A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume VI
by
Robert Kerr
Part 8 out of 11
the year 1332 of the Christian computation, after having lived sixty-one
years, twenty two of which he was sovereign of that principality.
Greaves has mistaken both the length of his reign, which he makes only
three years, and the time of his death[339]. Abulfeda was much addicted
to the study of geography and history, and wrote books on both of these
subjects, which are in great estimation in the East. His geography
written in 721, A.D. 1321, consists of tables of the latitudes and
longitudes of places, in imitation of Ptolemy, with descriptions, under
the title of _Takwin al Boldan_. No fewer than five or six translations
have been made of this work, but by some accident or other none of these
have ever been published. The only parts of this work that have been
printed are the tables of _Send_ and _Hend_, or India, published in the
French collection of Voyages and Travels by Thevenot; and those of
_Khowarazm_ or _Karazm, Mawara'l-nahar_, or Great Bukharia, and Arabia.
The two former were published in 1650, with a Latin translation by Dr
Greaves; and all the three by Hudson, in the third volume of the _Lesser
Greek Geographers_, in 1712; from which latter work this description of
the Red Sea is extracted, on purpose to illustrate the two preceding
journals, and to shew that there really is such a gulf on the coast of
Arabia as that mentioned by the ancients, that geographers may not be
misled by the mistake of Don Juan de Castro. In this edition, the words
inserted between parenthesis are added on purpose to accommodate the
names to the English orthography, or to make the description more
strictly conformable to the Arabic. The situations or geographical
positions are here thrown out of the text, to avoid embarrassment, and
formed into a table at the end. We cannot however warrant any of them,
as those which may have been settled by actual observation are not
distinguished from such as may not have had that advantage; which indeed
is the general fault of oriental tables of latitude and longitude. The
latitude of _Al Kossir_ comes pretty near that formed by Don Juan de
Castro; but that of _Al Kolzum_ must err above one degree, while that of
Swakem is more than two degrees erroneous.--Ast.
[Footnote 338: Astley, I. 130. We have adopted this article from Astleys
Collection, that nothing useful or curious may be omitted. In the
present time, when the trade beyond the Cape of Good Hope is about to be
thrown open, it might be highly useful to publish a series of Charts of
all the coasts and islands of the great Eastern Ocean; and among others,
a Chart of the Red Sea, with a dissertation on its geography and
navigation, might be made of singular interest and utility.--E.]
[Footnote 339: See Gagnier's preface to the life of Mahomet by
Abu'lfeda; and the preface of Shulten to that of Saladin--Astl. I. 130.
d.]
The author begins his description of the sea of _Kolzum_ or of _Yaman_
at _Al Kolzum_[340], a small city at the north end of this sea; which
from thence runs south, inclining a little towards the east, as far as
_al Kasir_ (_al Kossir_) the port of _Kus_[341]. Hence it continues its
course south, bending somewhat westward to about _Aidab_ (Aydhab[342].)
The coast passes afterwards directly south to _Sawakan_ (Swakem), a
small city in the land of the blacks, (or _al Sudan_). Proceeding thence
south, it encompasses the island of _Dahlak_, which is not far from the
western shore. Afterwards advancing in the same direction, it washes the
shores of _al Habash_ (_Ethiopia_ or _Abyssinia_), as far as the cape or
mountain of _al Mandab_ (or _al Mondub_), at the mouth of the _Bahr al
Kolzum_ or Red Sea, which here terminates; the _Bahr al Hind_, or Indian
Sea flowing into it at this place. The cape or mountain of _al Mandub_
and the desert of _Aden_ approach very near, being separated only by so
narrow a strait that two persons on the opposite sides may see each
other across. These Straits are named _Bab al Mandab_. By some
travellers the author was informed that these Straits lie _on this side_
of Aden to the north-west, a day and nights sail. The mountains of _al
Mandab_ are in the country of the negroes, and may be seen from the
mountains of _Aden_, though at a great distance. Thus much for the
western side of this sea. Let us now pass over to the eastern coast.
[Footnote 340: Or _al Kolzom_, which signifies _the swallowing up_.
Here, according to Albufeda in his description of _Mesr_ or Egypt,
Pharaoh was drowned, and the town and the sea took this name from that
event. _Kolzum_ is doubtless the ancient _Clysma_, as indicated both by
the similarity of names, and the agreement of situation. It was in the
road of the pilgrims from Egypt to Mecca, but is now destroyed. Dr
Pocock places Clysma on his map about 15 min. south from Suez.--Ast. I.
131. b.]
[Footnote 341: _Kus_ is a town near the Nile, a little way south of
_Kept_, the ancient _Koptos_; which shews that Kossir must be the
ancient Berenice, as formerly observed in a note on the Journal of de
Castro.--Astl. I. 131. c.]
[Footnote 342: In this name of _Aydhab_, the _dh_ is pronounced with a
kind of lisp, like the English _th_ in the words _the_, _then_, &c.
About 1150, in the time of _al Edrisi_, this was a famous port, and
carried on a great trade. Both the king of _Bejah_ or _Bajah_, a port of
Nubia, and the Soldan of Egypt, had officers here to receive the
customs, which were divided between these sovereigns. There was a
regular ferry here to _Jiddah_, the port of Mecca, which lies opposite,
the passage occupying a day and a night, through a sea full of shoals
and rocks. In his description of Egypt, Abulfeda says Aydhab belonged to
Egypt, and was frequented by the merchants of Yaman, and by the pilgrims
from Egypt to Mecca.--Astl. I. 131. d.]
The coast of _Bahr al Kolzum_ runs northward from _Aden_[343], and
proceeds thence round the coast of _al Yaman_ (or Arabia Felix), till it
comes to the borders thereof. Thence it runs north to _Joddah_. From
_Joddah_ it declines a little to the west, as far as _Jahafah_, a
station of the people of _Mesr_ (Egypt), when on pilgrimage to Mecca.
Thence advancing north, with a small inclination towards the west, it
washes the coast of _Yanbaak_ (_Yamboa_). Here it turns off
north-westwards, and having passed _Madyan_ it comes to _Aylah_. Thence
descending southwards it comes to the mountain _al Tur_[344], which
thrusting forwards separates two arms of the sea. Thence returning to
the north, it passes on to _al Kolzum_, where the description began,
which is situated to the west of _Aylah_, and almost in the same
latitude.
[Footnote 343: From Aden the coast leading to the Straits of Bab al
Mandab runs almost due west, with a slight northern inclination, about
115 statute miles, or 1 deg. 45 min. of longitude to Cape _Arah_, which
with Cape _al Mandab_ from the two sides of the Straits of Mecca or Bab
al Mandab, having the island of Prin interposed, considerably nearer to
the Arabian than the African shore.--E.]
[Footnote 344: A mountain so called near Sinai, which likewise goes by
that name.--Ast. I. 151. h.--This mountain of _al Tur_ forms the
separation between the Gulf of _Suez_ and that of Akkaba, its western
extremity forming Cape Mahomed.--E.]
_Al Kolzum_ and _Aylah_ are situated on two arms or gulfs of the sea,
between which the land interposes, running to the South; which land is
the mountain _al Tur_ almost in the same longitude with _Aylah_, which
stands at the northern extremity of the eastern bay, while _al Kolzum_
is at the northern extremity of the western gulf, so that _Aylah_ is
more to the east, and mount _al Tur_ more to the south than _al Kolzum_.
_Aylah_ is situated on the inmost part of the promontory which extends
into the sea. Between _al Tur_ and the coast of _Mesr_ (Egypt), that
arm of the sea or gulf extends on which _al Kolzum_ stands. In like
manner that arm of the sea on which _Aylah_ is situated extends between
_al Tur_ and _Hejaz_. From this mountain of _al Tur_ the distance to
either of the opposite coasts is small by sea, but longer about by the
desert of _Fakiyah_, as those who travel by land from _al Tur_ to _Mesr_
are under the necessity of going round by _al Kolzum_, and those who go
by land from _al Tur_ to _Hejaz_ must go round by way of Aylah. _Al Tur_
joins the continent on the north, but its other three sides are washed
by the sea. The sea of _al Kolzum_, after passing some way to the
south-east from _al Tur_ begins to widen on either side, till it becomes
_seventy_[345] miles broad. This wider part is called _Barkah al
Gorondal_.
[Footnote 345: These are to be understood as Arabian miles, 56-2/3 to
the degree, or each equal to 1-1/4 English miles according to Norwoods
measure, 69-1/2 to the degree.--Astl. I. 132. b.
This would only give 80 English miles for the breadth of the Red Sea;
whereas, immediately below the junction of the two northern guffs, it is
104 miles broad, and its greatest breadth for a long way is 208
miles.--E.]
_Table of Situations, from Abulfeda_[346].
Lat.
deg. min. deg. min
Kolzum, 28 20 N. 54 15 E.
-------by some 56 30
Al Kossir, 26 0 59 0
Aydhab 21 0 58 0
Swakem, 17 0 58 0
Aden, 11 0 66 0
Borders of Yaman, 19 0 67 0
Jiddah, 21 0 66 0
Jahafah, 22 0 65 0
Yamboa, 26 0 64 0
Aylah, 29 0 55 0
---- 28 50 56 40
[Footnote 346: The longitude is reckoned by _Abulfeda_ from the most
western shores on the Atlantic Ocean, at the _pillars of Hercules_;
supposed to be 10 deg. E. of the _Fuzair al Khaladat_, or the Fortunate
Islands.--Ast. I. 134.
These latitudes and longitudes are so exceedingly erroneous as to defy
all useful criticism, and are therefore left as in the collection of
Astley without any commentary; indeed the whole of this extract from
Abulfeda is of no manner of use, except as a curiosity.--E.]
POSTSCRIPT.-_Transactions of the Portuguese in Abyssinia, under Don
Christopher de Gama[347]._
While the Portuguese fleet was at Massua, between the 22d of May and
9th of July 1541, a considerable detachment of soldiers was landed at
Arkiko on the coast of Abyssinia under the command of Don Christopher de
Gama, brother to the governor-general, for the assistance of the
Christian sovereign of the Abyssinians against Grada Hamed king of Adel
or Zeyla, an Arab sovereignty at the north-eastern point of Africa,
without the Red Sea, and to the south of Abyssinia. In the journal of
Don Juan de Castro; this force is stated at 500 men, while in the
following notices from De Faria, 400 men are said to have formed the
whole number of auxiliaries furnished by the Portuguese[348]. This
account of the first interference of the Portuguese in the affairs of
Abyssinia by De Faria, is rather meagre and unsatisfactory, and the
names of places are often so disguised by faulty orthography as to be
scarcely intelligible. In a future division of our work more ample
accounts will be given both of this Portuguese expedition, and of other
matters respecting Abyssinia.--E.
[Footnote 347: From the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, II. 24.]
[Footnote 348: In an account of this expedition of the Portuguese into
Abyssinia, by the Catholic Patriarch, Juan Bermudez, who accompanied
them, this difference of the number of men is partly accounted for.
According to Bermudez, the force was 400 men, among whom were many
gentlemen and persons of note, who carried servants along with them,
which increased the number considerably.--E.]
* * * * *
Some time before the expedition of De Gama into the Red Sea, Grada Hamed
the Mahometan king of Adel or Zeyla, the country called _Trogloditis_ by
some geographers, submitted himself to the supremacy of the Turkish
empire in order to obtain some assistance of men, and throwing off his
allegiance to the Christian emperor of Abyssinia or Ethiopia,
immediately invaded that country with a numerous and powerful army. On
this occasion he took advantage offered by the sovereign of Abyssinia,
to whom he owed allegiance, being in extreme youth, and made such
progress in the country that the emperor _Atanad Sagad_, otherwise named
_Claudius_, was obliged to retire into the kingdom or province of Gojam,
while his mother, _Saban_ or _Elizabeth_, who administered the
government in his minority, took refuge with the _Baharnagash_ in the
rugged mountains of _Dama_, a place naturally impregnable, which rising
to a prodigious height from a large plain, has a plain on its summit
about a league in diameter, on which is an indifferent town with
sufficient cattle and other provisions for its scanty population. On one
side of this mountain there is a road of difficult ascent to near the
top; but at the last part of the ascent people have to be drawn up and
let down on planks by means of ropes.
While in this helpless condition, the queen got notice that Don Stefano
de Gama was in the Red Sea, and sent the Baharnagash to him, desiring
his assistance against the tyrant, who had overrun the country,
destroyed many ancient churches, and carried off numbers of priests and
monks into slavery. The embassador was favourably listened to; and it
was resolved by the governor-general, in a council of his officers, to
grant the assistance required. Accordingly Don Christopher de Gama,
brother to the governor-general, was named to the command on this
occasion, who was landed with 400 men and eight field-pieces, with many
firelocks and abundance of ammunition. He was accompanied by Don Juan
Bermudez, Patriarch of Ethiopia, whose presence was much desired by the
Abyssinian emperor, on purpose to introduce the ceremonies of the Roman
church.
Don Christopher de Gama and his men set out on their march from Arkiko
under the guidance of the Baharnagash for the interior of Abyssinia, and
the men endured incredible fatigue from the excessive heat, though they
rested by day and marched only in the night. A whole week was spent in
passing over a rugged mountain, whence they descended into a very
pleasant flat country, watered by many rivulets, through which they
marched for two days to the city of _Barua_, the metropolis or residence
of the Baharnagash. Though much damaged in the late invasion, yet this
place had several sightly buildings, divided by a large river, with
goodly villages and country houses in the environs. The Portuguese were
received at the gates by a procession of several monks singing a litany,
one of whom made a speech to welcome them, extoling their generosity in
coming to the aid of their distressed country: After which the
Portuguese visited the church and encamped.
Don Christopher sent immediate notice of his arrival to the Emperor, who
was at a great distance, and to the queen mother who was near, upon the
mountain of Dama already mentioned. The Baharnagash was sent to conduct
her from the mountain, having along with him two companies of the
Portuguese as an escort, and brought her to Barua attended by a great
retinue of women and servants. On her arrival, the Portuguese troops
received her under arms, and the cannon were fired off to do her honour.
The queen was seated on a mule, whose trappings reached to the ground,
and she was hidden from view by curtains fixed to the saddle. She was
clothed in white, having a short black cloak or mantle with gold fringes
on her shoulders. From her white head dress a flowing white veil fell
down that concealed her face. The Baharnagash led her mule by the
bridle, having his arms bare in token of respect, while his shoulders
were covered by a tigers skin; and on each side of her walked a nobleman
in similar attire. She opened the curtains that surrounded her that she
might see the Portuguese troops; and on Don Christopher going up to pay
his compliments, she lifted her veil that he might see her. The
reception on both sides was courteous. Don Christopher went afterwards
to visit her and consult with her, when it was resolved by the advice of
the Abyssinians to winter at that place, and to wait an answer from the
Emperor. The answer came accordingly, expressing his joy for the arrival
of the Portuguese succours, and desiring Don Christopher to march in the
beginning of summer.
The Portuguese accordingly marched at the time appointed, and in the
following order. Some light horse led the van, to explore the road: Then
followed the artillery and baggage: After which came the queen and her
attendants, with a guard of fifty Portuguese musqueteers: Don
Christopher brought up the rear with the remainder of the Portuguese
troops; and the Baharnagash with his officers secured the flanks. In
eight days, the army came to the mountain of _Gane_ of most difficult
ascent, on the top of which was a city, and on the highest cliff a
chapel, near which was a house hung round with three hundred embalmed
bodies sewed up in hides. These external coverings were much rent with
age, and discovered the bodies within still white and uncorrupted. Some
supposed these were the _Roman_ conquerors of the country; while others,
and among them the patriarch, supposed them to have been martyrs.
Encouraged by the presence of the Portuguese auxiliaries, many of the
natives resorted to the queen. Don Christopher marched on to the
mountain of Canete, well watered and having abundance of cattle, which,
almost impregnable by nature was still farther strengthened by
artificial fortifications. The emperors of Abyssinia used formerly to be
crowned at this place, which was now held for the tyrant by a thousand
men, who used often to come down from the mountain and ravage the open
country.
Contrary to the advice of the queen and her councillors, Don Christopher
determined to commence his military operations by assaulting this den of
thieves. For this purpose he divided his force into three bodies, one of
which he led in person, and courageously endeavoured to force his way by
the three several passes which led to the summit. But after the most
valiant efforts, the Portuguese were forced to desist from the attack,
in consequence of great numbers of large stones being rolled down upon
them by the enemy. After hearing mass on Candlemas day, the 2d of
February 1542, the Portuguese returned to the attack, playing their
cannon against the enemy; and though they lost some men by the great
stones rolled down among them from the mountain, they at length made
their way to the first gates which they broke open, and forced their way
to the second gates with great slaughter of the enemy, and the loss of
three Portuguese. The enemy within the second and third gates, seeing
only a few men of the vanguard, opened their gates, on which the
Portuguese rushed in and maintained a hot contest with the enemy till
Don Christopher came up with the main body, and pressed the enemy so
hard that many of them threw themselves headlong from the rocks. Many
women and children were made prisoners, and much plunder was taken. The
queen and her retinue went up to the mountain, expressing great
admiration of the Portuguese prowess, as the fortress had always been
deemed impregnable by the Ethiopians. The patriarch purified a mosque,
which he dedicated to the blessed virgin, and in which mass was
celebrated to the great joy both of the Portuguese and Abyssinians.
Placing a garrison of Abyssinians in this place under a native officer,
the army marched on into the country of a rebel named _Jarse_, who now
submitted to the queen and brought his men to her service, thinking
nothing could withstand men who had conquered nature, so highly did they
esteem the conquest of the mountain _Canete_. The king of Zeyla came on
now with his army, covering the plains and mountains with his numbers,
and exulting in the hopes of an easy victory over so small a number of
men. Don Christopher encamped in good order near a mountain in full
sight of the enemy. Palm Sunday and Monday were spent in skirmishing,
with nearly equal loss on both sides, but the Portuguese had so far the
advantage as to compel the enemy to retreat to their camp. Don
Christopher found it necessary to remove his camp, being in want of some
necessaries, particularly water; and on the king of Zeyla observing the
Portuguese in motion from his position on the high grounds, he came down
and surrounded the Portuguese in the plain, who marched in good order,
keeping off the enemy by continual discharges of their artillery and
small arms. The enemy still pressing on, Don Christopher ordered Emanuel
de Cuna to face about with his company, which he did so effectually,
that he obliged a body of Turks to retire after losing many of their
men. The Turks rallied and renewed their attack, in which they
distressed De Cuna considerably, so that Don Christopher was obliged to
come in person to his relief, and fought with so much resolution that he
was for a considerable time unconscious of being wounded in the leg. At
this time the king of Zeyla came on in person, thinking to put a
favourable end to the action, but it turned to his own loss, as many of
his men were cut off by the Portuguese cannon. Don Christopher was in
great danger of being slain, yet continued the action with great
resolution, till at length the tyrant was struck down by a shot which
pierced his thigh. His men immediately furled their colours and fled,
carrying him off whom they believed slain though he was still alive.
This victory cost the Portuguese eleven men, two of whom were of note.
After the battle, the queen herself attended Don Christopher and all the
wounded men with the utmost alacrity and attention.
After the respite of a week, the Portuguese army marched towards the
enemy, who came to meet them, the king of Zeyla being carried in an open
chair or litter. This battle was resolutely contested on both sides. A
Turkish captain, thinking to recover the honour which had been lost in
the former action, made a charge with the men he commanded into the
very middle of the Portuguese, and was entirely cut off with all his
followers. Don Christopher on horseback, led his men with such fury into
the heat of the action, that at length he compelled the enemy to turn
their backs and seek safety in flight. The king of Zeyla had infallibly
been taken in the pursuit, had there been a sufficient body of horse to
pursue and follow up the victory. In this battle the Portuguese lost
eight men. After the victory, the allied army of the Portuguese and
Abyssinians, on marching down to a pleasant river found it possessed by
the enemy, who immediately fled with their king. At this time the king
of Zeyla sent an embassy to the Pacha of Zabit acquainting him with the
distress to which he was reduced, and prevailed upon him by a large
subsidy to send him a reinforcement of almost 1000 Turkish musqueteers.
Don Christopher wintered in the city of _Ofar_, waiting the arrival of
the Abyssinian emperor. While there a Jew proposed to him, if he were in
want of horses and mules, to shew him a mountain at no great distance,
inhabited by Jews, where he might find a large supply of both. On that
mountain the king of Zeyla had a garrison of 400 men. Having inquired
into the truth of this information, and found that it was to be depended
upon, Don Christopher marched thither with two companies of Portuguese
and some Abyssinians, and came to the foot of the mountain which is
twelve leagues in compass. Some Moors who guarded the passes were slain
in the ascent, and on the top the Moorish commander met him with all his
men, but Don Christopher running at him with his lance thrust him
through the body. The shot of the Portuguese soon constrained the Moors
to make a precipitate flight, after losing a great number of men, and
the mountain was completely reduced. Great numbers of horses and mules
were found in this place, which was inhabited by about 800 Jews in six
or seven villages, who were reduced to obedience. According to
tradition, these Jews, and many others who are dispersed over Ethiopia
and Nubia, are descended from some part of the dispersion of the ten
tribes. The Jew who acted as guide to the Portuguese on this occasion,
was so astonished at their valour that he was converted and baptised,
and by common consent was appointed governor of this mountain. Before
this it had the name of _Caloa_, but was ever afterwards known by the
name of _the Jews mountain_.
On the second day after the return of Don Christopher to the army, the
king of Zeyla began to shew himself more bold than usual, trusting to
the great reinforcement of Turkish musqueteers he had procured from
Zabid. The youth and inexperience of Don Christopher allowed his valour
to transport him far beyond the bounds of prudence. He ought to have
retired to some strong position on the mountains, till joined by the
emperor with the military power of Abyssinia, as it was impossible for
him to contend against such great superiority, now that the king of
Zeyla had so strong a body of musqueteers: But he never permitted
himself to consider of these circumstances, till too late. On the 29th
of August, the Turks made an attack upon the camp, and were repulsed, on
which occasion Don Christopher was wounded in the leg and lost four men.
In that part of the entrenchments defended by Emanuel de Cuna, the Turks
were likewise repelled, with the loss of three men on the side of the
Portuguese. In another part Francisco de Abreu was killed while fighting
like a lion, and his brother Humphrey going to fetch off his body was
slain and fell beside that he went to rescue. On this Don Christopher
came up to relieve his men and performed wonders, till his arm was
broken by a musquet-ball and he was carried off by a brave soldier. He
was scarcely dressed when news was brought that the enemy had entered
the entrenchments, and had slain Fonseca and Vello, two of his officers,
on which he ordered himself to be carried to the place of danger. As the
enemy were now decidedly victorious, some of the Portuguese abandoned
their ranks and fled, as did the queen and the patriarch, both being
mounted on fleet mares, each taking a different way, he from fear not
knowing where he went, but she from choice as being well acquainted with
the country. Don Christopher sent immediately to bring back the queen,
as her flight was entirely ruinous, occasioning the disbanding of all
the Abyssinian troops. But at length, seeing that all was lost, he
grasped in despair a sword in his left hand, saying, _Let who will
follow me to die like heroes in the midst of the enemy_. He was carried
however from the field by mere force, with only fourteen men,
accompanied by the queen and Baharnagash, seeking some place of safety.
The night being excessively dark they lost their way and separated, the
queen and Baharnagash being fortunate enough to get up a mountain as
they were better acquainted with the country; but Don Christopher
wandering with some companions, fell into the hands of the enemy, who
carried him to the tyrant who was quite elated with his prize. The
victors used their good fortune with the utmost barbarity, cruelly
cutting down every one who fell in their way, which occasioned one to
set a quantity of powder on fire that was in one of the tents belonging
to the queen, by which all who were in or near it were blown up.
The king of Zeyla was quite elated by the capture of Don Christopher,
whom he caused to be brought into his presence, and questioned him as to
what he would have done with him, if defeated and made prisoner. "I
would have cut off your head," answered Don Christopher, "and dividing
your body into quarters, would have exposed them as a terror and warning
to other tyrants." The king caused him to be buffeted with the buskins
of his slaves; his body to be immersed in melted wax, and his beard
interwoven with waxed threads, which were set on fire, and in this
manner he was led through the army as a spectacle. Being brought back,
the king cut off his head with his own hand, and caused the body to be
quartered and exposed on poles. Where the head fell, it is said that
there gushed out a spring of water which cured many diseases. On the
same hour, a tree was torn out by the roots in the garden of a certain
convent of monks, though the air was at the time perfectly calm.
Afterwards, at the same hour, the emperor of Abyssinia having vanquished
the tyrant and caused his head to be struck off, the tree which was then
dry replanted itself in the former place, and became covered with
leaves.
Most of the Portuguese who were taken on occasion of this defeat,
perished in slavery. Alfonso Chaldeira followed the queen with thirty
men. Emanuel de Cuna with forty got away to the Baharnagash and was well
received. Sixty more followed the Patriarch Bermudez, making in all 130
men. Ninety of these went to the emperor, who was then near at hand, and
very much lamented the slaughter among that valiant body of auxiliaries,
and the loss of their brave commander. De Cuna with his forty men were
too far off to join the Abyssinian emperor at this time. The emperor
marched soon afterwards against the king of Zeyla, accompanied by ninety
of the Portuguese who had joined him after the former defeat, to whom he
gave the vanguard of his army, in consideration of the high opinion he
had of their valour. At the foot of the mountain of _Oenadias_ in the
province of _Ambea_, they met a body of 700 horse and 2000 foot going to
join the king of Zeyla. Fifty Portuguese horse went immediately to
attack them, and Antonio Cardoso who was foremost killed the commander
of the enemy at the first thrust of his lance. The rest of the
Portuguese followed this brave example, and slew many of the enemy, and
being seconded by the Abyssinians, first under the Baharnagash and
afterwards by the king in person, eight hundred of the enemy were slain
and the rest put to flight, when they went rather to terrify the tyrant
with an account of their defeat, than to reinforce him by their
remaining numbers.
The king of Zeyla was only at the distance of a league with his army in
order of battle, consisting of two bodies of foot of three thousand men
in each, while he was himself stationed in the front at the head of five
hundred horse. The emperor of Abyssinia met him with a similar number,
and in the same order. The ninety Portuguese, being the forlorn hope,
made a furious charge on the advanced five hundred of the enemy, of whom
they slew many, with the loss of two only on their own side. The emperor
in person behaved with the utmost bravery, and at length the horse of
the enemy being defeated fled to the wings of their infantry. The king
of Zeyla acted with the utmost resolution, even shewing his son to the
army, a boy of only ten years old, to stir up his men to fight valiantly
against the Christians. The battle was renewed, and continued for long
in doubt, the emperor being even in great danger of suffering a defeat;
but at length a Portuguese shot the king of Zeyla in the belly by which
he died, but his horse carried him dangling about the field, as he was
tied to the saddle, and his army took to flight. Only a few Turks stood
firm, determined rather to die honourably than seek safety in flight,
and made great slaughter among the Abyssinians: But Juan Fernandez, page
to the unfortunate Don Christopher, slew the Turkish commander with his
lance. In fine, few of the enemy escaped by flight. The head of the king
of Zeyla was cut off, and his son made prisoner. Being highly sensible
of the great merit of the Portuguese to whom he chiefly owed this and
the former victories over his enemies, the emperor conferred great
favours upon them. De Cuna returned to Goa with only fifty men; and the
other survivors of the Portuguese remained in Abyssinia, where they
intermarried with women of that country, and where their progeny still
remains.
CHAPTER IV.
CONTINUATION OF THE PORTUGUESE TRANSACTIONS IN INDIA, AFTER THE RETURN
OF DON STEFANO DE GAMA FROM SUEZ IN 1341, TO THE REDUCTION OF PORTUGAL
UNDER THE DOMINION OF SPAIN IN 1581.
In our remaining account of the early Transactions of the Portuguese in
India, taken chiefly from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, we have not
deemed it necessary or proper to confine ourselves rigidly to the
arrangement of that author, nor to give his entire narrative, which
often contains a number of trifling incidents confusedly related. We
have therefore selected such incidents only from that work as appeared
important or curious: And, as has been already done in the two
immediately preceding chapters, containing the Voyages of Solyman Pacha,
and Don Stefano de Gama, we propose in the sequel to make such additions
from other authentic and original sources, as may appear proper and
consistent with our plan of arrangement. These additions will be found
distinctly referred to their respective authors as we proceed.--E.
SECTION I.
_Incidents during the Government of India by Don Stefano de Gama,
subsequent to his Expedition to the Red Sea._
During the expedition of Don Stephano de Gama up the Red Sea, some
circumstances are related by De Faria which are not noticed in the
Journal of Don Juan de Castro, who either thought proper to confine his
narrative to nautical affairs, or his abreviator Purchas has omitted
such as were military. On his voyage up the Red Sea, De Gama found most
of the islands and cities abandoned, as the people had received notice
of the expedition. The chief island was Massua, and the principal city
Swakem, in about 19 deg. of north latitude[349], which was well built and
rich. The sheikh or king had withdrawn a league into the interior, and
endeavoured to amuse De Gama with proposals of peace and amity, that he
might save his insular city from being destroyed. The greatest injury
occasioned by this delay was that it prevented De Gama from destroying
the ships at Suez, the main object of his expedition, as so much time
was gained that the news of his approach was carried to Suez, and the
Turks were fully prepared for his reception. In revenge, De Gama marched
into the interior with 1000 men, accompanied by his brother Don
Christopher, and defeated the sheikh with great slaughter, making a
considerable booty. Then returning to Swakem, that city was plundered;
on which occasion many of the private men got to the value of five or
six thousand ducats, after which the city was burnt to the ground.
[Footnote 349: Lat. 19 deg. 40'.]
Sending back the large ships from thence to Massua under the command of
Lionel de Lima, de Gama proceeded on his expedition to Suez with 250 men
in 16 catures or barks. At Al-Kossir, in lat. 25 deg. N.[350] that place was
destroyed. Crossing over to Toro, some vessels belonging to the enemy
were taken. The Turks first opposed their landing; but some of them
being slain, the rest fled and abandoned the city, in which nothing of
value was found; but De Gama refrained from burning the city from
reverence to St Catharine, as there was a monastery at that place
dedicated to her, which he visited at the instance of the friars. Being
to his great glory the first European commander who took that city, he
knighted several officers, who very justly held this honour in great
esteem, which was even envied afterwards by the emperor Charles V. The
friars of this monastery of St Catharines at Toro are of the Greek
church, and of the order of St Basil. The city of Toro is in lat. 28 deg.
N.[351] and is thought by learned cosmographers to be the ancient
_Elana_.
[Footnote 350: Lat. 26 deg. 15'.]
[Footnote 351: Lat. 28 deg. 15'.]
Proceeding onwards to Suez, after many brave attempts to sound and
examine the harbour, all of which failed, De Gama resolved in person and
in open day to view the Turkish gallies. He accordingly landed with his
soldiers; but the enemies shot from the town was well kept up, and 2000
Turkish horse broke out from an ambush; and, though some of the enemy
were slain by the Portuguese cannon, De Gama and his men were forced to
retire, much grieved in being unable to accomplish the great object of
the expedition.
On his return to the fleet at Massua, he there found that owing to the
severity of _Emanual de Gama_[352] a mutiny had taken place, and that 80
men had run away with a ship, designing to go into Ethiopia. They were
met however by a captain belonging to the king of Zeyla, and most of
them slain after a vigorous resistance. Five of the mutineers were found
hanging on a gallows, executed by order of Emanuel de Gama, for having
concealed the design of the other 80 who deserted. At their execution,
these men cited De Gama to answer before _the great tribunal_, and
within a month De Gama died raving mad.
[Footnote 352: In preceding passage, Lionel de Lima is mentioned as
commanding the fleet; Emanuel de Gama may therefore be supposed to have
commanded the ship that mutinied.--E.]
About July 1541, while on its return from Massua to India, the fleet
commanded by the governor Don Stefano de Gama encountered so severe a
storm that one of the galliots sunk bodily, a bark was lost, and all the
other vessels dispersed. During the continuance of this dreadful
tempest, many religious vows were made by the people; but that made by
one of the soldiers afterwards occasioned much mirth. He vowed, if he
survived the tempest, that he would marry Donna Isabel de Sa, daughter
to Don Garcia de Sa afterwards governor of India, which lady was one of
the most celebrated beauties of the time. At length De Gama arrived at
Goa; and as the ships from Portugal did not arrive at the expected time,
and the public treasure was much exhausted by the late charges, he
loaded the goods provided for the home voyage in four galleons, and
dispatched them, for Lisbon.
About this time _Nizamoxa_[353] wished to gain possession of the forts
of _Sangaza_ and _Carnala_, held by two subjects of Cambaya, on the
frontiers of that kingdom, which were formidable from their strength and
situation; and took them by assault in the absence of their commanders,
who applied to Don Francisco de Menezes, the commander at Basseen to
assist in their recovery, offering to hold them of the Portuguese.
Menezes went accordingly with 300 Portuguese and a party of native
troops, accompanied by the two proprietors, each of whom had 200 men.
The fort of Carnala was taken by assault, and the garrison of Sangaza
abandoned it on the approach of De Menezes. Having thus restored both
commanders to their forts, De Menezes left Portuguese garrisons with
both for their protection. Nizamoxa sent immediately 5000 men who ruined
both districts, and the owners in despair resigned their titles to the
Portuguese, and withdrew to Basseen, whence De Menezes sent supplies to
the two forts, meaning to defend them. Nizamoxa sent an additional force
of 6000, men, of which 1000 were musqueteers and 800 well equipped
horse. This great force besieged Sangaza, to which they gave two
assaults in one day, and were repulsed with great slaughter. Menezes
went immediately to relieve the place with 160 Portuguese, 20 of whom
were horse, together with several _naigs_ and 2000 Indians. After a
sharp encounter, in which the Portuguese were nearly defeated, the enemy
fled from Sangaza, leaving all the ground about the fort strewed with
arms and ammunition. In this engagement the enemy lost 500 men and the
Portuguese 20. During the action a Portuguese soldier of prodigious
strength, named _Trancoso_, laid hold of a Moor wrapped up in a large
veil as if he had been a buckler, and carried him before his breast,
receiving upon him all the strokes from the enemies weapons, and
continued to use this strange shield to the end of the battle.
[Footnote 353: In Portuguese _x_ has the power of _sh_ in English
orthography; hence the name of this prince was perhaps Nizam Shah, and
may be the same prince called in other places of De Faria _Nazamaluco or
Nizam al Mulk.--E.]
The governor Don Stefano de Gama happened at this time to be in _Chual_,
visiting the northern forts; and considering that the maintenance of
Sangaza and Carnala cost more than they produced, and besides that
Nizamoxa was in alliance with the Portuguese, delivered them to that
prince for 5000 pardaos, in addition to the 2000 he paid before, to the
great regret of De Menezes. Soon afterwards a fleet arrived from
Portugal under Martin Alfonso de Sousa, who was sent to succeed Don
Stephano de Gama in the government. This fleet had the honour to bring
out to India the famous _St Francisco Xaviar_, one of the first fathers
of the society of Jesus, both in respect to true piety and virtue. He
was the first ecclesiastic who had the dignity of _Apostolic Legate_ of
all Asia, and was very successful in converting the infidels: But we
shall afterwards have occasion to enlarge upon his great virtues and
wonderful actions.
On his arrival in the port of Goa, Martin Alfonso de Sousa sent notice
to Don Stefano de Gama at the dead hour of the night, which induced De
Gama to return an answer unworthy of them both. Martin Alfonso found
nothing to lay to the charge of Don Stefano, as those desired who
instigated him to seek for offences; for Alfonso was a gentleman of much
honour, and could never have thought of any such thing of himself. But,
though he ought now to have checked himself, finding nothing against De
Gama, he became the more inveterate; as it is natural for men when they
are in the wrong to persist with obstinacy. Alfonzo vented his malice by
refusing conveniences to De Gama for the voyage home, which so disgusted
him that he never waited upon Alfonso after resigning to him the sword
of command.
Don Stefano arrived safe in Portugal, where he was received with much
honour by the court, and with favour by the king; but refusing a wife
offered by his majesty, he was disgraced, on which he went to reside at
Venice. The Emperor Charles V. persuaded him to return to Portugal,
assuring him of the kings favour; but he found none; for princes are
more fixed in punishing a little omitted to please, than in rewarding
much done for their service. On assuming the government of India, Don
Stefano made an inventory of all he was worth, being 200,000 crowns; and
when he left the government his fortune was found 40,000 crowns
diminished. He was of middle stature, thick and strong built, with a
thick beard and black hair, and a ruddy completion. On his tomb was
inscribed at his own desire, _He who made knights on Mount Sinai ended
here_.
SECTION II.
_Exploits of Antonio de Faria y Sousa in Eastern India_[354].
We have placed these exploits in a separate Section, because, although
they appear in the Portuguese Asia as having taken place during the
government of Don Stefano de Gama, yet is their chronology by no means
well defined: and likewise because their authenticity is even more than
problematical. In themselves they appear to carry evidence of
overstepping the modest bounds of history; and there is reason to
believe that they rest principally, if not altogether, on the authority
of Fernan Mendez de Pinto, of notorious character. Yet they seem
sufficiently curious to warrant insertion in this work; and it is not at
all improbable that Antonio de Faria may have been a successful
freebooter in the Chinese seas, and that he may have actually performed
many of the exploits here recorded, though exaggerated, and mixed in
some places with palpable romance.--E.
[Footnote 354: De Faria, II. 29 & seq.]
About this time Pedro de Faria, who was governor of Malacca, sent his
factor MENDEZ DE PINTO with a letter and a present to the king of
_Patane_, desiring him to procure the liberty of five Portuguese who
were then slaves to his brother-in-law at Siam. Pinto was also entrusted
with goods to the value of 10,000 ducats, to be delivered to the factor
of De Faria at _Pam_. Having at that place made up a valuable cargo of
diamonds pearls and gold, to the extent of 50,000 crowns, it was all
lost one night in a tumult, occasioned by the following circumstance.
There resided in Pam an ambassador from the king of Borneo, who one
night detected the king of Pam in bed with his wife, and immediately
slew him. On the death of the king becoming public, the people rose in
commotion, more for the purpose of plunder than revenge. In this tumult
about 4000 men were slain, and the Portuguese factors were robbed, and
some of their companions slain. They made their escape to _Patane_,
where they and other Portuguese asked leave of the king to make
reprisals on three vessels belonging to merchants of Pam, which were
then riding at anchor in the river _Calantam_ 18 leagues off, richly
laden from China. Getting the kings permission, they set out to the
number of 80 persons in three vessels, and after a sharp engagement took
and brought in these ships to Patane, where their cargoes were valued at
300,000 ducats. The people of Patane urged the king to take these ships
from the Portuguese; but he decided that the 50,000 crowns should be
made good to them of which they had been plundered at Pam; on which the
merchants paid that sum and were allowed to continue their voyage.
About the same period, _Pedro de Faria y Sousa_ sent his kinsman _Antonio
de Faria y Sousa_ to treat of important affairs with the king of
_Patane_, and in particular to preserve peace with that prince. Antonio
carried goods with him to the value of 12,000 ducats, and finding no
sale for them at that place, he sent them to the port of _Lugor_ in the
kingdom of Siam, a place of great trade, where he was informed they
would sell to great advantage. He intrusted the charge of this valuable
cargo to _Christopher Borallo_, who was surprised while at anchor in the
mouth of the Lugor river by, Khodjah Husseyn, a Moor of Guzerat, who
commanded a vessel well stored with artillery, and manned with 80 Turks
and Moors. Borallo thought himself happy in escaping from these pirates
by swimming on shore, and brought the news of this disaster to Antonio
de Faria at Patane, who vowed that he would never desist till he had
destroyed Husseyn, in revenge for this loss. Husseyn was equally
inveterate against the Portuguese, ever since Hector de Silveyra had
taken a ship belonging to him in the sea of Guzerat, killing his father
and two brothers, and had continually exerted himself in robbing and
murdering the Portuguese. Owing to this loss and his determination of
revenge, Antonio de Faria was led to the performance of those brave
actions which I now mean to relate with all my usual sincerity, without
affection for my kindred.
Antonio accordingly fitted out a small vessel with 50 men, in which he
sailed from Patane on Saturday the 8th May 1540, and steered north-east
towards the kingdom of _Champa_ or _Tsiompa_, to examine that coast. He
here saw the island of _Pulo Condor_, in lat. 3 deg. 20' N[355]. and then to
the eastwards rounded one six leagues from the coast of Cambodia.
Entering the port of _Bralapisam_, he found there a vessel of the
_Lequii_, having on board an ambassador from the prince of the island of
_Lossa_[356] in 36 deg. of north latitude, for the king of Siam. As soon as
this vessel espied the Portuguese ship, it weighed anchor and sailed
away. Faria sent after them a Chinese pilot with a civil message, who
brought back this remarkable answer, "We return thanks: The time will
come when our nation shall have commerce with that captain in real
friendship, through the law of the supreme God, whose clemency is
boundless, since by his death he gave life to all mankind, and remains
an everlasting faith in the house of the good. We confidently hold that
this will be when half the times are past[357]." The pilot also brought
back a rich cymeter in a scabbard of beaten gold, with a handle of the
same, splendidly ornamented with pearls of great value. Antonio would
have made a return, but the vessel could not be overtaken. From thence
Antonio proceeded to the river _Pulo Cambier_, which divides the
kingdoms of _Cambodia_ and _Tsiompa_. At the town of _Catimparu_, he was
informed that great river took its rise in the lake of _Pinator_, 260
leagues westwards in the kingdom of _Quitirvam_, encompassed with high
mountains, around which lake there are 38 towns, 13 of which are
considerable, where was a gold mine that yielded 22 millions of crowns
yearly. It belonged to _four_ lords, who were engaged in continual wars
for its possession. At _Bauquerim_ likewise there is a mine of the
finest diamonds: and from the disposition of the people they might
easily be conquered by the Portuguese.
[Footnote 355: Pulo Condor, off the mouths of the Japanese river, is in
lat. 8 deg. 40' N. perhaps the figure 3 in the text is a typographical
error.--E.]
[Footnote 356: Possibly Luzon in lat. 16 deg. N. may be here meant. Unless
we can suppose some part of Japan may be intended, which is in the
latitude of the text--E.]
[Footnote 357: This strange oracular message, and indeed most of the
wonderful deeds of Antonio de Faria, smells strongly of _Mendez de
Pinto_, the factor of Pedro de Faria, who has been characterised as the
_prince of liars_. Indeed the editor of Astleys Collection says that his
name ought to be _Mendax_ de Pinto.--E.]
Coasting along, Antonio came to anchor in the mouth of the river
_Toobasoy_, fearing to go up. At this place he espied a large vessel to
which he made signs of peace, but received a rude answer. As night drew
on, it was thought proper to wait for day; but in the dark first one
vessel and then three more were descried coming towards them, and forty
men from the first vessel boarded them, but were all slain, their vessel
taken and the others burnt. A black, who was taken on this occasion,
declared himself a Christian, saying he had been slave to Gaspar de
Melo, who had been taken by the pirate _Similau_ along with 26 other
Portuguese, all of whom he had barbarously put to death. The black said
that Similau had another vessel in the port richly laden, having only a
few men on board. Similau with the other prisoners were put to the same
death they had used to inflict on others. As soon as day appeared that
other vessel was taken, and the booty in silver only amounted to 60,000
ducats, besides other goods. Thus enriched, Antonio went on to the river
_Tinacoreu_ or _Varela_, where the ships of Siam and Malacca, trading
with China, barter their goods for gold, _calamba_, and ivory, with
which that country abounds. He anchored off a small town called
_Tayquileu_, the inhabitants of which called the Portuguese the _bearded
people_; for though these people had beards, theirs were short and thin,
whereas those of the Portuguese were at their full growth, many of them
reaching to their girdles. By the inhabitants of this place, Antonio was
informed that their river was formerly called _Tauralachim_ or the Great
Stock, to express its greatness: That it is deep and navigable for 80
leagues, up to a town named _Moncalor_, and then becomes wide and
shallow, coming from the great country of _Chintaleuho_, where the
country for eight days journey had been depopulated 40 years before _by
a multitude of birds!_ In the middle of that country is the great lake
of _Cunabetee_ or _Chiamay_, whence spring four great rivers. That lake
is 180 leagues in circumference, and the country round abounds in mines
of silver, copper, tin, and lead.
From thence Antonio proceeded to the island of _Hainan_, passing in
sight of _Champiloo_, in lat. 18 deg. N. at the entrance of the bay of
Cochin China. Farther on he discovered the promontory of _Pulocampas_,
whence the island of Hainan may be seen. To the west of this they found
a river, up which Borallo was sent in a small vessel with 16 men, who
discovered at least 2000 sail of vessels and a large walled town. On
their return they saw a large vessel at anchor. The captain supposing
this might be Husseyn took it; but learnt from an ancient Christian of
Mount Sinai, who was among the prisoners, that it belonged to a pirate
named _Quioy Tayjam_, who had killed above an hundred Portuguese, and
now lay hid in the forecastle with six or seven others, all of whom were
drawn from their hiding place and slain. In this vessel were found
60,000 quintals[358] of pepper, with a great deal of other spices,
besides ivory, tin, wax, and powder, the whole valued at 60,000 crowns;
besides several good cannon, some valuable baggage, and silver. In the
hold were nine children, the biggest only about nine years old, all
loaded with irons, and starving of hunger.
[Footnote 358: This is either an enormous exaggeration, or a gross
error. The quantity in the text is equal to 3500 tons.--E.]
Coasting along the island of Hainan, Antonio met some fishers of pearls,
whom he used courteously. They told him that the island belonged to
China. Hence he went to the river _Tananquir_, where he was suddenly
attacked by two large vessels, both of which were taken, after a long
struggle, in which 80 of the enemy were slain, with the loss of 14 men
belonging to Antonio, only one of whom was a Portuguese. After a while
they heard lamentable cries in the hold of one of these ships, in which
17 prisoners were found, two of whom were Portuguese. From one of these
Antonio was informed that these vessels had belonged to _Necoda
Xicaulem_, who, after becoming a Christian at Malacca and marrying a
Portuguese woman, had killed her and many more of her nation. The booty
in these two ships was valued at 50,000 crowns. One of the vessels was
burnt, as Antonio had not a sufficient number of men to navigate her. In
both vessels there were seventeen brass guns, most of which had the arms
of Portugal. Antonio anchored at Cape _Tilaumere_, where four vessels
came up to his squadron likewise now consisting of four vessels, and in
one of these was the bride of a young nobleman, who had engaged to meet
her at that place with a like number of ships, owing to which they had
come up to the Portuguese vessels. Three of these ships were taken, in
one of which was the bride. Some of the seamen were retained, and all
the others were set on shore. Antonio then went to _Mutipinam_, as a
convenient place for selling his prizes; but as the governor of that
city somewhat obstructed the sale, Antonio was obliged to hasten it, and
received in payment of the goods he had to dispose of to the value of
200,000 crowns in uncoined silver.
In the beginning of the year 1541, Antonio sailed in search of the port
of _Madel_ in the island of _Hainan_, and by the way took some prizes.
Here he met with _Hinymilau_, a bold pirate and a great enemy to the
Christians, whom he delighted to put to cruel deaths. With him they had
a desperate engagement, and at last took him. He gave a bold account of
the many cruelties he had practised upon the Portuguese, and was
therefore immediately slain with four more. The prize was valued at
70,000 ducats. This action struck such terror into all who were in that
river, that they sent a message to Antonio, calling him _King of the
Seas_, offering him 30,000 crowns to take them under his protection, and
desiring to have passes for their safe trading. He accepted the money
and gave the passes, only for writing which his servant received 6000
crowns in the space of twelve days. So great a reputation had he
acquired in these parts, that the governor of the city offered to make
him admiral of those seas for the emperor of China, with a salary of
9000 crowns yearly. Antonio ran all along this coast without any
remarkable occurrence, only that he saw many towns, none of which were
large, and a fruitful country, and was informed that there were mines
of silver, tin, saltpetre, and brimstone.
Being now weary of looking out for the pirate _Husseyn_, the soldiers
demanded their shares of the prizes and to be discharged. This was
agreed to, and their course was directed towards Siam; but by a furious
storm they were cast away upon the _Ladrones_, where out of 500 men,
only 86 got on shore naked, 28 of whom were Portuguese. At this place
they were fifteen days with hardly any thing to eat. While in utter
despair, as the island was uninhabited, they discovered a small vessel
making for the shore where it cast anchor, and presently thirty Chinese
landed, some of whom went to procure wood and water, while the others
diverted themselves. Our men ran furiously and possessed themselves of
the vessel and put to sea as quickly as possible. In this vessel they
found only an old man and a child, but were quite delighted upon finding
plenty of provisions and much silk. Sailing for _Xamoy_ in _Liampo_,
they took another Chinese vessel and went to the island of
_Luxitay_[359], where they remained fifteen days refitting both vessels,
and then proceeded on their voyage. On the coast of _Lamau_ they
discovered a large vessel having fifteen guns, which began to fire upon
them as soon as within range; but on coming close it was observed to
have several crosses and some men in Portuguese habits, on which they
hailed each other, and the vessel was found to belong to _Quiay Panjau_
a Chinese and a great friend of the Portuguese, having thirty soldiers
of that nation on board. He came on board of Antonios vessel, bringing a
present of amber, pearls, gold, and silver, worth 2000 ducats. Among
other discourse, Antonio told him that he was bound for _Liampo_ to
furnish himself with necessaries, meaning to attempt the mines of
_Quamjaparu_, where he was told he might get much treasure. _Quiay
Panjau_ offered to accompany him, demanding only a third part of what
might be taken, which was agreed to.
[Footnote 359: The names in this strange relation of the adventures of
Antonio de Faria are so extremely corrupt as to defy even conjectural
commentary.--E.]
They refitted at the river Ainay, and going from there to _Chincheo_,
Faria hired 35 Portuguese whom he found at that place. Soon after
putting again to sea he found eight Portuguese, almost naked and all
wounded in a fishing-boat, who told him that the pirate Khojah Husseyn
had taken their ship, worth 200,000 ducats, in the harbour of the isle
of _Cumbor_, and that they had escaped with difficulty in that miserable
condition. Faria was quite rejoiced to hear of that pirate, and
immediately turned back eight leagues to _Layloo_ to prepare for
engaging him. He there changed his old vessels for new ones, and
provided men arms and ammunition, paying generously for every thing. In
four vessels which he there fitted out, he had 40 pieces of cannon, 160
muskets, 6000 darts, with abundance of other arms and ammunition, and a
force of 500 men, 95 of whom were Portuguese. In a day and a half sail
from _Layloo_ he came to the fisheries where those Portuguese had been
robbed, and was informed by some fishermen that Husseyn was only at the
distance of two leagues in the river _Tinlau_. To make quite sure, he
sent a person to see if that were the case, and finding the information
accurate he proceeded immediately to the place. The engagement began
before day-light upon four ships belonging to the pirate, which were
soon reduced to great straits, when four small vessels came up to their
assistance. One of the Portuguese cannon was so well pointed that it
sank the first of these at the first fire, and killed several men in
another vessel. At length Antonio boarded Husseyns vessel, and gave him
such a cut over the head as struck him down on the deck, and by another
stroke cut his hamstrings so that he could not rise. The pirates wounded
Antonio in three places; but being succoured by his men the victory was
complete, almost 400 of the enemy being slain or drowned by leaping
overboard, while it cost 43 men on the side of Antonio, 8 of whom were
Portuguese. Antonio immediately landed to bury his dead, and finding 96
men belonging to Husseyn in a house where they were left to be cured, he
set the house on fire, and destroyed them all. He here restored the
Portuguese ship to her owners, and gave liberty to all the slaves, as he
vowed on going upon this enterprise, paying their masters the value.
After all this generosity, the remaining booty was worth 100,000 crowns.
On the night after sailing from _Tinlau_ so violent a storm arose that
two of the ships were cast away, and most of the goods in the others had
to be thrown overboard, to the value of 200,000 ducats. One hundred and
eleven men were lost, eleven of whom were Portuguese. Thirteen men who
escaped the shipwreck were carried prisoners to _Nauday_, where Faria
came with the five remaining ships to anchor. He immediately offered
3000 crowns to the governor of the city for the liberty of the
prisoners, and meeting with an unfavourable answer, he determined to
liberate them by force. His men were fearful of the issue of so
dangerous an enterprise; but he so encouraged them, that they agreed. He
had at this time, which was in the beginning of the year 1542, a force
of 470 men in all, 60 of whom were Portuguese. Of these he chose 300 men
to accompany him on shore. After sending another civil message to the
governor, who answered by hanging the messenger, he landed with his
small but resolute band. While marching towards the city, 12,000 foot
and 100 horse came out to meet him. His musqueteers killed at least 300
of them, and pursued the rest to a bridge which led into the city. The
governor was on the inside with 600 men, and defended the passage of the
bridge till he was slain by a musquet shot, immediately on which his men
fled, and were pursued with great slaughter till they ran out at the
opposite side of the city. The city was plundered, on which occasion he
who even got least was enriched, after which the place was reduced to
ashes. Having thus gloriously redeemed his prisoners, Antonio returned
to his ships with many beautiful female captives, having only lost eight
men, one of whom was a Portuguese.
Antonio now resumed his intended expedition for the mines, but in the
first place went to pass the winter at _Pulo Hindor_, an inhabited
island fifteen leagues from _Nauday_. When near the islands of
_Commolem_, he was attacked by two large ships in which were 200
resolute men commanded by a pirate named _Premata Gundel_, a mortal
enemy to the Portuguese, to whom he had done much harm, but thought now
he had only to encounter Chinese merchant ships. One of the pirate ships
came up to board one of those belonging to Antonio, but _Qiay Panjau_
came up against her in full sail and ran so furiously upon the pirate
ship that both went down instantly, but _Quiay_ and most of his men were
saved. The other pirate ship commanded by _Premata_ in person boarded
Faria, who was in great danger of being taken, but was at length
victorious and slew 90 of the enemy; then boarding in his turn, he put
the whole to the sword. This action cost Antonio 17 men, 5 of whom were
Portuguese, and above 40 were wounded, among whom Antonio himself had
two great cuts and a thrust of a spear. The prize was valued at 120,000
ducats. After staying 20 days in the island of _Buncalen_ to cure the
wounded men, they steered for the gates of _Liampo_, which are two
islands three leagues from the city of that name which was built by the
Portuguese who there governed in the nature of a commonwealth.
Anchoring at the gates of _Liampo_, Antonio sent to ask leave to come
into the port, when he received a courteous answer, praying him to wait
six days till the inhabitants had prepared a house for his reception. On
Sunday morning, the time being expired, he hoisted sail and went up the
river accompanied by many boats sent to receive him, in which were 3000
of the citizens, who saluted him with the sound of musical instruments.
About 200 ships then in the port were ranged in two lines forming a lane
through which de Faria passed, all the cannons in the vessels and on
shore firing a salute. Some Chinese who saw this magnificent reception
asked whether this was a brother or near kinsman to the king of
Portugal, and being answered he was only his smiths son, they concluded
that Portugal must be the greatest kingdom in the world. From his ship,
Antonio was received into a barge shaded by a natural chestnut tree full
of ripe fruit, and was seated on a silver chair raised on six steps
adorned with gold, six beautiful maids richly clad standing on each
side, who played and sang melodiously. When he landed on the quay, he
was placed in a still richer chair on mens shoulders under a canopy,
guarded by 60 halberdiers, and preceded by 16 men on fine horses, and
before these eight with silver maces, all in splendid attire. In this
manner he was conducted to a large scaffold covered with fine tapestry,
where being placed in his chair of state, he received the compliments of
the magistracy and principal inhabitants of the city. From the quay to
the city, which was a considerable distance, there was a closely covered
lane formed of chestnut, pine, and laurel trees, and the ground was
strewed with flowers. And all the way, at regular distances, there were
companies of dancers, and perfumes burning, with astonishing multitudes
of people the whole way.
At the entrance into the city, a temporary castle was built for the
occasion, having the arms of the Faria family in front, being _Sanguin,
a tower argent; in base, a man torn in pieces_. At this place he was
received by a reverend old man, attended by four mace-bearers, and after
some ceremonies the old man made a long speech in praise of the family,
concluding with a panegyric on his own actions, and bidding him welcome
to the city. The orator then offered him, in the name of the city, five
chests full of silver in bars, worth twenty thousand pieces of eight,
which he refused, saying he would endeavour to deserve in some measure
the honours which wore heaped on him. From thence he walked on foot,
passing through many splendid arches, to the church of our Lady, where
he assisted at mass under a canopy, and heard a sermon full of his own
praises. After this he was conducted by above 1000 Portuguese to a large
open space before the house in which he was to reside, shaded by a
variety of fine trees, the ground strewed with flowers and sweet herbs,
where three long tables were splendidly decorated and richly covered
with a sumptuous entertainment. When Antonio was seated, the whole
multitude departed, except about 80 of the principal citizens who were
to dine along with him, and 50 soldiers who attended, while the
halberdiers stood at a distance to keep off the people. As soon as the
company was seated, the music began to play, and eight beautiful maids
came forwards playing on instruments and dancing, eight others being
placed beside Antonio singing. The dishes were brought in by a number of
fine women, and set upon the tables by men, the abundance and costliness
of the entertainment being wonderful. After dinner the company adjourned
to another place, where there was a bull-feast, with several wild horses
among them, and at the death of each animal there followed dancing music
and other entertainments.
De Faria continued here five months, entertained in great splendour,
having dogs and horses to go a hunting, as the environs abounded in
game. The time being come for going to the mines of _Quamgiparu_, Quiay
Panjau who was to have accompanied him thither was carried off by
sickness. After this another Chinese named _Similau_ dissuaded Antonio
from attempting the adventure of the mines, as attended with too much
difficulty and danger, and proposed to him to undertake an expedition to
the island of _Calempluy_, in which were the tombs of the ancient kings
of China, which were said to contain great treasures. To this Antonio
gave ear, as covetousness had great sway even upon his generous mind.
Happy had it been for him if he had returned to India, satisfied with
the victories he had already achieved. About the middle of May 1542, he
set sail accompanied by _Similau_ in two galliots with 146 men, 52 of
whom were Portuguese, and among these the priest _Diego Lubato_. Next
day they discovered the islands of _Nangnitur_, and then entered upon
seas till then unknown by the Portuguese. Having crossed a gulf of 40
leagues, they discovered the high mountain, of _Nangalaci_, and held on
their course northwards. At the end of ten days they anchored in a river
where they saw white people like the Chinese, but differing in language,
and could never prevail to have any intercourse with them. After eight
days sailing they entered the strait of _Silcapaquim_, in which they
spent five days in sight of many populous towns. But this course
appearing dangerous, they steered up the river _Humbepadam_ by the
advice of _Similau_, passing to the east of the mountain _Fangus_, and
came thirteen days afterwards to the bay of _Buxipalem_ in the latitude
of 30 deg., which produces fish, serpents, and crocodiles of wonderous size,
and many sea-horses. Farther on they came to the bay of _Calinclam_,
surrounded with high mountains, whence four great rivers fall into the
sea. They next sailed under the great mountain _Botinasora_, abounding
in lions, rhinoceroses, tigers, ounces, and other wild beasts, and then
past _Gangitanu_, inhabited by the _Gigahui_, a wild gigantic people,
some _ten_ and some _eleven spans_ high, of whom they saw fourteen of
both sexes. They have good complexions, being white and red, but very
ill-favoured features. Antonio gave them some procelain dishes and silk,
for which they seemed thankful, and brought some cows and deer in
return, but their language could not be understood.
At length they arrived in the bay of _Nanking_, and six days afterwards
to the great city of _Pamor_, whose bay was almost hid under three
thousand vessels. Fearing danger here they stood off and came to
_Tanquilem_, where Similau and 36 Chinese seamen ran away for fear;
because Antonio, weary of the voyage, and finding that Similau could
give no good account of where they were, threatened to kill him. Similau
was not indeed ignorant, but he was so terrified by the ill usage of the
Portuguese that he knew not what he said, and they were afraid that
either he knew not the coast or meant to betray them. It was a great
error to believe him at _Liampo_, and to use him ill at _Nanking_ where
they had most need of him. In fine the Portuguese gave themselves up for
lost, not knowing where they were till some of the natives informed them
that they were only ten leagues from the island of _Calempluy_, on which
they sore repented the ill usage they had given to _Similau_. Doubling
Cape _Guinaytarau_, after a tedious voyage of two months and a half,
they discovered the island of which they were in search in the middle of
the river. This island is quite plain and seemed four miles round. Next
morning Antonio sailed round it in his galliots, and found it surrounded
by a wall of jasper so closely built that it seemed all one stone. The
wall rose 19 feet above the surface of the water, and was terrassed on
the inside. On the top of the wall was a _massy twist_, on which was a
brass rail, having little columns at regular distances, on which were
the statues of women having balls in their hands, all likewise of brass.
At some distance from these were figures of iron, of monstrous shapes,
that seemed to give each other their hands; and further on were several
curious arches of stones of various colours. On the inside there were
afterwards seen a delightful assemblage of small groves of orange trees,
among which were 366 chapels dedicated to the gods of the year. On one
side was a great building, not all of a piece, but divided into seven
parts, all over splendidly ornamented with gold.
In the evening Antonio entered the island by one of its eight gates,
accompanied by sixty men, four of whom were Portuguese. On entering one
of the chapels, they saw a man who seemed an hundred years of age, who
fell down with fear; but, on recovering, rebuked the soldiers for taking
the bars of silver from the tombs. Having received information of what
was in the other chapels, Antonio went on board with a considerable
quantity of silver taken from the first chapel, meaning to return next
day to plunder them all. About midnight, lights were seen on the top of
the great building, and numbers of bell were heard all over the island.
Antonio went again on shore, though advised to make off as the alarm was
given. He brought away two old men with some candlesticks and a silver
idol, and was informed that the island would soon be relieved, as the
first hermit had given the alarm; on which Antonio found that he had
erred in not bringing away that old man as he was advised. He departed
therefore from the island, much dissatisfied at having missed the
acquisition of so much treasure by his own fault. After sailing a month,
there arose so great a storm on the 5th of August, that his galliot was
swallowed up. The other galliot perished a few days afterwards, and only
fourteen of the crew escaped. Thus perished the brave Antonio de Faria;
a just judgment, doubtless, for the sacrilegious robbery he intended to
have committed.
No less unfortunate was the end of the city of _Liampo_, where Antonio
had been so nobly received, falling a sacrifice to the base and
insatiable avarice of its inhabitants. Lancelot Pereyra, judge of that
city, having lost a thousand ducats by some Chinese, went out with a
body of troops to rob and plunder others in satisfaction of the debt.
This unadvised and barbarous procedure brought the governor of the
province against the city with 80,000 men, and in four hours burnt it to
the ground, together with 80 ships that were in the port. Twelve
thousand men were slain, among whom were 1000 Portuguese, and three
millions of gold were lost. Thus scarce any thing was left of _Liampo_
but the name; and thus what the Portuguese gained by their valour was
lost by their covetousness. _Liampo_ had above three thousand catholic
inhabitants, almost the half of whom were Portuguese. Those who survived
this cruel execution, obtained leave in 1547, by great presents, to
settle in the province of _Chincheo_, in a village which began to
flourish in consequence of a rich trade, but it came to the same end
with the other.
SECTION III.
_Transactions during the Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, from
1542 to 1543_.
In the year 1542, but whether under the government of De Gama or De
Sousa is uncertain, Antonio de Mota, Francisco Zeymoto, and Antonio
Peixoto, while on a voyage to China, were driven by a storm among the
islands of _Nipongi_ or _Nijon_, called _Gipon_ by the Chinese, and
known in Europe by the name of _Japan_. They were well received in one
of these islands, of which they had the honour to be the first
discoverers, though accidentally. These islands of Japan are far to the
eastward of all India, being even beyond China, and lie between the
latitudes of 30 deg. and 40 deg. N[360]. These islands are numerous, the
principal and largest island being that peculiarly called _Niphon_,
_Nifon_, _Nipongi_, or _Japan_, which gives name to the group, and in
which is the city of _Meaco_ the imperial residence. According to the
natives this principal island is 366 leagues in length, but by our
computation only 266[361]. The chief islands around the large one, are
_Cikoko_, _Toksosi_, _Sando_, _Sisime Bacasa_, _Vuoki_, _Taquixima_, or
_Takishima_, and _Firando_[362]. Fernan Mendez Pinto in his travels
assumes the merit of this discovery to himself; pretending that he came
to the island of _Tanixima_, by which I suppose he meant _Taquixima_,
not by stress of weather, but by design, in the service of a pirate who
had relieved him and his companions when cast away, naming Christopher
Borallo and Diego Zeymoto as those who accompanied him. In both
relations _three_ names are mentioned as the discoverers of Japan, one
only, _Zeymoto_, being the same in both, and both agree in the date of
the discovery being in 1542. According to Pinto, the prince of the
island of _Tanixima_ was named _Nautaquim_ who stood amazed on seeing
the three Portuguese strangers, and uttered the following mysterious
words: "These are certainly the _Chinchicogies_, spoken of in our
records; who, flying over the waters, shall come to be lords of the
lands where God has placed the greatest riches of the world. It will be
fortunate for us if they come as friends!"
[Footnote 360: More rigidly from lat. 31 deg. 28' to 40 deg. 80' N. and between
the longitudes of 127 deg. 47' and 142 deg. 33' E. from Greenwich.--E.]
[Footnote 361: Meaning probably a different denomination of measure. The
island of Niphon measures 824 English miles in extreme length, from S.W.
to N.E. in a somewhat bent line. Its breadth varies from 55 to 240
miles, averaging about 100; but it is extremely irregular, owing to many
deep bays and considerable peninsulae. _Jedo_ is now the capital and
residence of the temporal sovereign, _Meaco_ of the once spiritual
sovereign, now reduced to chief priest of the national religion.--E.]
[Footnote 362: The only islands of magnitude besides Niphon, are
_Kiusiu_, which does not appear to have any representative in the text,
and _Sicocf_, probably the _Cikoko_ of De Faria. The other numerous
islands are of little importance, and several of the names in the text
cannot be referred to any of the islands. _Firando_ and _Taquixima_
remain unchanged, and the others cannot be traced.--E.]
The first action of the new governor De Sousa was to diminish the pay of
the soldiers. The saving of charges is a great means of gaining the
favour of princes; _yet ministers never express their zeal by
retrenching their own large allowances_, but by cutting off the small
ones from the poor; and, as was natural, this alteration occasioned much
discontent among the troops. At this time the queen of _Batecala_, a
well-built city on the banks of a river, on the coast of Canara, in a
fertile country, refused to pay her tribute, and entertained pirates in
her port to the great prejudice of trade; on which account De Sousa
went with 2000 men in 60 vessels of different kinds to reduce her to
obedience. On entering the port of Batecala where he demanded payment of
the tribute, and that the pirate ships should be delivered up, the queen
endeavoured to procrastinate till such time as she knew it would be
necessary for the governor to retire with his armament to Cochin. But
being aware of this artifice, the governor landed with 1200 men in two
battalions, and ordered twenty light vessels to go up the river to
attack the city on that side, while he assailed it on the land side.
While marching through a wood, the governor was opposed by a body of
musqueteers; but his troops drove them to the gates of the city, which
they entered along with the fugitives, in spite of every opposition from
the enemy who were encouraged by the queen in person. It was night when
the Portuguese got possession of the city; and in the morning they began
to plunder, not even sparing the Portuguese who were settled there. They
even fell out among themselves, and came to blows, in which all were
hurt and none enriched. The enemy noticed this contention among the
Portuguese from a neighbouring hill to which they had retired, and
endeavoured to take advantage of this circumstance, by discharging
incessant flights of arrows into the town. On receiving orders from De
Sousa to march against the enemy, the discontented troops exclaimed,
"That the rich gentry might march if they would; but that they only came
to make up by plunder for the pay of which they had been unjustly
deprived." Gracia de Sa went out against the enemy with a few lances;
but after several charges, almost the whole of the Portuguese shamefully
took to flight, endeavouring in such haste to reimbark that several were
drowned in the confusion. Indignant at this cowardice, the governor
reproached them as not being the same brave men he had left in India
only two years before. To this they answered, thinking he meant it as a
reflection on his predecessor, "That the men were the same, but the
governor was changed; and that this was the fruit of lessening their
pay, to enable him to give gratuities to those who knew better how to
beg favours than to deserve them." De Sousa retired to the ships for the
night, but landed next day, when he utterly destroyed the city and
surrounding country with fire and sword, and made all the woods be cut
down[363]. Unable any longer to resist, the queen purchased peace by
submitting to a heavier subjection than before.
[Footnote 363: The cutting down of the woods mentioned in the text,
probably refers to cocoa nut trees, on which the natives of the coast of
India appear to have greatly depended for food.--E.]
The king of Ormuz had fallen into arrears of life tribute, and was due
500,000 ducats, which he was unable to pay; for the tribute had been
successively raised from 12,000 ducats originally imposed by
Albuquerque, to 100,000, so that from a tributary he became a slave, not
having even a competent maintenance remaining. Finding him unable to
discharge the debt, De Sousa proposed to him to make over the customs of
Ormuz to the Portuguese, which he agreed to, that he might get rid of
the oppression. But the Persians soon afterwards deprived them of this
source of revenue, which they had unjustly appropriated to themselves.
In the year 1544, De Sousa fitted out a fleet of 45 sail, in which were
embarked 3000 seamen and soldiers. The design of this armament was kept
a profound secret, which was to rob the pagoda of _Tremele_, 12 miles
inland from St Thomas of Meliapour, in the kingdom of Bisnagar, for
which express orders had been given by King John, under pretence that
India was wasted, as if any pretence could justify robbery. The design
was however discovered, or as others say it was disappointed by contrary
winds. Yet the governor was persuaded to plunder other pagodas, where it
was thought there were equal riches. By the way, he sent a message to
the king of Jafnapatam in the island of Ceylon, commanding him either to
become tributary to the crown of Portugal, or to prepare for opposing
the armament. The king agreed to pay 4000 ducats yearly, glad to get off
so easily. A king called _Grande_ near Cape Comorin, being in fear of
the Portuguese, sent a present to the governor. De Sousa proceeded to a
pagoda named _Tebelicate_[364], near _Calecoulam_, although the
Portuguese were at peace with the king of that country, and went into it
with a small number of his confidants, whence they brought out two casks
so heavy that they loaded many men. These casks were reported to contain
water, though some affirmed that it was gold and jewels; but the truth
was never known. It has been alleged by some writers that nothing was
found but a golden vessel worth 4000 crowns, in which the idol used to
be bathed, and which was ordered to be restored by the king of Portugal,
who was much displeased at the conduct of De Sousa on this occasion; as
if it were a greater crime to rob the pagoda of _Tebilicare_ without
orders, than that of _Tremele_ with orders. While the Portuguese were
returning to their ships, the town and pagoda were set on fire, and they
were attacked in a narrow defile by 200 Nayres, who killed 30 of them;
but on getting into the open field, the Nayres were put to flight. No
danger terrifies avarice. The Portuguese went on to another pagoda, from
which a chest was brought out and opened publicly, and some silver money
which it contained was distributed among the troops; but of so small
account, that many believed the liberality was owing to that
circumstance.
[Footnote 364: Called afterwards _Tebilicare_.]
De Sousa was obliged to return in all haste to Goa, owing to the
following circumstance, communicated to him by a message from Don Garcia
de Castro. _Aceda Khan_, lord of the lands around Goa, intending to
depose Adel Khan, prevailed on Don Garcia, by means of presents to
deliver up to him _Meale Khan_ the brother of Adel Khan, pretending that
he held the kingdom wrongfully. This gave just cause of complaint to
Adel Khan, and occasioned considerable danger to the Portuguese. The
governor listened to the arguments and offers of both sides; but
inclined more to favour Aceda Khan, who offered to cede the kingdom of
Concan, giving a revenue of about a million, then possessed by Abraham,
a good man and a friend of the Portuguese. As this territory was very
valuable, particularly from its neighbourhood to Goa, the governor
declared in favour of Meale Khan, and prepared to possess himself of the
Concan which was offered by Aceda Khan. This was a notorious act of
injustice; and as De Sousa was naturally of a haughty disposition, none
of his officers dared to remonstrate; but Pedro de Faria, then
four-score years of age, trusting to his quality and the great offices
he had held, repaired late one night to the governors tent, and
prevailed upon him to desist from so unjust an undertaking. Next day the
governor abandoned his design, pretending various reasons of delay, and
returned to Goa, carrying Meale Khan along with him.
At this time Aceda Khan died, who was the contriver of this discord, and
Adel Khan descended the gaut mountains with a powerful army to reduce
the rebels, recovering possession of the Concan in a few days. But as
Adel Khan was still fearful of Meale Khan, he offered the lands of
_Salsete_ and _Bardez_ to De Sousa, on condition of delivering him up,
which were valued at 50,000 ducats of yearly revenue. De Sousa refused
to give up this man who had confided in him for protection; but offered,
if put in possession of these districts, that he would remove Meale to
some place where he could give no disturbance to Adel Khan. These
conditions were agreed to and performed by Adel Khan, but evaded by De
Sousa, who sent Meale to Cananor and brought him back to Goa. Some
alleged that this was done to overawe Adel Khan, while others said it
was meant as a bait to extort presents; and it was certain that some
were actually sent.
In this treaty, Adel Khan had agreed that De Sousa was to be put into
possession of the vast treasures which had been left by the rebel Aceda
Khan, said to amount to ten millions of ducats, and which at his death
had fallen into the hands of Khojah Zemaz-oddin, who persuaded De Sousa
that it was only one million, and delivered that sum to him. Adel Khan
afterwards gave notice to De Sousa of the vast fraud which had been used
in the pretended delivery of the treasure; but all his efforts to secure
the defaulter were in vain.
Sultan Mahmud, sovereign of Cambaya or Guzerat, was desirous of
recovering possession of the castle built by the Portuguese at Diu, and
of freeing himself by that means from the trammels which had been thrown
in the way of the trade of his dominions. In the late treaty between him
and the Portuguese, it had been stipulated, with the consent of the
viceroy Don Garcia, that the government of Cambaya might erect a wall
between the city of Diu and the castle. This wall was accordingly
commenced; but as Emanuel de Sousa, who commanded in the castle of Diu,
considered that the wall now building was of a very different
description from a mere boundary, as intended in the treaty, and
appeared to be destined for hostile purposes, he drove away the workmen,
threw down the wall, and made use of the materials for strengthening the
defences of the castle. Mahmud was highly offended at this procedure,
and at the instigation of his great minister Khojah Zofar, he secretly
used every possible means to stir up enemies to the Portuguese,
endeavouring to form an union of the Indian princes to expel them not
only from Diu but from all India.
In the course of this year 1544, the great Khan of the Tartars invaded
China and besieged _Peking_ with a prodigious army, amounting to
millions of men. A large detachment from this vast army, among which
were 60,000 horse, was sent against the city of _Quamsi_, which was
plundered, and an immense number of the inhabitants put to the sword.
While on his return with this part of the army, _Nauticor_ the Tartar
general attempted to reduce the fortress of _Nixiancoo_, but was
repulsed with the loss of 3000 men, on which he was disposed to desist
from the enterprise, deeming the place impregnable. Among the prisoners
taken at Quamsi were nine Portuguese, one of whom named George Mendez
made offer to the Tartar general to put him on a plan for gaining the
fortress of _Nixiancoo_, on condition that he and his companions were
restored to liberty. The general agreed to his proposal, and gained the
fort by the advice of Mendez, with the slaughter of 2000 Chinese and
Moguls. In pursuance of his promise, the general obtained the liberty of
the Portuguese from his sovereign, but prevailed on Mendez to continue
in his service by a pension of 6000 ducats. The Tartar emperor was
constrained to raise the siege of Peking and retire to _Tuymican_ his
residence in Tartary, after having closely invested the metropolis of
China for almost seven months, with the loss of 450,000 men, mostly cut
off by pestilence, besides 300,000 that deserted to the Chinese.
In 1545, Martin Alfonso de Sousa became exceedingly dissatisfied with
his situation as governor-general in India, being threatened on every
side by a combination of the native princes, and having no adequate
means of defence either in men or money. Only a few days before the
arrival of his successor, he declared to Diego Silveyra who was going to
sail for Portugal, that if the king did not immediately send out a
successor, he would open the patents of succession, and resign the
government to whoever he might find nominated for that purpose. He was
soon afterwards relieved by Don Juan de Castro, whose journal of the
expedition into the Red Sea we have laid before our readers in the
preceding chapter, and who arrived at Goa in August or September 1545,
to assume the government of India.
SECTION IV.
_Government of India by Don Juan de Castro, from 1545 to 1548._
Khojah Zofar, who was now chief minister and favourite to the king of
Cambaya, though he continued to keep up a fair correspondence with the
Portuguese, yet, with the perfidy so natural to a Moor, never ceased
persuading his sovereign to endeavour to shake off the yoke by a second
attempt to reduce the castle of Diu. For this purpose he collected a
powerful army, yet endeavoured in the first place to attain his ends by
the most infamous means of secret policy. With this view he gained over
a Portuguese of a base character, named _Ruy Freire_, to poison the
great cistern or reservoir of water, to set the magazine of the castle
on fire, and to admit him by a concerted signal into the place. But this
treacherous design was frustrated by the information of an Ethiopian, a
Turk and a female slave, who revealed the plot to the commander, Don
Juan Mascarenhas, who had succeeded Emanuel de Sousa. As Mascarenhas
became aware of the storm that was gathering against him, he prepared to
meet it as well as possible, and sent notice of his danger to the
governor-general, Don Juan de Castro, and to all the neighbouring
Portuguese commanders. The garrison in the castle of Diu at this time
amounted only to 210 men: Of these Mascarenhas assigned 30 for the
defence of each of the four bastions; his lieutenant had charge of a
tower or bulwark over the gate with 20 men; other 20 were placed in a
small detached work; and he retained 50 men as a body of reserve under
his own immediate command, to act wherever the greatest danger might
call for his presence.
By this time a considerable number of men were collected by the enemy in
the city of Diu, among whom were 500 Turks sent from Mokha by the king
of Zabid, and Khojah Zofar came on with all his power, resolving to
attack the sea bastion by means of three castles well stored with cannon
and ammunition, which were built upon a ship of vast size; within the
castles were 200 Turks, who were intended to distract the attention of
the defendants by continually pouring in all sorts of artificial
fireworks. This device was however abortive, as Jacome Leite went by
night in two small vessels with twenty men, and though discovered he
succeeded in setting the floating castle on fire, a great part of which
blew up with all the Turks, and the remainder of the ship burnt with so
great a flame that the enemy was seen in whole battalions running to
quench the fire. Seeing the enemy in clusters, Jacome pointed his cannon
among them and killed many: After this exploit, he proceeded to the
mouth of the river, where he took some vessels loaded with provisions
belonging to the enemy, with which he returned to the fort to the great
admiration of the whole garrison, having seven of his men wounded in
this gallant and successful exploit.
Though frustrated in this design, Khojah Zofar persisted in his
intentions of besieging the castle, for which purpose he began to
rebuild the wall which had been destroyed by De Sousa.[365] This could
not be prevented, though many of the workmen were killed by the cannon
of the fort, and being at last brought to perfection Zofar planted upon
it sixty pieces of large cannon, besides many of a small size. One of
these cannons was of such extraordinary magnitude that it shook the
whole island every time it was discharged, and it was managed with much
expertness by a renegade Frenchman in the service of Zofar. At this time
Don Ferdinand de Castro, son to the governor arrived with a
reinforcement. Mascarenhas having expressed a desire of acquiring some
intelligence from the enemys camp, one Diego de Anaya Coutinno, a
gentleman of note and of great strength, put on a helmet with a sword by
his side and a spear in his hand, and let himself down from the wall
under night. He soon discovered two Moors at some distance from the
fort, one of whom he slew with his spear, and taking up the other in his
arms ran with him to the gate of the fort, calling out for admission,
and threw him in, to the great surprise and admiration of his
companions. Coutinno had borrowed a helmet, which he had engaged his
word to restore or die in its defence. It happened to fall off in the
scuffle, and he did not miss it till demanded, by its owner. He
immediately let himself down again from the wall to look for the helmet,
which he found and restored.
[Footnote 365: This second siege of Diu appears to have commenced about
the beginning of March 1545.--E.]
Shortly afterwards an extraordinary movement was observed in the
besieging army, of which Mascarenhas was desirous to know the cause. On
this account six men sallied out at night from the castle, and fell upon
an advanced party of sixty Moors, some of whom they killed; but the rest
awaking, and being joined by others, the Portuguese were forced to
retreat after losing two of their number; but the remaining four
brought in a prisoner along with them, who reported that the king of
Cambaya was arrived from _Champanel_ with 10,000 horse, on purpose to
see the capture of the castle, which he was assured by Zofar must soon
fall. This exploit so incensed the king and Zofar, that they pressed the
siege with the utmost fury, and did much harm to the works of the castle
by incessant discharges from their numerous artillery. But the renegade
Frenchman, who managed their greatest gun, was slain by a chance shot,
and the gunner who succeeded him was so ignorant that he did more harm
to his own party than to the Portuguese. All the neighbourhood
continually resounded with the incessant noise of the cannon, mixed with
the cries and groans of dying men; when a ball from the fort happened to
go through the kings tent, and sprinkled him all over with the blood of
one of his favourites, who was torn to pieces close by him. This so
terrified the king, that he immediately abandoned Diu, leaving the
command of the horse to Juzar Khan a valiant Abyssinian.
Khojah Zofar continued to press the siege, and there was much slaughter
and destruction on both sides; but this was more evident and prejudicial
in the castle, owing to the small space and the weakness of the
garrison. Mascarenhas on his part exerted every means for defence,
always repairing to wherever there was most danger, as desirous of
gaining equal honour with Silveyra who had so gallantly defended the
same place only a few years before. He was no less fortunate in
courageous women than Silveyra, as those now in the castle encouraged
the men to fight valiantly, and both assisted and relieved them in the
labour of repairing the walls. On one occasion that some Turks had got
within the walls and had taken post in a house, one of these valiant
females ran there with a spear and fought against the enemy, till
Mascarenhas came up with his reserve and put them all to the sword.
Zofar used every effort and device to fill up the ditches and to batter
down the walls of the castle; but equal industry was exerted by the
besieged to repair the breaches and to clear out the ditches, the prime
gentry doing as much duty on those occasions as the private soldiers and
masons; repairing every night such parts of the walls and bastions as
had been ruined in the day.
Astonished to see all the defences thus restored, and angry at the
obstinate resistance of so small a garrison, Zofar made a furious
assault upon the castle, but had his head carried off by a cannon-ball.
"In this violent death he fulfilled the prediction of his mother at
_Otranto,_ who having in vain endeavoured to prevail upon him to return
into the bosom of the church, used to superscribe her letters to him in
the following manner. _To Khojah Zofar my son, at the gates of hell._"
He was succeeded by his son _Rumi Khan_, who inherited his fortune and
command, and was as eager as his father to reduce the castle of Diu.
Being in great straits, Mascarenhas was under the necessity of applying
to the governor-general at Goa and the commanders of the neighbouring
garrisons for reinforcements, on which occasion a priest was employed,
who run great danger, as the sea was at this season scarcely navigable:
But then Portugal had some _decii_ and _reguli_, while it now has only
the grief of wanting such patriots[366].
[Footnote 366: It is hardly necessary to observe that this is the
expression of D. Faria in the _seventeenth_ century, when Portugal
groaned under the yoke of the Austrian sovereigns of Spain.--E.]
In the mean time Rumi Khan and Juzar Khan gave a general assault,
particularly directing their efforts against the bastions of St John and
St Thomas, where they found a vigorous resistance and lost a prodigious
number of men. Yet numbers at length prevailed, and the enemy gained a
temporary possession of the bastion of St Thomas. The garrison adding
fury to despair, made so desperate an effort to recover the bastion,
that they made a wonderful slaughter of the numerous assailants who had
penetrated their works, throwing headlong from the wall such as had
escaped the sword, insomuch that the bastion and the ditch below were
heaped with dead bodies. Rumi Khan spent the succeeding night in prayers
and processions to propitiate Mahomet, and next morning renewed the
assault with equal fury. But after mounting the two bastions, he was at
length forced to retreat with the loss of near 2000 men, among whom was
Juzar Khan the Abyssinian general, who was succeeded in his command by
his uncle of the same name. In this action the Portuguese lost seven
men. Several other assaults were given with similar success. In one of
these the fire was so close and furious that several of the Portuguese
who were clad in cotton garments had their clothes set on fire, on which
they ran and dipt themselves in water, after which they returned to
their posts. Such as happened to have skin coats escaped this danger;
and as Mascarenhas noticed this circumstance, he caused the gilt
leather hangings of his apartments to be made into coats for his
soldiers.
As the enemy had raised a mount near the castle which overlooked the
walls, whence they greatly annoyed the enemy, Don Juan and Don Pedro de
Almeyda sallied out with an hundred men and destroyed that work, killing
300 Moors. At another time Martin Botello went out with ten men to
endeavour to make some prisoners, to procure intelligence. This party
fell upon a post of the enemy occupied by eighteen men, all of whom fled
except one _Nubian_, who bravely endeavoured to defend himself against
the whole eleven. Botello closed with him, and finding him hard to
overcome while he touched the ground with his feet, raised him in his
arms as Hercules did Anteus, and carried him to the fort by main
strength. The assaults were frequently renewed, and the besieged were
worn out with fatigue and reduced to the last extremity by famine, being
forced to feed even upon naseous vermin. A crow or a vulture taken while
feeding upon the dead bodies was so great a dainty for the sick that it
sold for five crowns. Even the ammunition was almost spent. In this
extremity, the enemy gave a fresh assault and forced their way into the
bastion of St John, whence they were driven out. Scarcely had they
retired when the bastion blew up with a vast explosion, carrying up 73
of the garrison into the air, ten of whom came down alive. Among these
was Diego de Sotomayor, who fell into the fort with his spear still in
his hand. One soldier fell in a similar manner among the enemy, and was
immediately slain. _It was no fable that armed men were seen in the air
on this occasion_[367]. Foreseeing the danger, as he believed from the
retirement of the enemy so suddenly that they had secretly caused it to
be undermined, Mascarenhas gave orders for the Portuguese soldiers to
retire from the bastion; but one Reynoso prevented them from doing so,
unaware of what was intended, upbraiding them for cowardice.
[Footnote 367: This is an evident allusion of De Faria to the ridiculous
reports so often propagated among the Portuguese and Spaniards of those
days, of heavenly champions aiding them in battle against the
infidels.--E.]
Thirteen thousand of the enemy immediately attacked the breach which was
formed by the explosion, and were at first resisted only by five men,
till Mascarenhas came up with fifteen more. Even the women came forward
to assist in defending the breach: and the priest, who had returned
from carrying advice to the neighbouring Portuguese forts, appeared
carrying a crucifix aloft, and encouraging the men to behave themselves
manfully. After a long and furious contest, the enemy retired on the
approach of night, after losing 300 men, and Mascarenhas employed the
whole night in repairing the breach. The enemy renewed their attacks
every day, but with no better success, trusting to their vast
superiority in numbers, that they would at last wear out and destroy the
garrison. Rumi Khan began again to undermine the works, even piercing
through rocks that were in the way; but Mascarenhas by means of a
countermine disappointed his expectations, as the mine exploded back
upon the enemy and killed many of their own men.
Don Alvaro de Castro, son to the governor-general, was at this time sent
with supplies and reinforcements, and had to contend against the winds
and waves through almost incredible storms, yet arrived at Bassen
without loss. From thence Antonio Moniz Baretto with eight gentlemen
crossed over to Diu in a boat, being the first reinforcement; who though
few were no small comfort to the besieged by their bravery. Next came
Luis de Melo with nine men; then Don George and Don Duarte de Menezes
with seventeen; after them Antonio de Ataide and Francisco Guillerme
with fifty each; and Ruy Freyre the factor of Chaul with twenty-four.
With these reinforcements Mascarenhas fell upon the enemy who then
possessed some of the works of the castle, and had even established
themselves in the bastion of St James. The enemy had now lost 5000 men
and the besieged 200, but having as many more left, scarcely half of
whom were fit for duty, when Don Alvaro de Castro arrived with 400 men
and a sufficient supply of ammunition, having taken by the way a ship
belonging to Cambaya richly laden.
The joy of this relief was soon damped by the mutinous disposition of
the soldiers brought by Don Alvaro; who fearful of the mines of the
enemy, clamorously demanded to be led into the field against the enemy;
and when the governor prudently refused compliance, they broke out into
open mutiny in defiance of all discipline, then scarce known or at least
not respected by the Portuguese. Being in danger of perishing in the
castle by his own men, Mascarenhas chose rather to die in the field
among the enemy, and made a sally with almost 500 men in three bodies.
At the first push the advanced post of the enemy was gained, and they
were forced to retire to their main works. Those who had insolently
compelled their commander to this extravagant measure, now stood
heartless at the foot of the trenches, while others who had taken no
part in the mutiny acted courageously. After a severe reproof from
Mascarenhas they took heart and mounted the works, but the whole army of
the enemy attacking them, the Portuguese were forced to retire in
disorder. The enemy followed up the runaways, and 5000 of them under
Mojate Khan endeavoured to gain possession of the bastion of St Thomas,
but were bravely repulsed by Luis de Sousa. In this action sixty men
were slain on the side of the Portuguese, among whom were Don Alvaro de
Castro, who was mortally wounded in the head. About this time likewise
the enemy gained temporary possession of the bastion of St James and
even turned its cannon against the garrison, but were driven out by
Vasco de Cuna and Luis de Almeida, who had just arrived with a
reinforcement. The latter went out soon afterwards with Payo Rodriguez
and Pedro Alfonso in three caravels, and soon returned with two great
ships belonging to Mecca and several other vessels, whose cargoes were
worth 50,000 ducats.
In the beginning of October 1545, when the siege had lasted eight
months, Don Juan de Castro set out from Goa with a powerful armament for
its relief. As the fleet, consisting of above 90 vessels, was scattered
during the voyage, Don Juan put in at _Baseen_ to wait for its reunion,
and sent in the mean time Don Emanuel de Lima with a squadron to scour
the coast, who took several vessels. At length the Portuguese fleet made
its appearance in the sea of Diu, to the great amazement and dismay of
the enemy, who had recently received a supply of 5000 men from the king
of Cambaya. Having landed his troops, it was resolved by Don Juan de
Castro to march and attack the enemy, chiefly on the suggestion of the
experienced Don Garcia de Sa. The Portuguese army was accordingly
marshalled in the following order. Don Juan Mascarenhas, the valiant
defender of the castle, led the van consisting of 500 men. Two other
bodies of equal force were led by Don Alvaro de Castro[368], and Don
Emanuel de Lima. Don Juan de Castro led the reserve, composed of 1000
Portuguese and a body of Indian soldiers. Among the men were several
Portuguese women in men's clothes, who went principally to assist those
that might be wounded. The lieutenant-governor was left in charge of the
fort with 300 men.
[Footnote 368: This gentleman has been said only a little way before, to
have been _mortally_ wounded. He must only have been _severely_ wounded
on that former occasion; or perhaps it might have been Don Ferdinand,
another son of the governor, who was killed.--E.]
Having prepared for battle by the sacraments of the church, this small
army marched out at break of day of the 11th November 1545, to attack
the numerous forces of the enemy, who were strongly entrenched and
defended by a powerful train of artillery. At this time two Portuguese
gentlemen who had challenged each other, agreed that he who first
mounted the works of the enemy should be deemed conqueror: both
honourably strove to gain the victory, and both died gloriously in the
attempt. After a severe conflict, in which the Portuguese sustained some
loss, they at length mounted the works, and Mascarenhas and Don Alvaro
de Castro, having each gained possession of a tower or bulwark, made
room for the army drawing up in the open field in the rear of the
hostile works. Twice was the ensign carrying the royal standard thrown
down from the enemy's works, and twice remounted. Rumi Khan used every
effort, backed by his numerous army, to drive the Portuguese from his
entrenchments, but unsuccessfully. Being joined by Juzar Khan, who had
been worsted by Mascarenhas, they united their troops and renewed their
fight, and distressed the Portuguese exceedingly, when father Antonio de
Cazal appeared in the ranks carrying a crucifix aloft on the point of a
lance, encouraging the troops to behave courageously. By great and
valiant exertions, after covering the field with dead and wounded Moors,
Rumi Khan was constrained to retreat in disorder; but having rallied his
troops, the Portuguese in their turn were thrown into disorder. Don
Juan, however exerted himself to admiration, and restoring his men to
order renewed the battle. At this time a stone or bullet broke off an
arm from the crucifix, and the priest calling on the soldiers to avenge
the sacrilege, they fell on with such fury, that after incredible
efforts they drove the enemy into the city with vast slaughter.
Mascarenhas, Don Alvaro de Lima, and Don Juan de Castro, successively
forced their way into the city with their respective battalions, by
several avenues, making the streets and houses run with blood. The
women shared the fate of the men, and even children were slain at their
mothers breasts. In plundering the houses, gold, silver, and jewels were
alone attended to by the soldiery, other things though of value being
slighted as cumbrous.
Rumi Khan and the other officers of the enemy sallied with about 8000
men, against whom Don Juan de Castro, with the assistance of his son and
Mascarenhas again engaged, and after a bloody battle gained a complete
victory. In this last engagement, Gabriel Teixeyra killed the
standard-bearer of the enemy, and dragged the standard of Cambaya about
the field proclaiming victory. George Nunez brought out the head of Rumi
Khan from among the dead, and presented it to Don Juan. Juzar Khan was
wounded and made prisoner. In this great battle the enemy lost 5000 men,
among whom, besides Rumi Khan, Azede Khan, Lu Khan, and other men of
note were slain. The Portuguese, according to one account, lost 100 men,
while others say only 34. Many thousands were taken, with forty pieces
of cannon of extraordinary size, besides 160 others, and a prodigious
quantity of ammunition. Free plunder was allowed to the troops, by which
many acquired great riches and all were satisfied. Many of the
Portuguese signalized their valour in this action. The governor-general
acted the part of a valiant soldier, as well as that of a prudent
general. Mascarenhas, after sustaining a siege of eight months,
distinguished himself above all others. Of Don Alvaro de Castro, it is
sufficient to say that he acted like his father. The ensign Barbado,
though several times thrown down, as often remounted the works of the
enemy. Father Antonio del Cazal, by presenting to view the _image of
life_ banished the _fear of death_. Many others distinguished their
valour, some of whom survived and others were slain. The enemy confessed
that, one day during the siege, they saw over the church in the castle a
beautiful woman in the air, clothed in white, and so brilliantly
illuminated with rays of light that they could not look upon her; and
that this day there were some men in the field armed with lances who did
them much harm. The king of Cambaya was so enraged with the loss he had
sustained in this siege, that he ordered twenty-eight Portuguese
prisoners to be torn in pieces in his presence.
Great was the joy at Goa on the news being received of the events at
Diu, which were carried thither by Diego Rodriguez de Azevedo, who
likewise carried a message from Don Juan de Castro requesting the city
to lend him 20,000 pardaos for the use of the army, sending a lock of
his whiskers in pawn for the faithful repayment of the money. The city
respectfully returned the proposed pledge, and sent him more money than
he wanted, and even the ladies of Goa on this occasion sent him their
earrings, necklaces, bracelets, and other jewels to be applied to the
public service. But the governor punctually restored all exactly as
sent, having been amply supplied by the capture of a rich ship of
Cambaya. Having restored the castle to a better condition than before
the siege, Don Juan de Castro sailed for Goa, leaving a garrison of 500
men in the castle under Don George de Menezes, with six ships to secure
the coast. The city also was now better inhabited than ever, through the
good usage of the governor to the Moors.
Don Juan de Castro returned from Diu to Goa on the 11th of April 1546,
where he was received with universal demonstrations of joy, and was
conducted into the city in a splendid triumph, prepared on purpose after
the manner of the ancient Romans. The city gates and the houses of the
streets he had to pass through were hung with silk, all the windows were
thronged with women splendidly dressed, and every part of the city
resounded with music and the din of cannon, all the ships in the bay
being richly adorned with numerous flags and streamers. Don Juan entered
the city under a splendid canopy; and at the gates his hat was taken
off, and his brows adorned by a crown of laurel, of which likewise a
branch was put into his hand. Before him went the priest, carrying the
crucifix, as he had done in the late battle, and next to him was the
royal standard. Juzar Khan followed with his eyes fixed on the ground,
perhaps that he might not see the standard of his sovereign trailing in
the dust, while those of the Portuguese floated triumphant in the air.
After him came 600 prisoners in chains. In the front were all the
captured cannon, and great quantities of arms of all sorts in carts
artificially disposed. The governor walked upon leaves of gold and
silver and rich silks, all the ladies as he passed sprinkling him from
their windows with odoriferous waters, and strewing him with flowers. On
hearing an account of this triumph, queen Catharine said "That Don Juan
had overcome like a Christian, but had triumphed like a heathen."
Scarcely was this triumph ended when the governor found it necessary to
send a force of 120 horse, 800 foot, and 1000 Indians, to expel some
troops sent by Adel Khan to possess the districts of Salsete and Bardes,
because the conditions on which he had ceded these to the Portuguese had
not been fulfilled. Diego de Almeyda, who commanded these troops, easily
executed his commission, as 4000 men belonging to Adel Khan, who were
stationed at _Cowlii_ fled at his approach. Adel Khan however sent them
back again, with 9000 additional men, together with a company of
renegado Portuguese, commanded by Gonzalo Vaz Coutinno, who, to avoid
the punishment due to his crimes, had deserted to the enemy. As Almeyda
found himself too weak to resist this great force, he was forced to
retire; on which the governor marched in person against the enemy with
3000 men in five battalions, and was soon afterwards joined by Francisco
de Melo with about 1500 more. On the approach of this force the enemy
retired to the fort of Ponda followed by the Portuguese army, on which
occasion Don Alvaro de Castro, who led the van, gained possession of a
ford defended by 2000 musqueteers. The main body of the enemy, twelve or
thirteen thousand strong, were drawn up in good order about the fort,
but fled at the first fire, leaving the fort entirely empty.
The victorious are sure to find friends. _Cidoza_ king of Canara sent to
congratulate Don Juan de Castro upon this victory, and to propose a new
alliance with the Portuguese, which was accordingly concluded upon
advantageous terms, as always happens upon such occasions. This kingdom
of _Charnataca_, corruptly named _Canara_, had no sovereign prince
before the year 1200, when one _Boca_, a shepherd, assumed the
government, styling himself _Rao_ which signifies emperor, a title that
has been continued by all his successors. This king, in memorial of a
victory gained by him over the king of Delhi, built the famous city of
Visajanagur, corruptly called Bisnagar. The crown continued in his line
till usurped by Narsinga, from whom the kingdom took that name, having
been formerly called Bisnagar from that of the city. Afterwards king
Malek sent also to confirm the peace between him and the Portuguese,
more through hatred to Adel Khan who was defeated, than from love to the
victorious Portuguese.
Hearing in 1546 that the king of Cambaya intended again to besiege Diu
with a larger army than ever, Don Juan de Castro prepared with all
diligence to relieve it, borrowing money from the city of Goa for the
expences of the expedition; and on this occasion the women of Goa sent
him their jewels by the hands of their young daughters, complaining that
he had not used them before, and requesting him to do so now; but he
sent all back accompanied with presents. Having fitted out 160 sail of
various kinds of vessels with a large military force, Don Juan sailed
for _Basseen_ and thence to Surat, where Don Alvaro had arrived before
the fleet, and had taken a work with several cannon from the Moors.
Sailing thence to Baroch, the army of the king of Cambaya was seen
covering the whole plain, to the amount of 150,000 men, with 80 large
cannon in front. Don John was anxious to land with his small army of
3000 men to give battle to the king, but was dissuaded from the rash
attempt by his most experienced officers. He went on therefore to Diu,
where he appointed Luis Falcam to command the castle, as Mascarenhas was
then about to return to Portugal. After this he went along the coast of
the Guzerat dominions, landing in many places, and destroying every
thing with fire and sword. The strong and beautiful cities of _Pate_ and
_Patane_, being abandoned by the inhabitants, were utterly destroyed;
two hundred vessels were destroyed in their ports, and a prodigious
booty was obtained. Dabul also, though in the dominions of Adel Khan,
was treated in a similar manner, in revenge for the ravages committed by
the orders of that sovereign in the districts of Salsete and Bardes,
which were occupied by Calabate Khan at the head of 20,000 men.
As Calabate Khan seemed disposed to retain possession of these
districts, Don Juan went against him with 1500 horse and 4000 foot; but
the enemy fled in all haste to the gauts, leaving their tents and
baggage behind. The Portuguese army pursued; and being resisted by
Calabate Khan in person, with 2000 horse at a ford or pass, that general
was unhorsed and slain by a Portuguese officer named Almeyda, after
which the enemy were defeated with great slaughter. The cymeter, dagger,
chain, and rings of the slain general were estimated at the value of
80,000 crowns. After this victory, Don Juan ravaged the whole country
below the gauts belonging to Adel Khan, destroying every thing before
him, burning all the towns and woods, and carrying off the cattle and
provisions. From this destructive expedition he returned to Goa, which
he again entered in triumph.
About this time the king of Acheen in Sumatra, an irreconcilable enemy
to the Portuguese, sent a fleet of sixty vessels against Malacca with
5000 soldiers, among whom were 500 men called _Orobalones_ or _the
golden bracelets_, from wearing that ornament in distinction of their
bravery; but the principal force consisted of a regiment of Turkish
janisaries commanded by a valiant Moor. This man landed in the night
near Malacca, and it is said that the garrison was alarmed and put on
their guard by a flock of geese, as the capitol was in ancient times.
The garrison of Malacca was then very weak, yet the enemy were forced to
reimbark, after burning two Portuguese ships then ready to sail. On
returning from their intended attack on Malacca, the enemy took seven
poor fishermen, whose noses, ears, and feet they cut off and sent them
in that mutilated condition to the commander at Malacca, George de Melo,
with a letter written with their blood, challenging him to come out and
fight them at sea. Melo was by no means disposed to accept this
challenge, having a very inadequate force, and because he had only eight
small vessels which lay aground in a state unfit for service. But the
great St Francis Xavier, who was then in Malacca, prevailed on some
merchants to be at the expence of fitting out these vessels, and upon
Melo to go out against the enemy, promising that two galliots would come
by a certain time to his aid. When the time was near expired, two
galliots actually made their appearance and came into the harbour,
though intended upon a different course. The saint went on board, and
found that they were commanded by Diego Suarez de Melo, commonly called
the _Gallego_, and his son Baltazar, whom he prevailed upon to join in
the attack of the Acheenese. The ten small vessels were accordingly
fitted out and manned by 230 men, and set sail in search of the enemy
under the command of Don Francisco Deza. After ranging about for two
months in search of the Acheen fleet, when at length about to return to
Malacca, Deza found them in the river _Parles_, where he resolutely
attacked them one Sunday morning, and, after an obstinate engagement,
gained a complete victory, in which 4000 of the enemy were slain.
Several of the Acheen ships were sunk, and almost all the rest taken, of
which the Portuguese brought in twenty-five to Malacca, with 300 pieces
of cannon, and about 1000 firelocks, having only lost twenty-five men
according to one account, while some said only four. St Francis was
preaching at Malacca when this battle took place, and suddenly pausing
in the middle of his discourse, he distinctly related all the
particulars of the victory to his auditors, who were in great anxiety
for the fate of their ships, having received no news of them during two
months. His prophecy was verified a few days afterwards by their
triumphant arrival.
Don Juan de Castro began his operations in January 1548, by the entire
destruction of all that part of the western coast of India which
belonged to Adel Khan. From the river _Charopa_ two leagues from Goa, to
that of _Cifardam_, which divides the dominions of Adel Khan from that
of the Nizam, he spared neither living creature, vegetable, nor dwelling
of any kind.
When the news of the glorious termination of the siege of Diu was
received at Lisbon, the king sent out a greater fleet than usual to
India, and honoured Don Juan with extraordinary favours for his good
services. Besides a present in money, he continued him in the
government, raising his rank from governor-general to the dignity of
viceroy, and appointed his son Don Alvaro admiral of the Indian seas.
But Don Juan was almost dead when these honours reached him, being sick
of a disease which now-a-days kills no one, for even diseases die! He
was heart-broken by the cowardly behaviour of a Portuguese force that
had been sent to Aden, and the rash conduct of his son at Xael, in both
of which they had suffered severe losses. Finding himself dying, he
publicly asked pardon of many for having written against them to the
king; and being unable to manage the affairs of government, he appointed
a select council to supply his place. Calling the members into his
presence, he said "Though he neither hoped nor wished to live, yet it
behoved him to be at some expence while he remained alive; and having no
money, he entreated they would order him a small supply from the royal
revenues, that he might not die for want." Then laying his hand on a
missal, with his eyes lifted up to heaven, he solemnly swore, "That he
had on no occasion converted the money belonging to the king, or to any
other person, to his own use; and that he had never engaged in trade to
increase his own fortune." He desired that this his solemn declaration
might be recorded. He soon afterwards expired in the arms of St Francis
Xavier, on the 6th of June 1548, in the 48th year of his age. All the
treasure found in his private cabinet was three _ryals_ and a _bloody
scourge_.
Don Juan was an excellent scholar, being particularly skilled in Latin
and the mathematics. During his government of India he did not allow
himself to be actuated by pride, as others had done before and after
him, and always valued and promoted his officers for their merits. He so
much loved that every one should act becomingly, that seeing one day a
fine suit of clothes on passing a tailors shop, and being told that it
was intended for his son, he cut it in pieces, desiring some one to tell
the young man to provide arms, not fine clothes.
SECTION V.
_Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1548 to 1564, under
several Governors,[369]_
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