121 deg. 40' E. On the 31st they saw the
_island-shoals_ of _Pralas_, in lat. 21 deg. N. long. 116 deg. 20' E. The 1st
July they fell in with other islands, not laid down in any of their
charts, which perplexed them sadly, not being able to form any certain
judgment of their true course. They anchored under one of these islands
in thirteen fathoms, and sent away one of their boats to endeavour to
procure intelligence how Macao bore from them, that being the port to
which they were bound. The pinnace returned on the 2d July, bringing a
boat in which were three Chinese sailors, or fishermen, whom they could
not understand, and all they could learn from them was, that Canton bore
from them to the S.W.
On the 3d July, finding they had got too far to leeward of Macao, and
being unable to procure a pilot, they resolved to sail for _Amoy_, as
the only course that was left them, and accordingly arrived before that
port in the evening of the 5th; but being afraid to enter it in the
night, they plied off and on till daybreak of the 6th. They here noticed
great numbers of snakes in the sea, brought down by the rivers that
empty themselves upon that coast. The entrance into the port of _Amoy_
is sufficiently conspicuous, in consequence of a high mountain, on the
top of which is a tower, or pagoda, which may be seen at the distance of
twenty leagues out to sea, and has a small island immediately before the
mouth of the bay. The river _Change-neu_[245] discharges itself here
into the sea, forming a spacious bay about eight leagues in circuit,
where ships may ride at anchor in great safety, the only difficulty
being in getting into port, which they happily accomplished in the
evening of the 6th July, being well pleased to find themselves once more
in a place where they might hope to procure refreshments, and be able to
repair their ship; or if that were impracticable, whence they might
procure a passage home. Clipperton was as much rejoiced as the rest;
for, having had his full share of afflictions and misfortunes at sea, he
was happy in the prospect of securing a small sum of money for his own
use, and sending home what belonged to the owners, if the ship were
really past repairing, as his people reported.
[Footnote 245: No name resembling _Amoy_ is to be found on the coast of
China in any of our best maps, and the text gives no distinct indication
of its situation. The river _Changeneu_ of the text, perhaps refers to
_Tchang-tcheou_, a city in the province of Fokien, having a large bay in
lat. 24 deg. 30' N. long. 118 deg. 15' E. and _Amoy_ may have been some
corruption of the port of discharge at the mouth of the river which
passes Tchang-tcheou.--E.]
They had no sooner anchored in the port than ten custom-house officers
were placed on board. At Amoy, as in most other ports in China, the
customs are under the direction of a single mandarin, called the Hoppo,
or Hoppou. The Chinese are justly reputed the craftiest people in the
world; and it is their invariable maxim to appoint the cunningest man
they can find to the office of hoppo. It may be added, that the people
of Amoy are reputed to be less nice in the principles of honour and
honesty even than any others in China. The first thing demanded by these
custom-house officers was, what the ship was, and what was her business
at this port. Clipperton made answer, that the ship belonged to the King
of Great Britain, and had put in there from stress of weather, in order
to obtain a supply of provisions and other necessaries. The officers now
demanded an exact account of the number of men and guns, the nature and
amount of the cargo, and the time they intended to stay, all of which
they set down in writing, and then departed.
Next morning the men mutinied, and insisted that Clipperton should pay
them their prize-money immediately, as the Success was in no condition
to proceed to sea. The man who made this demand was one John Dennison;
and when Mr Taylor interposed in behalf of the captain, one Edward
Boreman told him he had better desist, unless he had a mind to have a
brace of bullets through his head. There was now an end of all
regularity on board, the authority of the captain being completely
overthrown. The country people supplied the ship with abundance of rice,
with some cattle and fowls, together with wood and water, for which they
were paid. On the 12th the officers went ashore to wait upon the hoppo,
who had a fine palace. He treated them with great civility, giving them
leave to anchor in the harbour, and to remain there till the adverse
monsoon was over; but for this he demanded 1700 dollars as port-charges,
equal to near L400 sterling, and soon afterward received that sum in
ready money.
It may be remembered that Mr Mitchell went out from. England as second
captain under Clipperton. On his going to Brazil, he was succeeded by Mr
Davidson, who was slain in the unfortunate affair at Guam; to whom Mr
Cook succeeded as second captain. He now demanded to receive thirty
shares of the prize-money in that capacity, in which he was supported by
the men, whom he courted by a continual compliance with all their
humours. Captain Clipperton and the rest of the officers, seeing the
turn matters were likely to take, were very desirous that some allowance
should be reserved for the officers who were absent, and had been taken
prisoners, and for Mr Hendrie and Mr Dod, who had joined them from the
Speedwell: but all their endeavours were fruitless, as the men would not
listen to any such allowances. While these disputes were going on, the
men went ashore as they pleased, without asking leave; and when the
captain endeavoured to correct this licence, the whole company stood
out, and would not submit to controul. After this every thing fell into
confusion, and the men refused to work till they should receive their
prize-money. They even applied to the chief mandarin of the place,
styled _Hyhuug_ by the Chinese, to interpose his authority for obliging
their captain to comply with their demands. This magistrate then
summoned Captain Clipperton to appear before him, and demanded to know
the reason why he refused to give the men satisfaction; on which the
captain produced the articles, which contained expressly that they were
not to receive their prize-money till their return to London. But
Captain Cook, as he was now styled, gave quite a different account of
this matter to the mandarin; on which a guard of soldiers was sent
aboard the Success, with a peremptory order to Captain Clipperton
immediately to settle the shares, and to pay them to the men, with which
he was forced to comply.
This distribution was accordingly made on the 16th September, pursuant
to the order of the chief mandarin; and as no allowance was reserved for
those who had been made prisoners, or for the representatives of those
who had died, or the two gentlemen who formerly served in the Speedwell,
the prize-money stood thus:
The share of money and silver plate, dollars 280
The share of gold, 100
The share of jewels, 39
-----
Total share of a foremast-man, 419
Which, at 4s. 8d. the dollar, amounted to L97:15:4 sterling. According
to this distribution: The share of the captain amounted to L1466, 10s.
The second captain had L733, 5s. The captain of marines, the lieutenants
of the ship, and the surgeon, had each L488:16:8. Although Captain Cook
and his associates were thus able to carry their point, yet Captain
Clipperton prevailed on the mandarin to set apart one half of the cargo
for the benefit of the owners; which amounted, in money, silver, gold,
and jewels, to between six and seven thousand pounds. This was
afterwards shipped at Macao in a Portuguese ship, called the Queen of
Angels, commanded by Don Francisco de la Vero. This ship was
unfortunately burnt at Rio de Janeiro, on the coast of Brazil, on the
6th June, 1722; so that the owners, after deducting salvage, only
received L1800.
The people and mandarins at Amoy have so conducted themselves for a long
time, that, even among their own countrymen, this port has the
appellation of _Hiamuin booz_, or Amoy the roguish. The fishermen on the
coast, when they meet any European ship that seems intended for that
port, pronounce these words with a very significant air; but, for want
of understanding the language, or perhaps from confidence in their own
prudence, this warning is seldom attended to. The custom of this port is
to disarm every ship that enters it, sending two frigates or armed
vessels, called _chan-pans_, full of men, to ride close by the vessel,
to ensure the execution of all orders from the _hoppo_ and chief
mandarin. Besides the enormous imposition under the name of port
charges, already mentioned, they have other strange methods of getting
money. Thus, though the small craft of the country are at liberty to
carry all sorts of provisions on board for sale, yet every one of these
must in the first place go to one of the _chan-pans_, and pay there a
tax or consideration for leave to go to the strange vessel. By this
means, though provisions are here very plentiful, and ought therefore to
be cheap, the price is enhanced at least a third. The mandarins have
also a practice of sending presents of wine, provisions, and expensive
curiosities, to the captain and other officers; of all which, when the
ship is ready to sail, they send an exact memorial with the prices
charged, the last article being so much for the clerk drawing up the
account; and all this must be discharged in money or commodities, before
their arms and ammunition are returned.
During a stay of ten weeks at this port, they sufficiently experienced
all the artifices of this covetous and fraudulent people, from whom
Captain Clipperton had no way to defend himself, and was therefore
obliged to submit to all their demands. Towards the end of September,
the season and their inclinations concurred to deliver them from this
place; for by this time, even the common men began to be weary of the
people, who shewed themselves finished cheats in every thing. On the
25th September, their arms and ammunition were restored, and that same
day the Success weighed from the harbour, going out into the road or
gulf, in order to proceed for Macao, to have the ship surveyed, as the
men insisted she was not in a condition for the voyage home. Captain
Clipperton affirmed the contrary, well knowing that the men insisted on
this point merely to justify their own conduct, and to avoid being
punished in England for their misbehaviour in China.
They weighed anchor from the Bay of Amoy, in the province of
_Tonkin_,[246] on the 30th September, and anchored in the road of
_Macao_ on the 4th October. This place had been an hundred and fifty
years in the hands of the Portuguese, and had formerly been one of the
most considerable places of trade in all China, but has now fallen much
into decay. The way in which the Portuguese became possessed of this
place gives a good specimen of Chinese generosity. In prosecuting their
trade with China from India and Malacca, being often overtaken by
storms, many of their ships had been cast away for want of a harbour,
among the islands about Macao, on which they requested to have some
place of safety allowed them in which to winter. The Chinese accordingly
gave them this rocky island, then inhabited by robbers, whom they
expelled. At first they were only allowed to build thatched cottages;
but, by bribing the mandarins, they were permitted in the sequel to
erect stone houses, and even to build forts. One of these, called _the
Fort of the Bar_, is at the mouth of the harbour, and terminates at a
rock called _Appenka_, where there is a hermitage of the order of St
Augustine. There is another fort on the top of a hill, called the Fort
of the Mountain; also another high fort, called _Nuestra Senhora de
Guia_. The city of Macao stands on a peninsula, having a strong wall
built across the isthmus, with a gate in the middle, through which the
Chinese pass out and in at pleasure, but it is death for a Portuguese to
pass that way.
[Footnote 246: This surely is an error for Fo-kien. Amoy has been before
stated in the text as N.E. from Macao, whereas the _kingdom_ of Tonquin
is S.W. from that port.--E.]
Some travellers have reported that the Portuguese were sovereigns of
Macao, as of other places in India: But they never were, and the Chinese
are too wise a people to suffer any thing of the kind. Macao certainly
is as fine a city, and even finer, than could be expected, considering
its untoward situation: It is also regularly and strongly fortified,
having upwards of 200 pieces of brass cannon upon its walls. Yet, with
all these, it can only defend itself against strangers. The Chinese ever
were, and ever will be, masters of Macao, and that without firing a gun
or striking a blow. They have only to shut up that gate and place a
guard there, and Macao is undone; and this they have actually done
frequently. Without receiving provisions from the adjacent country, the
inhabitants of this city cannot subsist for a day; and besides, it is so
surrounded by populous islands, and the Chinese are here so completely
masters of the sea, that the Portuguese at Macao might be completely
starved on the slightest difference with the Chinese. The Portuguese
have indeed the government over their own people within the walls of
this city; yet Macao is strictly and properly a Chinese city: For there
is a Chinese governor resident on the spot, together with a hoppo or
commissioner of the customs; and these Chinese mandarins, with all their
officers and servants, are maintained at the expence of the city, which
has also to bear the charges of the Portuguese government.[247]
[Footnote 247: The East India Company found all this to be true a few
years ago, when its Indian government thought to have taken Macao from
the Portuguese. Had this account of the matter been read and understood,
they would not have unnecessarily incurred a vast expence, and suffered
no small disgrace at Canton.--E.]
In spite of all this, the Portuguese inhabitants were formerly very
rich, owing to the great trade they carried on with Japan, which is now
in a great measure lost. Yet, being so near Canton, and allowed to
frequent the two annual fairs at that place, and to make trading voyages
at other times, they still find a way to subsist, and that is all, as
the prodigious presents they have to make on all occasions to the
Chinese mandarins, consume the far greater part of their profits. Each
of their vessels, on going up to Canton, has in the first place to pay
L100 sterling for leave to trade. They are next obliged to make a
considerable present, for permission to have their goods brought on
board by the Chinese, to whom they must not only pay ready money for all
they buy, but have sometimes to advance the price beforehand for a year.
After all this, they have to make another present for leave to depart,
at least double the amount of what they formerly paid for liberty to
trade; and they have to pay heavy duties to the emperor for every thing
they buy or sell, besides their enormous presents to his ministers.
SECTION IV.
_Residence of Captain Clipperton at Macao, and Returns from thence to
England._
On entering the port of Macao in the Success, Captain Clipperton saluted
the fortress, which compliment was returned. He then went on shore,
where he prevailed on the captain of a Portuguese ship of war, formerly
mentioned, to carry the property belonging to his owners to Brazil. At
this place, the crew of the Success found themselves considerably at a
loss, as the Portuguese commander declared himself entirely in favour of
Captain Clipperton. Captain Cook, therefore, and another of the officers
of the Success, went up to Canton, to consult with Mr Winder, supercargo
of an English East Indiaman, and son to one of the principal owners, as
to what should be done with, the Success. On their return, the ship was
surveyed, condemned, and sold for 4000 dollars, which was much less than
her worth. This was, however, no fault in Captain Clipperton, who, to
shew that he still adhered to his former opinion, that the ship was fit
to proceed to England, agreed with the persons who purchased her for a
passage to Batavia, a convincing proof that he did not believe her in
any danger of foundering at sea.
The ship being sold, the crew naturally considered themselves at liberty
to shift for themselves, and to use their best endeavours each to save
what little remained to him, after their unfortunate expedition. All
were satisfied that Captain Mitchell, with his crew and cargo, had
either gone to the bottom or fallen into the hands of the Spaniards, so
that they had no hopes of any farther dividend from that quarter; yet it
was some consolation that they were so near the English factory at
Canton, and as six dollars were required for a passage to that place in
one of the Chinese boats, twenty of them agreed to go there immediately,
in hopes of getting a passage from thence to England. Mr Taylor, one of
the mates of the Success, was of the number: But before the boat set
sail, he had some presentiment of danger, and chose rather to lose his
money, by waiting for another opportunity. He had reason to be satisfied
with himself for this conduct; as he soon learnt that the boat tad been
taken by a pirate, and the people stript of all their property. After a
short stay at Macao, Mr Taylor had an opportunity of going up to Canton
in an armed boat along with a mandarin, for which he and the rest of the
crew belonging to the Success, who went along with him, paid twenty
dollars each. In their passage up, they had satisfactory proof that in
some cases there may be frugality in expence, as they saw a pirate take
a boat in sight of that in which was the mandarin. This plainly shewed
that the government winks at these things, perhaps deeming it good
policy to raise thereby a considerable revenue, partly by presents from
the pirates, and partly by sums paid by merchants and passengers for
protection. From this, and many other circumstances which might be
adduced, the boasted wisdom of the Chinese is nothing more than the
science of dexterously hiding their robberies from the inspection of the
law: In which, perhaps, they are as much exceeded by some northern
nations as in the use of the compass, of which they pretend to be the
original inventors, and perhaps with justice; but both in the management
of the compass, and in this political trade of pirating, they are
equally clumsy.
Mr Taylor and his company arrived at the English factory in Canton on
the 4th November, where they were well received, and promised all
assistance for getting home. There were at this time ships ready to
sail, first for several ports in India and then for Europe. The captains
of these vessels, on being solicited by the gentlemen of the factory to
take Captain Clipperton's men on board, agreed to carry them for five
pounds a man, which they all accordingly paid, esteeming it a very great
favour. Mr Taylor and two or three more embarked in the Maurice, Captain
Peacock, then riding at Wanapo, [Wampoa,] about three leagues below
Canton, the place where European ships lie; and the rest of the company
were distributed among the other ships. They sailed on the 9th, in
company with the Macclesfield, an English East-Indiaman, and the
House-of-Austria, belonging to Ostend. Mr Taylor arrived safely at
Batavia in the month of December; sailed thence by the Cape and St
Helena, and arrived in London in May 1722. The rest of the company
returned also, some sooner and some later.
As for Captain Mitchell, who was sent to Brazil with a small crew, he
was never more heard of, having probably been destroyed at the island
of Velas, where he went ashore to procure fresh provisions. This has
generally been considered as the greatest blemish in the management of
Captain Clipperton, but I confess without just cause, in my opinion; as
the great stress laid on that measure by Captain Rogers, might very well
have induced Captain Clipperton to try what might be done in this way,
especially as his owners had very strongly recommended the account of
Captain Rogers to be his rule and guide. I also think the proposal in
itself was very reasonable, and such as an officer who had the good of
the expedition at heart had good grounds for trying. It was well known
that the prize goods could produce little or nothing in the South Sea,
as the Spanish governors demanded such exorbitant sums for liberty to
trade, that no advantage could be derived from such a commerce, either
in buying or selling. He knew also that it was to little purpose
carrying these goods to Europe; and it was certainly much preferable to
send them to a place where they might sell to advantage, and where the
produce might be so invested as to procure a considerable profit on the
voyage from Brazil to London. The vessel in which Captain Mitchell
sailed was very fit for the purpose, and every way well provided; and
having a crew of thirteen English and ten negroes, was quite sufficient
for the navigation.
Captain Clipperton sailed from Macao to Batavia, in his own ship the
Success, after she was sold; and got a passage to Europe in a Dutch
ship. He arrived at Galway in Ireland, where he left his family, in
June, 1722; being then in a very bad state of health, partly occasioned
by his great fatigues, but chiefly through the concern he was under for
the loss sustained by his owners in this unfortunate enterprize. It may
be objected, that he ought to have returned from Holland to England, to
give his owners the best account in his power respecting the events of
the voyage. But, as he sent home their moiety of the profits in the
Portugueze ship, which, had it not been destroyed by the way, had nearly
covered the expence of fitting out the Success, taking in the money she
sold for; and if we consider the reduced state of his health when he
went to Galway, where he did not live above a week, he may well be
excused for this step.
CHAPTER XII.
VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD BY CAPTAIN GEORGE SHELVOCKE, IN 1719-1722.[248]
INTRODUCTION.
In the introduction to the former voyage, a sufficient account has been
given of the motives on which the expedition was founded, and the
original plan of acting under an imperial commission; together with
motives for changing this plan, and the reason of advancing Captain
Clipperton to the chief command. In the new scheme of the voyage,
Captain Shelvocke retained the command of the Speedwell, carrying
twenty-four guns and 106 men, Mr Simon Hately being his second captain,
an officer who has a good character given of him in the account of the
former voyage by Captain Rogers. The marines were under the command of
Captain William Betagh. Captain Shelvocke has himself written an account
of the expedition, and another was published by Captain Betagh, so that
the following narrative is composed from both. Shelvocke's narrative is,
strictly speaking, an apology for his own conduct, yet contains
abundance of curious particulars, written in an entertaining style, and
with an agreeable spirit; while the other is written with much acrimony,
and contains heavy charges against Captain Shelvocke, yet contains many
curious circumstances.--_Harris_.
[Footnote 248: Harris, I. 198. Callender, III. 502.]
This is one of the best written voyages we have hitherto met with, yet
extends rather to considerable length, considering its relative
importance. On the present occasion, therefore, it has been endeavoured
to lop off as many of its redundances as could be conveniently done
without injury, yet leaving every circumstance of any interest or
importance. The principal omission, or abbreviation rather, on the
present occasion, is the leaving out several controversial matters,
inserted by Harris from the account of this voyage by Betagh; which
might have sufficient interest among contemporaries, a few years after
the unfortunate issue of this misconducted enterprise, but are now of no
importance, near a century later.--Ed.
SECTION I.
_Narrative of the Voyage from England to the South Sea._
Sailing from Plymouth on the 13th February, 1719, in company with the
Success, we kept company no longer than to the 19th, when, between nine
and ten at night, we had a violent storm at S.W. which increased so,
that by eleven we were under bare poles. At midnight a sea struck us on
our quarter, which stove in one of our dead lights on the quarter and
another on our stern, by which we shipped a vast quantity of water
before we could get them again fastened up, and we were a considerable
time under great apprehension of foundering. On the 20th we could not
see the Success; and this storm so terrified the greatest part of the
crew, that seventy of them were resolved to bear away for England,
alleging that the ship was so very crank she would never be able to
carry us to the South Sea. But by the resolution of the officers they
were brought back to their duty.
As the Canaries were the first place of rendezvous, we continued our
course for these islands, where we arrived on the 17th March, and
cruised there the time appointed by our instructions.[249] We next
sailed for the Cape de Verde Islands, and arrived at Maio on the 14th
April.[250] A little before arriving here, Turner Stevens[251] the
gunner very gravely proposed to me and the rest of the officers to
cruize in the Red Sea; as there could be no harm in robbing the
Mahometans, whereas the Spaniards were good Christians, and it was a sin
to injure them. I ordered him immediately into confinement, after which
he became outrageous, threatening to blow up the ship. Wherefore I
discharged him at his own request, and left also here on shore my chief
mate, who had challenged and fought with Mr Brooks, my first lieutenant.
[Footnote 249: Clipperton arrived there on the 5th, and sailed thence on
the 15th of March.--E.]
[Footnote 250: Clipperton came to St Vincent on the 24th March, and
cruized in that neighbourhood for ten days, so that he must have sailed
about the 31st, at least a fortnight before the arrival of
Shelvocke.--E.]
[Footnote 251: Called Charles Turner by Betagh.--E.]
On the 18th, we went to _Port Praya_, in the island of St Jago, but
finding nothing here but fair promises, I resolved to proceed to the
island of St Catharine on the coast of Brazil, in lat. 20 deg. 30' S.[252]
in hopes of obtaining every thing necessary for our passage into the
South Sea, as, according to the account of it by Frezier, it abounds in
all the necessaries of life, such especially as are requisite in long
voyages. We sailed therefore from Port Praya on the 20th of April, and
had a very bad passage, as we were twenty-one days before we could pass
the equinoctial. White between the two tradewinds, we had usually slight
breezes, varying all round the compass, and sometimes heavy squalls of
wind, with thunder, lightning, and rain. In short, the most variable
weather that can be conceived, insomuch that we were fifty-five days
between St Jago and St Catharines. On the 4th June we made Cape Frio,
bearing W. seven leagues off our lat. by observation, 23 deg. 41' S.[253] On
the 5th we met and spoke a ship, to which I sent Captain Hately to
enquire the news on the coast, and gave him money to buy tobacco, as the
Success had our stock on board. She was a Portuguese from Rio de Janeiro
bound to Pernambuco, and had no tobacco; but Hately had laid out my
money in unnecessary trifles, alleging they would sell for double the
money at the next port.
[Footnote 252: This island is in 27 deg. 10' S.]
[Footnote 253: Cape Frio is in 22 deg. 33' S.]
[Captain Betagh gives a very different account of this matter, asserting
that Shelvocke hoisted imperial colours and made the Portuguese ship
bring to, on which Hately went aboard with a boat's crew well armed, and
put the Portuguese captain in such a fright, that he not only sent all
sorts of refreshments on board the Speedwell, but a dozen pieces of silk
flowered with gold and silver, worth about three pounds a yard, several
dozens of China plates and basons, a Japan cabinet, and three hundred
moidores in gold; ninety-six of which were afterwards found on Hately,
when made prisoner by the Spaniards, when he had nearly been put to
death for piracy on their account.][254]
[Footnote 254: It is almost unnecessary to point out, that this
paragraph is an addition by Harris to the narrative of Shelvocke,
extracted from the journal of Betagh.--E.]
We anchored at the island of St Catharine on the 23d June, where the
carpenter went ashore with a gang to fell trees, and saw them into
planks. The captain and inhabitants of the island came off to us daily
with fresh provisions, which saved our sea-stores while we lay here. I
also bought twenty-one beeves, 200 salted drom-fish of large size, and
150 bushels of cassado meal, called by the Portuguese _farina de fao_.
This is about as fine as our oatmeal, and from it a very hearty food is
prepared with little trouble. I also bought 160 bushels of _calavances_,
partly for money at a dollar the bushel, and partly in exchange for
salt, measure for measure; and likewise provided a quantity of tobacco
for the crew.
The account given of this island by Frezier is very exact, only that he
takes no notice of an island between the island of _Gall_ and the
continent of Brazil, nor of a reef of rocks. To arrive at the proper
anchoring place at this island of St Catharine, it is necessary to
proceed in the channel between that island and the continent till within
or near two small nameless islands, over against the northernmost of
which is the watering place on the island of St Catharine, near the
entrance of a salt-water creek, opposite to which you may safely anchor
in six or seven fathoms on fine grey sand. The isle of St Catharine is
about eight leagues and a half long, but no where exceeds two leagues
broad; and at one place the channel between it and the continent is only
a quarter of a mile broad. The island is covered all over with
impassable woods, except where cleared for the plantations. Even the
smallest island about it is covered in like manner with a great variety
of trees, between which the ground is entirely covered with thorns and
brambles, which hinder all access; and the main land of Brazil may be
justly termed a vast continued wilderness. Sassafras, so much valued in
Europe, is so common here that we laid in a good quantity for fuel. It
has great abundance of oranges, both China and Seville, lemons, citrons,
limes, bananas, cabbage-palms, melons of all sorts, and potatoes. It has
also very large and good sugar-canes, of which they make little use for
want of utensils, so that the little sugar, molasses and rum they have
is very dear. They have very little game, though the woods are full of
parrots, which are good eating. These birds always fly in pairs, though
often several hundreds in a flock. Maccaos, cockatoes, plovers, and a
variety of other birds of curious colours and various shapes, are to be
seen in abundance; particularly one somewhat larger than a thrush,
having a spur on the joint of each wing. Flamingoes are often seen here
in great numbers, of a fine scarlet colour, and appear very beautiful
while flying. This bird is about the size of a heron, and not unlike it
in shape.
The fishery is here abundant, as fish of several excellent sorts are in
great plenty, and there is the best convenience almost everywhere for
hauling the seine. All the creeks and bays are well stocked with
mullets, large rays, grantors, cavallies, and drum-fish, so named from
the noise they make when followed into shallow water, and there taken.
Some of them weigh twenty or thirty pounds each, their scales being as
large as crown pieces. The Portuguese call them _moroes_. The salt-water
creek formerly mentioned may be gone up three or four miles, to be near
the watering-place; and every rock or stone, even the roots of the
mangrove trees, afford a delicious small green oyster. Likewise on the
rocks at the sea-side there are _sea-eggs_, which resemble _dock-burrs_,
but usually three or four times as large, of a sea-green or purple
colour. In the inside they are divided into partitions, like oranges,
each cell containing a yellow substance, which is eaten raw, and
exceeds, in my opinion, all the shell-fish I ever tasted. They have
prawns of extraordinary size, and we sometimes caught the _sea-horse_ in
our nets. On the savannahs of Areziliba, on the continent opposite the
southern end of St Catharine, they have great numbers of black cattle,
some of which we had from thence at a very reasonable price.
The Portuguese on this island are a parcel of banditti, who have taken
refuge here from the more strictly governed parts of Brazil. Emanuel
Mansa, who was captain of the island in the time of Frezier, was still
their chief. They enjoy the blessings of a fertile country and wholesome
air, and stand in need of nothing from other countries except clothing.
They have fire-arms sufficient for their use, and have often need of
them, being greatly infected with tigers; for which reason every house
has many dogs to destroy these ravenous animals, which yet often make
great havock. I have been told that a tiger has killed eight or ten dogs
in a night: But when any make their appearance in the day, they seldom
escape, as the inhabitants are fond of the diversion of hunting them.
These animals are so numerous, that it is quite common to see the prints
of their paws on the sandy beach. We could not see any of the fine
dwelling-houses mentioned by Frezier; neither have they any place that
can be called a town, nor any kind of fortification, except the woods,
which are a secure retreat from any enemy that may attack them. I cannot
say much about the Indians of those parts, as I never saw above two or
three of them.
On the 2d July we saw a large ship at anchor, under Parrots Island,
about five miles from where we lay. After securing the watering-place,
and what we had there ashore, I sent the launch, well manned and armed,
under a lieutenant, to see what she was. The launch returned about noon,
reporting that she was the _Ruby_, formerly an English man-of-war, but
now one of the squadron under Martinet, and commanded by Mons. La
Jonqniere. She was in, the Spanish service, but most of her officers and
crew were French, to the number of about 420. Yet they had no intention
to molest us, having quitted the South Sea on report of a rupture
between France and Spain. M. La Jonquiere was a man of strict honour,
and sent me intimation of his good intentions, with an invitation to
dinner, which I accepted, and was well entertained. About this time I
heard that Hately had plundered the Portuguese ship, formerly mentioned,
of 100 moidores, and had distributed part of the money among the boat's
crew, to engage them to secrecy. I examined into this as strictly as
possible, intending, if found guilty, to have delivered him up to the
captain of St Catharine's, but I could not get sufficient proof. This
man also committed so many vile actions in the island of St Catharine,
that oar people were often in the utmost danger, from the resentment of
the Portuguese; which bad conduct I could neither prevent nor punish, as
he had become a great favourite with my mutinous crew.
M. La Jonquiere, with several of his officers and passengers, came on
board the Speedwell to dine with me, on the 6th July. While they were on
board, Hudson my boatswain raised a mutiny, which was easily quelled by
the assistance of the French gentlemen: But the boatswain was sent home
in the French ship. On the 15th July, we saw a large ship bearing in
for the harbour; but on discovering us, she turned out again. This
circumstance alarmed M. La Jonquiere, suspecting she might be our
consort, so that he put to sea next morning. The large ship appeared
again on the 25th under French colours, being the Solomon of St Malo of
forty guns and 160 men, commanded by M. Dumain Girard, bound for Peru
and Chili.
At this time great heart-burnings arose in my crew: for, having heard
that the people on board the Duke and Duchess had been indifferently
treated in regard to their prize-money when they got home, they resolved
to secure themselves in time. With this view, and by the advice of
Matthew Stewart, chief-mate, they drew up a paper of articles respecting
plunder, and sent me a letter insisting on these articles being made the
rule of our voyage; to which at last I was obliged to agree, rather than
suffer them to proceed in a piratical manner.
On the 3d August the St Francisco Zavier came into the harbour, a
Portuguese man of war of forty guns and 300 men, bound from Lisbon for
Macao in China, commanded by Mons. Riviere, a Frenchman. We departed
from the island of St Catharine on the 9th August. Its northern point
being in lat. 27 deg. 20' S. and long. 50 deg. W. from the Lizard.[255] I kept
the lead constantly sounding all along the coast of Patagonia, and had
regular soundings. From the lat. of 40 deg. to 30 deg. 38' both S. we frequently
saw great shoals of seals and penguins, which were always attended by
flocks of pintadoes, birds about the size of pigeons. The French call
these birds _damiers_, as their black and white feathers on their back
and wings are disposed like the squares of a draught-board. These were
also attended by albatrosses, the largest of all sea-fowl, some of them
extending their wings twelve or thirteen feet from tip to tip. While
passing the mouth of the Rio. Plata, the sea was covered with prodigious
quantities of large seaweed, which often greatly incommoded us and
deadened our way. On getting farther south we were freed from this
inconvenience; after which we saw abundance of things floating on the
surface of the sea, like white snakes. We took some of these up, but
could not perceive them to have any appearance of life, neither had they
the shape of any kind of animal, being only a long cylinder of a white
jelly-like substance, perhaps the spawn of some large fish.
[Footnote 255: Only 27 deg. S. and 48 deg. 30' W. from Greenwich.--E.]
As we advanced to the southward, the appetites of our people increased
with the cold, which occasioned disputes in the ship. Even at my own
table, Captain Betagh of the marines insisted on a larger allowance in
such coarse terms, that I confined him till he wrote me a submissive
letter, on which I restored him. But this squabble constrained me to
allow an extraordinary meal to the people daily, either of flour or
calavances; which reduced our stock of provisions, and consumed our
wood and water, proving afterwards of great inconvenience. Whales,
grampuses, and other fish of monstrous size, are in such vast numbers on
the coast of Patagonia, that they were often offensive to us, coming so
close to us that it seemed impossible to avoid striking them on every
scud of a sea, and almost stifling us with the stench of their breaths,
when they blew close to windward. Being ignorant of the Greenland
fishery, I cannot pretend to say whether that trade might not be carried
on here; but this I may venture to affirm, that the navigation here is
safer, and I am apt to believe it has a greater chance of being
successful.[256]
[Footnote 256: This southern whale-fishery is now carried on to a
considerable extent.--E.]
On the 19th September, about midnight, perceiving the water all at once
to be discoloured, we sounded, and had 25 fathoms, on which we stood out
from the land, but did not deepen our water in five leagues. This bank
must lie very near the entrance into the Straits of Magellan. On this
bank we saw great numbers of blubbers, appearing like the tops of
umbrellas, curiously streaked with all sorts of colours, being an
entirely different species from any I had ever seen before. We now
steered for the Straits of _Le Maire_, and met with very foggy weather
on approaching the coast of _Terra del Fuego_. The fog cleared up on the
23d September, when we had sight of stupendous mountains on that
southern land, entirely covered with snow. The nearest point of land was
at least eight leagues from us, in the S.W. but before we could
ascertain our situation the mist returned. At four next morning,
proceeding under easy sail to the S.E. it proved very clear at
day-break, and I found we had fallen in with the land about five leagues
N.W. from the straits of Le Maire. We had now a full, but melancholy
prospect of the most desolate country that can well be conceived,
appearing a congeries of chains of mountains in succession, one behind
the other, perpetually cloathed in snow.
Hitherto we had not been sensible of any current, either favourable or
adverse, after getting to the south of the Rio Plata. But this afternoon
we were hurried with incredible rapidity into the straits of Le Maire;
and when we had gained about the middle of the passage, the tide
slackened. On sounding we had twenty-seven fathoms on a rocky bottom. We
had a dear view of _Staten-land_, which yields a most uncomfortable
prospect of a surprising height, quite covered with snow to the very
wash of the sea, so that it seems more like a white cloud than firm
land. These straits seemed to answer well to the map of Frezier; being
about seven leagues through and six wide, and extend almost due north
and south. Now the return tide rushed upon us with a violence equal to
that which brought us in, and it was astonishing with what rapidity we
were driven again to the north, though we had a fresh gale at N.W. so
that we seemed to advance six knots by the log; whence I judged this
tide ran not less than ten knots. In short, we were carried quite out of
the straits to the north in about an hour. Upon this shift of tide there
arose such a short sea, and so lofty at the same time, that we
alternately dipped our bowsprit and poop-lanterns into the water; our
ship all the while labouring most violently, and refusing to answer the
helm. The tide shifted again at midnight, and we shot through the
straits, steering S. with a brisk gale at N.W. without seeing the land
distinctly on either side: And, in the morning, had a good offing to the
southward.
We found it very cold before we got thus far; but now we began to feel
the utmost extremity of coldness. The bleak western winds had of
themselves been sufficiently piercing; but these were always accompanied
by snow or sleet, which beat continually on our sails and rigging, cased
all our masts, yards, and ropes with ice, and rendered our sails almost
useless. We had been so much accustomed to most severe storms, that we
thought the weather tolerable when we could carry a reefed main-sail; as
we were often for two or three days together lying-to under bare poles,
exposed to the shocks of prodigious waves, more mountainous than any I
had ever seen. We now sensibly felt the benefit of our awning, without
which we could scarcely have lived. The wind continued to rage without
intermission from the westward, by which we were driven to the latitude
of 61 deg. 30' S. and had such continued misty weather, that we were under
perpetual apprehension of running foul of ice islands: But, thank God,
we escaped that danger, though under frequent alarms from fog banks and
other false appearances. Though the days were long, we could seldom get
sight of the sun, so that we had only one observation for the variation
in all this passage, which was in lat. 60 deg. 37' S. 5 deg. W. of the straits
of Le Maire, when we found it 22 deg. 6' E. On the 1st October, as we were
furling the main-sail, one William Camell, cried out that his hands and
fingers were so benumbed that he could not hold himself: And, before
those near could assist him, he fell down and was drowned. On the 22d
October, our fore-top-mast was carried away, and we rigged another next
day. Having contrary winds from the time we passed the straits of Le
Maire, with the most uncomfortable weather, we made our way very slowly
to the west and northwards, the hopes of getting soon into a wanner and
better climate supporting us under our many miseries.
SECTION II.
_Proceedings in the South Sea, till Ship-wrecked on the Island of Juan
Fernandez._
At length, on the 14th November at noon, our spirits were cheared by
seeing the coast of Chili; yet here we found ourselves under very great
difficulties. Our tedious passage and extraordinary consumption of
provisions, had so reduced our wood and water, and even our food, that
it was necessary to repair to some place where our wants might be
supplied; but it was difficult to resolve where that might be done. We
first tried Narborough island, but finding the road unsafe, sailed for
the mouth of St Domingo river on the continent, where we had
twenty-eight fathoms, shoaling as we advanced from eighteen to less than
five as fast as a man could heave the lead. Finding this place too
hazardous, we stood out to sea, and were blown farther north than we
designed. Being greatly at a loss where to procure wood and water, one
Joseph de la Fontaine, a Frenchman, proposed going to the island of
Chiloe, assuring us that the towns of _Chaiao_ and _Calibuco_, the
former on the island and the latter on the continent, were rich places,
where we could not fail of procuring whatever we wanted. Cliacao was, he
said, the usual residence of the governor, and at Calibuco was a wealthy
college of Jesuits, having considerable magazines, always well stocked
with provisions of all kinds. This person at the same time insinuated
among the people, that our expedition would probably turn out
unfortunate, if we passed this place, as Captain Clipperton must by this
time have alarmed the coast, in consequence of which there would be an
embargo on all ships trading to leeward.
My chief inducement for making an attempt on Chiloe was to procure such
additional supply of provisions, as might enable us, in case the coast
were already alarmed, to retire to some unfrequented island, to remain
till the Spaniards should suppose we had abandoned the South Sea; after
which we could resume our cruize, when they were under no apprehensions
of being molested. Accordingly, on the 30th November, we entered the
channel which divides the island of Chiloe from the main land of Chili,
and stood in for the harbour of Chacao under French colours, intending
to have attacked the towns of Chacao and Calibuco by surprise. Our
pilot, however, seemed as much a stranger to the navigation here as I
was, and as the wind began to blow fresh with thick weather, I came to
anchor in thirteen fathoms, at ten in the morning, between the point of
_Carelampo_ and the small island of Pedro Nunez. Soon after coming to
anchor, the tide made outwards with prodigious rapidity, and the wind
increased greatly, between which the sea became very boisterous, all the
channel in which we lay appearing one continued breach or surf. Our ship
consequently made a vast strain on her cable, which parted at two in the
afternoon, and we could have no hopes to recover our anchor, as the buoy
had been staved and sunk about an hour before we were thus set adrift. I
did not think it adviseable to risk another anchor, and therefore
immediately crossed over for the island of Chiloe, in a boisterous gale
with thick rainy weather, surrounded on all hands with seeming shoals,
and in a manner bewildered in an unknown navigation. When within a mile
of Chiloe, we ranged along shore to the southward,[257] in hope of
discovering the town of Chacao. We passed two commodious bays, which had
no appearance of any town, and came to a point of land marked by a high
pyramidal rock. After getting round this point, we found ourselves
entirely out of the tideway, and quite sheltered from all other
inconveniences, and came therefore to anchor opposite a cross on the
north side of the harbour, having just sufficient day-light to enable us
to get into this place of shelter.
[Footnote 257: The direction was more probably to the eastward--E.]
Next morning, I sent the second lieutenant, in the pinnace well manned
and armed, to look out for the two towns; and sent at the same time Mr
Hately in the launch, to endeavour to find a watering-place. He soon
returned, accompanied by an Indian, who had shewn him a very convenient
place where we could at once procure both wood and water, even under the
command of our guns from the ship, and free from all danger of being
surprised. I accordingly sent back the launch with casks to be filled,
and several people to cut wood, all well armed, together with an
officer of marines and ten men to keep guard. The Indians gave us hopes
of a sufficient supply of provisions; but came in the evening to our
people who were on shore, to acquaint them that the natives were
forbidden to bring any thing to us. As the pinnace had not yet returned,
this information gave me much concern, fearing that the enemy had taken
her, and had by that means learnt what we were. On the 3d December,
about seven in the evening, a Spanish officer came to us, in a boat
rowed by eight Indians, being sent by the governor of Chiloe to enquire
what we were. Meaning to pass upon him for a French captain well known
in these seas, I ordered none of my people to appear on deck but such as
could speak French or Spanish, and hoisted French colours. When the
officer came on board, I told him my ship was the St Rose,
homeward-bound, that my name was _Janis le Breton_, and that I entreated
the governor to spare me what provisions he could conveniently afford,
that being my only business on the coast. The officer heard me with much
civility, seeming to give implicit credit to all I said; even staid on
board all night, and went away next morning, to all appearance well
satisfied.
On the 5th in the morning, two boats came towards us full of armed men;
but, after taking a view of us, went to a small island in the mouth of
the harbour. On the 6th we saw a white flag hoisted on shore, to which I
sent my launch completely manned and armed, but they found no person
near the flag, to the shaft of which a letter was fastened, and a dozen
hams lying close by. The letter was from _Don Nicholas Salvo_, governor
of Chiloe, intimating strong doubts of our ship being the St Rose,
complaining of the behaviour of the people in our pinnace, and desiring
me to leave the coast. I returned an answer in as proper terms as I
could devise, and next morning had another letter, couched in the utmost
civility, but absolutely refusing me any refreshments, and demanding the
restitution of the Indians said to have been made prisoners by our
pinnace. In fact I knew less of our pinnace than he did, and believed
that he actually had the people in his hands of whom he now complained.
Despairing of ever seeing my people, and still ignorant where Chacao was
situated, having no chart of the island on which I could depend, I
determined to change my style of writing to the governor, and try what
could be done by threatening to use force. I therefore wrote, that I
was determined to have provisions by fair means or foul. Next day I sent
my first lieutenant, Mr Brooks, with twenty-nine men well armed in the
launch, ordering him to bring off all the provisions he could find.
Shortly after, a boat came with a message from the governor, offering to
treat with me, if I would send an officer to Chacao: But I answered,
that I would treat no where but on board, and that he was now too late,
as I had already sent eighty men on shore to take all they could find.
In the evening the launch returned, accompanied by a large piragua, and
both were completely laden with sheep, hogs, fowls, barley, and green
peas and beans. Soon afterwards, the pinnace arrived with all her crew,
but so terrified that I did not expect them to be again fit for service
for one while. The officer told me, that he had been forced to fight his
way through several canoes, filled with armed Indians, from whom he got
clear with the utmost difficulty, and had been under the necessity of
making his passage quite round the island, a course of not less than
seventy leagues.[258] This proceeded only from excess of terror, as they
only met one boat with unarmed Indians and a Spanish sergeant, who came
off to them without the least shew of violence, as some of them
afterwards confessed, but with this addition, that there were great
numbers of people on shore, who they were apprehensive would come off to
them. The only excuse the officer could allege was, that the tide had
hurried him away, and he forgot in his fright that he had a grappling in
the boat, with which he might have anchored till the tide turned.
[Footnote 258: The circuit of the island of Chiloe by sea, could hardly
be less than 350 English miles; an arduous navigation in an open boat
upon an utterly unknown coast.--E.]
By this strange mismanagement, I missed a favourable opportunity of
seizing the town of Chacao, which I might easily have done if I had
appeared before it within forty-eight hours after our arrival, when the
governor was totally unprovided for resistance. But now, having a whole
week allowed for mustering the force of the island, he had collected
near a thousand armed Spaniards, as I learnt from the Indian prisoners
in the pinnace. I therefore laid aside all thoughts of going to the
towns, in the hopes of furnishing ourselves from the Indian farms and
plantations, in which I kept one of our boats constantly employed. By
the 16th, our decks were full of live cattle, together with poultry and
hams in abundance, and such quantities of wheat, barley, potatoes, and
maize, that I was quite satisfied. On a moderate computation, we had
added four months provisions to the stock we brought from England, so
that I was well pleased with the effects of our stay at Chiloe, and
prepared to depart. I might certainly have done much more for my own
credit and the profit of my owners, had if not been for the
mismanagement of the officer in the pinnace.
_Chiloe_ is the first of the Spanish possessions on the coast of Chili,
reckoning from the south; and, though it produces neither gold nor
silver, is a fine island, and is considered as of great consequence;
insomuch that the Spaniards would be under great apprehensions when
strange ships enter its ports, did they not confide in the number of its
inhabitants, which is extraordinary for this part of the world. The body
of this island is in lat. 42 deg. 4' S. being about thirty leagues in length
from N. to S. and not above six or seven leagues from E. to W.[259] It
is watered by several rivers, and produces many kinds of useful trees,
yielding an agreeable prospect, by the great number of Indian farms and
plantations dispersed at small distances from each other, on rising
grounds among the woods. Within this great island there is an
archipelago or cluster of smaller islands, the number of which is not
well known; yet the smallest of these is said to be well inhabited, and
to abound in cattle. Among these islands there are very uncertain and
violent currents, which are by no means safe. I would recommend all
strangers to go in at the north end of the great island, giving the
northern point of the island a good birth, and then to keep the island
side of the channel on board, running along shore to the southward
(eastward). Passing two bays, which seem commodious, you come to a
point, almost contiguous to which is a high rock, somewhat like a
pyramid; and passing between that rock and a small high island near it,
you run directly into a harbour resembling the mouth of a river, which
forms a safe anchorage. In going in, take care not to come nearer shore
than having the depth of five fathoms, as the nearer to the small island
the less water; wherefore keep the lead going, and be bold with the
shore towards the north side of the harbour, which has the greatest
depth, while the south side is shoaly.[260]
[Footnote 259: Chiloe reaches from lat. 41 deg. 50' to 43 deg. 50', both S. and
from long. 73 deg. 18' to 74 deg. 24', both W. extending 135 English miles in
extreme length, by 35 in medium breadth. See vol. V. p. 592, for an
account of the Archipelago of Chiloe.--E.]
[Footnote 260: Shelvocke seems here to describe the harbour leading to
the town or village of San Carlos.--E.]
My pilot carried me the contrary way to that here directed, advising me
to keep near the main land of Chili, which I did till I got to
_Carelampo_ Point, having several small islands to the southward of my
course, which proved unfortunate for me by the loss of my anchor. The
soil of Chiloe is very fertile, producing all sorts of European fruits
and grains, and has fine pasture lands, in which great numbers of cattle
are grazed, particularly sheep. The air is wholesome and temperate; yet
I suspect the winter may be rigorous, being bounded on the west by an
immense ocean, without any land to screen it from the cold moist vapours
brought thither by the tempestuous westerly winds, which generally reign
in these latitudes, and which must render it uncomfortable in the winter
months, as the parallels of latitude to the south of the equator are
much colder than those in the same degrees to the northwards.
In this island they have abundance of very handsome middle-sized horses,
which the natives are said to manage with great dexterity. They have
also an animal, called _guanaco_ or _carneso de tierra_, that is, sheep
of the country, which very much resembles a camel, but not nearly so
large. They have long necks, and I have seen one of them between five
and six feet high. Their wool or soft hair is very fine. They smell very
rank, and move with a very slow majestic pace, which hardly any violence
can make them quicken; yet they are of great service at the mines in
Peru, where they are employed in carrying the ore and other things.
Their flesh is very coarse, as we experienced, having salted some of
them for our future use. Besides these, the inhabitants have European
sheep and great numbers of hogs, but not many black cattle. The island
has plenty of fowls, both wild and tame. Among the former is a small
species of goose, found on the banks of the rivers, which are
beautifully white, and of an excellent taste. The tame poultry are of
the same kinds with our own.
The natives are almost in all respects the same with those on the
continent of Chili, of moderate stature, with deep olive complexions,
and coarse shaggy black hair, some of them having by no means
disagreeable features. They seem naturally of fierce and warlike
dispositions; but the oppressions of the Spaniards, and the artifices of
the jesuits, who are the missionaries in these parts, have curbed and
broken their spirits. Frezier says, that the Indians on the continent,
to the southward of this island, are called _Chonos_, who go quite
naked; and that there is a race of men of extraordinary size in the
inland parts of the country, called _Cacahues_,[261] who are in amity
with the _Chonos_, and sometimes accompany them to the Spanish
settlements in Chiloe. Frezier says, that he has been credibly informed
by eye-witnesses, that some of these were about nine or ten feet high. I
had sight of two of these Indians, who came from the southward of St
Domingo river, one of whom was a cacique, who did not seem to me to
differ in their persons from the ordinary natives of Chiloe. They were
decently clothed in _ponchos, monteras_, and _poulains_. The _poncho_ is
a sort of square carpet, having a slit or hole cut in the middle, wide
enough to slip over the head, so that it hangs down over the shoulders,
half before and half behind, under which they generally wear a short
doublet. On their heads they have a _montera_, or cap nearly like those
of our postillions, and their legs are covered by the _poulains_, a kind
of knit buskins, or hose without feet. In short, their appearance has
little or none of the savage. Their habitations are firmly built of
planks, but have no chimneys, so that they are very black and sooty
within.
[Footnote 261: See an account of the native tribes, inhabiting the
southern extremity of South America, vol. V. p. 401.]
They inclose some of their land for cultivation, by means of rails or
paling; and although they have plenty of every thing necessary to a
comfortable subsistence, they have no bread, from wanting mills in which
to grind and prepare their wheat They use a miserable substitute, making
a kind of cakes of sea-weeds, which from use is much esteemed by them,
and was not even disliked by some of our men. Besides this, they prepare
their maize in several manners to answer the purpose of bread, and they
use potatoes and other roots with the same intention. They prepare a
liquor called _chicha_ from their Indian corn, in imitation of their
neighbours on the continent of Chili; but the Spaniards endeavor to curb
their propensity to the use of this liquor, as their drinking bouts have
often occasioned seditions and revolts. Such of the natives as have no
European weapons, use pikes, darts, and other arms of the country. Among
these is a running noose on a long leathern thong, called a _lays_,
which they use with surprising dexterity for catching cattle, horses, or
other animals, even when at full career. From all that I could see of
the natives of Chiloe, or hear respecting the Chilese, they seem to
resemble each other in all things, which is not wonderful, considering
the near neighbourhood of this island to the continent of Chili. They
use small drums, the heads of which are made of goats skins with the
hair on, and give a very dull sound.
The natives of Chiloe carry on a small woollen manufacture, consisting
of _ponchoes_ and other articles of clothing, formerly mentioned. They
also export considerable quantities of cedar, both in plank, and wrought
up into boxes, chests, desks, and the like, with which they supply all
Chili and Peru. They have no European trade; but the Spaniard who came
to me from the governor expressed his astonishment that no trading ships
ever put in there, saying they had plenty of money among them, with a
safe port, free from the danger of going to the northward among the
Spanish ships of war; as a great deal of business might be done here,
before intelligence could be sent as far as Lima, and the ships could be
fitted out and sent so great a way to wind-ward. It is observed of the
Chilese, that, differing from all other nations ever heard of, they have
no notion of a Supreme Being, and consequently have no kind of worship;
and they are such enemies to civil society that they never live together
in towns and villages, so that their country seems thinly inhabited,
though very populous, the whole nation being dispersed in farms at a
good distance, every family having its own plantation, and raising its
own necessaries.
Though thus scattered, they are not wholly independent, each tribe being
subject to a chief, called a cacique, whose dwelling is conveniently
situated among them, for the more speedy summoning them together on
affairs of importance. This is done by the sound of a sort of horn, on
hearing which all his vassals repair to him without delay. The chief
commands them in war, and has an absolute power of dispensing justice
among his subjects, who all consider themselves as his relations, he
being as it were the head of his family, and his authority hereditary.
In all these respects the inhabitants of Chiloe resemble their
neighbours on the continent, excepting that their caciques are stript
in a great measure of their power and influence, by the tyranny of the
Spaniards, who keep them under the most servile slavery, while the
missionaries blind them by a superstitious and imperfect conversion to
Christianity, of which not one of these natives know any thing more than
merely that they were baptized; all their devotion consisting of mere
idolatry of the cross, or the images of saints; for the Spanish clergy
use no manner of pains to enlighten their minds, but probably think it
better, by keeping them in ignorance, to make them more contented under
the rigorous government of the Spaniards. Under this delusion, the
caciques have changed their lawful prerogatives for the vain ostentation
of being allowed to wear a silver-headed cane, which places them on a
footing outwardly with a Spanish captain. Yet have they sometimes
rebelled against their proud oppressors, deeming death preferable to
slavery, as may be seen in the account of Frezier's voyage.
The vessels used in Chiloe are peculiarly constructed, as, for want of
nails and other articles of iron, the planks of which their boats are
constructed are sewed together very ingeniously with oziers. These boats
are all constructed of three pieces only, the keel or bottom being one
piece, and the sides two others; and they are rowed with oars, in the
same manner as with us, more or fewer according to their size.
Having nothing farther to detain us in Chiloe, I determined upon
proceeding to the island of Juan Fernandez, as directed in my
instructions; but my men took it into their heads that great things
might be done by a short trip to the Bay of Conception, to which also
they were induced by the Frenchman who persuaded us to come to Chiloe.
He pretended that there were always five or six ships in the road of
Conception, besides others daily coming in or going out, and that these
had often both ways considerable sums of money or silver, with other
valuable things, on board; and, though large ships, they were of little
or no force, neither were there any fortifications at that place to
protect them; so that we could not meet any opposition in taking them,
even if there were twenty sail. He said their, cargoes consisted chiefly
of corn, wine, brandy, flour, and jerked beef; and that the ships bound
for Conception always brought money to purchase their cargoes; besides
that considerable booty might be made for rich trading passengers, who
carry on a considerable trade over land between Conception and Buenos
Ayres. He also alleged, that we could not fail of having any ships we
might take ransomed; and that we should certainly make our fortunes, if
we could only reach Conception before they had notice of our being in
these seas. This man therefore advised my people to endeavour to prevail
on me to make the best of my way to Conception, before the governor of
Chiloe could send our deserter thither; after which all the coast would
be alarmed, and we should have no opportunity of meeting with any thing
till the Spaniards had imagined we were gone from the South Sea.
In similar cases, all are fond of delivering their sentiments; and, as
it is impossible to keep a ship's company in so much awe in so remote a
part as in short voyages, my men did not fail to speak their minds
somewhat insolently. One William Morphew, who had been in these seas
several years, took upon him to tell me, that it did not signify much if
we arrived two or three days sooner or later at Juan Fernandez. He said
also, that I was a stranger here, but the Frenchman and he were well
acquainted with these seas, and every body hoped I would be advised to
go to Conception; hoping I would not put a mere punctilious adherence to
orders in balance against so fair a prospect, or almost certainty of
success, if we arrived there in time. In short, they all assured me that
they had the interest of the proprietors in view, as much as their own,
and that they would perish sooner than injure them in any respect. They
said at the same time, if I had not success in my proceedings nobody
could be blamed but myself, and entreated me not to let slip this
opportunity, in which they would stand by me with all fidelity.
On our way to Conception, we made the islands of Mocha and St Mary on
the 23d December, and arrived that same evening in the Bay of
Conception, but could not be certain whether there were any ships in the
road. I immediately gave orders to man and arm our boats and sent them
up that same night, in order to surprise any ships that might be there;
and with strict orders, if they found them too strong, to endeavour to
prevent them from sending any thing on shore till I were able to work
the ship up to them. This I endeavoured to do all night, but to very
little purpose; for at day-light next morning I could not discern any
thing above us. Captain Hately returned about noon of the 24th,
informing me that he had taken a ship of about 150 tons, lately arrived
from Baldivia, and having only a few cedar plants on board, with no
person in her but the boatswain, an old negro, and two Indian boys. He
had left her in the charge of Mr Brooks, my first lieutenant, with
orders to bring her down the first opportunity; and had taken, while on
his return, a small vessel, of about twenty-five tons, near the island
_Quiri-quinie_, which lies in the harbour or bay of Conception, where
this small vessel had been taking in pears, cherries, and other fruits,
to sell at Conception. Immediately after taking this small vessel, I
could perceive with my glass another small boat come in between the
islands of _Quiri-quinie_ and _Talgaguana_, passing within pistol-shot
of my pinnace, and yet Captain Hately did not engage her. For this his
only excuse, after he came on board, was, that he did not mind her;
though our boat's crew said she was full of men.
On the 26th about noon, Mr Brooks brought down the prize, and anchored
about half a mile short of us. The boatswain of this prize had not been
two hours in the Speed-well, till he told us of a vessel, laden with
wine, brandy, and other valuable things, riding at anchor in the Bay of
Herradura, about two leagues to the north of us, and bound for Chiloe.
On receiving this information, I ordered Mr Randal, my second
lieutenant, with twenty five men, to go in the Mercury, which name we
gave to the captured flour bark, and, accompanied by the Spanish
boatswain of the other prize, to go in search of the vessel in the Bay
of Herradura, with positive orders not to land or to make any other
hazardous attempt. But they returned next evening with the following
melancholy story.
On getting into the bay, they found the vessel hauled dry ashore, when
Randal ordered his people to land and bring away what they could find in
her, while he and three or four more kept the bark afloat. The people
found the bark empty, but seeing a small house hard by, they suspected
her cargo might be lodged there, and the inferior officer along with
them ordered them to examine that house. The poor fellows went
accordingly, without any officer at their head, and without any regard
to order, every one endeavouring to be foremost. Their career was soon
stopped, as they had hardly got beyond the top of the bank when they
discovered the enemy coming furiously towards them. Some of the seamen
were of opinion they might have retreated at this time in safety, if
they had not been astonished at the strange manner in which they were
attacked, by a number of horses galloping up to them without riders,
which caused them for some time to stand amazed, not knowing what way to
proceed; but on a little reflection they bestirred themselves to make
the best of their way to the Mercury, in which they all succeeded except
five, who were made prisoners. Fortunately for them, the Mercury had by
some accident got aground, or they must all have been cut off, as the
Spaniards thought fit to retire on getting within musket-shot of the
Mercury. They now got the bark afloat, but as the water was still very
low, and they were obliged in going out of the bay to keep very near to
a point of land, the Spaniards galled them from that point, under the
shelter of the wood. They soon passed this point, having a fair wind,
all lying close in the bottom of the bark, so that on this occasion only
one man was wounded, who was shot through the thigh. The Spaniards came
down upon them in this affair after the following singular manner. They
were preceded by twenty or more horses abreast, two deep, and linked
together, behind which extraordinary van-guard came the enemy on
horseback, lying on the necks of their horses, and driving the others
before them, never seen to sit up on their saddles, except to fire their
muskets, or when there was no danger. When they got near our people,
they threw their _lays_ or running nooses to catch them, and accordingly
ensnared James Daniel, one of my foremast-men, who was a good way into
the water, and whom they dragged out again at the rate of ten knots. The
Spaniards in Chili are universally dexterous in the use of this running
noose, for I have seen a Spaniard bring a man up by the foot as he ran
along the deck, and they are sure of any thing they fling at, at the
distance of several fathoms.
These misfortunes and disappointments made my crew extremely uneasy, and
might have had bad consequences, if we had not been agreeably surprised
by seeing a large ship coming round the northern point of the island of
_Quiri-quinie_.[262] It was at this time almost dark, so that her people
could not perceive what we were, and stood on therefore without fear, so
that she came towards us, and was taken without resistance. This ship
proved to be the St Fermin, of about 300 tons, last from _Cadaco_,[263]
having only a small cargo, consisting of sugar, molasses, rice, coarse
French linen, some woollen cloth and bays of Quito, a small quantity of
chocolate, and about five or six thousand dollars in money and wrought
plate. I sent Mr Hendric, the owners agent, to inspect her cargo, and to
order every thing of value out of her into the Speedwell, and the ship's
company sent their agent likewise. They returned in the afternoon,
bringing all the bales, boxes, chests, portmanteaus, and other packages,
with a large quantity of sugar, molasses, and chocolate, and about
seventy hundred weight of good rusk, with all her other stores and
eatables. Don Francisco Larragan, the captain of this ship, begged to be
allowed to ransom her, which I willingly consented to, and allowed him
to go in his own launch to Conception to raise the money, accompanied by
a merchant, one of the prisoners.
[Footnote 262: A small island in the entrance of the Bay of
Conception.--E.]
[Footnote 263: Callao, or the port of Lima, is perhaps here meant.--E.]
In the mean time we were very busy in searching the prize, lest any
thing might have been concealed; and every one who came at any time from
the St Fermin was strictly searched by some of our people appointed for
the purpose, that they might not appropriate any thing of value. Our
carpenter also was employed in making a slight spar-deck over the
Mercury, as she might be of great use while cruizing along the coast. On
the 30th December a boat came off to us with a flag of truce from the
governor of Conception, and an officer, who acquainted us that two of
our people, taken in the late skirmish, were still alive, but very much
wounded. He brought also a present of seven jars of very good wine, and
a letter from Don Gabriel Cano, the governor, in which he demanded to
see my commission, as also that I should send ashore Joseph de la
Fontaine, who had been servant to one of the mates belonging to Captain
La Jonquiere, and some other things that I thought unreasonable,
engaging to enter into a treaty, if I would comply with these
requisitions. At length a formal treaty was begun, in which I demanded
16,000 dollars for the ransom of the St Fermin alone, while they offered
only 12,000 for both the ships and the bark. Finding all his Spanish
_puncto_ tended only to entrap us, I set fire to the Solidad, one of our
prizes; and, giving them time to comply with my proposals it they would,
I set the St Fermin also on fire.
We sailed from the bay of Conception on the 7th January, 1720, intending
for Juan Fernandez; and on the 8th we observed the sea to be entirely of
a red colour, occasioned, as the Spaniards say, by the spawn of the
_camarones_, or pracous. On the 9th, the plunder taken in the St Fermin
was sold by the ship's agent at the mart, and brought extravagant
prices. The account being taken, and the shares calculated, the people
insisted for an immediate distribution, which was made accordingly, and
each foremast-man had after the rate of ten dollars a share, in money
and goods. On the 11th we saw the island of Juan Fernandez; and at noon
it bore from us five leagues W.S.W. the meridional distance from
Conception being 275 miles[264] W. From that day to the 15th, I stood
off and on, waiting for my boats which were employed in fishing. In this
time I sent the Mercury ashore to stop her leaks, while the boats caught
so many fish, that we salted the fill of five puncheons. I could find no
marks of Captain Clipperton having been here for a long time; but at
length some of my men saw accidentally the words _Magee_ and Captain
John cut upon a tree. Magee was the name of Clipperton's surgeon, but no
directions were left, as agreed upon in his instructions to me, so that
it was evident he never meant I should keep him company, or ever join
him again.
[Footnote 264: The difference of longitude between Conception and Juan
Fernandez is six degrees of longitude W. and, consequently, 360 minutes
or marine miles.--E.]
Being by this certified of the arrival of Clipperton in the South Sea, I
directly made the best of my way from Juan Fernandez, being in a pretty
good condition as to provisions, by the additional stock of fish caught
here, all our casks being filled. On the 21st, while sailing along there
with the design of looking into _Copiapo_, I put Mr Dodd, second
lieutenant of marines, into the Mercury, with a reinforcement of eight
men, and sent her next evening to cruize close in with the land, while I
kept with the Speedwell in the offing, to prevent being discovered from
the land. On this occasion I took care to give the officer commanding
the Mercury a copy of my commission, with all necessary instructions how
to proceed, appointing the _Moro_, or head-land of Copiapo, to be our
place of meeting. The business of the Mercury was to look into the port
of Copiapo, called _Caldera_,[265] near which there are some gold-mines,
and from whence considerable quantities of gold are exported in small
vessels; and our bark had the advantage of being of that country build,
so that she could not excite suspicion. Next day I hove in sight of the
head-land of Copiapo, and lay to the southward, that I might not be seen
from that port, which is to the northward of the _Moro de Copiapo_.
While here, opposite a small island which lies athwart the mouth of
Copiapo river, I sent the pinnace to fish between that isle and the
main, and soon after saw a vessel crowding all sail towards us. She at
first seemed too large for the Mercury, yet turned out to be her; when
the officer told me he had looked into the port, but could see no
shipping; but he had looked into a wrong place, and having made him
sensible of his error, I sent him again to the right place, which was
about six leagues farther north.
[Footnote 265: The port of Caldera, or English harbour, is about twelve
or fifteen miles to the N. of Copiapo river, having a considerable
interposed promontory.--E.]
Next morning our pinnace returned, bringing only a few penguins which
she had taken on the island in the bay of Copiapo. The Mercury had
looked into Caldera, but saw nothing; and instead of making use of the
land-wind to come off to me, had kept along shore in the bottom of the
bay till the land-wind came in so strong that she was nearly lost on the
lee-shore. On the 27th, I sent Mr Brooks, my first lieutenant, and Mr
Rainor, first lieutenant of marines, to relieve Mr Randal and Mr Dodd in
the Mercury, which I had fitted with a gang of oars, and, upon trial,
she was found to make way at the rate of three knots, which might render
her extremely useful in a calm. The 5th February, I dispatched Mr Brooks
ahead in the Mercury, to see if there were any ships in the harbour of
Arica, in lat. 18 deg. 26' S. and next day, at one p.m. having ranged along
shore, by the breakers of _Pisagua, Camarones_, and _Victor_, I got
sight of the head-land of Arica, with a ship at anchor on its northern
side, and saw the Mercury standing out of the bay, by which I judged the
ship was too warm for her, and therefore made all haste to get up to her
with the Speedwell. On coming up, we found that the ship was already
taken, and the Mercury only accidentally adrift. This prize was called
the Rosario, of 100 tons, laden with cormorants dung, which they use for
manuring the land which produces the cod-pepper, or _Capsicum_, from the
cultivation of which they make a vast profit in the vale of Arica. The
only white face in this ship was the pilot, whom I sent ashore to see if
the owner would ransom his ship, the cargo being worth gold to them, but
entirely useless to us. Next morning I received a letter from Miguel
Diaz Gonzale, the owner of the ship, insisting pitifully on his poverty
and distress, having a large family to provide for, and promising to
meet me at Hilo or Quaco, to treat for a ransom.
We soon after took a small bark of ten tons, laden with _guana_, or
cormorants dung, and having also some dried fish, which lay within a
mile of Arica. By this time all the adjacent country was up in arms, and
great numbers had come down to the coast, well mounted and armed, and
seemingly well disciplined. To try their courage, I ordered the Mercury
and launch to draw near the shore, as if we had really intended to land,
though the landing-place here is altogether impracticable for European
boats; and I also cannonaded the town briskly. Our balls made no
execution, yet ploughed up the sand in front of the Spanish horse,
throwing it all over them: But neither this, nor the approach of my
small craft, made any impression, for they stood firm, and at least
shewed the countenance of as good troops as could be wished. This much
disappointed me, as it shewed my men that the Spaniards were far from
being cowards, as they had been represented. As soon as it was dark,
Gonzales came off to me, and I agreed to let him have back his ship and
six negroes on receiving 1500 dollars, reserving right to take any thing
out of her that might be useful to us; and at ten next night he brought
me the agreed sum, being the weight of 1300 dollars in ingots of virgin
silver, called _pinnas_ by the Spaniards, and the rest in coined
dollars. He also made great enquiry for English commodities, for which
he offered high prices, complaining that the French only supplied them
with paltry goods and mere trifles, for which they carried off vast
sums. He added, that he supposed the English merchants were all asleep,
or too rich, as they did not come near them: And, although their ports
were not so open as in other parts of the world, they yet know how to
manage matters tolerably well; and that their governors, being generally
Europeans, who seldom remained above three years in the country, used
any means to improve their time, and could easily be gained so as to act
very obligingly. He said much more as to the blindness of the English,
in suffering the French pedlars to carry on, uninterruptedly, the most
considerable branch of traffic in the world. Before leaving me, he
desired me to carry his ship two or three leagues out to sea, and then
to turn her adrift, on purpose to deceive the governor and the king's
officers; and, if I would meet him at _Hilo_ (_Ilo_,) about twenty-five
leagues to the north-westwards, he would purchase from me any coarse
goods I had to dispose of, which might be done there with all imaginable
secrecy. At this time also, the master of the small bark came off in a
_balsa_. This is an odd sort of an embarkation, consisting of two large
seal skins, separately blown up, like bladders, and made fast to pieces
of wood. On this he brought off two jars of brandy and forty dollars;
which, considering his mean appearance, was as much as I could expect.
One part of his cargo was valuable, being a considerable quantity of
excellent dried fish.
The port of _Arica_, formerly so famous for the great quantities of
silver shipped from thence, is now much diminished in its riches, and
appears mostly a heap of ruins, except the church of St Mark, and two or
three more, which still look tolerably well. What helps to give it a
very desolate appearance is, that the houses near the sea are only
covered with mats. Being situated on the sea-shore, in an open
roadstead, it has no fortifications of any kind to defend or command the
anchorage, the Spaniards thinking it sufficiently secured by the heavy
surf, and the rocky bottom near the shore, which threaten inevitable
destruction to any European boats, or other embarkation, except what is
expressly contrived for the purpose, being the _balsas_ already
mentioned. To obstruct the landing of an enemy, the Spaniards had
formerly a fort and entrenchments, flanking the storecreeks; but being
built of unburnt bricks, it is now fallen to ruins. In 1680, when
Dampier was here, being repulsed before the town, the English landed at
the creek of _Chacota,_ to the south of the head-land, whence they
marched over the mountain _(Gordo)_ to plunder Arica. Earthquakes also,
which are frequent here, have at last ruined the town, and Arica is now
no more than a little village of about 150 families, most of them
negroes, mulattoes, and Indians, with very few whites. On the 26th
November, 1605,[266] the sea, violently agitated by an earthquake,
suddenly overflowed, and broke down the greatest part of the town, and
the ruins of its streets are to be seen at this day. What remains of
Arica is not now liable to such an accident, being situated on a little
rising ground at the foot of the head-land. Most of the houses are only
constructed of a sort of fascines, made of flags or sedges, bound
together, called _totora_, set up on end, crossed by canes and leather
thongs; or are made of canes set on end, having the intervals filled
with earth. The use of unburnt bricks is reserved for churches and the
stateliest houses; and as no rain ever falls here, they are only covered
with mats, so that the houses seem all in ruins when seen from the sea.
The parish church, dedicated to St Mark, is handsome enough. There are
also three religious houses, one a monastery of seven or eight
_mercenarians_, a second is an hospital of the brothers of _St John of
God_, and the third a monastery of Franciscans, who formerly had a house
a short way from town, in the pleasantest part of the vale, near the
sea.
[Footnote 266: Perhaps this date ought to have been 1705.--E.]
The vale of Arica is about a league wide next the sea, all barren ground
except where the old town stood, which is divided into small fields of
clover, some small plantations of sugar-canes, with olive-trees and
cotton-trees intermixed, and several intervening marshes, full of the
sedges of which they build their houses. Growing narrower about a league
eastward at the village of _St Michael de Sapa_, they begin to cultivate
the _agi_, or Guinea pepper, which culture extends over all the rest of
the vale, in which there are several detached farms exclusively devoted
to its culture. In that part of the vale, which is very narrow, and
about six leagues long, they raise yearly to the value of above 80,000
crowns. The Spaniards of Peru are so much addicted to this spice, that
they dress no meat without it, although so hot and biting that no one
can endure it, unless accustomed to its use; and, as it cannot grow in
the _Puna_, or mountainous country, many merchants come down every year,
who carry away all the Guinea pepper that grows in the districts of
_Arica, Sama, Taena, Locumba_, and others, ten leagues around, from all
of which it is reckoned they export yearly to the value of 600,000
dollars, though sold cheap. It is hard to credit that such vast
quantities should go from hence, as the country is so parched up, except
the vales, that nothing green is to be seen. This wonderful fertility is
produced by the dung of fowls, which is brought from _Iquique_, and
which fertilizes the soil in a wonderful manner, making it produce four
or five hundred for one of all sorts of grain, as wheat, maize, and so
forth, but particularly of this _agi_, or Guinea pepper, when rightly
managed. When the plants are sufficiently grown in the seed-bed to be
fit for transplanting, they are set out in winding lines like the letter
S, that the furrows for conveying the water may distribute it equally to
the roots of the plants. They then lay about the root of each plant of
Guinea pepper as much _guana_, or bird's dung formerly mentioned, as
will lie in the hollow of the hand. When in blossom, they add a little
more; and, lastly, when the pods are completely formed, they add a good
handful more to each plant, always taking care to supply them with
water, as it never rains in this country; otherwise, the salts contained
in the manure, not being dissolved, would burn the plants, as has been
found by experience. It is also for this reason that this manure is laid
on at different times, as already explained, the necessity of which has
been found by long use, and by the superior value of the crops thus
produced.
For the carriage of this _guana_, or fowl's dung, the people at Arica
generally use that sort of little camels which the Indians of Bern call
_Llamas_, the Chilese, _Chilihneque_, and the Spaniards, _Carneros de la
tierra_, or native sheep. The heads of these animals are small in
proportion to their bodies, and are somewhat in shape between the head
of a horse and that of a sheep, the upper lips being cleft like that of
a hare, through which they can spit to the distance of ten paces against
any one who offends them, and if the spittle happens to fall on the face
of a person, it causes a red itchy spot. Their necks are long, and
concavely bent downwards, like that of a camel, which animal they
greatly resemble, except in having no hunch on their backs, and in being
much smaller. Their ordinary height is from four feet to four and a
half; and their ordinary burden does not exceed an hundred-weight. They
walk, holding up their heads with wonderful gravity, and at so regular a
pace as no beating can quicken. At night it is impossible to make them
move with their loads, for they lie down till these are taken off, and
then go to graze. Their ordinary food is a sort of grass called _yeho_,
somewhat like a small rush, but finer, and has a sharp point, with which
all the mountains are covered exclusively. They eat little, and never
drink, so that they are very easily maintained. They have cloven feet
like sheep, and are used at the mines to carry ore to the mills; and, as
soon as loaded, they set off without any guide to the place where they
are usually unloaded. They have a sort of spur above the foot, which
renders them sure-footed among the rocks, as it serves as a kind of hook
to hold by. Their hair, or wool rather, is long, white, grey, and
russet, in spots, and fine, but much inferior to that of the Vicunna,
and has a strong and disagreeable scent.
The _Vicunna_ is shaped much like the Llama, but much smaller and
lighter, their wool being extraordinarily fine and much valued. These
animals are often hunted after the following manner: Many Indians gather
together, and drive them into some narrow pass, across which they have
previously extended cords about four feet from the ground, having bits
of wool or cloth hanging to them at small distances. This so frightens
them that they dare not pass, and gather together in a string, when the
Indians kill them with stones tied to the ends of leather thongs. Should
any _quanacos_ happen to be among the flock, these leap over the cords,
and are followed by all the _vicunnas_. These _quanacos_ are larger and
more corpulent, and are also called _viscachas_. There is yet another
animal of this kind, called _alpagnes_, having wool of extraordinary
fineness, but their legs are shorter, and their snouts contracted in
such a manner as to give them some resemblance to the human countenance.
The Indians make several uses of these creatures, some of which carry
burdens of about an hundred-weight. Their wool serves to make stuffs,
cords, and sacks. Their bones are used for the construction of weavers
utensils; and their dung is employed as fuel for dressing meat, and
warming their huts.
Before the last war, a small fleet called the _armadilla_ used to resort
yearly to Arica, partly composed of kings ships, and partly those of
private persons. By this fleet, European commodities were brought from
Panama, together with quicksilver for the mines of _La Paz, Oruro La
Plata,_ or _Chuguizaca, Potosi_, and _Lipes_; and in return carried to
Lima the king's fifth of the silver drawn from the mines. Since the
galleons have ceased going to Porto-Bello, and the French have carried
on the trade of supplying the coast of the South Sea with European
commodities, Arica has been the most considerable mart of all this
coast, and to which the merchants of the five above-mentioned rich,
towns resort. It is true that the port of _Cobija_ is nearer _Lipes_ and
_Potosi_; but being situated in a barren and desert country, where
nothing can be procured for the subsistence of man or beast, the
merchants chuse rather to go to Arica, though more distant, as they are
sure to find at that place every thing they need. Besides, they find no
great difficulty in bringing there their silver privately in a mass, and
compounding with the corregidores or chief magistrates to avoid paying
the royal fifth.
On leaving Arica, we sailed for the road of Ilo, about 75 miles to the
N.W. where we arrived that same afternoon, and saw a large ship with
three small ones at anchor. The great ship immediately hoisted French
colours, being the _Wise Solomon_ of 40 guns, commanded by Mons.
Dumain, who was resolved to protect the vessels that were beside him,
and to oppose my coming into the road. As it grew dark before I could
get into the road, I sent my third lieutenant, Mr La Porte, a Frenchman,
to inform Mr Dumain who we were: But my officer no sooner got on board
than he was tumbled out again, the Frenchman calling him a renegado; and
Mr Dumain sent me word he would sink me if I offered to anchor there. La
Porte also told me, that to his knowledge the French ships often
accepted Spanish commissions, when there were English cruizers on this
coast, having great privileges in trade allowed them for this service;
and he could plainly see that the French ship was double manned, by
means of inhabitants from the town, who were partly French; and, as he
supposed, would come to attack me as soon as the wind was off shore.
While thus talking, the French ship fired several guns at us, as if to
shew that they were ready, and meant shortly to be with us. At first,
this bravado heated me not a little, and I had some design of turning
the Mercury into a fire-ship, by the help of which I might have roasted
this insolent Frenchman: But, having reflected on the situation of
affairs at home, and fearing my attacking him might be deemed
unjustifiable, notwithstanding his unwarranted conduct, I thought it
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