A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume VI
by
Robert Kerr
Part 10 out of 11
On his arrival at Sena, where Homem had halted with the army, Monclaros
accosted him in a violent manner commanding him to desist from that wild
enterprise of conquering the mines, in which he had imposed on the king,
declaring that he should be held responsible for all who had died or
might die in future in this wild and impracticable design. It is certain
that Barreto was not the promoter of this intended conquest, and that
Manclaros was actually to blame for the miscarriage; yet Barreto took
the insolence of this proud priest so much to heart that he died in two
days without any other sickness. Assuredly the Jesuit had more to answer
for on account of the death of the governor, than he for the unfortunate
result of the expedition, which was all owing to the arrogant ignorance
of the Jesuit in forcing it into a wrong direction. Thus fell, by the
angry words of a priest, a great man who had escaped from many bullets
among the Indians, from numerous darts and arrows of the Mongas, and
from the malice of a villain. King Sebastian greatly lamented his
untimely end, which he expressed by giving an honourable reception to
his body when brought to Lisbon.
After the death of Barreto, a royal order was found among his papers by
which Vasco Fernandez Homem was appointed his successor. By the
persuasions of Monclaros, who was now disgusted with the expedition of
Monomotapa, Homem returned with the troops to Mozambique, abandoning the
projected conquest of the mines. At that place some judicious persons,
and particularly Francisco Pinto Pimentel, urged him to resume the
execution of the orders which had been given by the king to Barreto, and
he determined upon resuming the enterprise for the conquest of
Monomotapa; but as Monclaros was now gone back to Portugal, he found
himself at liberty to take the route for the mines through Sofala, as
Barreto wished to have done originally. Landing therefore at Sofala, he
marched directly inland towards the mines of _Manica_ in the kingdom of
_Chicanga_, bordering _by the inland_ with the kingdom of _Quiteve_
which is next in power to Monomotapa[397]. To conciliate the king of
_Quiteve_, Homem sent messengers with presents to request the liberty of
passing through his dominions, but being jealous of his intentions, that
king received his propositions very coldly. Homem advanced however,
having nearly a similar force with that which accompanied Barreto on the
former expedition into the kingdom of Monomotapa, and several bodies of
Kafrs that attempted to stop his progress were easily routed with great
slaughter. Finding himself unable to defend himself against the invaders
by force of arms, the king of Quiteve had recourse to policy, and caused
all the people and provisions to be removed from the towns, so that the
Portuguese suffered extreme distress till they arrived at _Zimbao_[398],
the residence of the king, whence he had fled and taken refuge in
inaccessible mountains. Homem burnt the city, and marched on to the
kingdom of _Chicanga_, where he was received by the king rather through
fear than love, was supplied with provisions, and allowed a free passage
to the mines. At these the Portuguese vainly expected that they would be
able to gather gold in great abundance; but seeing that the natives
procured only very small quantities in a long time and with much
difficulty, and being themselves very inexpert in that labour, they soon
abandoned the place which they had so long and anxiously sought for, and
returned towards the coast, parting from the king of Chicanga in much
friendship. Thus, though disappointed in their main design of acquiring
rich gold mines, the ease with which they had penetrated to the place
evinced how great an error had been formerly committed by subjecting
Barreto to the direction of Monclaros, who had led him by a tedious and
dangerous way merely to gratify his own extravagant humour.
[Footnote 397: In modern geography, which indeed is mainly ignorant of
the foreign possessions of the Portuguese, the dominion of Sofala on
both sides of the river of that name, extend about 520 miles from east
to west, in lat. 20 deg. S. from the Mozambique channel, by about 100 miles
in breadth. The commercial station of Sofala belonging to the Portuguese
is at the mouth of the river; and about 220 miles from the sea is a town
called Zimbao of Quiteve. Manica the kingdom of Chicanga is an inland
district to the west of the kingdoms of Sofala and Sabia; all three
dependent upon Monomotapa.--E.]
[Footnote 398: This Zimbao of Quiteve is to be carefully distinguished
from a town of the same name in Monomotapa. The former is nearly in lat.
20 deg. S. on the river of Sofala, the latter is about 16 deg. 20' S. near the
river Zambezi or Cuama.--E]
Homem returned to the kingdom of Quiteve, and the king of that country
now permitted him to march for the mines of _Maninnas_[399], on
condition that the Portuguese should pay him twenty crowns yearly. Homem
accordingly marched for the kingdom of _Chicova[400], which borders upon
the inland frontier of Monomotapa towards the north, having heard that
there were rich mines of silver in that country. Having penetrated to
Chicova, he inquired among the natives for the way to the mines; and as
they saw that it was in vain for them to resist, while they feared the
discovery of the mines would prove their ruin, they scattered some ore
at a place far distant from the mines, and shewing this to the
Portuguese told them that this was the place of which they were in
search. By this contrivance the Kafrs gained time to escape, as the
Portuguese permitted them to go away, perhaps because they were
unwilling the natives should see what treasure they procured. Homem
accordingly caused all the environs to be carefully dug up, and after a
vast deal of fruitless labour was obliged to desist, as provisions grew
scarce. Thus finding no advantage after all his fatigues and dangers,
Homem marched away towards the coast with part of his troops, intending
to return to his government at Mozambique, and left Antonio Cardoso de
Almeyda with 200 men to continue the researches for some time for the
treasures that were said to abound in that country. Cardoso suffered
himself to be again deceived by the Kafrs who had before imposed upon
Homem, as they now offered to conduct him to where he might find a vein
of silver. But they led him the way of death rather than of the mines,
and killed him and all his men after defending themselves with
incredible bravery.
[Footnote 399: No such place is laid down in modern maps, but rich gold
mines are mentioned in Mocaranga near mount _Fura_, which is nearly in
the route indicated in the text, between Sofala or Quiteve and
Chicoya.--E.]
[Footnote 400: Chicova is a territory and town of Mocaranga or
Monomotapa, in lat. 19 deg. N. at the north-west boundary of that empire on
the Zambeze; and is said to abound in mines of silver.--E.]
Thus ended the government and conquest of Monomotapa shortly after its
commencement, under two successive governors, who lost their object
almost as soon as it was seen. The first killed by a few rash words, and
the second expelled by a prudent stratagem. Yet peace and trade
continued between the Portuguese and the empire of Monomotapa. These
actions of Barreto and Homem took place during the time when Luis de
Ataide, Antonio de Noronha, and Antonio Moniz Barreto[401], were
governors of India; but we have never been able to ascertain when the
former died and the latter abandoned the projected conquest of the
mines.
[Footnote 401: The commencement of the government of Barreto has been
already stated as having taken place in 1569. Antonio Moniz Barreto
governed India from 1573 to 1576: Hence the consecutive governments of
Francisco Barreto and Vasco Fernandez Homem in Monomotapa could not be
less than _four_ or more than _seven_ years.--E.]
SECTION IX.
_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1576 to
1581; when the Crown of Portugal was usurped by Philip II. of Spain, on
the Death of the Cardinal King Henry._
In 1576 Ruy Lorenzo de Tavora went out as viceroy of Portuguese India;
but dying on the voyage, at Mozambique, Don Diego de Menezes assumed the
government in virtue of a royal patent of succession. Nothing
extraordinary happened during his government of nearly two years, when
he was superseded by the arrival of Don Luis de Ataide count of Atougaia
as viceroy of India for the second time. Ataide had been appointed
general in chief of the Portuguese forces by king Sebastian, who had
resolved to bury the glory of his kingdom in the burning sands of
Africa; and finding his own youthful impetuosity unable to conform with
the prudent councils of the count, he constituted him viceroy of India
as a plausible means of removing him. The count arrived at Goa about the
end of August 1577, where he immediately fitted out a mighty fleet which
struck terror into all the neighbouring princes. After continuing the
war for some time against Adel Khan, a peace was concluded with that
prince.
Soon afterwards news was brought to India of the melancholy catastrophe
which had befallen king Sebastian in Africa, and that the Cardinal Don
Henry had succeeded to the throne; but he soon afterwards died, and the
kingdom of Portugal came under the direction of a council of regency
consisting of five members. The viceroy Don Luis died soon afterwards at
Goa in the beginning of the year 1580, after governing India this second
time for two years and seven months. He seemed to have had a
presentiment of his death; for being applied to for leave to bury his
cousin Antonio Borello beside his brother Don Juan de Ataide, he refused
it, saying that he had long designed that situation for himself. He was
a man of most undaunted courage, of which the following instance may be
adduced. At the attack of _Onore_, he sailed in a brigantine sitting in
a chair, having a famous musician beside him playing on the harp. When
the balls from the enemy began to whistle past the ears of the musician
he stopt playing, on which the count desired him to proceed as the tune
was excellent. One of the gentlemen near him, seeing his
unconcernedness, requested him to expose himself less to the danger, as
if he were slain all would be lost; "No such thing," answered he, "for
if I am killed there are men enough who are fit to succeed me."
On his death, which appears to have happened in March 1580, he was
succeeded as governor by Ferdinand Tellez de Menezes, pursuant to a
patent of succession sent out by the regency in the year before. On this
occasion the new governor was installed with as much demonstration of
joy as if there had been no cause of sorrow among the subjects of
Portugal for the melancholy state of their country. While the affairs of
Portugal were in a miserable state of distraction, those of Visiapour
were in no better condition, in consequence of the death of Adel Khan
without heirs, in the 23d year of his reign and 50th of his age. Being
adicted to unnatural practices, a youth of eighteen years of age who had
too much honour to submit to his base desires, stabbed him as he was
endeavouring to allure him to comply with his brutal purposes. Ibrahim
Khan, the son of Shah Tamas, one of two brothers whom Adel Khan had put
to death, succeeded to the sovereignty; but was soon afterwards seized
by a powerful Omrah, named Quisbale Khan, who made himself master of the
city of Visiapour. Soon afterwards the Ethiopian guards revolted under
three leaders of their own choice, Acala Khan, Armi Khan, and Delarna
Khan, the last of whom secured the other two and usurped the whole
power.
About this time new instructions came from the regency of Portugal,
announcing that Philip II. of Spain had been admitted as king of
Portugal, and enjoining the governor and all the Portuguese in India to
take the oath of allegiance to the new sovereign.
At this period _Mirazenam Pacha_, a native of Otranto, and born of
Christian parents, was governor of all that part of Arabia which is
called _Yemen_ by the natives, and resided in _Sanaa_ or _Zenan_, a city
in the inland part of Yeman or Arabia Felix, 60 leagues north of
Mokha[402]. Sanaa stands upon a hill encompassed with a good wall, and
is thought to have been founded by Ham the son of Noah, and to have been
the residence of the famous queen of Sheba. The fruitful province in
which it stands was called by the ancients _Siria Muinifera_, because it
produces frankincense, myrrh, and storax. Being desirous to plunder
_Maskat_ near Cape Ras-al-gat, Mirazenam sent three Turkish gallies on
that errand under Ali Beg, who took possession of Maskat, whence most of
the Portuguese residents saved themselves by flight, leaving their goods
to be plundered by Ali Beg. The fugitives took refuge in _Mataro_, a
town only a league distant, whence they went to _Bruxel_, a fort about
four leagues inland, belonging to _Catani_ the sheikh or chief of a
horde or tribe of Arabs. The Arab officer who commanded there received
the Portuguese with much kindness and hospitality, and protected them
till the departure of Ali Beg, when they returned to Maskat. On learning
the ruin of Maskat, Gonzalo de Menezes, who then commanded at Ormuz,
sent Luis de Almeyda with a squadron consisting of a galleon, a galley,
and six other vessels, with 400 good men, to attack Ali Beg. But Almeyda
neglected the orders of his superior, and sailed to the coast of the
_Naytaques_, intending to surprise and plunder the beautiful and rich
city of _Pesani_[403]. But the inhabitants got notice of their danger
and fled, after which Almeyda dishonourably plundered the city, to which
he set fire, together with near fifty sail of vessels which were in the
bay. He did the same thing to _Guadel_ or _Gader_, a city not inferior
to Pesani, and to _Teis_ or _Tesse_ belonging to the barbarous tribe of
the _Abindos_ who dwell on the river _Calamen_ in _Gedrosia_[404], and
who join with the _Naytagites_ in their piracies.
[Footnote 402: Sanaa is about 80 marine leagues, or 278 English miles
N.E. from Mokha, and 30 leagues, or about 100 miles nearly north from
Makulla, the nearest port of Arabia on the Indian ocean.--E.]
[Footnote 403: Perhaps Posino on the oceanic coast of Makran, one of the
provinces of Persia, is here meant, nearly north from Maskat, on the
opposite coast of the entrance towards the Persian Gulf.--E.]
[Footnote 404: Gedrosia the ancient name of that province of Persia on
the Indian Ocean between the mouth of the Persian Gulf and the Indus,
now called Mekran or Makran.--E.]
SECTION X.
_Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1581 to 1597_ [405].
Don Francisco Mascarenhas, count of Santa Cruz, was the first viceroy
sent out to India after the revolution by which Philip II of Spain
acquired the sovereignty of Portugal. The honour and advantages
conferred upon him on receiving this important office were greater than
had ever been enjoyed by any of his predecessors. He well deserved all
rewards of honour and profit, having served with great reputation in
India, particularly in the brave defence of Chaul, with an incompetent
garrison, and hardly any fortifications, against the power of the Nizam,
who besieged it with 150,000 men. Yet his advancement on this occasion
proceeded more from the policy of the king of Spain than the merit of
Mascarenhas, to endeavour to gain the hearts of the Portuguese in India
by his bounty. On his arrival at Goa in 1581, the new viceroy found that
all the Portuguese had already submitted to the government of the king
of Spain, so that he had only to attend to the usual affairs of his
viceroyalty.
[Footnote 405: We have here omitted from de Faria several long and
confused dissertations on subjects that will be treated of more
satisfactorily in the sequel of this work, from better sources of
information. These are, 1. Of the religion of Hindostan. 2. Of the
empire of Ethiopia, or Abyssinia. 3. Of Japan. 4. Of China. 5. Of the
traditions respecting the preaching of Christianity in India by St
Thomas. Likewise, in the sequel of the Portuguese transactions in India
from de Faria, we have omitted a vast deal of uninteresting events,
confining our attention only to such as are of some relative
importance.--E.]
Sultan Amodifar, the lawful king of Guzerat, after being long kept
prisoner by the Mogul who had usurped his kingdom, made his escape by
the assistance of some women and came in disguise to a Banian at
Cambaya, by whom he was conveyed to _Jambo_, a person who had
secured himself in a portion of the kingdom of Guzerat in the late
revolution. Jambo not only acknowledged Amodifar as his legitimate
sovereign, but procured the submission of many other chiefs and great
men, so that he was soon at the head of a large army, in which there
were above 30,000 horse, and in a short time Amodifar recovered
possession of almost all Guzerat, either by force or consent. In hopes
of profiting by these confusions, and in particular expecting to acquire
possession of Surat, the viceroy went with 40 sail to Chaul, whence he
sent some intelligent agents to Baroach, which was then besieged by
Amodifar, the wife and children of Cotub oddin Khan having taken refuge
in that place. These agents had instructions to treat secretly both with
Amodifar and the wife of Cotub, without letting either of them know the
correspondence with the other, that the Portuguese interest might be
secured with the party that ultimately prevailed. But a large Mogul army
invaded Guzerat and recovered possession of the whole country, so that
the negociations of the viceroy fell to nothing, and be returned to Goa.
While absent from that city, the subjects of the new king of Visiapour,
provoked by the insolences of Larva Khan the favourite minister, wished
to set up Cufo Khan the son of Meale Khan, who had been long kept
prisoner at Goa; but on this coming to the knowledge of Larva Khan, he
contrived, by means of an infamous Portuguese, named Diego Lopez Bayam,
to inveigle Cufo Khan into his power, who thinking to gain a crown was
made prisoner by Larva Khan and deprived of his eyes.
After Don Francisco de Mascarenhas had enjoyed the viceroyalty for three
years, Don Duarte de Menezes came out in 1581 as his successor. His
first measure was to restore peace at Cochin, where a revolt was
threatened by the natives in consequence of the Portuguese having
usurped the management of the custom-house to the prejudice of the
Rajah; but an accommodation was now entered into, and the people
appeased by restoring matters to their ancient footing. The _naik_ of
Sanguicer, a place dependent upon the king of Visiapour, having
converted his place of residence into a nest of pirates, to the great
injury of the Portuguese trade on the coast of Canara, an agreement was
entered into with the king of Visiapour for his punishment; the governor
of Ponda named Kosti Khan being to march against him by land with 40,000
men, while the Portuguese were to attack the naik by sea. This was
accordingly executed, and the naik being driven to take refuge is the
woods, implored mercy, and was restored to his ruined district.
Some years before the present period a prodigious inundation of Kafrs
or Negro barbarians from the interior of Africa invaded the country of
Monomotapa, in multitudes that were utterly innumerable. They came from
that part of the interior in which the great lake of _Maravi_ is
situated, out of which springs the great rivers whose source was
formerly unknown. Along with this innumerable multitude, a part of whom
were of the tribes called _Macabires_ and _Ambei_, bordering upon
Abyssinia, came their wives, children, and old people, as if emigrating
bodily in search of new habitations, from their own being unable to
contain them. They were a rude and savage people, whose chosen food was
human flesh, only using that of beasts in defect of the other; and such
was the direful effect of their passage through any part of the country,
that they marked their way by the utter ruin of the habitations, leaving
nothing behind but the bones of the inhabitants. When these failed them,
they supplied their craving hunger by feeding on their own people,
beginning with the sick and aged. Even their women, though ugly and
deformed, were as hardy and warlike as their husbands, carrying their
children and household goods on their backs, and going armed with bows
and arrows, which they used with as much courage and dexterity as the
men. These barbarians used defensive armour, and even employed the
precaution of fortifying their camp wherever they happened to halt.
While passing the castle of _Tete_ upon the Zambeze in the interior of
Mocaranga, Jerome de Andrada who commanded the Portuguese garrison sent
out against them a party of musketeers, and in two encounters killed
above 5000 of them, while the multitude fled in the utmost dismay,
having never, before experienced the effects of fire arms. Passing
onwards from thence, the barbarous multitude came to the neighbourhood
of Mozambique, destroying every thing in their course like an inundation
of fire; and as the situation appeared inviting to one of their chiefs
named _Mambea_, who commanded about 6000 warriors, he built a fort and
some towns on the main, about two leagues from Mozambique. As the fort
of Cuama, where Nuno Vello Pereyra commanded, was much incommoded by the
neighbourhood of these barbarians, he sent out Antonio Pimentel against
them with 400 men, four only of whom were Portuguese, who falling
unexpectedly on the barbarians slew many of them and burnt the fort; but
retiring in disorder, the enemy fell upon Pimentel and his men, all of
whom they slew except three Portuguese and a small number of negroes.
All the slain were devoured by the victorious Kafrs, except their
heads, hands, and feet.
The country about Mozambique is full of orchards and fruit trees,
especially citrons, lemons, and oranges, and has all kinds of wild and
tame beasts like those in Europe, together with prodigious numbers of
elephants. The principal food of the people is maize. The woods mostly
consist of ebony, being a very lofty tree with leaves like those of our
apple trees, and fruit resembling medlars, but not eatable, the whole
stem and branches being thickly covered with thorns. The bark is as
susceptible of fire as tinder, and when one of these trees is cut down
it never springs up again. There is another sort of a yellowish colour,
which is reckoned valuable. The best manna is produced in this country.
Among the fish of this river is one equally voracious with the
crocodile, from which no man escapes that gets within their reach, but
they never injure women. One of these of a prodigious size was caught
having gold rings in its ears, which was supposed to have been done as
some species of witchcraft or incantation by the Kafrs to clear the
river from these dangerous animals. In confirmation of this opinion, we
read in an Arabian author named _Matude_, giving an account of
prodigies, that about the year 863 a brazen crocodile was found under
the ruins of an Egyptian temple, on which certain characters or
symbolical letters were impressed, and when this image was broken in
pieces the crocodiles of the Nile began again to devour men.
During the viceroyalty of Don Duarte de Menezes fresh troubles broke out
in the kingdom of Visiapour, in consequence of which the Moguls invaded
the country, and after laying it waste to a great extent possessed
themselves of many of its towns cities and districts. The occasions of
these troubles was this: The king being ill of a contagious distemper,
his two favourite ministers, Acede Khan and Calabate Khan, kept him
concealed in the palace, so that no person was allowed to see him. The
prince and the people had recourse to arms, in order to force these
tyrants to admit them into the kings presence; on which they persuaded
the infirm king that the prince wished to depose him, so that the king
went to war against the prince, and defeated him with great slaughter,
upon which the Moguls were called in to their assistance, and used the
opportunity to plunder the country and appropriate it to themselves.
Towards the close of the viceroyalty of Don Duarte de Menezes, Raju who
had usurped the sovereignty of Ceylon, determined upon making a conquest
of the Portuguese fortress of Columbo, with a view of expelling them
from that island. For this purpose he collected an immense army, in
which were 50,000 soldiers, 60,000 pioneers, and nearly as many
artificers of various descriptions, with 2200 elephants, 40,000 oxen,
150 pieces of cannon, and 50,000 intrenching tools, axes, shovels,
spades, and mattocks, with an innumerable quantity of spare arms and
ammunition; among which were two wooden castles built upon enormous
carriages, each of which had nine wheels. Added to all which he had
nearly 500 craft of different kinds. Before proceeding upon this
expedition, he deemed it proper to consult the idols respecting its
success; and on this occasion he secretly placed men behind the idols,
who answered to his supplications for a favourable termination to his
great design, _If you, would take Columbo you must shed innocent blood!_
The people were astonished at this familiar and direct intercourse
between their idols and their prince; and he, pretending obedience to
the divine commands which they had all heard, caused 500 children to be
taken from the arms of their mothers, all of whom were sacrificed, and
the idols sprinkled with their blood.
After all his preparations were completed, he marched with his
prodigious army and invested Columbo, choosing the ground which he
deemed most advantageous, as the garrison was not sufficiently strong to
contend with him in the field. Joam de Britto, who then commanded in
Columbo, had sent intimation of his danger to the other Portuguese
possessions, and had arranged every thing for defence as well as he
could. To defend the place against the vast army by which he was now
assailed, he had only 300 Portuguese, a third of whom were useless, as
being old men or children; besides whom he had 700 armed natives and
slaves. This incompetent force he posted to the best advantage around
the walls, which were far too extensive, reserving 50 picked men to
attend upon himself to give relief wherever it was most needed. After
the commencement of the siege, Raju spent a whole month in draining a
lake which secured one side of Columbo from being assailed, and as the
Portuguese had several boats on the lake, there were frequent skirmishes
in which the enemy suffered considerable loss. The side of the fort
which had been covered by the lake was much weakened by the drawing off
its water, which had been its chief defence on that side. In
consequence of the advices sent by Brito to the commanders of the
neighbouring forts, reinforcements were prepared at different quarters.
The first relief, consisting of 40 men, was sent by Juan de Melo the
commander of Manaar, under the command of his nephew Ferdinand de Melo,
who likewise brought a supply of ammunition; and Ferdinand was posted
with his men to strengthen the defence upon the side towards the drained
lake.
On the 4th of August before day-light [406], Raju advanced in silence to
give the first assault, but was discovered by the lighted matches of his
musqueteers. The enemy applied their scaling ladders at the same time to
the three bastions of St Michael, St Gonzalo, and St Francisco, while
2000 pioneers fell to work below to undermine the works. Many of the
assailants were thrown down from their ladders on the heads of the
workmen employed below, while numbers of the enemy who were drawn up in
the field before the town were destroyed by the cannons from the walls.
Everywhere both within and without, the fort resounded with the cries of
women and children, and the groans of the wounded, joined to the noise
of the cannon and musquetry and the shrill cries of elephants, which,
forced to the walls by their conductors, were driven back smarting with
many wounds, and did vast injury in the ranks of the besiegers. Such was
the multitude of the enemy that they did not seem lessened by slaughter,
fresh men still pressing on to supply the places of the killed and
wounded. Brito was present in every place of danger, giving orders and
conveying relief, and after a long and arduous contest, the enemy at
length gave way, leaving 400 men dead or dying at the foot of the walls.
During this assault, some Chingalese who had retired into the fort to
escape the tyranny of Raju, fought with as much bravery as the
Portuguese. Twice afterwards, Raju made repeated attempts to carry the
place by escalade, but was both times repulsed with much slaughter.
After which he repaired his entrenchments, and prepared to renew the
assaults.
[Footnote 406: The date of the year is omitted by DeTaria, who, always
rather negligent of dates, now; hardly ever gives any more light on this
subject than the years in which the respective viceroys and governors
assumed and laid down their authorities. The siege therefore must have
happened between 1584 and 1588, during the government of Duarte de
Menezes.--E.]
After the commencement of the siege Diego Fernandez Pessoa came from
Negapatnam with a ship of his own, and Antonio de Aguilar brought
another ship, by means of which the besieged were much encouraged. Don
Joam de Austria the _Modeliar_ of Candea[407], and the _Arache_ Don
Alfonzo, did at this time eminent service against the enemy; and a
soldier of vast strength, named Jose Fernandez, having broken his spear,
threw several of the enemy behind him to be slain by those in his rear.
On learning the danger of Colombo, the city of Cochin fitted out six
ships for its relief, with a supply of men and ammunition, which were
placed under the command of Nuno Alvarez de Atouguia. Before their
arrival, Raju gave another general assault by sea and land, in which the
danger was so pressing that even the religious were forced to act as
officers and soldiers to defend the walls, and the enemy were again
repulsed with great slaughter. Immediately after this the relief arrived
under Atouguia from Cochin, and nearly at the same time arrived from St
Thomases and other places several ships brought by private individuals
of their own accord; and in September six ships and a galley arrived
with reinforcements from Goa under Bernardin de Carvallo. On the arrival
of such numerous reinforcements, Raju, giving up all hopes of carrying
the place by assault, endeavoured to undermine the walls; but this
attempt was effectually counteracted by Thomas de Sousa, who found out a
way of destroying the miners while engaged in the work.
[Footnote 407: It will be afterwards seen in the particular history and
travels in Ceylon, that this person was the native sovereign of the
central region or kingdom of Ceylon, called Candy or Candea from the
name of the capital, who had acquired the same in the text in
baptism.--E.]
Foiled in all his attempts to gain possession of Columbo, Raju now
endeavoured to attain his end by treachery, and prevailed on some of his
wizards to pretend discontent, and desert to the town, that they might
poison the water in the garrison and _bewitch_ the defenders. Being
suspected, these men were put to the torture; on which they confessed
their intentions, and were put to death. "While one of the wizards was
on the rack, he uttered certain mysterious words which deprived the
executioners of their senses, and left them struggling under convulsions
for twenty-four hours." Treachery failing, Raju had again recourse to
open force, and ordered his fleet to attack that of the Portuguese
commanded by Thomas de Sousa; but two of the Ceylon ships were sunk and
two taken, in which most of the men were slain, and those who survived
were hanged at the yard-arms. In this naval battle 300 of the enemy were
slain, with the loss of two men only on the side of the Portuguese.
Raju was so enraged at the bad success of the naval attack, that he
ordered two of his principal sea-officers to be beheaded. Soon after
this a ship arrived with ammunition sent by the viceroy, and the enemy
made another assault by night on the works, in which, as in all the
others, they were beat off with great slaughter. After this, Juan de
Gamboa arrived in a galley with a reinforcement of 150 men; and De Brito
finding himself now confident in the strength of his garrison, sent out
Pedro Alfonzo with a squadron to destroy the towns on the coast
belonging to the enemy. In this expedition, the towns of Belicot,
Berberii, and Beligao were plundered and burnt, and the Portuguese in
their haste to get possession of the pendents and bracelets of the women
barbarously cut off their hands and ears. After making prodigious havock
in many other places, Alfonzo returned to Columbo with mach spoil and
many prisoners.
At this time sickness attacked the garrison of Columbo, and threatened
to do more for Raju than all his force had been able to effect. The
disease, which began in the neighbouring towns and spread to Columbo,
baffled every attempt of the physicians for its cure. On opening some
who died of it, the entrails were found impostumated, which was supposed
owing to uncommon heat and drought, which had prevailed that year beyond
any other in remembrance of the people. By the application of _cold and
dry_ remedies the disease decreased. By the beginning of January[408]
Raju made two other attempts to gain Columbo by assault, in the last of
which the bastions of St Sebastian, St Gonzalo, and St Jago were in
great danger, but the enemy were repulsed in both with great slaughter.
In the meanwhile the fleet was again sent out under the command of
Thomas de Sousa, who ravaged the coast of Ceylon, and destroyed the
villages of Coscore, Madania, Guinderem, Gale, Beligao, Mature, and
Tanavar. To this last place the idolaters had imagined the Portuguese
arms could never penetrate, as protected by the supposed sanctity of a
pagoda in its neighbourhood. This pagoda was situated on a hill near the
town, and appeared from sea like a city. It was above a league in
circumference, ornamented with numerous domes, all of which were covered
with copper splendidly gilt. In this pagoda there were above 1000 idols
in the several chapels or large cloisters; the temple being surrounded
with streets full of shops for the supply of the pilgrims and votaries
who resorted thither from all quarters. Taking possession of this
temple, Sousa cast down and destroyed all the idols, demolished all the
curious workmanship of the pagoda, and carried away every thing that
could be removed, after which he killed some cows in its most sacred
recesses, which is the greatest possible profanation in the opinion of
the idolaters.
[Footnote 408: Probably of the year 1588; as the death of the viceroy,
who died in that year, is soon afterwards mentioned by De Faria.--E.]
Among the prisoners taken at Cascore was a young woman who happened to
be a bride. When the ships were about to weigh anchor, a young man came
hastily to the place where the young woman was, and embraced her with
much affection. By means of an interpreter, it was learned that this man
was her destined husband, who had been absent when the town was
attacked, and came now to offer himself for a slave rather than live
free in separation from the woman of his affections. When this was told
to Sousa, he determined not to part such true lovers, and ordered them
to be both set at liberty; but they were so much affected by this act of
generosity, that they requested to remain in his service. They lived
afterwards in Columbo, where the man faithfully served the Portuguese on
many occasions.
Scarcely had Sousa returned to Columbo from this last expedition, when
Raju decamped, and began to march away, but the Portuguese fell upon the
rear of his army, and cut off many of his men. In the course of this
siege, some say that Raju lost 10,000 men, while others restrict the
loss to half of that number. Besides the destruction of many towns,
villages, and ships, burnt, plundered, and destroyed, the cannon,
prisoners, and booty taken during this siege from the enemy were of
considerable value. By these losses, and his inability to gain
possession of Columbo with so large an army, Raju lost much reputation
among the neighbouring princes, who waited the success of his
preparations to declare for either side. The loss on the side of the
Portuguese during this siege, consisted of 140 men slain, 50 only of
whom were Portuguese; but 500 died of the sickness formerly mentioned.
On the day after the siege was raised, Don Paul de Lima came to Columbo
with a powerful reinforcement from the viceroy. Eight days were spent in
levelling the works which Raju had thrown up, after which the damage
done to the fort was repaired, and it was furnished with a garrison of
600 men, plentifully supplied with arms and ammunition. Soon after
receiving the joyful news of the glorious and successful defence of
Columbo, the viceroy, Duarte de Menezes, died of a violent sickness in
the beginning of May 1588, to whom succeeded Emanuel de Sousa Coutinno,
in virtue of a patent of succession, being every way well qualified for
the office by his singular bravery and thorough experience in the
affairs of India.
In the homeward fleet of this season Don Paul de Lima embarked for
Portugal in the ship called the St Thome, of which Stefano de Vega was
captain. While off the coast of Natal the ship sprung a leak in the
stern during a storm, and though all the rich commodities with which she
was freighted were thrown overboard, it was found impossible to keep her
afloat. In this extremity 120 persons took to the boat, and had hardly
put off when the ship was swallowed up by the waves. Finding the boat
overloaded, it was found necessary to throw some of the people into the
sea. At length the boat reached the shore, on which _ninety-eight_
persons landed, several of whom were men of note with their wives, and
some friars, one of whom after confessing the people who remained in the
ship wished to have staid with them that he might aid their devotions to
the last. After landing, the women put themselves into mens habits,
after the Indian manner, for the greater ease in travelling, and the
whole company set off on their march in good order, a friar going before
carrying a crucifix on high. The place where they landed was on that
part of the coast of _Natal_ called by the Portuguese the country of the
_Fumos_, but by the natives the country of _Macomates_, being inhabited
by Kafirs of that name. It is in the latitude of 27 deg. 20' S. beyond the
river of _Semin Dote_, 50 leagues south of the bay of _Lorenzo
Marquez_[409]. All the lands of the Fumos belongs to the king of
_Virangune_[410], and extends 30 leagues into the interior, bordering on
the south with the country of _Mocalapata_, which again extends to the
river _St Lucia_, in lat. 28 deg. 15' S. and to the kingdom of _Vambe_,
which contains a great part of the _Terra de Natal_[411]. From thence
to the Cape of Good Hope, the natives have no king, being ruled only by
_ancozes_ or chiefs of villages. Next to the kingdom of _Virangune_ to
the north is that of _Innaca_, towards the N.E. to the point of the bay
of _St Laurence_, in lat. 25 deg. 45' S. opposite to which are two islands,
named _Choambone_ and _Setimuro_, the latter of which is uninhabited,
and is the station of the Portuguese who resort to this bay to purchase
ivory. About this bay many great rivers fall into the sea, as those
named _Beligane_, _Mannica_, _Spiritu Santo_, _Vumo_, _Anzate_, and
_Angomane_[412]. _Anzate_ runs long the edge of vast inaccessible
mountains, covered with herds of elephants, and inhabited by a gigantic
race of people[413]. In the latitude of 25 deg. S. the river _De los Reyes_,
or _Del Ouro_, likewise named the river _Inhampura_ falls into the sea,
to the west of which in the interior are the kingdoms of _Innapola_ and
_Mannuco_. From this place to Cape Corientes, the sea makes a great bay,
along which inhabit the _Mocaranges_, a nation much addicted to
thieving[414]. Opposite to Cape St Sebastian are the islands of
_Bazaruto_ or _Bocica_, and not far from it the kingdom of _Innabuze_
which reaches to the river _Innarigue_[415]. After which is the country
of _Pande_, bordering on _Monnibe_, which last extends to _Zavara_ in
the interior. Near these are the kingdoms of _Gamba_ and _Mocuraba_,
which last is near Cape Corientes[416].
[Footnote 409: If the latitude in the text could be depended on, this
shipwreck seems to have taken place on the coast now occupied by the
_Hambonaas_, near the small river _Bagasie_, 85 miles south from the
entrance into _Delagoa_ bay. The river of Semin Dote is probably that
now called _Mafumo_, which agrees with the country of _Fumos_ in the
text; and the bay of Lorenzo Marquez may possibly be _Delagoa_, though
only 28 leagues north from the latitude of the text, but there is no
other bay of any importance for 400 miles farther along this coast.--E.]
[Footnote 410: In modern maps, the country along the south side of the
river _Mafumo_, is said to be the dominions of _Capellah_.--E.]
[Footnote 411: To the south of the _Hambonaas_ at Delagoa bay, the coast
of Natal is inhabited by the _Tambookies_ and _Koussis_. The river St
Lucia still remains in our maps in the latitude indicated, but the other
names in the text are unknown in modern geography.--E.]
[Footnote 412: Of these rivers only that of _Manica_, called likewise
_Spiritu Santo_, retains the name in the text. That circumstance and the
latitude indicated, point out Delagoa bay as that called St Lawrence by
De Faria; unless we may suppose St Lawrence bay includes the whole bend
inwards of the coast from Cape Corientes to point St Lucia on the coast
of Natal, and that Delagoa bay, in the bottom of this large sweep, is
that formerly called the bay of Lorenzo Marquez.--E.]
[Footnote 413: No trace of Anzate can be found in modern maps.--E.]
[Footnote 414: The text in this place is assuredly erroneous, as the
Mocaranges have been formerly described by De Faria as the ruling nation
in Monomotapa, which runs along the great bay of Sofala to _the north_
of Cape Corientes.--E.]
[Footnote 415: Probably the country and river now called Inhambane.--E.]
[Footnote 416: These five last mentioned kingdoms, probably named from
the barbarous chiefs of roving savage tribes, are now unknown to
geography.--E.]
After suffering much from hunger thirst and fatigue, the survivors from
the San Thome arrived at the town of _Manica_, where they were
courteously received by the king, who offered them permission either to
live in his town or in the island where we have formerly said the
Portuguese used to reside during their trade for ivory on this coast, at
which place they might remain till the arrival of the Portuguese
merchants[417]. They preferred the island, where some of them died; and
as they were ill accommodated here, they passed over in boats to the
continent and renewed their weary pilgrimage to the northward, but
separated. Some got to the fort of _Sofala_, and others to the town of
the king of _Innaca_, where they found some Portuguese traders who like
themselves had suffered shipwreck. After enduring great hardships, many
of them died, and among these was Don Paul de Lima. Those who survived,
returned after a long time to Goa, among whom were three ladies. Two of
these, Donna Mariana and Donna Joanna Mendoza dedicated themselves to a
religious life; but Donna Beatrix, the widow of Don Paul de Lima, having
conveyed her husbands remains to Goa, returned into Portugal, and was
afterwards married at Oporto.
[Footnote 417: Manica is far inland, but the place indicated in the text
was probably near the mouth of the river of that name, on the north,
side of Delagoa bay.--E.]
In May 1591, Matthew de Albuquerque arrived in India as viceroy. About
this time the Portuguese met with a heavy loss in Monomotapa in a war
with the _Muzimbas_, a savage nation of Kafrs. _Tete_, a fort belonging
to the Portuguese high up the river Zambeze, has the command of all the
neighbouring district for three leagues round, which is divided among
eleven native chiefs, who are all obliged to repair with their armed
followers to the fort when ordered by the Portuguese commandant, to the
number of 2000 men. Pedro Fernandez de Chaves, who commanded in Tete,
with these Kafrs and some Portuguese marched against _Quisura_ chief of
the _Mumbos_ at _Chicaronga_, a town on the north of the Zambeze about
30 miles from Tete. He defeated these Mumbos in battle and relieved many
prisoners who would otherwise have been slaughtered like cattle for the
shambles, as the Mumbos feed on human flesh. The chief _Quisara_ was
slain, who used to pave the way to his dwelling with the skulls of those
be had overcome. About the same time Andrew de Santiago, who commanded
in _Sena_, another Portuguese fort lower down the Zambeze, marched
against the _Muzimbas_ a barbarous race of Kafrs on the river _Suabo_
which runs into the northern side of the Zambeze; but found them so
strongly fortified that he sent to Chaves for aid. Chaves accordingly
marched from _Tete_ with some Portuguese and the Kafrs under his
command; but the Muzimbas fell upon him unexpectedly and slew him and
all his Portuguese, being advanced a considerable way before the Kafrs,
who got time to escape. The victorious Muzimbas quartered the slain for
food, and returned to their fortified post. Next day the Muzimbas
marched out against Santiago, carrying the head of Chaves on a spear.
Santiago was so astonished at this sight that he endeavoured to retire
in the night, but was attacked by the Muzimbas in his retreat, and he
and most of his men slain. In these two unfortunate actions, above 130
of the Portuguese were cut in pieces and buried in the bellies of these
savage cannibals.
Don Pedro de Sousa commanded at this time in Mozambique; and as Tete and
Sena were under his jurisdiction, he set out with 200 Portuguese
soldiers and 1500 armed Kafrs to take revenge upon the Muzimbas and
succour the two forts on the Zambeze. He battered the entrenchments of
the barbarians to no purpose, and was repulsed in an attempt to take
them by assault. Having nearly succeeded by raising a mount of fascines
as high as the works of the enemy, he was induced to desist by some
cowards among his men, who pretended that the fort of Sena was in danger
of being taken. He drew off therefore to its relief, and was attacked by
the Muzimbas who slew many of his men, and took all his cannon and
baggage. Yet the enemy offered peace, which was concluded. Soon
afterwards one of the chiefs of the Muzimbas, having gathered about
15,000 men, marched to the southwards destroying every thing in the way
that had life, and invested _Quiloa_, which he gained possession of
through the treachery of one of the inhabitants, and put all to the
sword. After this he caused the traitor and all his family to be thrown
into the river, saying that those who had betrayed their country
deserved to die, yet were unfit to be eaten, as they were venomous, and
therefore fit food for the fishes. The Mozimba chief endeavoured to
destroy Melinda in the same manner, but the sheikh was assisted by 30
Portuguese, which enabled him to hold out till 3000 _Mosseguejo_ Kafrs
came to his relief, when the Mozimbas were defeated with such slaughter
that only 100 of them escaped along with their chief, after they had
ravaged 300 leagues of country.
We now return to the affairs of India, where Chaul was again besieged.
_Malek_[418] had erected a new city opposite to Chaul and bearing the
same name, well peopled with Moors who carried on an extensive trade, as
it had an excellent port and the inhabitants were famous silk-weavers.
The commander of this new city was an eunuch, who had been formerly a
slave to the Portuguese and now to Malek. Immediately to the north of
the Portuguese fortress of Chaul, from which it was divided by the river
of that name, is a noted promontory called _Morro_, on which the eunuch
took post with 4000 horse and 7000 foot, and cannonaded the Portuguese
fort of Chaul from that commanding ground with 65 pieces of large
cannon. These hostilities were countenanced by the Nizam, though
contrary to the peace which had been established when Francisco Barreto
was governor, but were now justified by some complaints against the
conduct of Albuquerque the present viceroy, and in addition to, the
siege of Chaul several military parties belonging to the Nizam infested
the districts, dependent upon the Portuguese forts of Basseen and Chaul.
As the Moors considered the capture of Chaul to be near at hand, seeing
that their cannon had made considerable impression on its walls,
_fourteen_ Mogul chiefs came to be present at its reduction; but in a
sortie made by the Portuguese, _nine_ of these were slain and _two_
taken. Talador the eunuch commander of the besiegers was wounded, and
died soon afterwards, as did a Turk who was next in command, on which
Farete Khan succeeded in the conduct of the siege, and gave the
Portuguese no respite by day or night, continually battering their works
with his powerful artillery. The garrison in Chaul consisted of 1000
men, to which place Alvaro de Abranches brought 300 from Basseen and 200
from Salcete; and being now at the head of 1500 Portuguese troops and an
equal number of natives, so brave and faithful that they often
voluntarily interposed their own bodies to protect their masters,
Abranches appointed a day for making an attack upon the enemy. Having
all confessed, the Portuguese embarked in a number of small vessels and
crossed the river after which they forced their way to the plain of
Morro on the top of the promontary, where the battle was renewed. Ten
elephants were turned loose by the Moors, in expectation that they would
force the Portuguese troops into disorder; but one of these being
severely wounded by a Portuguese soldier, turned back and trampled down
the enemy, till falling into the ditch he made a way like a bridge for
passing over. Another of the elephants forcing his way in at a wicket in
the works of the enemy, enabled the Portuguese to enter likewise, where
they slaughtered the enemy almost without opposition. Some accounts say
that 10,000 men were slain on this occasion, and others say no less than
60,000. Farate Khan with his wife and daughter were made prisoners, and
only 21 Portuguese were slain in this decisive action. The principal
booty consisted of 75 pieces of cannon of extraordinary size, a vast
quantity of ammunition, many horses, and five elephants. Farate Khan
became a Christian before he died, as did his daughter, who was sent to
Portugal, but his wife was ransomed.
[Footnote 418: This unusual name seems from the context to be here given
to the Nizam-al-mulk or sovereign of the Decan.--E.]
SECTION XI.
_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1597 to
1612_.
In May 1597, Don Francisco de Gama, count of Vidugueyra, grandson to the
discoverer, arrived at Goa as viceroy of India, but carried himself with
so much haughty state that he gained the dislike of all men. During his
government the scourge of the pride and covetousness of the Portuguese
came first into India, as in the month of September news was brought to
Goa that the two first ships of the _Hollanders_ that had ventured to
navigate the Indian seas had been in the port of _Titangone_ and were
bound for the island of _Sunda_. In a grand council held upon this
important event, it was ordered to fit out a squadron of two galleons,
three gallies, and nine other vessels to attack the intruders, and the
command was given on this occasion to Lorenzo de Brito, an ancient and
experienced officer. The two Holland ships did some small damage on the
coast of Malabar and other places, and when off Malacca fell in with six
ships bound from that place for India, commanded by Francisco de Silva.
They immediately engaged and fought the whole of that afternoon and part
of the night. Next morning the engagement was renewed, and was repeated
for eight successive days; till finding themselves too weak, the
Hollanders drew off and made for the port of Queda, many of their men
being slain and most of the rest wounded. At that place they quitted the
smallest of their ships for want of men, and the other was afterwards
cast away on the coast of Pegu.
In this same year 1597 the Hollanders fitted out a squadron of eight
ships at Amsterdam for India, with 800 men and provisions for three
years, under the command of the admiral Jacob Cornelius van Nec. The
object of this expedition, besides hostility to the king of Spain, was
that they might purchase the spices and other commodities of Asia at a
cheaper rate than they had hitherto been accustomed to in Portugal. The
fleet sailed from Amsterdam on the 13th of May 1598; arrived at Madeira
on the 15th, and at the Canaries on the 17th, where they both took in
wine. On the 29th they were in the latitude of 6 deg. S. and passed the line
on the 8th of June; _a wonderful swiftness, to me incredible_! On the
24th July they saw the Cape of Good Hope, where three of the ships were
separated in a violent storm and arrived at the island of _Banda_ in
_April_[419]. The other four ships under the admiral discovered the
island of Madagascar on the 24th of August, coming to Cape St Julian on
the 30th of that month. On the 20th of September they came to the island
of _Cerne_ or _Cisne_, in lat. 21 deg. S. to which they gave the name of
_Mauritius_. Here they found tortoises of such magnitude that one of
them carried two men on its back, and birds which were so tame as to
allow themselves to be killed with sticks, whence they concluded that
the island was not inhabited. At Banda they joined the other three
ships, and having laded four with spices they were sent away to Holland,
while the other three went on to the Moluccas. On the 21st January 1598,
they discovered the _Great Java_[420], and touched at the port of
_Tuban_, after which they came to _Madura_ an island in lat. 2 deg. 30' S.
on the 27th of that month. At this place they endeavoured to ransom some
of their countrymen who had been cast away in their former ships, and
some others who had been made prisoners for endeavouring to pass false
money; but as the natives demanded too high a ransom, they attempted to
rescue them by force; but two boats full of armed men being sunk in the
attempt, they were forced to comply with the terms demanded. They
settled a trade at Amboina, and two of the ships opened a factory at
Banda, where they loaded with spice and returned into Holland on the
20th of April 1600. Those who were left in the remaining ship at Amboina
went to Ternate in the Moluccas where they were well received by the
king, and after procuring a lading of cloves returned home.
[Footnote 419: We have no means of correcting the strange chronology of
this voyage, _wonderful_ even in the opinion of De Faria. He names the
Dutch Admiral _Neque_; but as _qu_ in Portuguese is used to mark the
sound of _k_ or hard _c_, we have ventured to give this first successful
rival of the Portuguese trade in India the name of _Van Nec_.--E.]
[Footnote 420: Borneo is probably here meant, as they could not have
been in Banda without seeing both Sumatra and Java.--E.]
Don Alexius de Menezes archbishop of Goa went about this time to visit
the Christians of St Thomas, who lived dispersedly in the mountains of
Malabar, in _Muli_, _Turubuli_, _Maota_, _Batimena_, _Diamper_,
_Pimienta_, _Tetemute_, _Porca_, _Paru_, and _Cartuti_. These Christians
continued stedfast at the faith till about the year 750, yet with some
tincture of error. About the year 810 the second _Thomas_, formerly
mentioned, came to this country, where he repaired the churches that had
been erected by the apostle and restored the true doctrine; but about
the year 900 this church was overrun by the _Nestorian_ heresy. In the
year 890 two _Chaldeans_ came here from _Babylon_, named _Mar Xarsio_
and _Mar Prod_, who divided the district into two bishoprics, and were
ever afterwards prayed to as saints, till our archbishop ordered this to
be discontinued, as he much suspected they had not been legitimately
canonized. After these Chaldeans came one _Mar Joanne_, who was sent by
the Greek Patriarch, and resided at _Cranganor_ where he introduced the
_Chaldean_ ritual. His successor was _Mar Jacob_, who died in 1500, and
was succeeded by _Mar Joannato_. Thus the bishops and heresies continued
among the _Thomists_ till 1536, when Pope Paul IV. appointed Juan
Bermudez patriarch of _Ethiopia_, Simin Sulacca bishop of _Caheremit_
the metropolis of _Mesopotamia_, _Mar Elias_ as patriarch of _Mosul_,
and _Mar Joseph_ bishop of Nineveh, whom he ordered to govern the
Christians of Malabar, with the bishop _Ambrose Montecelli_ for his
coadjutor. By this interference of the Pope there were two patriarchs of
the East, one _orthodox_ at _Mosul_, and the other _heretical_ at
Antioch. Joseph and Ambrose went over to the mountains of Malabar, to
assume the pastoral charge of the Thomists; but the latter separated
from the former and went to Goa, where after reading divinity for some
time he died at Cochin in the year 1557. As Don George Temudo bishop of
Cochin perceived that Joseph _spread the poison of Nestorius_ among his
flock in Malabar, he contrived to have him apprehended and sent in
chains to Portugal, were he was permitted to return to his bishopric on
promise of amendment[421]. On his return he found _Mar Abraham_
officiating as bishop of the Thomists, who had chosen him in the absence
of Joseph; and as Abraham found himself persecuted, or disturbed in the
exercise of his functions by Joseph, he went to Rome where he got a
brief from Paul IV. appointing him bishop of the Thomists, having
engaged to reduce that people to the orthodox faith. Yet neither he nor
Joseph adhered to their engagements, but continued in their heresies.
After this one _Mar Simon_ came to Malabar, saying that he was sent by
the patriarch of Babylon to officiate as bishop of Malabar. He was
received by the queen of Pimienta and placed at _Cartuse_, where he
exercised episcopal functions; till _being carried_ to Lisbon he was
sent thence to Rome, where he was condemned by Pope _Sixtus Quintus_ as
a mere Nestorian and not even a priest. After the death of _Mar Abraham_
his archdeacon governed the diocese, _as no Babylonian prelates dared to
come to Malabar_, Don Alexius, the archbishop of Goa, using his utmost
endeavours to keep out all such heretical prelates, which was the
particular occasion of his present visitation.
[Footnote 421: Under this story we may presume without any lack of
Christian charity, that these promises were extorted by means best known
to the inquisition, that diabolical instrument of the pretended
disciples of the Prince of Peace, and eternal opprobrium of the
Peninsula. With regard to Joseph there was some shadow of excuse, as he
seems to have accepted his appointment from the _orthodox_ pope, though
secretly attached to the _heretical_ Nestorian patriarch.--E.]
This prelate found that, among other errors, the Thomists denied the
virginity of our blessed lady[422]: They rejected the use of images:
they believed the souls of the just did not enjoy the beatific presence
of God till after the general judgment: they allowed only of three
sacraments, baptism, ordination and the eucharist: instead of confession
they used perfuming in their churches: the wine employed in the
sacrament was made from cocoas: their host was a cake made with oil and
salt: their priests were ordained at seventeen years of age, and were
permitted to marry after ordination: fathers, sons, and grandsons
administered the sacrament in the same church: the _Catatorias_ or
_Caffaneras_, so they called the wives of priests, wore a distinguishing
mark to be known by: in matrimony, they used no other formalities except
the consent of parties and consummation: the women observed the time
prescribed by the law of Moses in regard to churching: no sacraments
were administered gratuitously: holy water was mixed with some powder of
frankincense, and some of the soil on which St Thomas was supposed to
have trodden: they used sorcery and witchcraft: In fine, that all was
error, confusion, and heresy.
[Footnote 422: This probably refers to her supposed immaculate purity
even after the birth of the Saviour.--E.]
Don Alexius with much labour and toil convinced them of their errors and
converted them to the true faith, so that whole towns were baptised and
reconciled to the Roman see. He even held a provincial synod at
_Diamper_, all the decrees of which were confirmed by the Pope; and
Francisco Rodriguez, a Jesuit who had assisted the archbishop on this
important visitation, was made bishop of that diocese. On the breaking
up of the synod, Don Alexius visited all the churches in these parts.
While in the country of the queen of _Changanate_, visiting the church
of _Talavecare_, one of the most ancient in those parts, they shewed him
three plates on which were engraven certain privileges and revenues
granted by the king of Ceylon, at the time when the Babylonians _Zabro_
and _Proo_[423], were in that country. At this place likewise Don
Alexius met _Topamuta Pandara_, king of _Gundara_[424] in the
neighbourhood of _Changanate_, to whom he presented a letter from king
Philip giving him the _title of brother_, for having allowed liberty for
the exercise of the Christian religion in his dominions[425].
[Footnote 423: Only a few pages before these men are named _Xanio_ and
_Prod_; but we have no means of ascertaining which are the right
names.--E.]
[Footnote 424: These petty kings of small districts in the South of
India are now known by the titles of Polygars; and the hereditary female
chiefs are stiled _Rana_. It is prostituting the dignity of king to give
that denomination to the chiefs of small villages and trifling
districts, often not so large as parishes in Europe. They are mere
temporary chiefs, occasionally hereditary by sufferance; indeed such
could not possibly be otherwise, when all the larger dominions and even
empires have been in perpetual fluctuation from revolution and conquest
for at least 3000 years.--E.]
[Footnote 425: The history of this ancient Christian church of Malabar
has been lately illustrated by the Christian Researches of Dr Buchannan,
who seems to have opened a door for the propagation of the gospel in
India infinitely promising, if judiciously taken advantage of.--E.]
In the year 1596, a Moor, named _Pate Marcar_ obtained leave from the
zamorin to build a fort in the peninsula of Pudepatam, 77 leagues from
Goa and 33 from Cochin, where was a most convenient station for
piratical paraos, to annoy the trade of the Malabar coast; and having
built a square fort at this place, he went thither with all his kinsmen
and followers, and did much injury to the Portuguese and their allies,
even making incursions upon their maritime possessions, whence, on
several occasions, he carried off much spoil. Pate Marcar soon died, and
was succeeded in the sovereignty of the fort by his nephew Mahomet
Cuneale Marcar, who added greatly to the strength of the fort; and
foreseeing that the Portuguese might seek to be revenged for the
injuries they had sustained, he fortified the town both by sea, and
land, which he named _Cuneale_ after himself. On the land side he made a
deep ditch with a double wall above seven feet thick, flanked at regular
distances with towers called _zarames_, all of which were mounted with
small cannon. Between the two creeks forming the peninsula, he built a
strong wall with two towers to secure the town, and lined the sea-shore
with strong palisades; flanked by two bastions, one of which considerably
larger than the other, was mounted with heavy cannon to defend the
entrance of the harbour, which was farther secured by a boom of masts
strongly chained together. Having thus, as he thought, provided a secure
retreat, he continued his uncle's enterprises against the Portuguese
with much success, assisting all their enemies against them, even
robbing the Malabar traders on the coast, and filled his residence with
rich plunder. The viceroy Albuquerque had endeavoured to destroy this
nest of pirates, so prejudicial to the Portuguese trade, and had even
prevailed on the zamorin to concur in the destruction of Cuneale, so
that a treaty had been entered into, by which the zamorin engaged to
besiege Cuneale by land, while the Portuguese fleet attacked him by sea.
Both parties provided according to stipulation for this joint
expedition; but it was postponed for some time, in consequence of the
change in the government by the arrival of the Count of Vidigueyra as
viceroy, and even by the secret concurrence of the zamorin in the
piracies of Cuneale, who communicated to him a share of the plunder.
At length, however, the zamorin became incensed against Cuneale, who
assumed the title of king of the Malabar Moors, and lord of the Indian
Sea; but chiefly because he had caused the tail of one of his elephants
to be cut off, and had used one of his Nayres in a cruel and scandalous
manner. Laying hold of this favourable opportunity, the viceroy, De
Gama, probably in 1598, renewed the league with the zamorin against
Cuneale, and sent some light vessels under Ferdinand de Noronha to
blockade the entrance into the port of Cuneale, till a larger force
could be provided to co-operate with the zamorin, who was marching to
besiege it by land with 20,000 men and some cannon.
That part of the western coast of India, which is properly called the
coast of Malabar, extends from Cananor to Cochin for the space of 42
leagues. From Cananor it is two leagues to the small island of
_Tremapatan_, within which is a good river; thence half a league to the
river of _Sal_, thence one and a half to the river _Maim_; one to the
town of _Comena_, a small distance beyond which are the towns of
_Motangue, Curiare_, and _Baregare_: thence to the river _Pudepatan_;
two leagues farther the town of _Tiracole_; other two leagues the town
of _Cotulete_; one league from this the river _Capocate_; one league
farther _Calicut_; two more to the river _Chale_; two to the city
_Pananor_; two thence to _Tanor_; two more to _Paranora_; one more to
the famous river _Paniane_; thence nine to _Paliporto_; four to the
river of _Cranganor_; and five more to _Cochin_. At the mouth of the
river _Pudepatan_ the fort of _Cuneale_ is seated in a square peninsula
formed by several creeks, and joined to the land on the south side, the
length of the four sides being about a cannon shot each. Just within the
bar there is sufficient water for ships of some size, which may go about
half way up the port; beyond that it is only fit for _almadias_ or
boats. The river runs first towards the north-east, then turning to the
south forms the peninsula in which the fort is built, the isthmus being
secured by a strong wall about a musket-shot in length, reaching
between the creek and the river, at the mouth of which is the small
island Pinale. The fort was large, strongly built, well manned, and had
abundance of cannon, ammunition, and provisions.
In this emergency, Cuneale was well provided for defence, having a force
of 1500 choice Moors, well armed, whom he distributed to the different
posts. The small vessels under Noronha cannonaded the fort, principally
on purpose to draw off the attention of the Moors, that they might not
interrupt the zamorin on the land side, who was establishing his camp
for the purpose of the siege. At the same time, Noronha scoured the
coast, taking some of the piratical vessels belonging to Cuneale, and
preventing the introduction of provisions into the fort. After some
time, Don Luis de Gama, brother to the viceroy, arrived with four
gallies and 35 smaller vessels, ten more being brought by private
gentlemen at their own charge, and three full of men and ammunition sent
by the city of Cochin. Besides these, there were two large barks mounted
with heavy cannon to batter the fort.
The rajah of Cochin, being apprehensive that the great power which was
now employed against Cuneale might prove his ruin, by uniting the
zamorin his ancient enemy with the Portuguese, circulated a report that
the zamorin had entered into a secret agreement with Cuneale to cut off
the whole Portuguese when engaged in the assault on the fort. The
archbishop of Goa, who was then at Cochin on his way to the Malabar
mountains to visit the Thomist churches, was at first much alarmed by
this report, fearing it might be true; but on mature consideration was
satisfied that it was only a political contrivance of the rajah, and
prudently advised the rajah to desist from the propagation of any such
false reports. He then assured the principal persons of Cochin that
their ships might safely proceed against Cuneale, yet recommended that
they should conduct themselves with much caution. All the fleet being
now united before the fort, it was found that Cuneale had drawn up a
line of armed galliots on the edge of the water under the wall of his
fort, in case of being attacked that way. It was resolved in a council
of war to force an entrance into the river, after which to draw up the
Portuguese vessels in a line with their bows to the shore, that they
might cover the debarkation of the troops for the purpose of assaulting
the fort. This proposition was transmitted to Goa and approved by the
viceroy, yet Don Luis was persuaded by some gentlemen who wished to
disgrace him, to attack on the side of _Ariole_, under pretence that the
passage of the bar might prove fatal. At this time the zamorin was
battering the walls of the town or _petah_, and desired that some
Portuguese might be sent to his assistance. Don Luis being suspicious,
demanded hostages for their safety, and accordingly six principal nayres
were sent, among whom were the rajahs of _Tanor, Chale_, and _Carnere_,
and the chief judge of Calicut. Don Luis then sent 300 Portuguese under
the command of Belchior Ferreyra.
By previous concert, a combined assault was to be made on the night of
the 3d of May, the troops of the zamorin attacking on the land side, and
the Portuguese on the sea front, at the same time, the signal for both
to commence at once being by means of a flaming lance. But Belchior
Calaca, who was appointed to give the signal, mistook the hour, and gave
it too soon, so that every thing fell into confusion. Immediately on
seeing the signal, Ferreyra, who commanded the Portuguese troops along
with the zamorin, fell on with his men and 5000 Nayres, but lost 28 of
his men at the first onset. Luis de Silva, who was appointed to lead the
van of the Portuguese sea attack with 600 men, though ready and
observing the concerted signal, did not move till past midnight, which
was the appointed hour, by which the enemy were left free to resist the
land attack with their forces undivided. At length when it was towards
morning, de Silva passed the creek of _Balyzupe_ with 500 men in 60
almadias or native boats. But immediately on landing de Silva was slain,
and his ensign Antonio Diaz concealed his death by covering his body
with the colours, which he stripped for that purpose from the staff.
Thus landing without commander or colours, the Portuguese fell into
contusion, and the two next in command were both slain. Don Luis de
Gama, leaving his fleet under the next officer, had landed with a
reserve on the other side of the river opposite the fort, but for want
of boats was unable either to cross to assume the command, or to send
assistance. The Portuguese troops were forced to retreat disgracefully
with the loss of 300 men, most of whom were drowned; though even in this
confusion a part of them forced their way into the fort and burnt the
mosque and part of the town, where, they slew 500 Moors and Malabars,
above 20 of whom were men of note. After this discomfiture, Don Luis de
Gamu retired to Cochin with the greater part of the fleet, leaving
Francisco de Sousa to continue the blockade, who persuaded the zamorin
to assault the town, as he believed the defenders had been so much
weakened by the late slaughter that it might be easily carried. But
though the zamorin gave the assault with 2000 men, he was repulsed.
On the receipt of these bad tidings at Goa, Don Luis de Gama was ordered
back to Cuneale, to settle a treaty with the zamorin, and to continue
the siege during the winter, till the Portuguese fleet could return at
the commencement of the next fine season. A treaty to this effect was
accordingly concluded, by one of the articles of which the zamorin
consented that the Christian religion might be preached in his dominions,
and churches erected. After this Don Luis returned to Goa, whence he
went to command at Ormuz, and Ferdinand de Noronha remained before
Cuneale with twelve ships to prevent the introduction of provisions or
other supplies.
Cuneale was so much elated by his success in repelling the Portuguese,
that, in addition to his former title, he stiled himself _Defender of
the Mahometan Faith and Conqueror of the Portuguese_; but when the
season returned for maritime operations on the coast, the viceroy sent
Andrew Furtado against him with three gallies, 54 other vessels, and a
powerful military force. In the mean time Antonio de Noronha continued
to blockade the port all winter, taking several vessels laden with
provisions, and on different occasions slew above 100 Moors who opposed
him in taking fresh water for his ships. While on his way from Goa,
Furtado dissuaded the rajah of _Banguel_ and the queen or _rana_ of
_Olala_ from sending aid to Cuneale as they intended, and cut off five
ships from Mecca that were going with relief to the enemy. When Furtado
came to anchor in the port of Cuneale, he sent to treat with the
zamorin, who had continued the siege on the land side all winter
according to his engagement, and an interview took place between them on
the shore where the zamorin came to meet him. The zamorin was naked from
the waist upwards. Round his middle a piece of cloth of gold was
wrapped, hanging to his knees and fastened by a girdle of inestimable
value, about the breadth of a hand. His arms were covered from the
elbows to the wrists with golden bracelets adorned with rich jewels, and
so heavily laden that two men supported his arms. He wore an
extraordinarily rich chain about his neck, and so many diamonds and
rubies hung from his ears that they were stretched down almost to his
shoulders by their weight. He seemed about 30 years of age, and had a
majestic presence. A little on one side stood the prince, carrying a
naked sword. Behind him were many of his nobles; among whom was father
Francisco Rodriquez, the new bishop of the Thomists in Malabar. The
zamorin and Furtado embraced in token of friendship, on which all the
cannon in the fleet fired a salvo. After this friendly meeting they
retired into the tent of the zamorin, where they had a long conference
about their future operations; and on taking leave, Furtado put a rich
collar about the neck of the zamorin, and they parted in a most amicable
manner.
The rajah of Tanor and other great men were sent by the zamorin on board
the admiral ship, having full powers from their sovereign to treat and
conclude on all things concerning the joint interests of both parties,
and every thing was settled to mutual satisfaction. There now arrived
from Goa and other places, a galley and galleon, with 11 ships and 21
smaller vessels, bringing ammunition and 790 soldiers, upon which
Furtado commenced the active operations of the siege, raising
entrenchments and batteries, and taking absolute possession of every
avenue leading to the fort and peninsula by water. He likewise caused
some advanced works belonging to the enemy to be assaulted, on which
Cuneale came in person to assist in their defence, and for a time
repulsed the assailants, till Furtado landed with a reinforcement, on
which the Portuguese remained victorious, slaying 600 of the Moors, with
the loss of two officers and nine privates on their side. Fort _Blanco_
or the white tower was next assaulted, but with more bravery than
success. Yet Cuneale seeing that he could not much longer hold out,
offered rich presents to the zamarin to admit him to surrender upon
security of his own life and the safety of his garrison. But on this
secret negociation coming to the knowledge of Furtado, he made a furious
assault on the works, which were at the same time assailed on the land
side by 6000 Nayres, by which joint attack the lower town or petah was
taken, plundered, and burnt. Batteries were immediately erected against
the upper town and fort, and as their fire soon ruined the defences,
Cuneale was constrained to surrender at discretion, merely bargaining
that his life should be saved. He accordingly marched out having a black
veil on his head, and carrying his sword with the point downwards, which
he surrendered to the zamorin, who immediately delivered it to Furtado.
According to one of the articles of agreement the spoil was to have
been equally divided; but Furtado dealt generously by the zamorin,
alleging that this was to be understood only in respect to the
artillery, and appeased his own soldiers who expected that reward of
their labour. The fort and all other works were levelled with the
ground, and Furtado returned with the fleet and army to Goa.
Cuneale was about 50 years of age, of a low stature, but strong and well
made. He and his nephew _Cinale_, with other forty Moors of note, were
sent as prisoners on board the fleet, where they well treated; but as
soon as some of them were set on shore at Goa, they were torn in pieces
by the rabble; and Cuneale and his nephew were both publicly beheaded by
order of the viceroy, so that the government and the mob went hand and
hand to commit murder and a flagrant breach of faith. How can those who
are guilty of such enormities give the name of barbarians to the much
more honourable Indians!
In the year 1600, Ayres de Saldanna arrived at Goa as viceroy to
supersede the Count de Vidugueira, who was universally disliked by the
Portuguese inhabitants. The marble statue of the great Vasco de Gama,
his grandfather, stood over the principal gate of the city, fastened to
the wall by a strong bar of iron. At the instigation of some enemies to
the count, a _French_ engineer named Sebastian Tibao applied to the iron
bar during the night _a certain herb_ that has the quality of eating
iron, so that the statue fell down next night, and its quarters were
hung up in different parts of the city. On the day when the count was to
embark for his return to Portugal, a party of armed men went on board
before him, and hung up his effigy at the yard arm, made exactly like
him both in face and habit. Just as he was going on board they returned;
and on seeing the effigy he asked what it was, when someone answered,
"It is your lordship, whom these men have hung up." He made no reply,
but ordered the figure to be thrown into the sea and immediately set
sail; but two days afterwards had to return to port for a new stock of
fowls, as all these he took with him were poisoned. He was better
beloved by the elements than by those whom he had governed; for he went
all the way from India to Lisbon without once needing to furl a sail. By
the constant chafing of the yards on the masts, it was found impossible
to lower the yards in the usual way when the ship arrived at Lisbon,
insomuch that they had to be cut down. Sailing from Goa on the 25th
December 1600, he arrived at Lisbon on the 27th May 1601, having spent
only five months on the voyage.
During the administration of Ayres de Saldana, _Xilimixa_ king of
Aracan, who had possessed himself of the kingdom of Pegu, gave the port
of _Siriam_ to the Portuguese in grateful acknowledgment of their
services. That town and port is at the mouth of the river Siriam which
flows within a league of the city of _Bagou_, the capital of Pegu. This
grant was obtained by Philip Brito de Nicote, who proved false and
ungrateful to the king of Aracan, who had raised him from the lowest
rank to his favour and esteem. By his persuasion, Xilimixa erected a
custom-house at the entry to the river Siriam to increase his revenues;
which Brito meant afterwards to seize, and to build a fort there, on
purpose to give a footing for the Portuguese to conquer the kingdom.
Xilimixa accordingly built the custom-house, which he gave in charge to
one _Bannadala_ who fortified himself and suffered no Portugeuse to enter
there, except a Dominican named Belchior de Luz. Nicote, seeing his
purposes likely to be defeated by Bannadala, determined to gain
possession by force before the works were completed. He had along with
him at this time three Portuguese officers and fifty men, whom he
ordered to surprize the fort and turn out Bannadala, trusting to his
great credit with Xilimixa to bear him out in this procedure. The
Portuguese officers accordingly executed their orders so effectually,
that they used to be called the Founders of the Portuguese dominion in
Pegu, and Salvador Ribeyro their commander was like to have got the
whole credit of the exploit, as some even affirmed that he was its
author, though in reality all was due to Nicote. Bannadala being
expelled from his fort, fortified himself with 1000 men in a
neighbouring island of the river Siriam, and seized the treasures of the
pagoda of Digan to maintain his troops. Xilimixa was much offended by
the conduct of the Portuguese in this affair, and resolved to support
Bannadala, but was dissuaded by the contrivances of Nicote, who
represented that he was about to favour a sacrilegious robber, and
offered to arrange matters with the Portuguese to his entire
satisfaction. He accordingly went to Siriam, where he ordered every
thing to his own mind; and when the fort was nearly finished, he went to
Goa, where he offered to deliver up the fort to the viceroy, whence the
Portuguese might easily conquer the kingdom of his master, to whom he
represented his voyage to Goa as intended to procure an auxiliary force
which would enable him to make a conquest of Bengal. At the same time
Nicote negociated with all the princes in the provinces adjoining the
dominions of Xilimixa, persuading them to confederate with the
Portuguese viceroy, by which means they might easily conquer the kingdom
of Pegu; and several of them sent ambassadors along with him to Goa for
this purpose.
Hardly had Nicote set sail for Goa, when Xilimixa became sensible of his
error in confiding in him, and sent a fleet of war boats down the river
Siriam with 6000 men under Bannadala to expell the Portuguese from their
fort. Salvador Ribeyra met this great armament with only three small
vessels and thirty men, and, without the loss of one man, took forty
vessels of the enemy and put the rest to flight. Then calling in the aid
of the king of _Pram_, Xilimixa beset the fort with 1200 vessels by
water, while 40,000 men surrounded it by land; but as Ribeyra learnt
that the enemy observed no order or discipline, he boldly fell upon them
with his handful of men, and having slain their general put that army to
flight. Bannadala rallied 8000 of the fugitives, with which be again
besieged the fort, lodging his men in good order, and having battered
the place for some days, he ventured to make a fierce assault in the
dead of night; but he was bravely repelled by the Portuguese, and above
1000 of his men were found dead next morning in the ditch. The enemy
continued the siege however for eight months, and though some of the
garrison deserted, Ribeyra defended the place with great resolution; and
to take away all hopes of escape from his men, burnt all the vessels
that were in the port. Hearing of these proceedings, Ayres de Saldanna
the viceroy, sent a considerable reinforcement, along with which came so
many volunteers, ambitions either of honour or profit, that Ribeyra
found himself at the head of 800 men. With these he attacked the enemy,
whom he drove from their works with great slaughter, and Bannadala had
the mortification to see the works which he had been constructing for
almost a year destroyed in a day. After this success, the Portuguese
volunteers withdrew, only 200 that had been sent by the viceroy
remaining in the fort with Ribeyra.
The enemy returned a fourth time against the fort, which they now
assailed with many moving castles and various kinds of fire works, and
soon reduced the fort to great extremity; but were so terrified by a
fiery meteor, that they fled leaving their castles behind, which were
soon reduced to ashes by the garrison. Soon afterwards the Portuguese
obtained a great victory over king _Massinga_ in the province of
_Camelan_; after which the natives flocked to their standard to the
number of above 20,000 men, and proclaimed Nicote king of Pegu, calling
him _Changa_, which signifies good man. Nicote was at this time absent,
but Ribeyra accepted the proffered crown in his name, on which account
it was reported in Spain that Ribeyra had been proclaimed king. Nicote
afterwards, as a loyal subject, received the kingdom in the name of his
sovereign, and was the first of the Portuguese that rose to such high
fortune in Asia. Rodrigo Alvarez de Sequeyra succeeded Ribeyra in
command of the fort of Siriam, and defended it bravely till it took fire
by accident, only the bare walls being left standing.
In the mean time Nicote solicited succours at Goa, where the viceroy
married him to a niece he had born in Goa of a woman of Java; after
which he gave him powerful succours, and sent him to Siriam with six
ships, with the title of Commander of Siriam, and General for the
conquest of Pegu. On his arrival at Siriam, Nicote repaired the fort,
built a church, and sent a splendid present to the king of Aracan who
had sent a complimentary message on his arrival. At Siriam Nicote
regulated the custom-house pursuant to the instructions of the viceroy,
obliging all vessels that traded on the coast of Pegu to make entry at
Siriam, and pay certain duties. As some of the Coromandel traders
refused obedience to these orders, Nicote sent Francisco de Moura
against them with six vessels, who took two ships of Acheen on the coast
of Tanacerim richly laden. As the king of Aracan was desirous of
recovering possession of the fort and custom-house of Siriam, he sent an
ambassador to the king of _Tangu_ with twenty _jalias_ or small ships,
to prevail upon him to join in that enterprize. But Nicote sent
Bartholomew Ferreyra, who command the small craft, who put them to
flight, and they were forced to take refuge in the dominions of the king
of Jangona. Upon this, the enemy collected 700 small vessels and 40,000
men, under the command of the son of the king of Aracan, accompanied by
Ximicalia and Marquetam, sons to the reigning emperor of Pegu. Paul del
Rego went against them with seven ships and a number of war boats, and
defeated the prince with great loss, taking all his vessels, and
obliging him to make his escape by land. After this Paul took the fort
of _Chinim_ with a great number of prisoners, among whom was the wife of
Bannadala.
At this time Nicote was abroad with fourteen small vessels, in which
were 60 Portuguese, and 200 Peguers; and learning that the prince was on
shore with 4000 men, 900 of whom were armed with firelocks, he landed
and attacked him, gaining a complete victory, and even taking the
prince. When the Peguers saw their prince carried off, they were all
eager to have accompanied him into captivity, and entreated to be
received into the Portuguese vessels, such as were refused bewailing
that they could not follow, as prisoners, him whom they had served
faithfully while at liberty. On this occasion Nicote gave a notable
example how brave men ought to use their victories. Remembering that he
had formerly been slave to the prince who was now his prisoner, he
served him with as much respect as he had done formerly; watching him
while asleep, and holding his baskins in his hands with his arms across,
as is done by the meanest servants of princes in that country, and
continually attended him on all occasions.
While these transactions were going on in Pegu, Don Martin Alfonzo de
Castro came to Goa as viceroy, to replace Ayres de Saldanna, in 1604.
Ximilixa, king of Aracan, sent to treat with Nicote for the ransom of
the prince, his son, and accordingly paid 50,000 crowns on that account,
although Nicote was ordered by the viceroy to set the prince free
without any ransom. Ximilixa afterwards besieged Siriam in conjunction
with the king of Tangu, who brought a great army against the town by
land, while Ximilixa shut it up by sea with 800 sail, in which he had
10,000 men. Paul del Rego went against him with 80 small vessels; and
failing of his former success, set fire to the powder and blew up his
ship, rather than fall into the hands of the enemy. The siege continued
so long, that the garrison was reduced to extremity, and on the point of
surrendering, when the king of Tangu retired one night with his army
upon some sudden suspicion, on which Ximilixa was likewise obliged to
draw off with his fleet. Several of the neighbouring princes were now so
much alarmed by the success of Nicote, that they solicited his
friendship, and to be admitted into alliance with the king of Portugal.
The first of these was the king of Tangu, and afterwards the king of
Martavan, who gave one of his daughters as a wife to Simon the son of
Nicote. Soon after, the king of Tangu being overcome in battle by the
king of _Ova_, and rendered tributary, Nicote united with the king of
Martavan, and invaded the dominions of Tangu, though in alliance with
that prince, took him prisoner and plundered him of above a million in
gold, although he protested that he was a faithful vassal to the king of
Portugal.
About this time another low adventurer, Sebastian Gonzalez Tibao, raised
himself by similar arts to great power in Aracan. In the year 1605,
Gonzalez embarked from Portugal for India, and going to Bengal, listed
as a soldier. By dealing in salt, which is an important article of trade
in that country, he soon gained a sufficient sum to purchase a _Jalia_,
or small vessel, in which he went with salt to Dianga, a great port in
Aracan. At this period, Nicote, who had possessed himself of Siriam, as
before related, wishing to acquire Dianga likewise, sent his son with
several small vessels thither on an embassy to the king of Aracan, to
endeavour to procure a grant of that port. Some Portuguese who then
resided at the court of Aracan, persuaded the king that the object of
Nicote in this demand; was to enable him to usurp the kingdom; upon
which insinuation the son of Nicote; and all his attendants were slain,
after which the same was done with the crews of his vessels, and all the
Portuguese inhabitants at Dianga, to the number of about 600 were put to
death, except a few who escaped on board nine or ten small vessels and
put out to sea. Among these was the vessel belonging to Sebastian
Gonzalez, who assumed the command; and as the fugitives were reduced to
great distress, they subsisted by plunder on the coasts of Aracan,
carrying their booty to the ports of the king of Bacala, who was in
friendship with the Portuguese.
Not long before this had died Emanuel de Mattos, who had been commander
of _Bandel_ of _Dianga_, and lord of _Sundiva_[426], an island about 70
leagues in compass, the subordinate command of which he had confided to
a valiant Moor named Fate Khan. On learning the death of Mattos, Fatecan
murdered all the Portuguese on the island of Sundiva, with their wives
and children, and all the Christian natives; and gathering a
considerable force of Moors and Patans, fitted out a fleet of 40 small
vessels, which he maintained by means of the ample revenue of the island
he had now usurped. Understanding that Sebastian Gonzalez and his small
squadron was cruizing near Sundiva, Fatecan went out to seek them with
such assurance of success, that he inscribed upon his colours, "Fate
Khan, by the grace of God, Lord of Sundiva, Shedder of Christian Blood,
and Destroyer of the Portuguese Nation." Sebastian and his companions
had put, into a river called _Xavaspur_, where they quarrelled about the
division of their spoil, and one Pinto sailed away from the rest in
disquiet; but meeting the fleet of Fatecan, who had hoped to surprize
the Christians he returned and gave his companions notice of their
danger. After a severe conflict, the 10 small vessels in which were only
80 Portuguese, proved victorious over the 40 vessels belonging to
Fatecan, though manned with 600 Moors, not a single vessel or man
escaping. After this great victory, the Portuguese agreed to appoint
Sebastian Gonzalez to command over the rest. Sebastian entered into a
treaty with the king of Bacala for his assistance to reduce the island
of Sundiva, engaging to pay him half the revenues of that island, and
accordingly procured from him some vessels, and 200 auxiliary horse.
Having likewise gathered a number of Portuguese from Bengal and other
parts, he saw himself, in March 1609, at the head of 400 Portuguese
troops, and had mustered a fleet of 40 small ships. In consequence of
the delay necessary for making these preparations, the island of Sundiva
was provided for defence, under a brother of the late Fatecan, who had
raised a respectable force of Moors. Sebastian, however, attempted its
conquest, and had nearly been forced to desist for want of provisions
and ammunition, when he was reinforced by a Spaniard named Gaspar de
Pina, who brought 50 men to his aid, after which they carried the fort
by assault, and put all its garrison to the sword. Having formerly been
subject to the Portuguese under de Mattos, the islanders immediately
submitted to Gonzalez, to whom they delivered upwards of 1000 Moors who
were scattered about the country, all of whom he put to death. Thus
Gonzalez became absolute master of the island, and was obeyed by the
natives and Portuguese like an independent prince.
[Footnote 426: It is highly probable, though not mentioned by De Faria,
that this Portuguese was in the service of the king of Aracan, under
whom he had held these offices. Sundiva or Sundeep is a considerable
island to the south-east of the mouth of the Burrampooter, near the
coast of Chittagong, and to the east of the Sunderbunds or Delta of the
Ganges.--E.]
Gonzalez having now a considerable revenue at his command, raised a
respectable military force of 1000 Portuguese, 2000 well armed natives,
and 200 horse, with above 80 sail of small vessels well provided with
cannon. He erected a custom-house, and encouraged the resort of
merchants to his dominions, and became so formidable that the
neighbouring princes courted his alliance. Insolent and ungrateful in
the progress of his power, he not only refused to give half the revenue
of the island to the king of Bacala according to agreement, but made war
upon his benefactor, from whom he conquered the islands of
_Xavaspur_[427] and _Patelabanga_, and other lands from other
neighbouring princes; so that he became suddenly possessed of vast
riches and great power, and acted as an independent sovereign, having
many brave men at his command. But such monsters are like comets that
threaten extensive ruin, yet last only for a short time, or like the
lightning, which no sooner expends its flash but it is gone for ever.
[Footnote 427: Shabapour is an island to the west of Sundeep, at the
principal mouth of the Barrampooter.--E.]
Soon after the elevation of Gonzalez to the sovereignty of Sundiva, a
civil war broke out between the king of Aracan and his brother Anaporam,
because the latter refused to resign a remarkable elephant, to which all
the other elephants of the country were said to allow a kind of
superiority. Being unsuccessful in the contest, Anaporam fled to
Gonzalez for assistance and protection, who demanded his sister as an
hostage. Gonzalez and Anaporam endeavoured, in conjunction, to fight the
king of Aracan, who had an army of 80,000 men, and 700 war elephants;
but being unsuccessful, were obliged to retreat to Sundiva, into which
Anaporam brought his wife and family, with all his treasure, and became
a subject of Gonzalez, who soon afterwards had the sister of Anaporam
baptized, and took her to wife. Anaporam soon died, not without
suspicion of poison; and Gonzalez immediately seized all his treasures
and effects, though he had left a wife and son. To stop the mouths of
the people on this violent and unjust procedure, he wished to have
married the widow of Anaporam to his brother Antonio Tibao, who was
admiral of his fleet, but she refused to become a Christian. Sebastian
continued the war against the king of Aracan with considerable success;
insomuch that on one occasion his brother Antonio, with only five sail,
defeated and captured 100 sail belonging to Aracan. At length the king
of Aracan concluded peace, and procured the restoration of his brother's
widow, whom he married to the rajah of Chittigong.
At this time, the Moguls undertook the conquest of the kingdom of
_Balua_[428], and as Gonzalez considered this conquest might prove
dangerous to his ill-got power, Balua being adjoining to his own
territories, he entered into a league with the king of Aracan for the
defence of that country. Accordingly, the king of Aracan took the field
with an immense army, having 80,000 of his own native subjects, mostly
armed with firelocks, 10,000 Peguers who fought with sword and bucklers,
and 700 elephants with castles carrying armed men. Besides these, he
sent 200 sail of vessels to sea, carrying 4000 men, ordering this fleet
to join that of Gonzalez, and to be under his command. According to the
treaty, Gonzalez, with the combined fleet, was to prevent the Moguls
from passing to the kingdom of Balua, till the king of Aracan could
march there with his army for its protection; besides which it was
agreed, when the Moguls were expelled from Balua, that half the kingdom
was to be given up to Gonzalez; who, on this occasion, gave as hostages,
for the safety of the Aracan fleet, and the faithful performance of his
part of the treaty, a nephew of his own, and the sons of some of the
Portuguese inhabitants of Sundiva.
[Footnote 428: There still is a town named _Bulloah_, to the east of the
Barrampooter and directly north of Sundeep, which may then have given
name to a province or small principality, of which Comillah is now the
chief town.--E.]
According to treaty, the king of Aracan entered the kingdom of Balua
with his army, and expelled the Moguls; but Gonzalez did not perform his
part of the agreement in preventing the Moguls from penetrating into
that kingdom, some alleging that he had been bribed by the Moguls to
allow them a free passage, while, according to others, he did so from
revenge against the king of Aracan, for the Portuguese who had been
slain by that king in _Bangael_ of _Dianga_[429]. However this may have
been, Gonzalez was guilty of a most execrable treachery, as, by leaving
open the mouth of the river _Dangatiar_, he left a free passage to the
Moguls. After this he went with his fleet into a creek of the island
_Desierta_[430], and assembling all the captains of the Aracan vessels on
board his ship, he murdered them all, seized all their vessels, and
killed or made slaves of all their men, after which he returned to
Sundiva. Soon afterwards the Moguls returned in great force to the
kingdom of Balua, where they reduced the king of Aracan to such straits
that he made his escape with great difficulty on an elephant, and came
almost alone to Chittigong. Immediately upon this discomfiture of the
Aracan army, which was utterly destroyed by the Moguls in Balua,
Gonzalez plundered and destroyed all the forts on the coast of Aracan,
which were then unprovided for defence, as depending on the peace and
alliance between their king and Gonzalez; he even went against the city
of Aracan, where he burnt many merchant vessels, and acquired great
plunder, and destroyed a vessel of great size, richly adorned, and
containing several splendid apartments like a palace, all covered with
gold and ivory, which the king kept as a pleasure-yacht for his own use.
Exasperated against Gonzalez for his treachery, the king ordered the
nephew of that lawless ruffian, who was in his power as a hostage, to be
be impaled. But Gonzalez, being a person utterly devoid of honour, cared
not at whose cost he advanced his own interests; yet the guilt of so
many villanies began to prey upon his conscience, and he became
apprehensive of some heavy punishment falling upon him, which he had
little means to avert, as all men considered him a traitor unworthy of
favour; those of Aracan, because he had betrayed them to the Moguls; and
the Moguls, because he had been false to those that trusted him. He
afterwards met his just reward under the government of Don Jerom de
Azevedo[431].
[Footnote 429: Perhaps the island now called Balonga on the coast of
Aracan.--E.]
[Footnote 430: Probably a desert or uninhabited island among the
Sunderbunds, in the Delta of the Ganges. Indeed the whole geography of
this singular story is obscure, owing to the prodigious change in
dominion and names that have since taken place in this part of
India.--E.]
[Footnote 431: Owing to the want of interest in the transactions of
these times, as related in the Portuguese Asia, and the confused
arrangement of De Faria, we have in this place thrown together the
principal incidents in the extraordinary rise of these two successful
adventurers, Nicote and Gonzalez, leaving their fate to be mentioned in
the succeeding section.--E.]
The Hollanders, becoming powerful at the Molucca islands, and forming an
alliance with these islanders, who were weary of the avarice and tyranny
of the Portuguese, expelled them from Amboyna and established themselves
at Ternate, whence the Portuguese had been formerly expelled by the
natives. By the aid of the king of Ternate, the Hollanders likewise,
about 1604, got possession of the fort of Tidore, whence about 400
Portuguese were permitted to retire by sea to the Phillipine islands,
where they were hospitably received by Don Pedro de Cunna, who commanded
there for the Spaniards. In February 1605, Cunna sailed from the
Philippines with 1000 Spanish and 400 native troops, and recovered the
fort of Ternate, chiefly owing to the bravery of Joam Rodriguez Camelo,
who commanded a company of Portuguese in this expedition. De Cunna
thence proceeded for Tidore, which he likewise reduced, by which
conquest the Molucca islands became subject to Spain.
The viceroy, Don Alfonso de Castro, dying in 1607, was succeeded as
governor by Alexias de Menezes, archbishop of Goa, pursuant to a patent
of succession. Next year, 1608, Don Joam Pereyra Frojas, count de Feyra,
was sent out from Portugal as viceroy of India, but died on the voyage.
After administering the government for two years and a half, the
archbishop was succeeded as governor by Andrew Furtado de Mendoza in
1609, who was soon afterwards superseded in the same year by Ruy Lorenzo
de Tavora, who came out from Portugal as viceroy. At this time, Don
Jerome de Azevedo commanded in Ceylon, who, with an army of 700
Portuguese troops and 25,000 Cingalese took and burnt the city of Candy,
on which the sovereign of that central dominion made peace with the
Portuguese, consenting to the ministry of the Franciscans in his
dominions, and even placed two of his sons in their hands, to be
instructed in the Christian religion.
About this time, a large _English_ ship and a ketch had an engagement
with two Portuguese ships beyond the Cape of Good Hope, which escaped
after suffering a severe loss. These English ships went afterwards to
Surat, where they were found by Nunno de Cunna, who had four well-manned
galleons, but ill provided with gunners, who were ignorant and cowardly.
On descrying these large ships, though the English had reason to be
afraid of their number, they undervalued them as heavy sailors, and
immediately engaged and fought them till evening, killing 30 of the
Portuguese. The engagement recommenced at day-light next morning, and
two of the Portuguese galleons, endeavouring to run on board the large
English ship, got aground, on which the pink or ketch, belonging to the
enemy, kept firing its cannon upon one of the grounded galleons, till it
floated off with the evening tide. The other two galleons fought the
large English ship all day. On the third day, all the four galleons
being afloat, endeavoured to board the enemy, who relied on their cannon
and swiftness, and sailed away to Castelete, a bay of the pirates near
Diu. De Cunna followed them thither, and again fought them for two days,
in all which time the Portuguese ships could never board them by reason
of their unwieldy bulk. At length the English stood away, shewing black
colours in token that their captain was slain. In these long indecisive
actions, the English and Portuguese both lost a number of men. The
English made for Surat, followed still by De Cunna; on which they left
that port, and De Cunna returned to Goa.
SECTION XII.
_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions, from 1512 to 1517._
Towards the close of 1511, orders came to India for Don Jerome de
Azevedo to succeed Tavora as viceroy. Azevedo had acquired a high
character by many years service, eighteen years of which he had spent in
Ceylon, where he had acquired great riches, and yet preserved a good
name. The report of his riches contributed, as much as the fame of his
valour, to his present promotion, as it was thought that he who had so
much already, would be less inclined to covetousness; though experience
shews, that those who have much still covet more. Azevedo had likewise
offered to serve the office of viceroy without the usual salary, but
afterwards accepted it. Among the first actions of his administration
was to send home Danish Beg, ambassador from Shah Abbas, king of Persia,
who had been in Spain at the court of King Philip. Shah Abbas treated,
at the same time, both with King Philip, and James king of England,
endeavouring to influence both to the furtherance of his own designs;
having taken the island of Bahrayn from the Portuguese, and was now
endeavouring to gain Ormuz. Along with this Persian ambassador, Antonio
de Guovea, titular bishop of _Sirene_, went for the purpose of
propagating Christianity in Persia; but, finding that the Persian
government was inimical to his mission, he went no farther than Ormuz.
Shah Abbas was so much displeased with his ambassador for not succeeding
in his negotiation for the surrender of Ormuz, that he caused him to be
beheaded; and was so much exasperated against the Christians, that he
forced many of his Armenian subjects to renounce the faith.
The fortune of Nicote in Pegu now declined as swiftly as it had risen.
In 1513, the king of _Ova_, being provoked at the violence which Nicote
had been guilty of against the king of Tangu, who was under his
protection, made a vow that he would revenge his injuries. Having
assembled an army of 120,000 men, and 400 vessels of considerable
strength, in which were above 6000 of those Moors so noted for valour,
called _Caperuzas_ from their wearing caps, he marched against Siriam,
where he burnt every thing beyond the walls of the fort. Nicote made a
brave resistance though taken unawares, as he had suffered most of his
men to go to India, and was very scarce of powder. In this distress, he
sent a soldier to purchase powder at Bengal, who ran away with the
money; and sent likewise to San Thoma for the same commodity, but was
refused any supply. For want of powder he was unable to fire his cannon
against the enemy, and was reduced to the expedient of pouring boiling
pitch and oil on their heads. At length, Nicote was taken and carried to
the king of Ova, who ordered him to be impaled on an eminence in view of
the fort, where he lived two days in torment. His wife, Donna Luisa de
Saldanna, was kept three days in the river to be purified, as the king
designed her for himself; but when brought before him, she upbraided him
for his cruelty, and he ordered _her leg to be bored_, and that she
should be sent to Ova along with the other slaves. A native named
_Banna_ who had betrayed Nicote, demanding his reward from the king of
Ova, was ordered to be torn in pieces, the king alleging, that he who
had been false to his benefactor would never be true to him. The son of
Nicote resided, at that time, in Martavan, having married the daughter
of the king of that place; but the king of Ova caused him to be put to
death, that no one of the race might remain alive. Thus ended Nicote,
who, from the lowest poverty, had raised himself to great power and
prodigious riches, being worth three millions[432]. The enemy allowed of
having lost 30,000 men in this siege. The viceroy on hearing of the
danger of Siriam, had dispatched Diego de Mendoza to its relief with
five galliots; but having put off his time by the way on other objects,
he was too late.
[Footnote 432: Probably ducats are here meant.]
In the year 1614, the viceroy resolved to go in person to the sea of
Guzerate to meet the _English_ and _Hollanders_, who were then strong
in these seas. He sent before him Emanuel de Azevedo with 22 sail, who
was joined at Surat by two other squadrons, after which he landed and
destroyed the lands of _Cifandam_ and _Diva_. The towns of _Baroach_ and
_Goga_ were plundered, with six large ships in the bay, as was likewise
the city of _Patane_. Having completed his preparations, the viceroy
sailed from Goa with seven galleons, one of which was so large that it
easily carried 230 men besides mariners, 30 of them being gentlemen.
Besides the galleons, there were two pinks, one galley, one caravel, and
five other vessels, on board of which were 1400 Portuguese soldiers,
with a great number of cannon, but the gunners were very unskilful. At
Surat the viceroy was joined by the squadron under Emanuel de Azevedo,
the chief design of this large armament being to destroy four English
vessels then in that port. The preparations for this purpose seemed
disproportionately large, yet the event proved the contrary. Being come
in sight of the English, the viceroy ordered the two pinks with the
caravel and other smaller vessels to close with one of the English
vessels which lay at some distance from the rest. Having all grappled
with the enemy and almost carried her by boarding, the other three ships
came up and drove them all off. The first of the three vessels which had
attacked the English ship took fire, and being attempted to be steered
on board the English ship to set her on fire was destroyed without doing
the enemy any harm. In this manner the first day was expended to no
purpose, and next day, on proposing to attack the English ships, they
were found riding in a place to which the entrance was so narrow that
one galleon only could come at them at once, which might therefore have
been disabled by the English cannon, for which reason no attempt was
made to attack them; but some alleged that this was only a pretence set
up by those who had no mind for the enterprise. A fruitless endeavour
was made to destroy them by means of fire-ships.
Perceiving that he only lost his labour at this place, the viceroy went
to Diu, whence he dispatched relief to Ormuz; and on his return from Diu
towards Goa, the four English ships were seen at a great distance from
Surat in full sail to the south. The viceroy pursued, and towards
evening came up with the sternmost, having left his own fleet far
behind. The head gunner offered to sink the English ship by means of two
40 pounders; but the officers who accompanied the viceroy opposed this,
alleging that the other three English ships would come upon him while
alone and the galleon might be lost. The viceroy accordingly submitted
to their opinion, but neglected to make them give it under their hands;
and when he was afterwards accused for having neglected to do what the
gunner proposed, they denied having ever given him any such advice. The
English were so thankful for this forbearance, that they fired their
cannons without ball as if saluting.
In the year 1615, Sebastian Gonzalez Tibao, formerly mentioned, who had
raised himself from a poor dealer in salt to be an absolute sovereign by
treachery and ingratitude, and who had neglected to submit himself to
the Portuguese viceroy in the height of his prosperity, finding himself
now in danger of losing his ill got power, sent to request succour; but
even now proposed terms like an independent prince, and offered in
return for assistance and protection to deliver a large ship load of
rice yearly at Goa as an acknowledgement of vassalage. He urged that all
he had done was to revenge the murder of the Portuguese in _Banguel of
Dianga_ by the king of Aracan, and hinted that the vast treasures of the
king might easily be taken by a very moderate effort. This blinded the
viceroy, who immediately fitted out 14 of the largest galliots with a
fliboat and a pink, and sent them to Aracan under the command of
Francisco de Menezes Roxo, who had formerly commanded in Ceylon. Roxo
sailed from Goa about the middle of September 1615. On the 2d of October
he arrived at Aracan, the chief port and residence of the king, having
detached a galleon to _Sundiva_ to give notice to Gonzalez of his
arrival and intentions. Having opened his instructions in presence of
all the captains, they directed him to proceed against Aracan without
waiting for Gonzalez; which was highly improper, as that man knew the
country and was acquainted with their manner of fighting, besides that
the force he was able to bring was of importance. But God confounded
their councils, having decreed the ruin of that vile wretch, and of the
unjust succours that were now sent to his aid.
On the 15th of October, the Aracan fleet was observed coming down the
river to attack, so numerous that they could not be counted. The
foremost vessel was a Dutch pink, and many of the other vessels were
commanded by Hollanders. All that could be seen appeared full of men
well armed and equipped, and seemed a prodigious overmatch for the small
number the Portuguese had to oppose them, as besides the galliot sent to
Sundiva another had been dispatched in search of the pink, so that only
12 galliots remained and the fliboat. The Dutch pink fired the first
gun, and then the fight began with great fury, the Portuguese galliots
bravely advancing against the vast hostile fleet. Four of the galliots
got before the rest, and in the very beginning of the action their
captains and many of their men were slain, but the other eight came up
to their rescue, and great execution was done among the enemy, many of
whom were drowned by oversetting their vessels in their haste to escape
from the destructive fire of the Portuguese. The battle raged the whole
day, but the enemy drew off in the evening, thinking that a
reinforcement was coming to the Portuguese, as they saw the galliot
approaching which had been sent in search of the pink. In this
engagement the Portuguese lost 25 men of note besides others.
Next morning the pink joined the fleet, on board of which all the
wounded men were put, and those that were fit for service in that vessel
were distributed among the others. Roxo now resolved to remain at anchor
at the mouth of the river till Gonzalez came to join him, and then to
attack the enemy. At length Gonzalez made his appearance, with 50
vessels well manned and equipped, and on being told the orders of the
viceroy and what had been already done, he expressed much displeasure at
the viceroy for giving such orders, and at Roxo for imprudently fighting
before his arrival. About the middle of November: the combined fleets
sailed up the river and discovered the vast fleet of Aracan at anchor in
a well chosen situation, where it was resolved immediately to attack
them. Roxo took half of the ships belonging to Gonzalez under his
immediate command, giving Gonzalez half of these he had brought from
Goa, so as to make two equal squadrons. Thus arranged they advanced
against the enemy, firing against those vessels they could reach, but
none of the enemy ventured to advance. The king of Aracan viewed the
engagement from the shore to encourage his people, and caused the heads
of such as fled to be cut off and exposed on spears as a terror to the
rest. About noon when the heat of the sun was so great as to scorch the
Portuguese; the Aracan ships came on in three numerous squadrons.
Sebastian Gonzalez put to flight those of the enemy that were opposed to
him, and the Portuguese pink compelled that belonging to the Hollanders
to draw off. On that side where Roxo commanded there was much slaughter
on both sides without any evident superiority; but about sunset, when
the advantage was obviously leaning to the Portuguese, Roxo was slain.
Being informed by signal of this mischance, Gonzalez was obliged to
discontinue following up his good fortune; and on the tide ebbing the
fleet separated, one of the Portuguese galliots being left aground among
the enemy, who tore her to pieces and slew all her crew; The Portuguese
fleet retired to the mouth of the river, where care was taken of the
wounded men, and above 200 dead bodies were thrown into the sea. Don
Luis de Azevedo succeeded in the command of the Portuguese squadron, and
they all retired to Sundiva, whence Don Luis sailed back to Goa, in
spite of everything that Gonzalez could say to detain him. Soon after
the departure of the Portuguese ships, the king of Aracan invaded and
conquered the island of Sundiva, by which Sebastian Gonzalez was reduced
to his original poverty, his sovereignty passing away like a dream, his
pride humbled in the dust, and his villainous conduct deservedly
punished.
In 1616, Don Nunno Alvarez Pereyra succeeded Emanuel Mascarennas Homem
as general of the Portuguese in Ceylon, and made several successful
inroads into the kingdom of _Candy_, whence he brought off many
prisoners and great numbers of cattle. From the commencement of the
Portuguese dominion in that island, they had been engaged in almost
perpetual wars with the different petty sovereigns who ruled over its
various small maritime divisions, and with the central kingdom of Canea,
most of which have been omitted in this work as not possessing
sufficient interest. At this time a dangerous commotion took place in
the island, occasioned by a circumstance which, though not new in the
world, is still admired though often repeated. Some years before,
_Nicapeti_ the converted king of Ceylon died without issue, and left the
king of Portugal heir to his dominions. A poor fellow of the same name
got admittance to one of the queens of _Valgameme_ from whom he learnt
several particulars respecting the deceased king, taking advantage of
which he determined to assume the character of the late sovereign, and
to endeavour to persuade the people that he was their prince who had
come again-to-life. For this purpose he feigned himself a _jogue_,
similar to a hermit among the christians; and making his appearance in
the neighbourhood of Maregnepora, he gave out that he came to free his
country from the tyranny of the Portuguese. Finding credit among the
people, many of whom flocked to him, he entered the _seven corlas_
during the absence of the _Dissava_ Philip de Oliveyra, and being
assisted by 2000 men sent to him by the king of Candy, he was
acknowledged as king by most of the country. Hearing of this commotion,
Pereyra sent a force under Emanuel Cesar to suppress the insurrection.
Cesar encountered the false _Nicapeti_ at _Gandola_, a village on the
river _Laoa_, where the insurgents had collected a force of 6000 men. In
the heat of the battle, 1000 Chingalese troops who served under Luis
Gomez Pinto deserted to the enemy; but Don Constantine, a native
Christian of the blood royal who served the Portuguese, called them back
by declaring himself their lawful king, on which they immediately
returned and proclaimed him their sovereign. After a long engagement the
enemy was defeated and fled across the river.
Philip de Oliveyra returned at this time from Candy to his command in
the _seven corlas_, having heard of the insurrection but not of the
victory at Gandola, to which place he immediately marched with about 800
Chingalese lascarins. On reaching the field of battle above 1000 men
were found slain, but no indication by which he could ascertain which
party had gained the victory. An inscription was found on a tree,
signifying that all the Portuguese were slain, none of that nation
remaining in Ceylon, and that Columbo had surrendered to Nicapeti, which
startled the Portuguese who accompanied Oliveyra, and gave great
satisfaction to his Chingalese troops. Continuing his march he was
attacked in the rear by 300 of the enemy, but on facing about they all
fled; soon after which he joined Emanuel Cesar on the river Laoa, and
the insurgents fled to the woods. Cesar and Oliveyra by way of obliging
the insurgents to return to their duty, seized above 400 of their women
and children; but it had the contrary effect, as all their Chingalese
troops immediately deserted with their arms, leaving only about 200
Portuguese. In this dilemma Cesar marched to the pagoda of _Atanagala_,
not far from _Maluana_ where the general resided, who sent him a
reinforcement of 500 men, 200 of whom were Portuguese.
Nicapeti had so much success with the natives that he collected an army
of 24,000 men, with which he marched against Columbo, and was so vain of
his good fortune that he caused himself to be proclaimed emperor of
Ceylon, and transmitted an order to the king of Candy to send him one of
his two wives. The answer on this occasion was, that it should be done
when the Portuguese were subdued. Nicapeti was so enraged at this
answer, that he threatened to use the king of Candy like the
Portuguese; and on this threat coming to the knowledge of the 2000
auxiliaries from Candy, they immediately returned home. By these means
the two enemies of the Portuguese became at variance with each other, to
the great benefit of the Portuguese interests. Emanuel Cesar being
joined by a considerable reinforcement, marched against Nicapeti, and
found the road by which Nicapeti intended to march clean swept and
strewed with flowers. A _Chingalese_ who carried intelligence of the
approach of Cesar to Nicapeti, was ordered to be impaled, the tyrant
declaring there were no Portuguese in Ceylon; but he was soon
undeceived, as the van guards of the two armies came in sight of each
other. Nicapeti immediately took possession of a hill with 7000 men,
where he entrenched himself; but his works were soon carried, 1000 of
his men slain, and the usurper was forced to flee into the woods, laying
aside his regal ornaments for better concealment. The rest of the
insurgent army immediately fled on seeing their chief defeated, and the
morning after the battle 500 of the Chingalese deserted from the enemy
and joined the victors.
At this time a native Chingalese of low birth, named Antonio Barreto,
who had been a Christian and in the service of the Portuguese, but had
gone over to the king of Candy, who appointed him general of his forces
with the title of prince and governor of the kingdom of Uva, took
advantage of the revolt of Nicapeti to seize upon the Portuguese fort of
_Safragan_, which he got possession of by treachery and slew the
Portuguese garrison. This was a severe but just retribution upon the
Portuguese, as they had slain an ambassador sent by the king of Candy to
treat of an accommodation, that they might jointly carry on the war
against Nicapeti. After this the king of Candy marched against the
Portuguese fort of Balane, which he reduced; yet immediately sent a
message to the general Pereyra, offering to treat of peace.
In 1617, the Portuguese affairs were in a dangerous situation in Ceylon,
having at the same time to make war on the king of Candy, Antonio
Barreto, and Nicapeti, who was still in considerable strength
notwithstanding his late defeat. Pereyra divided his forces with
considerable hazard, and put all to the sword in the revolted districts,
sparing neither age nor sex; but neither will mercy and kind usage
conciliate the Chingalese, nor cruelty terrify them into submission.
Part of the forces pursued Nicapeti from _Pelandu_ to _Catugambala,
Devamede_ and _Coraagal_, taking several forts, killing many of the
enemy, and making 600 prisoners. The usurper retired to _Talampeti_ his
usual refuge, and the Portuguese advanced to _Polpeti_ where they came
in sight of the enemys camp, and forcing their works passed on to
_Balapane of Religiam_, whence they sent away the prisoners and wounded
men. At this time the Portuguese force was divided, one part marching
against Barreto while the other continued to follow Nicapeti, but were
able to effect very little, and after being quite spent with fatigue
went into quarters at _Botale_.
Having received reinforcements, Pereyra marched in person with a
considerable force to drive Barreto from _Sofragam_ and _Matura_,
leaving Gomez Pinto with his regiment to-secure _Alicur_ and oppose
Nicapeti, while Cesar stayed to defend _Botale_ with 100 men. The
Portuguese were successful on all sides, driving the enemy from their
works and slaughtering great numbers of them in the woods. In May the
army advanced against Nicapeti, who was strongly entrenched at Moratena,
yet fled towards Candy with such speed that he could not be got up with.
He was at length overtaken in the desert of _Anorajapure_, when after
losing 60 men his troops dispersed and fled into the woods. On this
occasion the wives of the usurper, a grandson of _Raju_, and the nephew
of _Madune_ were all made prisoners. The fame of this victory induced
the inhabitants of the _Corlas_ to submit, and they plentifully supplied
the army then at Malvana with rice. The news of this victory induced the
king of Candy[433] to sue for peace, sending by his ambassadors 32
Portuguese who had been made prisoners during the war. The terms agreed
upon were, that he was to repair and restore the fort at Balane, and
permit another to be constructed at Candy, and was to deliver yearly as
tribute to the crown of Portugal four elephants and a certain stipulated
quantity of cinnamon. Finding afterwards that the Portuguese affairs in
Ceylon were less prosperous, he receded from these conditions and would
only agree to give two elephants as the yearly tribute, but the peace
was concluded.
[Footnote 433: In the translation of the Portuguese Asia, this sovereign
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