A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume VI
by
Robert Kerr
Part 1 out of 11
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A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:
FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,
DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE
PRESENT TIME.
BY
ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & P.A.S. EDIN.
ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.
VOL. VI.
CONTENTS OF VOL. VI.
PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED.
CHAP. XI. Early English voyages of discovery to America. Introduction.
SECT. I. Discovery of Newfoundland by John and Sebastian Cabot in 1497,
in the service of Henry VII. of England.
II. Discourse by Galeacius Butrigarius, Papal Legate in Spain,
respecting the Discoveries in America, by Sebastian Cabot.
III. Notice concerning Sebastian Cabot by Ramusio, in the Preface to the
third Volume of his Navigations.
IV. Notice respecting the voyage of Sebastian Cabot to the north-west,
from Peter Martyr ab Angleria.
V. Testimony of Francisco Lopez de Gomara, concerning the discoveries of
Sebastian Cabota.
VI. Note respecting the discoveries of Sebastian Cabot; from the latter
part of Fabians Chronicle.
VII. Brief notice of the discovery of Newfoundland, by Mr Robert
Thorne.
CHAP. XI SECT. VIII. Grant by Edward VI. of a Pension and the Office of
Grand Pilot of England to Sebastian Cabot.
IX. Voyage of Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot about the year 1516,
to Brazil, St Domingo, and Porto Rico.
X. Brief note of a voyage by Thomas Tison to the West Indies, before the
year 1526.
CHAP XII. The Voyages of Jacques Cartier from St Maloes to Newfoundland
and Canada, in the years 1534 and 1535.
Introduction.
SECT. I. The first voyage of Jacques Cartier to Newfoundland and Canada,
in 1534.
II. The second voyage of Jacques Cartier, to Canada, Hochelega,
Saguenay, and other lands now called New France; with the Manners and
Customs of the Natives.
III. Wintering of Jacques Cartier in Canada in 1536, and return to
France in 1537.
BOOK III. Continuation of the Discoveries and Conquests of the
Portuguese in the East; together with some account of the early voyages
of other European Nations to India.
CHAP. I. Discoveries, Navigations, and Conquests of the Portuguese in
India, from 1505 to 1539, both inclusive, resumed from Book I. of this
Part.
SECT. I. Course of the Indian Trade before the Discovery of the Route by
the Cape of Good Hope, with some account of the settlement of the Arabs
on the East Coast of Africa.
CHAP. I.
SECT. II. Voyage of Don Francisco de Almeyda from Lisbon to India, in
quality of Viceroy, with an account of some of his transactions on the
Eastern coast of Africa and Malabar.
III. Some Account of the state of India at the beginning of the
sixteenth Century, and commencement of the Portuguese Conquests.
IV. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, during the
Viceroyalty of Almeyda.
V. Transactions of the Portuguese in India under the Government of Don
Alfonso de Albuquerque, from the end of 1509, to the year 1515.
VI. Portuguese Transactions in India, under several governors, from the
close of 1515, to the year 1526.
VII. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India; from 1526 to
1538.
CHAP. II. Particular Relation of the Expedition of Solyman Pacha from
Suez to India against the Portuguese at Diu, written by a Venetian
Officer who was pressed into the Turkish Service on that occasion.
Introduction.
SECT. I. The Venetian Merchants and Mariners at Alexandria are pressed
into the Turkish service, and sent to Suez. Description of that place.
Two thousand men desert from the Gallies. Tor. Island of Soridan Port of
Kor.
II. Arrival at Jiddah, the Port of Mecca. The islands of Alfas, Kamaran,
and Tuiche. The Straits of Bab-al-Mandub.
III. Arrival at Aden, where the Sheikh and four others are hanged.
Sequel of the Voyage to Diu.
CHAP. II. SECT. IV. The Castle of Diu is besieged by the Moors. The
Turks plunder the City, and the Indian Generals withdraw in resentment.
The Pacha lands. A man 300 years old. Women burn themselves. The Fleet
removes.
V. A Bulwark Surrenders to the Turks, who make Galley-slaves of the
Portuguese Garrison; with several other incidents of the siege.
VI. Farther particulars of the siege, to the retreat of the Turks, and
the commencement of their Voyage back to Suez.
VII. Continuation of the Voyage back to Suez, from the Portuguese
factory at Aser, to Khamaran and Kubit Sharif.
VIII. Transactions of the Pacha at Zabid, and continuation of the Voyage
from Kubit Sarif.
IX. Continuation of the Voyage to Suez, along the Arabian Shore of the
Red Sea.
X. Conclusion of the Voyage to Suez, and return of the Venetians to
Cairo.
CHAP. III. The Voyage of Don Stefano de Gama from Goa to Suez, in 1540,
with the intention of Burning the Turkish Gallies at that port. Written
by Don Juan de Castro, then a Captain in the Fleet; afterwards
governor-general of Portuguese India.
Introduction.
SECT. I. Portuguese Transactions in India, from the Siege of Diu by the
Turks, to the Expedition of Don Stefano de Gama to Suez.
II. Journal of the Voyage from Goa to the Straits of Bab-el-Mandub.
III. Continuation of the Voyage, from the Straits of Bab-el-Mandub to
Massua.
CHAP. III. SECT. IV. Digression respecting the History, Customs, and
State of Abyssinia.
V. Continuation of the Journal of De Castro from Massua to Swakem.
VI. Continuation of the Voyage from Swakem to Comol.
VII. Continuation of the Voyage from the Harbour of Comol to Toro or Al
Tor.
VIII. Continuation of the Voyage from Toro or Al Tor to Suez.
IX. Return Voyage from Suez to Massua.
X. Return of the Expedition from Massua to India.
XI. Description of the Sea of Kolzum, otherwise called the Arabian Gulf,
or the Red Sea. Extracted from the Geography of Abulfeda.
POSTSCRIPT.--Transactions of the Portuguese in Abyssinia, under Don
Christopher de Gama.
CHAP. IV. Continuation of the Portuguese transactions in India, after
the return of Don Stefano de Gama from Suez in 1541, to the Reduction of
Portugal under the Dominion of Spain in 1581.
SECT. I. Incidents during the Government of India by Don Stefano de
Gama, subsequent to his Expedition to the Red Sea.
II. Exploits of Antonio de Faria y Sousa in Eastern India.
III. Transactions during the Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, from
1542 to 1543.
IV. Government of India by Don Juan de Castro, from 1545 to 1548.
V. Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1545 to 1564, under
several Governors.
VI. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1564 to
the year 1571.
VII. Portuguese Transactions in India from 1571 to 1576.
CHAP. IV. SECT. VIII. Transactions of the Portuguese in Monomotapa,
from 1569 to the end of that separate government.
IX. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1576 to
1581; when the Crown of Portugal was usurped by Philip II. of Spain on
the Death of the Cardinal King Henry.
X. Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1581 to 1597.
XI. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1597 to
1612.
XII. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions, from 1512 to 1517.
A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
PART II. BOOK II. CONTINUED.
CHAPTER XI.
EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY TO AMERICA.
INTRODUCTION.
Although we have already, in the Introduction to the _Second_ Chapter of
this Book, Vol. III. p. 346. given some notices of the voyages of John
and Sebastian Cabot to America in the service of Henry VII. and VIII. it
appears proper on the present occasion to insert a full report of every
thing that is now known of these early navigations: As, although no
immediate fruits were derived from these voyages, England by their means
became second only to Spain in the discovery of America, and afterwards
became second likewise in point of colonization in the New World. The
establishments of the several English colonies will be resumed in a
subsequent division of our arrangement.
It has been already mentioned that Columbus, on leaving Portugal to
offer his services to Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain for the discovery
of the Indies by a western course through the Atlantic, sent his brother
Bartholomew to make a similar offer to Henry VII. King of England, lest
his proposals might not have been listened to by the court of Spain.
Bartholomew, as has been formerly related, was taken by pirates; and on
his arrival in England was forced to procure the means of living, and of
enabling himself to appear before the king, by the construction and sale
of sea-charts and maps, in which he had been instructed by his brother.
Owing to this long delay, when he at length presented himself to King
Henry, and had even procured the acceptance of his brothers proposals,
so much time had been lost that Isabella queen of Castille had already
entered into the views of his illustrious brother, who had sailed on his
second voyage to the West Indies, while Bartholomew was on his journey
through France to announce to him that Henry King of England had agreed
to his proposals.
The fame of the astonishing discovery made by Columbus in 1591, soon
spread throughout Europe; and only four years afterwards, or in 1595, a
patent was granted by Henry VII. to John Cabot, or Giovani Cabota, a
Venetian citizen, then resident in England, and his three sons, Lewis,
Sebastian, and Sancius, and their heirs and deputies, to sail to all
parts countries and seas of the east west and north, at their own cost
and charges, with five ships; to seek out discover and find whatsoever
islands, countries, regions, or provinces belonging to the heathen and
infidels, were hitherto unknown to Christians, and to subdue, occupy,
and possess all such towns, cities, castles, and islands as they might
be able; setting up the royal banners and ensigns in the same, and to
command over them as vassals and lieutenants of the crown of England, to
which was reserved the rule, title, and jurisdiction of the same. In
this grant Cabot and his sons, with their heirs and deputies, were bound
to bring all the fruits, profits, gains, and commodities acquired in
their voyages to the port of Bristol; and, having deducted from the
proceeds all manner of necessary costs and charges by them expanded, to
pay to the king in wares or money the fifth part of the free gain so
made, in lieu of all customs of other dues; of importation on the same.
By these letters patent; dated at Westminster on the 5th of March in the
eleventh year of Henry VII. all the other subjects of England are
prohibited from visiting or frequenting any of the continents, islands,
villages, towns, castles, or places which might be discovered by John
Cabot, his sons, heirs, or deputies, under forfeiture of their ships and
goods[1].
[Footnote 1: Hakluyt, III. 26.]
No journal or relation remains of the voyages of Cabot and his sons in
consequence of this grant, and we are reduced to a few scanty memorials
concerning them; contained in the third volume of _Hakluyt's Collection
of the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the English Nation_.
We quote from the new edition, _with additions_, published at London in
1810.
Two years after the before-mentioned letters patent, or on the 18th of
February 1497, a licence was granted by the same king of England, Henry
VII. to John Cabot, to take six English ships in any haven or havens of
England, being of 200 tons burden or under, with all necessary
furniture; and to take also into the said ships all such masters,
mariners, or other subjects of the king as might be willing to engage
with him.
It would appear that the patent of 1495 had never been acted upon; but
in consequence of this new licence, John Cabot and his son Sebastian
proceeded from the port of Bristol and discovered an island somewhere on
the coast of America to which they gave the name of _Prima Vista_,
probably the island of Newfoundland. The short account of this voyage of
discovery left to us by Hakluyt, is said to have been inserted in Latin
on a map constructed by Sebastian Cabot, concerning his discovery in
America, then called the West Indies; which map, engraved by Clement
Adams, was to be seen in the time of Hakluyt in the private gallery of
Queen Elizabeth at Westminster, and in the possession of many of the
principal merchants in London. This memorandum, translated into English,
is as follows[2].
[Footnote 2: Id. III. 27.]
SECTION I.
_Discovery of Newfoundland by John and Sebastian Cabot in 1497, in the
service of Henry VII. of England._
"In the year 1497, John Cabot a Venetian and his son Sebastian,
discovered on the 24th of June, about five in the morning, that land to
which no person had before ventured to sail, which they named _Prima
Vista_[3], or, _first-seen_, because as I believe it was the first part
seen by them from the sea. The island which is opposite[4] he named St
Johns Island, because discovered on the day of St John the Baptist. The
inhabitants of this island use the skins and furs of wild beasts for
garments, which they hold in as high estimation as we do our finest
clothes. In war they use bows and arrows, spears, darts, clubs, and
slings. The soil is sterile and yields no useful production; but it
abounds in white bears and deer much larger than ours. Its coasts
produce vast quantities of large fish, among which are _great seals_,
salmons, soles above a yard in length, and prodigious quantities
especially of cod, which are commonly called _bacallaos_[5]. The hawks,
partridges, and eagles of this island are all black."
[Footnote 3: Presuming that this discovery was Newfoundland, a name
nearly of the same import, perhaps the land first seen was what is now
called Cape Bonavista, in lat. 48 deg. 50' N. long. 62 deg. 32' W. from London.
In the text, there is every reason to believe that it is meant to
indicate, that Cabot named the island he discovered St Johns, and only
the first seen point of land Prima-Vista.--E.]
[Footnote 4: By this phrase is probably to be understood, the island
behind this first-seen cape named _Prima-Vista_.--E.]
[Footnote 5: _Vulgari Sermoni_, is translated by Hakluyt, _in the
language of the savages_; but we have given it a different sense in the
text, that used by Hakluyt having no sufficient warrant in the
original.--E.]
Besides the foregoing memorandum on the ancient map, Hakluyt gives the
following testimonies respecting the discovery of the northern part of
America, by Cabot.
SECTION II.
_Discourse by Galeacius Butrigarius, Papal Legate in Spain, respecting
the Discoveries in America, by Sebastian Cabot_[6].
Do you know how to sail for the Indies towards the northwest, as has
been lately done by a Venetian citizen, a valiant man and so learned in
all things pertaining to navigation and cosmography, that no one is
permitted to sail as pilot to the West Indies who has not received his
licence, he being pilot-major of Spain? This person, who resides in the
city of Seville, is Sebastian Cabot, a native of Venice, who is most
expert in these sciences, and makes excellent sea-charts with his
own-hands. Having sought his acquaintance, he entertained us in a
friendly manner, showing us many things, and among these a large map of
the world containing sundry navigations, both those of the Spaniards and
Portuguese. On this occasion he gave us the following information.
[Footnote 6: Hakluyt, III. 27. from the second volume of Ramusio.]
His father went many years since from Venice to England, where he
followed the profession of a merchant, taking this person his son along
with him to London, then very young, yet having received some tincture
of learning, and some knowledge of the sphere. His father died about the
time when news was spread abroad that Don Christopher Columbus, the
Genoese, had discovered the coasts of the Indies by sailing towards the
west, which was much admired and talked of at the court of King Henry
VII. then reigning in England, so that every one affirmed that it was
more attributable to divine inspiration than human wisdom, to have thus
sailed by the west unto the east, where spices grow, by a way never
known before. By these discourses the young man, Sebastian Cabot, was
strongly incited to perform some notable and similar action; and
conceiving by the study of the sphere that it would be a shorter route
for going to India, than that attempted by Columbus, to sail by the
north-west, he caused the king to be informed thereof, who accordingly
gave orders that he should be furnished with two ships, properly
provided in all things for the voyage. He sailed with these from England
in the beginning of summer 1496, if I rightly remember, shaping his
course to the north-west, not expecting to find any other land
intervening between and Cathay or Northern China. He was much
disappointed by falling in with land running toward the north, the coast
of which he sailed along to the lat. of 56 deg. N. and found it still a
continent. Finding the coast now, to turn towards the east, and
despairing to find the passage to India and Cathay of which he was in
search, he turned again and sailed down the coast towards the
equinoctial line, always endeavouring to find a passage westwards for
India, and came at length to that part of the continent which is now
called Florida[7]. And his victuals running short, he bore away for
England; where he found the country in confusion preparing for war with
Scotland, so that no farther attention was paid to his proposed
discoveries.
[Footnote 7: Florida is here to be taken in the extended sense as at
first applied to the whole eastern coast of North America, to the north
of the Gulf of Mexico. The commencement of this voyage appears to have
been in search of a north-west passage; but Sebastian must have gone far
above 56 deg. N. to find the land trending eastwards: He was probably
repelled by ice and cold weather.--E.]
He went afterwards into Spain, where he was taken into the service of
Ferdinand and Isabella, who furnished him with ships at their expence,
in which he went to discover the coast of Brazil, where he found a
prodigiously large river, now called the _Rio de la Plata_, or Silver
River, up which he sailed above 120 leagues, finding every where a good
country, inhabited by prodigious numbers of people, who flocked from
every quarter to view the ships with wonder and admiration. Into this
great river a prodigious number of other rivers discharged their waters.
After this he made many other voyages; and waxing old, rested at home
discharging the office of chief pilot, and leaving the prosecution of
discovery to many young and active pilots of good experience.
SECTION III.
_Notice concerning Sebastian Cabot by Ramusio, in the Preface to the
third Volume of his Navigations._[8]
In the latter part of this volume are contained certain relations of
Giovani de Varanzana of Florence, of a certain celebrated French
navigator, and of two voyages by Jacques Cartier a Breton, who sailed to
the land in 50 deg. north latitude, called New France; it not being yet
known whether that land join with the continent of Florida and New
Spain, or whether they are separated by the sea into distinct islands,
so as to allow of a passage by sea to Cathay and India. This latter was
the opinion of Sebastian Cabota, our countryman, a man of rare knowledge
and experience in navigation, who wrote to me many years ago, that he
had sailed along and beyond this land of New France in the employment of
Henry VII. of England. He informed me that, having sailed a long way to
the north-west, beyond these lands, to the lat. of 67-1/2 deg. N. and
finding the sea on the 11th of June entirely open and without
impediment, he fully expected to have passed on that way to Cathay in
the east; and would certainly have succeeded, but was constrained by a
mutiny of the master and mariners to return homewards. But it would
appear that the Almighty still reserves this great enterprise of
discovering the route to Cathay by the north-west to some great prince,
which were the easiest and shortest passage by which to bring the
spiceries of India to Europe. Surely this enterprise would be me most
glorious and most important that can possibly he imagined, and would
immortalize him who succeeded in its accomplishment far beyond any of
those warlike exploits by which the Christian nations of Europe are
perpetually harassed.
[Footnote 8: Hakluyt, III. 28.]
SECTION IV. _Notices respecting the voyage of Sebastian Cabot to the
northwest, from Peter Martyr ab Algeria_[9].
These northern seas have been searched by Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian,
who was carried when very young to England by his parents, who, after
the manner of the Venetians, left no part of the world unsearched to
obtain riches. Having fitted out two ships in England at his own
expence, with three hundred men, he first directed his course so near
the north pole, that on the 11th of July he found monstrous heaps of ice
swimming in the sea, and a continual day, so that the land was free from
ice, having been thawed by the perpetual influence of the sun. By reason
of this ice he was compelled to turn southwards along the western land,
till he came unto the latitude of the Straits of Gibraltar[10]. In the
course of this north-west voyage he got so far to the west as to have
the island of Cuba on his left hand, having reached to the same
longitude[11]. While sailing along the coast of this great land, which
he called _Baccalaos_[12], he found a similar current of the sea towards
the west[13] as had been observed by the Spaniards in their more
southerly navigations, but more softly and gently than had been
experienced by the Spaniards. Hence it may be certainly concluded that
in both places, though hitherto unknown, there must be certain great
open spaces by which the waters thus continually pass from the east to
the west; which waters I suppose to be continually driven round the
globe by the constant motion and impulse of the heavens, and not to be
alternately swallowed and cast up again by the breathing of Demogorgon,
as some have imagined on purpose to explain the ebb and flow of the sea.
Sebastian Cabot himself named these lands _Baccalaos_, because he found
in the seas thereabout such multitudes of certain large fishes like
tunnies, called _baccalaos_ by the natives, that they sometimes stayed
his ships. He found also the people of these regions clothed in the
skins of beasts, yet not without the use of reason. He says also that
there are great numbers of bears in those countries, which feed on fish,
and catch them by diving into the water; and being thus satisfied with
abundance of fish, are not noisome to man. He says likewise that he saw
large quantities of copper among the inhabitants of these regions. Cabot
is my dear and familiar friend, whom I delight to have sometimes in my
house. Being called out of England by the Catholic king of Castille, on
the death of Henry VII. of England, he was made one of the assistants of
our council respecting the affairs of the new found Indies, and waits in
daily expectation of being furnished with ships in which to discover
these hidden secrets of nature.
[Footnote 9: Hakluyt, III. 29. quoting P. Martyr, Dec. III. Ch. vi.]
[Footnote 10: The Straits of Gibraltar are in lat. 36 deg. N. which would
bring the discovery of the eastern coast of North America by Cabot, all
the way from 67-1/2 deg. N. beyond Hudsons Bay, to Albemarle Sound on the
coast of North Carolina--E.]
[Footnote 11: The middle of the island of Cuba is in long. 80 deg. W. from
Greenwich, which would have carried Cabot into the interior of Hudsons
Bay, to which there is no appearance of his having penetrated, in the
slight notices remaining of his exploratory voyage.--E.]
[Footnote 12: We have before seen that he named the country which he
discovered, the island of St John, and that he gave the name in this
part of the text, _baccalaos_, to the fish most abundant in those seas,
which we name cod.--E.]
[Footnote 13: It is probable this applies to the tide of flood setting
into the Gulf of St Lawrence or Hudsons Bay or both; which led Cabot to
expect a passage through the land to the west--E.]
SECTION V.
_Testimony of Francisco Lopez de Gomara, concerning the discoveries of
Sebastian Cabota_[14].
Sebastian Cabota, who came out of England into Spain, brought most
certain information of the country and people of Baccalaos. Having a
great desire to traffic for spices, like the Portuguese, he fitted out
two ships with 300 men, at the cost of Henry VII. of England, and took
the way towards Iceland from beyond the Cape of Labradore, until he
reached the lat. of 58 deg. N. and better. Even in the month of July, the
weather was so cold and the ice in such quantities, that he durst not
proceed any farther. The days were so long as to have hardly any night,
and what little there was, was very clear. Being unable to proceed
farther on account of the cold, he turned south; and, having refreshed
at Baccalaos, he sailed southwards along the coast to the 38 deg. of
latitude[15], from whence he returned into England.
[Footnote 14: Hakluyt, III. 30. quoting Gomara, Gen. Hist. of the W.
Indies, Book II. Ch. iv.]
[Footnote 15: By this account the progress of Cabot to the south along
the eastern coast of North America, reached no farther than coast of
Maryland.--E.]
SECTION VI.
_Note respecting the discoveries of Sebastian Cabot; from the latter
part of Fabians Chronicle_[16].
IN the 13th year of Henry VII. by means of John Cabot, Venetian, who was
very expert in cosmography and the construction of sea-charts, that king
caused to man and victual a ship at Bristol, to search for an island
which Cabot said he well knew to be rich and replenished with valuable
commodities. In which ship, manned and victualled at the kings expence,
divers merchants of London adventured small stocks of goods under the
charge of the said Venetian. Along with that ship there went three or
four small vessels from Bristol, laden with slight and coarse goods,
such as coarse cloth, caps, laces, points, and other trifles. These
vessels departed from Bristol in the beginning of May; but no tidings of
them had been received at the time of writing this portion of the
chronicle of Fabian.
[Footnote 16: Hakluyt, III. 30. quoting from a MS. in possession of Mr
John Stow, whom he characterizes as a diligent collector of
antiquities.]
In the 14th year of the king however, three men were brought from the
New-found-Island, who were clothed in the skins of beasts, did eat raw
flesh, and spoke a language which no man could understand, their
demeanour being more like brute beasts than men. They were kept by the
king for some considerable time; and I saw two of them about two years
afterward in the palace of Westminster, habited like Englishmen, and not
to be distinguished from natives of England, till I was told who they
were; but as for their speech, I did not hear either of them utter a
word.
SECTION VII.
_Brief notice of the discovery of Newfoundland, by Mr Robert
Thorne._[17]
As some diseases are hereditary, so have I inherited an inclination of
discovery from my father, who, with another merchant of Bristol named
Hugh Eliot, were the discoveries of the Newfoundlands. And, if the
mariners had followed the directions of their pilot, there can be no
doubt that the lands of the West Indies, whence all the gold cometh, had
now been ours; as it appears by the chart that all is one coast.
[Footnote 17: Hakluyt, III. 31. quoting a book by Mr Robert Thorne,
addressed to Doctor Leigh.]
SECTION VIII. _Grant by Edward VI. of a Pension, and the Office of Grand
Pilot of England to Sebastian Cabot_[18]
Edward the Sixth, by the Grace of God king of England, France, and
Ireland, to all believers in Christ to whom these presents may come,
wisheth health. Know ye, that in consideration of the good and
acceptable service, done and to be done to us by our well-beloved
servant Sebastian Cabot, we of our special grace, certain knowledge and
goodwill, and by the councel and advice of our most illustrious uncle
Edward Duke, of Somerset, governor of our person, and protector of our
kingdoms, dominions, and subjects, and by advice of the rest of our
councillors, have given and granted, and by these presents give and
grant to the said Sebastian Cabot a certain annuity or yearly revenue of
_one hundred and sixty-six pounds, thirteen shilling and fourpence
sterling_[19], to have, enjoy, and yearly to receive during his natural
life from our treasury at the receipt of our exchequer at Westminster,
by the hands of our treasurers and chamberlains for the time being, by
equal portions at the festivals of the annunciation of the blessed
virgin, the nativity of St John the Baptist, of St Michael the
Archangel, and the nativity of our Lord. And farther, as aforesaid, we
grant by these presents so much as the said annuity would amount to from
the feast of St Michael the Archangel last past unto this present time,
to be received by said Sebastian from our foresaid treasurers and
chamberlains in free gift, without account or any thing else to be
yielded, paid or made to us our heirs or successors for the same. In
witness whereof, &c. Done by the King at Westminster on the 6th of
January 1548, in the second year of his reign.
[Footnote 18: Hakluyt, id. ib. Supposing Sebastian to have been sixteen
years of age in 1495, when he appears to have come to England with his
father, he must have attained to seventy years of age at the period of
this grant--E.]
[Footnote 19: At the rate of six for one, as established by the
Historian of America for comparing sums of money between these two
periods, this pension was equal to L.1000 in our time.--E.]
SECTION IX.
_Voyage of Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot about the year 1516, to
Brazil, St Domingo, and Porto Rico_.
That learned and painefull writer Richard Eden, in a certain epistle of
his to the Duke of Northumberland, before a work which he translated out
of Munster in 1553, called _A Treatise of New India_, maketh mention of
a voyage of discoverie undertaken out of England by Sir Thomas Pert and
Sebastian Cabota, about the _eighth_ year of Henry VIII. of famous
memorie, imputing the overthrow thereof unto the cowardice and want of
stomack of the said Sir Thomas Pert, in manner following:
If manly courage, saith he, (like unto that which hath bene seene and
proved in your Grace, as well in forreine realmes, as also in this our
country) had not bene wanting in others in these our dayes, at such time
as our souereigne lord of famous memorie king Henry VIII. about the same
yeere of his raigne, furnished and sent out certaine shippes under the
governance of Sebastian Cabot yet living, and one Sir Thomas Pert, who
was vice-admiral of England and dweleth in Poplar at Blackwall, whose
faint heart was the cause that the voyage took none effect. If, I say,
such manly courage, whereof we have spoken, had not at that time beene
wanting, it might happily have come to passe, that that rich treasurie
called Perularia, (which is nowe in Spaine in the citie of Seville, and
so named, for that in it is kept the infinite riches brought thither
from the newfoundland kingdom of Peru) might long since have beene in
the tower of London, to the kings great honour and the wealth of this
realme.
Hereunto that also is to bee referred which the worshipfull Mr Robert
Thorne wrote to the saide king Henry VIII. in the yeere 1527, by Doctor
Leigh his ambassador sent into Spaine to the Emperour Charles V. whose
worries bee these:
Now rest to be discovered the north parts, the which it seemeth unto me
is onely your highnes charge and dutie; because the situation of this
your realme is thereunto neerest and aptest of all other: and also, for
that already you have taken it in hand. And in mine opinion it will not
seeme well to leave so great and profitable an enterprise, seeing it may
so easily and with so little cost, labour, and danger be followed and
obteined. Though hitherto your grace have made thereof a proofe, and
found not the commoditie thereby as you trusted, at this time it shal be
none impediment: for there may be now provided remedies for things then
lacked, and the inconveniences and lets remooved, that then were cause
your graces desire tooke no full effect: which is the courses to be
changed, and to follow the aforesayd new courses. And concerning the
mariners, ships, and provision, an order may be devised and taken meete
and convenient, much better than hitherto: by reason whereof, and by
Gods grace, no doubt your purpose shall take effect.
And where as in the aforesayd wordes Mr Robert Thorne sayth, that he
would have the old courses to bee changed, and the new courses [to the
north] to be followed: It may plainely be gathered that the former
voyage, whereof twise or thrise he maketh mention, wherein it is like
that Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot were set foorth by the king,
was made towards Brazil and the south parts. Moreover it seemeth that
Gonzalvo de Oviedo, a famous Spanish writer, alludeth unto the sayde
voyage in the beginning of the 13. chapter of the 19. booke of his
generall and natural historie of the West Indies, agreeing very well
with the time about which Richard Eden writeth that the foresayd voyage
was begun. The authors wordes are these, as I finde them translated into
Italian by that excellent and famous man Baptista Ramusio[21].
[Footnote 21: At this place Hakluyt gives the Italian of Ramusio; we are
satisfied on the present occasion with his translation.--E.]
In the year 1517, an English rover under the colour of travelling to
discover, came with a great shippe unto the parts of Brazill on the
coast of the firme land, and from thence he crossed over unto this
island of Hispaniola, and arrived near unto the mouth of the haven of
this citie of San Domingo, and sent his shipboate full of men on shoare,
and demaunded leave to enter into this haven, saying that hee came with
marchandise to traffique. But at that very instant the governour of the
castle, Francis de Tapia, caused a tire of ordinance to be shot from the
castle at the shippe, for she bare in directly with the haven. When the
Englishmen sawe this, they withdrew themselves out, and those that were
in the shipboate got themselves with all speede on shipboard. And in
trueth the warden of the castle committed an oversight: for if the
shippe had entered into the haven, the men thereof could not have come
on lande without leave both of the citie and of the castle. Therefore
the people of the shippe seeing how they were received, sayled toward
the Island of St John de Puerto Rico, and entering into the port of St
Germaine, the Englishmen parled with those of the towne, requiring
victuals and things needful to furnish their ship, and complained of the
inhabitants of the city of St Domingo, saying that they came not to doe
any harme, but to trade and traffique for their money and merchandise.
In this place they had certain victuals, and for recompence they gave
and paid them with certain vessels of wrought tinne and other things.
And afterwards they departed toward Europe, where it is thought they
arrived not, for we never heard any more news of them.
Thus farre proceedeth Gonzalvo de Oviedo, who though it please him to
call the captain of this great English ship a rover, yet it appeareth by
the Englishmens owne words, that they came to discover, and by their
traffique for pewter vessels and other wares at the town of St Germaine
in the iland of San Juan de Puerto Rico, it cannot bee denied but they
were furnished with wares for honest traffique and exchange. But
whosoever is conversant in reading the Portugal and Spanish writers of
the East and West Indies, shall commonly finde that they account all
other nations for pirats, rovers and theeves, which visite any heathen
coast that they have once sayled by or looked on. Howbeit their
passionate and ambitious reckoning ought not to bee prejudiciall to
other mens chargeable and painefull enterprises and honourable travels
in discoverie.
SECTION X.
_Brief note of a voyage by Thomas Tison to the West Indies, before the
year 1526[22]._
It appears from a certain note or memorandum in the custody of me
Richard Hakluyt, taken out of an old ledger-book formerly belonging to
Mr Nicholas Thorne senior, a respectable merchant of Bristol, written to
his friend and factor Thomas Midnall and his servant William Ballard, at
that time residing at San Lucar in Andalusia; that before the year 1526,
one Thomas Tison an Englishman had found his way to the West Indies, and
resided there as a secret factor for some English merchants, who traded
thither in an underhand manner in those days. To this person Mr Nicholas
Thorne appears to have sent armour and other articles which are
specified in the memorandum or letter above mentioned--This Thomas
Tison, so far as I can conjecture, appears to have been a secret factor
for Mr Thorne and other English merchants, to transact for them in these
remote parts; whence it is probable that some of our merchants carried
on a kind of trade to the West Indies even in those ancient times;
neither do I see any reason why the Spaniards should debar us from it
now.
[Footnote 22: Hakluyt, III. 595.]
CHAPTER XII
THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER FROM ST MALOES TO NEWFOUNDLAND AND
CANADA, IN THE YEARS 1534 AND 1535[23].
INTRODUCTION
These voyages are to be considered as among the early discoveries of the
New World, and are therefore inserted in this place. The only edition of
them which we have been able to procure, is that which is inserted in
the ancient and curious collection of voyages by Hakluyt, which appears
to have been abridged from the original in French, published at Rouen in
8vo 1598[24]of this voyage, the author of the Bibliotheque des Voyages
gives the following notice. "So early as the year 1518, the baron _De
Levi_ had discovered a portion of Canada, and Jacques Cartier not only
added to this first discovery, but visited the whole country with the
judgment of a person well instructed in geography and hydrography, as is
apparent in the relation of his voyages; which contain an exact and
extended description of the coasts, harbours, straits, bays, capes,
rivers, and islands which he visited, both in his voyages on the river
St Lawrence, and in his excursions by land into the interior of Canada.
To this day navigators use most of the names which he affixed to the
various parts which he explored with indefatigable industry." In the
present edition, the only freedom used is reducing the antiquated
language of Hakluyt to the modern standard.----Ed.
[Footnote 23: Hakluyt, III. 250.]
[Footnote 24: Bibl. Univ. des Voy. VI. 15.]
SECTION I.
_The first Voyage of Jacques Cartier to Newfoundland and Canada, in_
1534.
The Chevalier de Mouy lord of Meylleraye and vice-admiral of France,
having administered the oaths of fidelity to the king, and of obedience
to M. Cartier, to the captains, masters, and mariners of the ships
employed in this expedition, we left the port of St Maloes on the 20th
of April 1534, with two ships of 60 tons, and having sixty-one chosen
men. Having prosperous weather, we reached Newfoundland on the 10th of
May, making Cape _Bonavista_, in lat. 48 deg. 30' N[25]. Owing to the great
quantities of ice on the coast, we were obliged to go into port St
Catherine [26], which is about five leagues S.S.E. from the harbour of
Cape Bonavista, in which we remained ten days waiting fair weather, and
employed ourselves in repairing and fitting out our boats.
[Footnote 25: In our most recent maps Cape Bonavista is laid down in
lat. 48 deg. 58' N.--E.]
[Footnote 26: Named in English charts Catalina Harbour, in lat. 48 deg. 44'
N.--E.]
On the 21st of May we set sail with the wind at west, steering N. and by
E. from Cape Bonavista till we came to the Isle of Birds, which we found
environed by ice, but broken and cracked in many places. Notwithstanding
the ice, our two boats went to the island to take in some birds, which
are there in such incredible numbers that no one would believe unless he
had seen them. The island is only a league in circuit, and so swarms
with birds as if they had been strewed on purpose; yet an hundred times
as many are to be seen hovering all around. Some of these are black and
white, as large as jays, and having beaks like crows, which lie always
on the sea, as they cannot fly to any height on account of the smallness
of their wings, which are not larger than the half of ones hand; yet
they fly with wonderful swiftness close to the water. We named these
birds _Aporath_, and found them very fat. In less than half an hour we
filled two boats with them; so that, besides what we eat fresh, each of
our ships salted five or six barrels of them to aid our sea stock.
Besides these, there is another and smaller kind, which hovers in the
air, all of which gather themselves on the island, and put themselves
under the wings of the larger birds. These smaller birds we named
_Godetz_. There was also another kind, which we called _Margaulx_,
considerably larger and entirely white, which bite like dogs. Although
this island is 14 leagues from the main[27], yet the bears swim off to
it to eat the birds, and our men found one there as large as an ordinary
cow, and as white as a swan. This monstrous animal leapt into the sea to
avoid our men; and upon Whitson Monday, when sailing towards the land,
we fell in with it swimming thither as fast almost as we could sail. We
pursued in our boats, and caught it by main strength. Its flesh was as
good eating as a steer of two years old. On the Wednesday following, the
27th of May, we came to the _Bay of the Castles_; but, on account of bad
weather and the great quantities of ice, we were obliged to anchor in a
harbour near the entrance of that bay, which we named Carpunt. We were
forced to remain there till the 9th of June, when we departed, intending
to proceed beyond Carpunt, which is in lat. 51 deg. N[28]
[Footnote 27: This island of birds, judging by the course steered and
its distance from the main of Newfoundland, appears to be that now
called _Funk_ Island, in lat. 50 deg. N. 15 leagues N.E. from Cape
Freels.--E.]
[Footnote 28: From the latitude in the text, Carpunt appears to have
been what is now called Carouge Harbour, and the Bay of the Castles may
be that now named Hare Bay, 6-1/2 leagues farther north.--E.]
The land between Cape _Razo_ and Cape _Degrad_[29], which lie N.N.E. and
S.S.W. from each other, is all parted into islands so near each other,
that there are only small channels like rivers between them, through
most of which nothing but small boats can pass; yet there are some good
harbours among these islands, among which are those of Carpunt and
Degrad. From the top of the highest of these islands, two low islands
near Gape Razo may be seen distinctly; and from Cape Razo to Port
Carpunt, the distance is reckoned 25 leagues. Carpunt harbour has two
entries, one of which is on the east side of the island, and the other
on the south. But the eastern entrance is very unsafe, as the water is
very shallow and full of shelves. The proper entry is to go about the
west side of the island, about a cables length and a half, and then to
make the south entrance of Carpunt. It is likewise necessary to remark,
that there are three shelves under water in this channel, and towards
the island on the east side in the channel, the water is three fathoms
deep with a clear bottom. The other channel trends E.N.E. and on the
west you may go on shore.
[Footnote 29: Capes Rouge and De Grat. The former being the north head
land of Carouge Bay, the latter the north-eastern extremity of
Newfoundland, in lat. 51 deg. 40' N.--E.]
Going from Point Degrad, and entering the before-mentioned Bay of the
Castles, we were rather doubtful of two islands on the right hand, one
of which is 3 leagues from Cape Degrad and the other seven. This last is
low and flat, and seemed part of the main land. I named it St Catherines
Island. Its north-east extremity is of a dry soil, but the ground about
a quarter of a league off is very foul, so that it is necessary to go a
little round. This island and the Bay of the Castles trend N.N.E. and
S.S.W. 15 leagues distant from each other. The port of the Castles and
Port Gutte, which is in the northern part of the bay, trend E.N.E and
W.S.W. distant 12-1/2 leagues. About two leagues from Port Balance, or
about a third part across the bay, the depth of water is 38 fathoms.
From Port Balance to _Blanc Sablon_, or the White Sands, it is 15
leagues W.S.W. but about 3 leagues from the White Sands to the S.W.
there is a rock above water like a boat. The _White Sands_ is a
road-stead quite open to the S. and S.E. but is protected on the S.W. by
two islands, one of which we called the Isle of Brest, and the other the
Isle of Birds, in which there are vast numbers of Godetz, and crows with
red beaks and red legs, which make their nests in holes under ground
like rabbits. Passing a point of land about a league beyond the White
Sands, we found a port and passage which we called the _Islets_, which
is a safer place than the White Sands, and where there is excellent
fishing. The distance between the Islets and a port named Brest is about
10 leagues. The port of Brest is in lat. 51 deg. 55'[30]. Between it and the
Islets there are many other islands, and the said port of Brest is among
them, being surrounded by them for above three leagues farther. All
these small islands are low, and the other lands may be seen beyond
them. On the 10th of June we went into the port of Brest, to provide
ourselves with wood and water; and on St Barnabas Day, after hearing
divine service, we went in our boats to the westwards, to examine what
harbours there might be in that direction.
[Footnote 30: If right in the latitude in the text, Cartier seems now to
have got upon the coast of Labradore, to the north-west of Newfoundland;
yet from the context he rather appears to have been on the north-end of
Newfoundland, about Quirpon Harbour, the Sacred Isles, or Pistolet
Bay.--E.]
We passed through among the small islands, which were so numerous that
they could not be counted, as they extended about 10 leagues beyond that
port. We rested in one of them all night, where we found vast
quantities of duck eggs, and the eggs of other birds which breed there.
We named the whole of this group the _Islets_. Next day, having passed
beyond all these small isles, we found a good harbour which we named
Port St Anthony. One of two leagues beyond this we found a little river
towards the S.W. coast, between two other islands, forming a good
harbour. We set up a cross here, and named it St Servans Port. About a
league S.W. from this port and river there is a small round island like
an oven, surrounded with many little islands, and forming a good mark
for finding out Port St Servan. About two leagues farther on we came to
a larger inlet, which we named James River, in which we caught many
salmon. While in this river we saw a ship belonging to Rochelle, which
intended to have gone a fishing in Port Brest, but had passed it as they
knew not whereabout they were. We went to her with our boats, and
directed them to a harbour about a league west from James River, which I
believe to be one of the best in the world, and which therefore we named
James Cartiers Sound. If the soil of this country were as good as its
harbours, it would be a place of great consequence: But it does not
deserve the name of the New-found-_land_, but rather the new stones and
wild crags, and is a place fit only for wild beasts. In all the north
part of the island I did not see a cart load of good earth, though I
went on shore in many places. In the island of White Sand there is
nothing growing but moss and stunted thorn bushes scattered here and
there, all dry and withered. In short, I believe this to have been the
land which God appointed for Cain. There are however, inhabitants of
tolerable stature, but wild and intractable, who wear their hair tied
upon the top of their heads, like a wreath of hay, stuck through with a
wooden pin, and ornamented with birds feathers. Both men and women are
clothed in the skins of beasts; but the garments of the women are
straiter and closer than those of the men, and their waists are girded.
They paint themselves with a roan or reddish-brown colour. Their boats
are made of birch bark, with which they go a fishing, and they catch
great quantities of seals. So far as we could understand them, they do
not dwell all the year in this country, but come from warmer countries
on the main land, on purpose to catch seals and fish for their
sustenance.
On the 13th of June we returned to our ships, meaning to proceed on our
voyage, the weather being favourable, and on Sunday we had divine
service performed. On Monday the 15th, we sailed from Brest to the
southwards, to explore some lands we had seen in that direction, which
seemed to be two islands. On getting to the middle of the bay, however,
we found it to be the firm land, being a high point having two eminences
one above the other, on which account we called it _Double_ Cape. We
sounded the entrance of the bay, and got ground with a line of 100
fathoms. From Brest to the Double Cape is about 20 leagues, and five or
six leagues farther on we had ground at 40 fathoms. The direction
between Port Brest and Double Cape is N.E. and S.W. Next day, being the
16th, we sailed 35 leagues from Double Cape S.W. and by S. where we
found very steep and wild hills, among which we noticed certain small
cabins, resembling what are called granges in our country, on which
account we named these the _Grange Hills_. The rest of the coast was all
rocky, full of clefts and cuts, having low islands between and the open
sea. On the former day we could not see the land, on account of thick
mists and dark fogs, but this evening we espied an entrance into the
land, by a river between the Grange Hills and a cape to the S.W. about 3
leagues from the ships. The top of this cape is blunt, but it ends
towards the sea in a sharp point, on which account we named it _Pointed_
Cape. On its north side there is a flat island. Meaning to examine if
there were any good harbours at this entrance, we lay to for the night;
but on the next day we had stormy weather from the N.E. for which reason
we stood to the S.W. till Thursday morning, in which time we sailed 37
leagues. We now opened a bay full of round islands like pigeon-houses,
which we therefore named the _Dove-cots_. From the Bay of St. Julian to
a cape which lies S. and by W. called Cape _Royal_, the distance is 7
leagues; and towards the W.S.W. side of that cape there is another, the
lower part of which is all craggy, and the top round. On the north side
of this cape, which we called Cape Milk, there is a low island. Between
Cape Royal and Cape Milk there are some low islands, within which there
are others, indicating that there are some rivers in this place. About
two leagues from Cape Royal we had 20 fathom water, and found cod in
such abundance, that, while waiting for our consort we caught above a
hundred in less than an hour.
Next day, the 18th, the wind turned against us with such fury that we
were forced back to Cape Royal; and, sending the boats to look for a
harbour, we found a great deep gulf above the low islands, having
certain other islands within it. This gulf is shut up on the south, and
the low islands are on one side of the entrance, stretching out above
half a league to seawards; it is in lat. 48 deg. 30' N. having an island in
the middle of the entrance. The country about is all flat, but barren.
Finding we could not get into any harbour that night, we stood out to
sea, leaving Cape Royal towards the west. From that time to the 24th of
the month, being St Johns Day, we had such stormy weather, with contrary
winds and such dark mists, that we could not see the land; but on that
day we got sight of a cape, about 35 leagues S.W. from Cape Royal, which
we named Cape St John. On that day and the next the weather still
continued so foggy and dark, with wind, that we could not come near the
land; yet we sailed part of the 25th to the W.N.W. and lay too in the
evening, about 7-1/2 leagues N.W. and by W. of Cape St John. When about
to make sail, the wind changed to the N.W. and we accordingly sailed
S.E. After proceeding about 15 leagues in that direction, we came to
three islands, two of which are as steep and upright as a wall, so that
it is impossible to climb them, and a small rock lies between them.
These islands were closely covered over with birds, which breed upon
them; and in the largest there was a prodigious number of those white
birds we named Margaulx, larger than geese. Another of the islands,
which was cleft in the middle, was entirely covered with the birds
called Godetz; but towards the shore, besides Godetz, there were many
_Apponatz_[31], like those formerly mentioned. We went ashore on the
lower part of the smallest island, where we killed above a thousand
godetz and apponatz, putting as many as we pleased into our boats;
indeed we might have loaded thirty boats with them in less than an hour,
they were so numerous and so tame. We named these the Islands of
_Margaulx_. About five leagues west from these islands, we came to an
island two leagues long and as much in breadth, where we staid all night
to take in wood and water, which we named _Brions_ Island. It was full
of goodly trees, verdant fields, and fields overgrown with wild-corn
and pease in bloom, as thick and luxuriant as any we had seen in
Brittany, so that it seemed to have been ploughed and sown; having
likewise great quantities of gooseberries, strawberries, roses, parsely,
and many other sweet, and pleasant herbs; on the whole it had the best
soil of any we had seen, and one field of it was more worth than the
whole of Newfoundland. The whole shore was composed of a sandy beach,
with good anchorage all round in four fathom water; and the shore had
great numbers of great beasts, as large as oxen, each of which have two
large tusks like elephants teeth[32]. These animals live much in the
sea. We saw one of them asleep on the shore, and went towards it in our
boats in hopes of taking it, but as soon as he heard us, he threw
himself into the sea and escaped. We saw also wolves and bears on this
island, and there were considerable lakes about it towards the S.E. and
N.W. As far as I could judge, there must be some passage between this
island and Newfoundland, and if so it would save much time and distance,
if any useful purpose is to be had in these parts.
[Footnote 31: This word has not been used before, but is probably meant
for the same bird formerly called _Aparath._ These names of birds in
Newfoundland are inexplicable.--E.]
[Footnote 32: Probably the Morse, vulgarly called the sea-horse.--E.]
About four leagues W.S.W. from Brions Island we saw some other land
surrounded by small isles of sand, which we believed to be an island,
and to a goodly cape on this land we gave the name of Cape Dauphin, as
the good grounds begin there. We sailed along these lands to the W.S.W.
on the 27th of June, and at a distance they seemed to be composed of low
lands with little sand-hills; but we could not go near, as the wind was
contrary. This day we sailed 15 leagues. Next day we went about 10
leagues along this land, which is all low, till we came to a cape
composed of red and craggy rocks, having an opening which fronts to the
north, and we noticed a pool or small lake, having a field between it
and the sea. About 14 leagues farther on we came to another cape, the
shore between forming a kind of semicircular bay, and the beach was
composed of sand thrown up like, a mound or dike, over which the whole
country appeared nothing but marshes and pools of water as far as the
eye could reach. Just before coming to the first of these capes, which
we named St Peter, there are two small islands, very near the main land.
About 5 leagues from the second cape toward the S.W. there is a high
pointed island which we named _Alezai_. From Brions Island to Cape St
Peter there is a good anchorage on a sandy bottom in 25 fathoms water
five leagues from shore; a league off the land the depth is 12 fathom,
and 6 fathom very near the shore, seldom less, and always good ground.
Next day, the 29th of June, with the wind S. and by E. we sailed
westwards, till the following morning about sunrise without being able
to see any land, except that about sunset we saw some land about 9 or 10
leagues W.S.W. which we believed to be two islands. All next day we
sailed westwards about 40 leagues, when we discovered that what we had
taken for islands was the main land; and early next morning we came to a
good point of land, which we named Cape _Orleans_; the whole of the land
being low and plain, full of fine trees and meadows, and very pleasant
to behold. This coast trends S.S.E. and N.N.W. but on this great extent
of coast we could find no harbour, it being everywhere full of shelves
and sand-banks. We went on shore in many places with our boats, and in
one place we entered a fine river, very shallow, which we named Boat
River, because we saw some boats full of savages crossing the river. We
had no intercourse with these people; for the wind came from the sea,
and beat our boats in such a manner against the shore, that we were
forced to put off again to the ships. Till next morning, the 1st July,
at sunrise, we sailed N.E. when we struck our sails in consequence of
thick mists and squalls. The weather cleared up about two in the
afternoon, when we got sight of Cape Orleans, and of another about 7
leagues N. and by E. from where we were, which we named Cape _Savage_.
On the north side of this cape, there is a very dangerous shelf and a
bank of stones about half a league from shore. While off this cape and
our boats going along shore, we saw a man running after the boats and
making signs for us to return to the cape; but on pulling towards him he
ran away. We landed and left a knife and a woollen girdle for him on a
little staff, and returned to our ships. On that day we examined nine or
ten leagues of this coast for a harbour, but found the whole shore low
and environed with great shelves. We landed, however, in four places,
where we found many sweet-smelling trees, as cedars, yews, pines,
white-elms, ash, willow, and many others unknown, but without fruit.
Where the ground was bare of trees, it seemed very fertile, and was fall
of wild-corn, pease, white and red gooseberries, strawberries, and
blackberries, as if it had been cultivated on purpose. The wild-corn
resembled rye. This part of the country enjoyed a better temperature
than any we had seen, and was even hot. It had many thrushes,
stock-doves, and other birds, and wanted nothing but good harbours.
Next day, 2d July, we had sight of land to the north, which joined the
coast already mentioned, having a bay which we named _St Lunario_,
across which our boats went to the north cape and found the bay so
shallow that there was only one fathom water a league off shore. N.E.
from this cape, and 7 or 8 leagues distant, there is another cape,
having a triangular bay between, compassed about with shelves and rocks
about ten leagues from land. This bay has only 2 fathoms water, but
appeared to penetrate far into the land towards the N.E. Passing this
cape, we observed another head-land N. and by E. All that night we had
very bad weather and heavy squalls, so that we could carry very little
sail. Next morning, 3d July, the wind was from the west, and we sailed
north that we might examine the coast, where we found a gulf or bay
about 15 leagues across, and in some places 55 fathoms deep. From the
great depth and breadth of this gulf, we were in hopes of finding a
passage through, like that of the _Castles_ before mentioned. This gulf
lies E.N.E. and W.S.W. The land on the south side of this gulf is of
good quality and might be easily cultivated, full of goodly fields and
meadows, quite plain, and as pleasant as any we had ever seen. The north
side is altogether hilly, and full of woods containing large trees of
different kinds, among which are as fine cedars and firs as are to be
seen anywhere, capable of being masts for ships of three hundred tons.
In two places only of this side we saw open meadows, with two fine
lakes. The middle of this bay is in lat. 47 deg. 30' N. We named the southern
cape of this bay Cape Esperance, or the Cape of Hope, as we expected to
have found a passage this way.
On the 4th of July we went along the northern coast of this bay to look
for a harbour, where we entered a creek which is entirely open to the
south, having no shelter from the wind when in that quarter. We named
this _St Martins_ Creek, in which we remained from the 4th to the 12th
of July; and on the 6th, going in one of our boats to examine a cape or
head-land on the west side, about 7 or 8 leagues from the ships, and
having got within half a league of the point, we saw two fleets of
canoes of the savages, 40 or 50 in all, crossing over from one land to
another, besides which there were a great number of savages on shore,
who made a great noise, beckoning to us to come to land, and holding up
certain skins on pikes or poles of wood, as if offering them for barter.
But as we had only one boat and they were very numerous, we did not
think it prudent to venture among them, and stood back towards the
ships. On seeing us go from them, some savages put off in two canoes
from the shore, being joined by five other canoes of those which were
crossing, and made towards us, dancing and making many signs of joy, as
if inviting us to their friendship. Among other expressions we could
distinctly make out the following words, _Napeu tondamen assurtah_, but
knew not what they meant. We did not incline to wait their civilities,
as we were too few in case they chose to assail us, and made signs
therefore for them to keep at a distance. They came forwards
notwithstanding, and surrounded our boat with their canoes; on which we
shot off two pieces[33] among them, by which they were so much alarmed
that they immediately took to flight towards the point, making a great
noise. After remaining there some time, they came again towards us and
surrounded our boat as before. We now struck at them with two lances,
which again put them in fear and put them to flight, after which they
followed us no more. Next day, a party of the savages came in nine
canoes to the point at the mouth of the creek, where our ships were at
anchor; on which we went ashore to them in our boats. They appeared much
alarmed at our approach, and fled to some distance, making signs as if
they wished to traffic with us, holding up to our view the skins of
which they make their apparel, which are of small value. We likewise
endeavoured to explain by signs that we had no intention to injure them;
and two of our men ventured to land among them, carrying some knives and
other iron ware, and a red hat for their chief. Encouraged by this
confidence, the savages likewise landed with their peltry, and began to
barter with them for our iron wares, which they seemed to prize much,
and shewed their satisfaction by dancing and many other ceremonies,
throwing at times sea-water from their hands on their heads. They gave
us every thing they had, so that they went away almost naked, making
signs that they would return next day with more skins.
[Footnote 33: The nature of these is not explained, but they must have
been fire-arms of some kind.--E.]
On Thursday the 8th of July, as the wind was contrary for using our
ships, we proceeded in our boats to explore the bay, and went that day
25 leagues within it. As the next day was fine, with a fair wind, we
sailed till noon, in which time we had explored most part of this bay,
the shore of which consisted of low land, beyond which were high
mountains. Finding no passage through the bottom of the bay, we turned,
back along the coast, and at one place saw a good many of the savages on
the shore of a lake among the low grounds, where they had kindled some
fires. As we proceeded, we noticed that a narrow creek or channel
communicated between the bay and the lake, into which creek our boats
went. The savages came towards us in one of their canoes, bringing some
pieces of boiled seals flesh, which they laid down on pieces of wood,
and then retired, making signs that they gave them to us. We sent two
men to them with hatchets, knives, beads, and such wares, with which
they were much pleased; and soon afterwards great numbers of them came
to where we were in canoes, bringing skins and other things, to barter
for our commodities. There were at least 300 of them collected at this
place, including women and children; some of the women who remained on
the other side of the inlet, were seen up to their knees in the water,
singing and dancing; while other women, who were on the same side with
us, came up to us in a friendly manner, rubbing our arms with their
hands, and then holding up their hands towards heaven, as if in token of
admiration and joy. So much confidence was established on both sides,
that the savages bartered away every thing they possessed, which was
indeed of small value, and left themselves entirely naked. These people
might easily be converted to our religion. They wander about from place
to place, subsisting entirely by fishing, for which they have stated
seasons. The country is warmer even than Spain, and exceedingly
pleasant, being entirely level, and though sandy, it is everywhere
covered with trees. In some places where there are no trees, it is
luxuriantly covered with wild corn or pease. The corn resembles oats,
but with an ear like that of rye; and the pease are small, but as thick
as if the ground had been ploughed and sown. It produces, likewise,
white and red gooseberries, strawberries, blackberries, white and red
roses, and many other sweet-smelling flowers. The whole country is
interspersed with fine grass meadows, and lakes abounding in salmon. In
their language, a hatchet is named _cochi_ and a knife _bacon_. We named
this fine bay, _Baye de Chaleur_, or the Warm Bay[34].
[Footnote 34: Chaleur Bay on the north-eastern coast of Nova Scotia is
probably meant; though, from the changes of names, we have not been able
to trace the course of Cartier from the northern extremity of
Newfoundland to this part of the Gulf of St Lawrence. He probably
returned to the south, along the eastern coast of Newfoundland, and then
sailed west, along the south coast of that island into the Gulf of St
Lawrence, probably in search of a passage to the Pacific.--E.]
Having ascertained that there was no passage through this bay, we
set sail from St Martins Creek on Sunday the 12th July, to proceed on
farther discoveries beyond, going eastwards about 18 leagues along the
coast, till we came to Cape _Prato_, where we found shallow water, with
a great tide and stormy sea, so that we had to draw close in shore,
between that cape and an island about a league to the eastwards, where
we cast anchor for the night. Next morning we made sail to explore the
coast to the N.N.E. But the wind, which was contrary, rose almost to a
storm, and we were forced to return to our former anchorage. We sailed
again next day, and came to a river five or six leagues to the northward
of Cape Prato, where the wind became again contrary, with thick fogs, by
which we were obliged on the 14th to take shelter in the river, where we
remained till the 16th. On that day, the wind became so boisterous that
one of our ships lost an anchor, and we had to run 7 or 8 leagues up the
river for shelter, where we found a good harbour, in which we remained
till the 25th July. While there, we saw many of the savages fishing for
mackerel, of which they caught great numbers. They had about 40 boats or
canoes, and after some time they became so familiar with us as to come
with their canoes to our ships in perfect confidence receiving knives,
combs, glass-beads, and other trifles from us, for which they were
exceedingly thankful, lifting up their hands to heaven, and dancing and
singing in their boats. These people may truly be called savages, as
they are the poorest wretches that can be imagined; as the value of
every thing they had among them all, besides their canoes and nets, was
not worth five farthings. They go entirely naked, except their parts of
shame, over which they had small pieces of skin; besides which they only
had a few old pieces of skin to shelter their bodies from the weather.
They differ entirely both in language and appearance from those we had
seen before. Their heads are close shaven, except one lock on the crown,
as long as a horse tail, which they bind up into a knot with leather
thongs. Their only dwelling-places are their boats or canoes turned keel
upwards, under which they sleep on the bare ground. They eat their fish
and flesh almost raw, only heating it a little on the embers. We went
freely on shore among these people, who seemed much pleased with our
company, all the men singing and dancing around, in token of joy; but
they made all their women retire into a wood at some distance, two or
three excepted, to each of whom we gave a comb and a small tin bell,
with which they were much delighted, shewing their gratitude to our
captain by rubbing his breast and arms with their hands. The reception
of these presents occasioned all the other women to return from the
wood, that they likewise might participate; for which purpose they
surrounded the captain, to the number of about twenty, touching and
rubbing him with their hands, as soliciting him for such trinkets as he
had given the others. He accordingly gave each of them a small bell, on
which they all fell a singing and dancing. We here found great
quantities of mackerel, which they take on the shore by means of nets
which they construct of a species of hemp. This grows in the part of the
country where they principally reside, as they come only to the sea side
during the fishing season. So far as I could understand, they have
likewise a kind of millet, or grain, as large as pease, like the maize
which grows in Brasil, which serves them instead of bread. Of this they
have great abundance, and it is called _kapaige_ in their language. They
have also a kind of damsin plumbs, which they call _famesta_. They
possess likewise, figs, nuts, apples, and other fruits, and beans which
they call _sahu_; their name for nuts is _cahehya_. When we shewed them
any thing which they had not or were unacquainted with, they used to
shake their heads, saying _nohda! nohda_! implying their ignorance or
want of that article. Of those things which they had, they explained to
us by signs how they grew, and in what manner they used to dress them
for food. They use no salt, and are very great thieves, stealing every
thing they could lay their hands on.
On the 24th of July, we made a great cross thirty feet high, which we
erected on a point at the entrance of our harbour, on which we hung up a
shield with three flowers de luce; and inscribed the cross with this
motto, _Vive le roy de France_. When this was finished in presence of
all the natives, we all knelt down before the cross, holding up our
hands to heaven, and praising God. We then endeavoured to explain to
these savages by means of signs, that all our salvation depended only on
him who dwelleth in the heavens; at which they shewed much admiration,
looking at one another, and then at the cross. After our return to the
ships, their chief came off in a canoe accompanied by his brother and
two sons. Keeping at an unusual distance, he stood up in the canoe,
where he made a long oration, pointing frequently to our cross, and
making a cross with his two fingers; he then pointed out to all the
country round about, as if shewing that all was his, and that we must
not erect any more crosses without his leave. When he concluded his
speech, we shewed him an axe, making him believe that we would give it
to him for an old bears skin which he wore; on which he gradually came
near our ship, and one of our men who was in the boat along side, took
hold of their canoe; into which he, and three or four more of our men
leapt, and obliged them all to come on board our ship, to their great
astonishment and dismay. Our captain immediately used every means to
assure them of being in perfect safety, and entertained them in a
friendly manner, giving them to eat and drink. After this, we
endeavoured to explain to them by signs, that the sole use of the cross
we had erected was to serve as a land mark for finding out the harbour,
and that we should soon return to them with great plenty of iron wares
and other commodities; but that in the mean time we would take two of
his sons along with us, whom we would bring back again to the same
place. We accordingly clothed two of the lads in shirts and coloured
coats, with red caps, putting a copper chain round each of their necks,
with which they seemed much pleased, and remained willingly along with
us, giving their old garments to the rest who went back to the land. We
gave to each of the three who returned, a hatchet and some knives, with
which they seemed well content. When these had told their companions on
shore what had happened in the ship, six canoes came off to us in the
afternoon, having five or six men in each, who came to take farewell of
the two lads we had detained, and brought them some fish. They spoke a
great deal that we did not understand, making signs that they would not
remove our cross.
The weather becoming fair next day, the 25th July, we left that
port[35], and after getting out of the river, we sailed to the E.N.E.
the land forming a semicircular bay, the extremities lying S.E. and N.W.
From Monday the 27th of the month, we went along this land, till on
Wednesday the 29th we came to another cape, after which the land turned
to the east for about 15 leagues, and then turned to the north. We
sounded about three leagues from this cape, and had ground at 24
fathoms. The land on this part of the coast seems better and freer of
woods, than any we had seen, having fine green fields and fair meadows.
We named this land Cape St Alvise, because first seen on the day of that
saint. It is in lat. 49 deg. 30' N. On Wednesday morning, being to the east
of that cape, whence we sailed N.W. till night, keeping near the land,
which trends from south to north for about 15 leagues to another cape,
which we named _Memorancie_, after which the coast trends to the N.W.
About 3 leagues from this cape we tried soundings, but had no bottom
with a line of 150 fathoms. We went along this coast to the lat. of 50 deg.
N. At sunrise of Saturday 1st August, we had sight of other land lying
north and north-east, which was high, craggy, and mountainous, having
low land interposed, with woods and rivers. We continued along this
coast, still trending N.W. to look for a gulf or passage, till the 5th
of the month; but we had great difficulty to advance five miles in all
that time, the wind and tide being both adverse. At the end of these
five miles, we could plainly see land on both sides, which appeared to
spread out; but as we were unable to work up to windward, we proceeded
to another cape to the southward, being the farthest out to sea within
sight, and about five leagues from us. On coming up to this head-land,
we found it nothing but rocks, stones, and craggy cliffs, such as we had
not seen the like of since leaving Cape St Johns. The tide being now in
our favour carried our ships to the westwards against the wind, when
suddenly one of our boats struck on a rock and overset, so that our
people had to leap out and set it to right again. After going along this
coast for two hours, the tide turned against us, so that it was
impossible to advance any farther with all our oars. We went therefore
to land, leaving 10 or 12 of our people to keep the boats, and going by
land to the cape, we observed the land beyond to trend S.W. After this
we returned to our boats, and then to the ships, which had drifted four
leagues to leeward of the place where we left them.
[Footnote 35: In a side-note, Hakluyt expresses an opinion that this
harbour is what is now called Gaspay, or Gaspe Bay in lat. 48 deg. 44' N.,
near Cape Rosiers, the south cape of the river St Lawrence.--E.]
On our return to the ships, we convened a council of all the officers
and experienced mariners, to have their opinion of what was best for us
to do in the farther execution of our instructions. The general opinion
was, considering that the east winds seemed now set in, and that the
currents were so much against us, we could not expect to advance to any
purpose in exploring the coast; and as storms and tempests began to
prevail in Newfoundland, where we were so far from home, we must resolve
either to return to France immediately, or to remain where we were
during the winter. Having duly weighed the various opinions, we resolved
to return home. The place where we now were, we named St Peters
Straits[36], in which we found very deep water; being in some places 150
fathoms, in others 100, and near the shore 60, with clear ground. From
thence for some days we had a prosperous gale of wind, _so that we
trended the said north shore east, south-east, west-north-west_[37], for
such is the situation of it, except one cape of low land, about 25
leagues from St Peters Strait, which bends more towards the south-east.
We noticed smoke on that cape, made by the natives; but as the wind blew
fresh toward the coast, we did not venture to approach them, and twelve
of the savages came off to us in two canoes. They came freely on board,
and gave us to understand that they came from the great gulf under a
chief named _Tiennot_, who was then on the low cape, and were then about
to return loaded with fish to their own country, whence we had come with
our ships. We named the low head land Cape Tiennot, after the name of
their chief. The land in this place was all low and pleasant, with a
sandy beach for about 20 leagues, intermixed with marshes and shallow
lakes. After this it turned from west to E.N.E. everywhere environed
with islands two or three leagues from shore; and as far as we could
see, many dangerous shelves extended above four or five leagues out to
sea.
[Footnote 36: Cartier seems now to have returned to the south coast of
Newfoundland, but the relation of his voyage is too vague to be followed
with any tolerable certainty.--E.]
[Footnote 37: The sentence in italics is given in the precise words of
Hakluyt, probably signifying that the coast extended from E.S.E. to
W.N.W.--E.]
During the three following days we had a strong gale from the S.W. which
obliged us to steer E.N.E. and on the Saturday we came to the eastern
part of Newfoundland, between the _Granges_ and _Double_ Cape[38]. The
wind now blew a storm from the east, on which account we doubled that
cape to the N.N.W. to explore the northern part, which is all environed
with islands, as already stated. While near these islands and the land,
the wind turned to the south, which brought us within the gulf, so that
next day, being the 9th of August, we entered by the blessing of God
within the _White Sands_. Thus ended our discoveries in this voyage. On
the feast of the Assumption of our Lady, being the 15th of August, after
hearing divine service, we departed from the White Sands with a
prosperous gale, directing our course across the sea which lies between
Newfoundland and Brittany. In this passage we were much tossed during
three days by a heavy tempest from the east, which we weathered by the
blessing of God. After this we had fair weather, and arrived on the 5th
of September in the port of St Maloes.
[Footnote 38: Probably that now called _Mistaken Points_, near Cape
Race, which latter is the south-eastern point of Newfoundland--E.]
_Specimen of the language of Newfoundland._
The sun, _isnez_ Heaven, _camet_
Night, _aiagla_ Water, _ame_
Sand, _estogaz_ A sail, _aganie_
The head, _agonaze_ The throat, _conguedo_
The nose, _hehonguesto_ The teeth, _hesangue_
The nails, _agetascu_ The feet, _ochedasco_
The legs, _anoudasco_ A dead man, _amocdaza_
A skin, _aionasca_ That man, _yca_
A hatchet, _asogne_ A cod fish, _gadagoursere_
Good to be eaten, _guesande_ Almonds, _anougaza_
Figs, _asconda_ Gold, _henyosco_
An arrow, _cacta_ A green tree, _haveda_
An earthen dish, _undaco_ Brass, _aignetaze_
The brow, _ausce_ A feather, _yco_
The moon, _casmogan_ The earth, _conda_
Wind, _canut_ Rain, _ocnoscon_
Bread, _cacacomy_ The sea, _amet_
A ship, _casaomy_ A man, _undo_
The hairs, _hoc hosco_ Red cloth, _caponeta_
The eyes, _ygata_ A knife, _agoheda_
The mouth, _heche_ A mackarel, _agedoneta_
The ears, _hontasco_ Nuts, _caheya_
The arms, _agescu_ Apples, _honesta_
A woman, _enrasesco_ Beans, _sahe_
A sick man, _alouedeche_ A sword, _achesco_
Shoes, _atta_
SECTION II.
_The second voyage of Jacques Cartier, to Canada, Hochelega, Saguenay,
and other lands now called New France; with the Manners and Customs of
the Natives_.
On Whitsunday, the 16th of May 1535, by command of our captain, Jacques
Cartier, and by common consent, we confessed our sins and received the
holy sacrament in the cathedral of St Maloes; after which, having all
presented ourselves in the Quire, we received the blessing of the lord
bishop, being in his robes. On Wednesday following, the 19th of that
month, we set sail with a favourable gale. Our squadron consisted of
three ships. The great _Hermina_ of an hundred to an hundred and twenty
tons, of which Jacques Cartier was captain and general of the
expedition, Thomas Frosmont chief master, accompanied by Claudius de
Pont Briand, son to the lord of Montceuell cupbearer to the Dauphin,
Charles de Pomeraies, John Powlet, and other gentlemen. In the second
ship of sixty tons, called the Little Hermina, Mace Salobert and William
Marie were captains under the orders of our general. The third ship of
forty tons, called the Hermerillon, was commanded by William Britton and
James Maingare. The day after we set sail, the prosperous gale was
changed into storms and contrary winds, with darksome fogs, in which we
suffered exceedingly till the 25th of June, when our three ships lost
sight of each other, and never rejoined again till after our arrival at
Newfoundland. We in the generals ship continued to be tossed about by
contrary winds till the 7th of July, when we made the island of
Birds[39], 14 leagues from the main of Newfoundland. This island is so
full of birds that our ships might have been loaded with them, and the
quantity taken away not missed. We took away two boat loads, to increase
our sea stores. The Isle of Birds is in lat. 49 deg. 40' N.
[Footnote 39: Already supposed to be that now called Funk Island, in
lat. 50 deg. N.--E.]
We left this island with a fair wind on the eighth of July, and came to
the harbour of White Sands, or Blanc Sablon, in the Grand Bay or Baye
des Chateaux, where the rendezvous of the squadron had been appointed.
We remained here till the 26th of July, when both of the other ships
joined us, and we then laid in a stock of wood and water for enabling us
to proceed on our voyage. Every thing being in readiness, we set sail
from the White Sands early in the morning of the 29th, and sailing along
the northern coast, which runs from S.W. to N.E. we passed by two
islands, lying farther out than the others, which we named St Williams
Islands, being twenty leagues or more from the port called Brest. All
the coast from the Bay of Castles to that place, _lies E. and W.--N.E.
and S.W._ off which there are sundry small islands, the whole being
stony and barren, without soil or trees, except in a few narrow vallies.
Next day, we sailed twelve leagues and a half westwards, in search of
other islands, among which there is a great bay towards the north, all
full of islands and great creeks, among which there seemed to be many
good harbours. We named these the Islands of St Martha, off which, about
a league and a half farther out to sea, there is a dangerous shallow,
and about seven leagues from the islands of St Martha, _on the east and
on the west_, as you pass to these islands, there are five rocks. We
passed these about one in the afternoon; and from that time till
midnight, we sailed about 15 leagues, passing to the south-eastwards of
a cape of the lower islands, which we named St Germans Islands; about
three leagues from which cape there is a very dangerous shallow.
Likewise between Cape St Germans and Cape St Martha, about two leagues
from the before-mentioned islands, there is a bank of sand on which the
water is only four fathoms deep. On account of the dangerous nature of
this coast, we struck sail and came to anchor for the rest of the night.
Next day, being the last of July, we went along all that part of the
coast which runs east and west, or somewhat south-easterly, all of which
is beset with islands and dry sands, and is consequently of very
dangerous navigation. The distance from Cape St Germans to these islands
is about 17-1/2 leagues, beyond which is a _goodly plot of ground_[40],
surrounded by large tall trees; but all the rest of the coast is
encompassed with sand-banks, without any appearance of harbours till we
come to Cape _Thiennot_, about 7 leagues north-west from these islands.
Having noted this cape in our former voyage, we sailed on all this night
to the west and west-north-west till day; and as the wind then became
contrary, we looked out for a harbour in which to shelter our ships, and
found one for our purpose which we named Port St Nicholas. This port
lies amid four islands off the main-land, and we set up a cross on the
nearest of these islands as a land-mark or beacon. In entering Port St
Nicholas, this cross must be brought to bear N.E. and passed on the left
hand of the steersman, by which means you find six fathom water in the
passage, and four within the port. Care must be taken however to avoid
two shelves which stretch out about half a league to seawards.
[Footnote 40: From the context, I suspect the author here means that
there was good anchorage at this place.--E.]
The whole of this coast is full of dangerous shoals, yet having the
deceitful appearance of many good havens. We remained at Port St
Nicholas till Sunday the 7th of August, when we made sail and approached
the land southwards by Cape Rabart, which is twenty leagues from Port St
Nicholas S.S.W. Next day the wind became boisterous and contrary, and as
we could not find any haven to the southward, we coasted along northward
about ten leagues beyond Port St Nicholas, where we found a goodly great
gulf, full of islands, passages and entrances, answerable for any wind
whatever. This gulf may easily be known by a great island resembling a
cape, stretching somewhat farther out than the other islands, and about
two leagues inland there is a hill which resembles a corn rick. We named
this the Gulf of St Lawrence. On the 12th of the month, we sailed
westwards from this gulf, and discovered a cape of land toward the
south, about 25 leagues W. and by S. from the Gulf of St Lawrence. The
two savages whom we took with us on our former voyage, informed us that
this cape formed part of the great southern coast; and that, by the
southern part of an island which they pointed out, was the way to Canada
from Honguedo, whence we took them last year. They said farther, that at
two days journey from this cape and island the Kingdom of _Saguenay_
began. On the north shore of this island, extending towards Canada, and
about three leagues off this cape, there are above 100 fathoms water;
and I believe there never were as many whales seen at once as we saw
that day around this cape. Next day, the 15th of August, having passed
the strait, we had notice of certain lands which we had left towards the
south, which are full of extensive high hills. We named the
before-mentioned cape the Island of Assumption; from which one cape of
the before-mentioned high country trends E.N.E. and W.S.W. distant 25
leagues. The northern country, for more than thirty leagues in length,
is obviously higher than that which is to the southwards. We coasted
along the southern lands till noon of the 17th, when the wind came round
to the west; after which we steered for the northern coast which we had
before seen, and found it low toward the sea, and the northern range of
mountains within this low land stretch from east to west one quarter
south. Our two savages informed us that Saguenay began here, which is an
inhabited land producing copper, which they call _caignetdaze_. The
distance between the southern and northern lands is about 30 leagues,
and the gulf between is above 200 fathoms deep. The savages informed us
likewise that the great river _Hochelega_[41] began here, by which was
the direct way to Canada; and which river becomes always narrower as we
approach towards Canada, where the water is fresh. They said farther
that it penetrates so far inland that they had never heard of any one
who had reached its head. On considering their account, our captain
resolved to proceed no farther at this time, more especially as they
said there was no other passage, meaning to examine in the first place
the northern coast between the Gulf of St Lawrence and this great river,
to see if any other passage could be discovered.
[Footnote 41: The river now called the St Lawrence.--E.]
We accordingly turned back on Wednesday the 18th of August along the
northern coast, which trends from N.E. to S.W. like half of a bow, and
is very high land, yet not so high as the southern coast. Next day we
came to seven high round islands, which we named the _Seven Isles_,
which stretch 3 or 4 leagues out to sea, and are 40 leagues from the
southern shore of the gulf. Over against these, the northern shore
consists of good low grounds full of fine trees, having various
sand-banks almost dry at low water, and reaching two leagues from shore.
At the farther extremity of these low lands, which, continue for ten
leagues, there is a river of fresh water which runs with such rapidity
into the sea that the water is quite fresh a league from its mouth.
Entering this river with our boats, we had about a fathom and half water
at its mouth. In this river we found many _fishes_ resembling horses,
which our savages told us lay all day in the water and went on shore at
night. We set sail at day-break of the 21st, continuing our progress
along the northern coast of the gulf which we traced the whole of that
day to the north-east, and then stood over to the Island of
Assumption[42], being assured that no passage was to be found in that
direction. Returning to the harbour at the Seven Islands, which has 9 or
10 fathoms water, we were detained there by mists and contrary winds
till the 24th, when we stood over to the southern coast, and came to a
harbour about 80 leagues from these islands. This harbour is over
against three flat islands in the middle of the river, between which
islands and the harbour there is a very great river which runs between
high and low lands. For more than three leagues out to sea there are
many dangerous shelves, leaving not quite two fathoms water, so that the
entrance is very dangerous; yet near these shelves the water is from 15
to 20 fathoms deep from shore to shore. All the _northern_[43] coast
runs from N.E. and by N. to S.W. and by S. This haven is but of small
value, as it is only formed by the tide of flood, and is inaccessible at
low water. We named the three small flat islets _St Johns Isles_,
because we discovered them on the day of St John the Baptists
decapitation. Before coming to this haven, there is an island about 5
leagues to the eastward, between which and the land there is no passage
except for small boats. The best station for ships in this harbour is to
the south of a little island and almost close to its shore. The tide
here flows at least two fathoms, but ships have to lie aground at low
water.
[Footnote 42: The island here called Assumption, certainly is that now
called Anticosti, a term formed or corrupted from the native name
Natiscotec.--E.]
[Footnote 43: It is probable that we should here read the _southern_
coast.--E.]
Leaving this harbour on the 1st of September, we proposed sailing for
Canada; and at about 15 leagues W.S.W. we came to three islands, over
against which is a deep and rapid river, which our two savages told as
leads to the country and kingdom of Saguenay[44]. This river runs
between very high and steep hills of bare rock, with very little soil;
yet great numbers of trees grow among these rocks, as luxuriantly as if
upon level and fertile land, insomuch that some of them would make masts
for vessels of 30 tons. At the mouth of this river we met four canoes
full of savages, who seemed very fearful of us, and some of them even
went away. One of the canoes however, ventured to approach within hail,
when one of our savages spoke to the people, telling his name, on which
they came to us. Next day, leaving that river we proceeded on for
Canada; and in consequence of the rapidity of the tide, we found the
navigation very dangerous; more especially as to the southward of that
river there are two islands, around which for above three leagues there
are many rocks and great stones, and only two fathoms water. Besides the
direction of the tide among these islands and rocks is very uncertain
and changeable; so that if it had not been for our boats, we had been in
great danger of losing our pinnace. In coasting along, we found above 30
fathoms water just off shore, except among these rocks and islands.
About 5 leagues beyond the river Saguenay, to the S.W. there is another
island on the north side containing high land, where we proposed to have
come to anchor in waiting for the next tide of flood, but we had no
ground with a line of 120 fathom only an arrow-shot from shore; so that
we were obliged to return to that island, where we had 35 fathoms. We
set sail again next morning to proceed onwards; and this day we got
notice of a strange kind of _fish_ which had never been seen before,
which are called _Adhothuys_ by the natives. They are about the bigness
of a porpoise, but no way like them, having well proportioned bodies and
heads like a greyhound, their whole bodies being entirely white without
spot. There are great numbers of them in this river, and they always
keep in the water, the natives saying that they are very savoury and
good eating, and are nowhere else to be found but in the mouth of this
river. On the 6th of September we proceeded about 15 leagues farther up
the river, where we found an island having a small haven towards the
north, around which there were innumerable large tortoises. There are
here likewise vast numbers of the _fish_ called _Adhothuys_, already
mentioned; and the rapidity of the tide at this place is as great as it
is at Bourdeaux in France. This island is about three leagues long and
two broad, all of rich fertile soil, having many fine trees of various
kinds; among which were many filbert trees, full of nuts, which we found
to be larger and better than ours but somewhat harder, on which account
we named it _Isle aux Condres_, or Filbert Island.
[Footnote 44: The Saguenay river runs into the north-west side of the St
Lawrence, in lat. 48 deg. 7' N. long. 69 deg. 9' W.--E.]
On the 7th of the month we went seven or eight leagues up the river from
Filbert Island to 14 other islands, where the country of Canada begins.
One of these islands is ten leagues long and five broad, thickly
inhabited by natives who live entirely by fishing in the river[45].
Having cast anchor between this island and the northern coast, we went
on shore accompanied by our two savages, whose names were Taignoagny and
Domagaia. At first the inhabitants of the island avoided us, till at
length our two savages got speech of some of them, telling who they
were, on which the natives seemed much rejoiced, dancing and singing and
shewing many other ceremonies; many of their chief men came now to our
boats, bringing great numbers of eels and other fishes, likewise two or
three burdens of _great millet_ or maize, and many very large
musk-melons. On the same day many canoes filled with natives, both men
and women, came to visit our two savages, all of whom were received in a
kindly manner by our captain, who gave them many things of small value
with which they were much gratified. Next day the lord of Canada came to
our ships with twelve canoes and many people; but causing ten of his
canoes to go back again, he came up to our ships with only two canoes
and sixteen men. The proper name of this person was Donnacona, but his
dignified name, as a lord or chief, was Agouhanna. On coming near the
smallest of our ships, he stood up in his canoe and made a long oration,
moving his body and limbs in an extraordinary manner, which among them
pass for signs of friendship and security. He then came up towards the
generals ship, in which were Taignoagny and Domagaia, with whom he
entered into conversation. These men related to him all that they had
seen in France, and what good treatment they had received in that
country, at all which Agouhanna seemed much pleased, and desired our
captain to hold out his arm for him to kiss. Our captain now went into
Agouhannas canoe, and made bread and wine be handed down to him, which
he offered to the chief and his followers, with which they were much
gratified. When all this was over, our captain came again on board, and
the chief went with his canoes to his own abode.
[Footnote 45: Obviously the Isle of Orleans.--E.]
The captain ordered all the boats to be made ready, in which we went up
the river against the stream for ten leagues, keeping close to the shore
of the island, at which distance we found an excellent sound with a
small river and haven, in which there is about three fathoms water at
flood tide. As this place seemed very pleasant and safe for our ships,
we brought them thither, calling it the harbour of St Croix, because
discovered on Holy Cross Day. Near this is a village named Stadacona, of
which Donnacona is lord, and where he resides. It stands on a piece of
as fine fertile ground as one would wish to see, full of as goodly trees
as are to be seen in France, such as oaks, elms, ashes, walnut-trees,
maples, cydrons, vines, and white thorns which bear fruit as large as
damson plumbs, and many other sorts of trees. Under these there grows
great abundance of fine tall hemp, which springs up spontaneously
without cultivation. Having examined this place and found it fit for the
purpose, the captain proposed returning to the ships to bring them to
this port; but we were met, when coming out of the river, by one of the
chiefs of Stadacona, accompanied by many men, women, and children. This
chief made a long oration to us, all the women dancing and singing for
joy up to the knees in water. The captain caused the canoe to come along
side of his boat, and presented them all with some trifles, such as
knives, glass beads, and the like, with which they were so much
delighted that we could hear them singing and dancing when we were three
leagues off.
After returning to the ships, the captain landed again on the island to
examine and admire the beauty, variety, and luxuriance of its trees and
vegetables. On account of the great number of vines which it produced
everywhere in profusion, he named it the Island of Bacchus, but it is
now called the Isle of Orleans. It is in length twelve leagues,
exceedingly pleasant and fruitful, and everywhere covered with trees,
except in some places where there are a few huts of fishers, around
which some small patches are cleared and cultivated. We departed with
our ships next day, and on the 14th of September we brought them up to
Port St Croix, and were met on the way by the lord Donnacona,
accompanied by our two savages, Taignoagny and Domagaia, with 25 canoes
full of natives; all of whom came to our ships with every sign of mirth
and confidence, except our own two savages, who would on no account come
on board though repeatedly invited, on which we began to suspect some
sinister intentions. On the next day, the captain went on shore to give
directions for fixing certain piles or stakes in the water for the
greater security of our ships, and Donnacona with a considerable number
of the natives came to meet him; but our two savages kept aloof under a
point or nook of land at some distance, and would on no account join our
company. Understanding where they were, our captain went towards them,
accompanied by some of our men; and, after the customary salutations,
Taignoagny represented that Donnacona was much dissatisfied because the
captain and his men were always armed, while the natives were not. To
this the captain answered, that he was sorry this should give offence;
but as they two who had been in France knew that this was the custom of
their country, he could not possibly do otherwise. Yet Donnacona
continued to converse with our captain in the most friendly manner, and
we concluded that Taignoagny and Domagaia had invented this pretence of
their own accord; more especially as Donnacona and our captain entered
into the strictest bonds of friendship, on which all the natives set up
three horrible yells, after which the companies separated, and we went
on board. On the following day, we brought the two largest of our ships
into the harbour within the mouth of the small river, in which there are
three fathoms water at flood tide, and only half a fathom at the ebb.
The pinnace, or smallest vessel, was left at anchor without the harbour,
as we intended to use her for exploring the Hochelega.[46] As soon as
our ships were placed in safety, we saw Donnacona coming towards us,
accompanied by Taignoagny, Domagaia, and above 500 natives, men, women,
and children. Donnacona and ten or twelve of the principal persons came
on board the captains ship, where they were courteously received by the
captain and all of us, and many gifts of small value were given them.
Then Taignoagny informed our captain, that Donnacona was dissatisfied
with our intention of exploring the Hochelega, and would not allow any
one to go with us. The captain said in reply, that he was resolved to go
there if possible, as he had been ordered by his sovereign to penetrate
the country in that direction as far as was practicable: That if
Taignoagny would go along with him, as he had promised, he should be
well used, and should be rewarded to his satisfaction on their return.
This was refused by Taignoagny, and the whole of the savages immediately
retired.
[Footnote 46: The native name of the river St Lawrence is Hoshelega or
Hochelega, sometimes called the river of Canada.--E.]
Next day, the 17th September, Donnacona and his company came back to us,
bringing many eels and other fishes, which they procure in great
abundance in the river. On their arrival at the ships, all the savages
fell a dancing and singing as usual, after which Donnacona caused all
his people to stand off on one side; then, making our captain and all
our people stand within a circle which he drew on the sand, he made a
long oration, holding a female child of ten or twelve years old by the
hand, whom he presented to our captain at the end of his speech; upon
which all his people set up three loud howls, in token of joy and
friendship, at least so we understood them. Donnacona afterwards
presented two boys successively, who were younger than the girls,
accompanied by other ceremonies, among which were very loud shrieks or
yells as before. For these presents our captain gave many hearty thanks.
Then Taignoagny told the captain that one of the boys was his own
brother, and that the girl was daughter to a sister of Donnacona; and
that the presents had been given on purpose to induce him not to go to
Hochelega. To this the captain answered, that he would certainly return
the children, if that were the purpose of the gift; as he could on no
account desist from going where he had been commanded by his king. But
Domagaia, the other savage who had been in France, told the captain that
the children had been presented as a token of friendship and security,
and that he Domagaia was willing to accompany us to Hochelega. On this
high words arose between Taignoagny and Domagaia, by which we inferred
that the former was a crafty knave, and intended to do us some
treacherous act of mischief as indeed sufficiently appeared from his
former conduct. The captain sent the children to our ships, whence he
caused two swords and two brass basons to be brought, which he presented
to Donnacona, who was much gratified and expressed great thankfulness,
commanding all his people to sing and dance. The chief then expressed a
desire to have one of our cannons fired off, as our two savages had told
him many wonderful things respecting them. He accordingly ordered twelve
cannons, loaded with ball, to be fired off into the woods close by, at
which all the savages were greatly astonished, as if heaven had fallen
upon them, and ran away howling, shrieking and yelling, as if all hell
had broke loose. Before we went on board, Taignoagny informed us that
our people in the pinnace, which we had left at anchor without the
harbour, had slain two men by a shot from one of their cannons, on which
all the natives had fled away. This we afterwards found to be false, as
our men had not fired any that day.
The savages still endeavoured to hinder us from going to Hochelega, and
devised the following stratagem to induce us not to go. They dressed up
three men like devils, in black and white dogs skins, having their faces
blackened, and with horns on their heads a yard long. These men were put
secretly into a canoe, while all the savages lay hid in the wood waiting
the tide to bring the canoe with the mock devils. On the approach of
that canoe, all the savages came out of the wood, but did not come so
near us as usual. Taignoagny came forwards to salute our captain, who
asked if he would have a boat sent to bring him on board; but he
declined to do so then, saying he would come on board afterwards. At
this time the canoe with the three devils made its appearance, and on
passing close by the ships, one of these men stood up and made a long
oration, without ever turning round to look at us. The boat floated past
us towards the land, on which Donnacona and all his people pursued them
and laid hold of the canoe, on which the three devils fell down as if
dead, when they were carried out into the wood, followed by all the
savages. We could hear them from our ships in a long and loud conference
above half an hour; after which Taignoagny and Domagaia came towards us,
holding their hands joined above their heads, and carrying their hats
under their upper garments, as if in great astonishment. Taignoagny,
looking up to heaven, exclaiming three times Jesus! Jesus! Jesus!
Domagaia in the same manner cried out, Jesus Maria! Jacques Cartier! On
seeing these gestures and ceremonies, our captain asked what was the
matter, and what had happened. They answered that they had very ill news
to tell, saying in French _Nenni est il bon_, or it is not good. On
being again asked what all this meant; they said, that their god
Cudruaigny had spoken in Hochelega, and had sent these three men to say
there was so much ice and snow in that country, that who ever ventured
there would surely die. On this we laughed mocking them, saying that
their god Cudruaigny was a fool, and knew not what he said; and desired
them to shew us his messengers, saying that Christ would defend them
from all cold if they believed in him. They then asked the captain if he
had spoken with Jesus; who answered no, but the priests had, who had
assured him of fair weather. They then thanked the captain for this
intelligence, and went into the wood to communicate it to the rest, who
all now rushed from the wood as if glad of the news, giving three great
shouts, and then fell to dancing and singing as usual. Yet our two
savages declared that Donnacona would not allow any one to accompany us
to Hochelega, unless some hostage was left for his safe return. The
captain then said, if they would not go willingly they might stay, and
he would go without them.
On the 19th of September, we hoisted sail in the pinnace accompanied by
two of our boats, the captain taking most of his officers and fifty
mariners along with him, intending to go up the river towards Hochelega
with the tide of flood. Both shores of the river, as far as the eye
could see, appeared as goodly a country as could be desired, all
replenished with fine trees, among which all along the river grew
numerous vines as full of grapes as they could hang, which, though quite
natural, seemed as if they had been planted. Yet, as they were not
dressed and managed according to art, their bunches were not so large,
nor their grapes so sweet as ours. We also saw many huts along the
river, inhabited by fishers, who came to us with as much familiarity and
kindness as if we had been their countrymen, bringing us great
quantities of fish and such other things as they had, for which we paid
them in trifles to their great contentment. We stopped at the place
named Hochelay, 25 leagues above Canada,[47] where the river becomes
very narrow with a rapid current, and very dangerous on account of
certain stones or rocks. Many canoes came off to us, in one of which
came the chief man of the place, who made us a long oration, explaining
by signs and gestures that the river became more dangerous the higher we
went, and advising us to take good care of ourselves. This chief
presented two of his own children to our captain, one of which only he
received, being a girl of 7 or 8 years old, returning the boy who was
too young, being only 2 or 3 years of age. The captain entertained this
chief and his company as well as he could, presenting them all with some
trifles, with which they returned to the shore well pleased. This chief
and his wife came down afterwards to Canada to visit their child, and
brought with them some small presents for our captain.
[Footnote 47: By Canada in the text, the lordship belonging to Donnacona
seems meant, which appears to have been what is now called the Isle of
Orleans.--E.]
From the 19th to the 28th of September, we sailed up this great river,
never losing an hour of time, finding the whole land on both sides as
pleasant a country as could be desired, full of fine tall trees, as oak,
elm, walnut, cedar, fir, ash, box, willow, and great store of vines
loaded with grapes, so that when any of our people went on shore, they
brought back as many as they could carry. There were likewise, cranes,
swans, geese, ducks, pheasants, partridges, thrushes, blackbirds,
finches, redbreasts, nightingales, sparrows, and many other birds like
those of France in vast abundance. On the 28th of September we came to a
wide lake, or enlargement of the river, 5 or 6 leagues broad and 12
long, which we called the Lake of _Angoulesme_[48], all through which we
went against the tide, having only two fathoms water. On our arrival at
the upper extremity of the lake, we could find no passage, as it seemed
entirely shut up, and had only a fathom and a half water, a little more
or less. We were therefore obliged to cast anchor here with our pinnace,
and went with our two boats to seek out some passage; and in one place
we found four or five branches which seemed to come from the river of
Hochelega into the lake; but at the mouths of these branches, owing to
the great rapidity of the currents, there were bars or shallows having
only six feet water. After passing these shallows, we had 4 or 5 fathoms
at flood tide, this being the season of the year when the water is
lowest; for at other times the tide flows higher by three fathoms. All
these four or five branches of the river surround five or six very
pleasant islands, which are at the head of the lake; and about 15
leagues higher up, all these unite into one. We landed on one of these
islands, where we met five natives who were hunting wild beasts, and who
came as familiarly to our boats as if they had always lived amongst us.
When our boats were near the shore, one of these men took our captain in
his arms, and carried him to the land with as much ease as if he had
been a child of five years old. We found that these people had taken a
great number of wild rats which live in the water, which are as large as
rabbits and very good to eat. They gave these to our captain, who gave
them knives and glass-beads in return. We asked them by signs if this
were the way to Hochelega, to which they answered that it was, and that
we had still three days sail to go thither.
[Footnote 48: Now called St Peters Lake, between which and _Trois
Rivieres_, the St Lawrence river is narrow with a rapid current.--E.]
Finding it impossible to take the pinnace any higher, the captain
ordered the boats to be made ready for the rest of the expedition,
taking on board as much ammunition and provisions as they could carry.
He departed with these on the 29th September, accompanied by Claudius de
Pont Briand, Charles de Pommeraye, John Govion, and John Powlet, with 28
mariners, intending to go up the river as far as possible. We sailed
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