A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume VII
by
Robert Kerr
Part 7 out of 11
canoes, pursued and overtook them. Then drawing near, poured in their
darts with accurate aim. The English kept them off with their pikes and
halberts, and many of the negroes being slain or wounded by the English
arrows and hail-shot from the arquebuses, they retreated. But when the
English had expended all their arrows, the negroes came on again, and
made many attempts to board the boat. The negro chief, who was a large
tall man, advanced in his canoe under cover of his target, with a
poisoned dart in his hand, in order to board; and as he pressed forward,
the masters-mate thrust a pike through his target and throat, which
dispatched him. While the mate was striving to disengage his pike, which
stuck fast in the shield, he was wounded by a dart; yet drew the dart
from his flesh and killed with it the negro who had wounded him. The
enemy continued the fight closer than ever, and did great mischief with
their darts, which made wide and grievous wounds. The gunner received
two desperate wounds, and lost a great deal of blood, and the brave
masters-mate, while standing firmly in his post, was struck through the
ribs by a dart, on pulling out which his bowels followed, and he fell
down dead. On perceiving this, the negroes gave a great shout, and
pressed to enter the boat where the mate had stood, imagining as so many
of the English were wounded they would now soon yield. But four of those
remaining in the pinnace kept them off with their pikes, while the other
four at the oars made the best of their way to sea.
At length they got out of the river, and the negroes retired having
expended all their darts. This was fortunate for the English, as six of
the remaining eight were desperately wounded, one of whom was Robert
Baker, the author of this narrative, and only two remained who were able
to handle the oars, so that they made very slow progress to the ship,
which appears to have been four leagues from the shore. When they got on
board they were all so faint that none of them were able to stand. After
having their wounds dressed they refreshed themselves; but as Robert
Baker had more occasion for rest than food he went to bed, and when he
awoke in the morning the ship was under sail for England.
SECTION X.
_Voyage to Guinea in 1563 by Robert Baker_[286]
This relation, like the former, is written in verse, and only contains a
description of two adventures that happened in the voyage, one of which
proved extremely calamitous to those concerned in it, among whom was the
author. From the title or preamble, we learn that the adventurers in
this voyage were Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, Sir Thomas
Lodge, Benjamin Gonson, William Winter, Lionel Ducket, Anthony Hickman,
and Edward Castelin. There were two ships employed, one called the John
Baptist, of which Lawrence Rondell was master, and the other the Merlin,
Robert Revell master. The factors were Robert Baker, the author,
Justinian Goodwine, James Gliedell, and George Gage. They set out on
their voyage in November 1563, bound for Guinea and the river Sestos,
but the port whence they fitted out is nowhere mentioned. After the
unlucky disaster that befel him in Guinea in the year before, Baker had
made a kind of poetical vow not to go near that country any more; but
after his return to England, and recovery from his wounds, he soon
forgot past sorrows; and being invited to undertake the voyage in
quality of factor, he consented.--Astley.
[Footnote 286: Astley I. 180. Hakluyt, II. 523-531. The prose abstract
here inserted is chiefly taken from Astleys collection, carefully
compared with the original versified narrative in Hakluyt.--E.]
After we had been at sea two days and a night, the man from the main-top
descried a sail or two, the tallest of which they immediately made up
to, judging her to be the most valuable; and, as captains are in use to
do[287], I hailed her to know whence she was. She answered from France,
on which we _waved_ her, but she nothing dismayed, _waved_ us in return.
I immediately ordered armed men aloft into the main and fore-tops, and
caused powder to be laid on the poop to blow up the enemy if they should
board us that way. At the sound of trumpets we began the fight,
discharging both chain and bar-shot from our brazen artillery; while the
Frenchmen, flourishing their swords from the main-yard, called out to
us to board their ship. Willing to accept their invitation, we plied
them warmly with our cannon, and poured in flights of arrows, while our
arquebuses plied them from loop-holes, and we endeavoured to set their
sails on fire by means of arrows and pikes carrying wildfire. I
encouraged, the men to board, by handing spiced wine liberally among
them, which they did with lime-pots, after breaking their nets with
stones, while those of our men who were aloft entered the enemys tops,
after killing those who defended them. Then cutting the ropes, they
brought down the yard by the board, and those who entered the ship plied
the enemy so well with their swords, that at length the remaining
Frenchmen ran below deck and cried out for quarter. Having thus become
masters of the ship, we carried her to the _Groin_ in Spain, or Corunna,
where we sold the ship and cargo for ready money.
[Footnote 287: In these early trading voyages, the chief factor, who
here appears to have been Baker, seems to have had the supreme
command--Astl. I. 180. b.]
After this we proceeded on our voyage and arrived in Guinea. One day
about noon, I went with eight more in a boat towards the shore to trade,
meaning to dispatch my business and be back before night. But when we
had got near the shore, a furious tempest sprung up, accompanied with
rain and thunder, which drove the ships from their anchors out to sea;
while we in the boat were forced to run along the coast in search of
some place for shelter from the storm, but meeting none, had to remain
all night near the shore, exposed to the thunder, rain, and wind in
great jeopardy. We learnt afterwards that the ships returned next day in
search of us, while we rowed forward along the coast, supposing the
ships were before us, and always anxiously looked out for them; but the
mist was so great that we could never see them nor they us. The ships
continued, as we were told afterwards, looking out for us for two or
three days; after which, concluding that we had inevitably perished in
the storm, they made the best of their way for England.
Having been three days in great distress for want of food, we at length
landed on the coast and exchanged some of our wares with the negroes for
roots and such other provisions as they had, and then put to sea again
in search of the ships, which we still supposed were before us or to
leeward, wherefore we went down the coast to the eastwards. We continued
in this manner ranging along shore for twelve days, seeing nothing but
thick woods and deserts, full of wild beasts, which often appeared and
came in crowds at sunset to the sea shore, where they lay down or played
on the sand, sometimes plunging into the water to cool themselves. At
any other time it would have been diverting to see how archly the
elephants would fill their trucks with water, which they spouted out
upon the rest. Besides deer, wild boars, and antelopes, we saw many
other wild beasts, such as I had never seen before.
We often saw a man or two on the shore, who on seeing us used to come
off in their almadias or canoes; when casting anchor we offered such
wares as we had in the boat for fish and fresh water, or provisions of
their cooking, and in this way we procured from them roots and the fruit
of the palm tree, and some of their wine, which is the juice of a tree
and is of the colour of whey. Sometimes we got wild honeycombs; and by
means of these and other things we relieved our hunger; but nothing
could relieve our grief, fatigue and want of sleep, and we were so sore
depressed by the dreadful situation in which we were placed, that we
were ready to die, and were reduced to extreme weakness. Having lost all
hope of rejoining the ships, which we now concluded were either lost or
gone homewards, we knew not how to conduct ourselves. We were in a
strange and distant country, inhabited by a people whose manners and
customs were entirely different from ours; and to attempt getting home
in an open boat destitute of every necessary was utterly impossible. By
this time we found we had passed to leeward of _Melegete_ or the grain
coast, and had got to the Mina or gold coast of Guinea, as the negroes
who now came on board spoke some Portuguese, and brought off their
weights and scales for the purpose of trade, asking where were our
ships. To this we answered, in hopes of being the better treated, that
we had two ships at sea, which would be with them in a day or two.
We now consulted together how they should best proceed. If we continued
at sea in our boat, exposed by day to the burning heat of the sun which
sensibly consumed us by copious perspiration, and to the frequent
tornadoes or hurricanes by night, accompanied with thunder, lightning
and rain; which deprived us of all rest, we could not possibly long hold
out. We were often three days without a morsel of food; and having sat
for twenty days continually in our boat, we were in danger of losing the
use of our limbs for want of exercise, and our joints were so swollen by
the scurvy, that we could hardly stand upright. It was not possible for
us to remain much longer in the boat in our present condition, so that
it was necessary to come to some resolution, and we had only three
things to choose. The first was to repair to the castle of St George del
Mina, which was not far off, and give ourselves up to the Portuguese who
were Christians, if we durst trust them or expect the more humanity on
that account. Even the worst that could happen to us from them was to be
hanged out of our misery; yet possibly they might have some mercy on us,
as nine young men such as we were might be serviceable in their gallies,
and if made galley slaves for life we should have victuals enough to
enable us to tug at the oar, whereas now we had both to row and starve.
The next alternative was to throw ourselves upon the mercy of the
negroes, which I stated was very hopeless and discouraging, as I did not
see what favour could be expected from a beastly savage people, whose
condition was worse than that of slaves, and who possibly might be
cannibals. It was likewise difficult for us to conform ourselves to their
customs, so opposite to ours; and, we could not be expected, having
always lived on animal food, to confine ourselves to roots and herbs
like the negroes, which are the food of wild beasts. Besides, having
been always accustomed to the use of clothes, we could not for shame go
naked. Even if we could get the better of that prejudice, our bodies
would be grievously tormented and emaciated by the scorching heat of the
sun, for want of that covering and defence to which we had been
accustomed. The only other course was to stay at sea in the boat, and
die miserably. Being determined to run any risk at land, rather than to
continue pent up in a narrow boat, exposed to all the inclemencies of
the weather day and night, and liable to be famished for want of
victuals, I gave it as my opinion that we had better place confidence in
the Christian Portuguese than in the negroes who lived like so many
brutes. We how determined to throw ourselves on the mercy of the
Portuguese, and hoisting sail shaped our course for the castle of St
George del Mina; which was not above 20 leagues distant. We went on all
day without stopping till late at night, when we perceived a light on
shore. Concluding that this might be a place of trade, our boatswain
proposed to cast anchor at this place, in hopes that we might be able to
procure provisions next morning in exchange for some of our wares. This
was agreed upon, and on going next morning near the shore we saw a
watchhouse upon a rock, in the place whence the light had proceeded
during the night, and near the watchhouse a large black cross was
erected. This made us doubtful whereabout we were, and on looking
farther we perceived a castle which perplexed us still more[288].
[Footnote 288: It appears in the sequel that this fort or castle had
been recently erected by the Portuguese at the western point or
head-land of Cape Three-points, and of which there are no notices in any
of the preceding voyages on this part of the coast.--Astley, I. 132, a.]
Our doubts were quickly solved by the appearance of some Portuguese, one
of whom held a white flag in his hand which he waved as inviting us to
come on shore. Though we were actually bound in quest of the Portuguese,
yet our hearts now failed us, and we tacked about to make from the
shore. On being seen from the castle, a gun was fired at us by a negro,
the ball from which fell within a yard of our boat. At length we turned
towards the shore to which we rowed, meaning to yield ourselves up; but
to our great surprise, the nearer we came to the shore the more did the
Portuguese fire at us; and though the bullets fell thick about us we
continued to advance till we got close under the castle wall, when we
were out of danger from their cannon. We now determined to land in order
to try the courtesy of the Portuguese, but were presently assailed by
showers of stones from the castle: wall, and saw a number of negroes
marching down to the beach with their darts and targets, some of them
having bows and poisoned arrows. Their attack was very furious, partly
from heavy stones falling into the boat which threatened to break holes
in her bottom, as well as from flights of arrows which came whizzing
about our ears, and even wounded some of us: Therefore being in
desperation, we pushed off from the shore to return to sea, setting four
of our men to row, while the other five determined to repay some part of
the civility we had received, and immediately handled our fire-arms and
bows. We employed these at first against the negroes on the beach, some
of whom soon dropped; and then against the Portuguese who stood on the
walls dressed in long white-shirts and linstocks in their hands, many of
which were dyed red by means of the English arrows. We thus maintained
our ground a long while, fighting at our leisure, regardless of the
threats of the enemy, as we saw they had no gallies to send out to make
us prisoners. When we had sufficiently revenged their want of
hospitality, we rowed off, and though we knew that we must pass through
another storm of bullets from the castle, we escaped without damage.
When we got out to sea, we saw three negroes rowing after us in an
almadia, who came to inquire to what country we belonged, speaking good
Portuguese. We told them we were Englishmen, and said we had brought
wares to trade with them if they had not used us so ill. As the negroes
inquired where our ship was, we said we had two at sea well equipped,
which would soon come to the coast to trade for gold, and that we only
waited their return. The negroes then pretended to be sorry for what had
happened, and intreated us to remain where we were for that day, and
promised to bring us whatever we were in want of. But placing no
confidence in their words, we asked what place that was, and being
answered that it was a Portuguese castle at the western head-land of
Cape Three-points, we hoisted sail and put to sea, to look out for some
more friendly place.
We now resolved to have no more reliance on the kindness of the
Portuguese, of which we had thus sufficient experience, and to make
trial of the hospitality of the negroes; for which purpose we sailed
back about 30 leagues along the coast, and coming to anchor, some
natives came off to the boat, to all of whom we gave presents. By this
we won their hearts, and the news of such generous strangers being on
the coast soon brought the kings son to our boat. On his arrival, I
explained our sad case to him as well as I could by signs, endeavouring
to make him understand that we were quite forlorn, having been abandoned
by our ships, and being almost famished for want of food, offering him
all the goods in our boat if he would take us under his protection and
relieve our great distress. The negro chief was moved even to tears, and
bid us be comforted. He went then on shore to know his fathers pleasure
regarding us, and returning presently invited us to land. This was
joyful news to us all, and we considered him as a bountiful benefactor
raised up to us by the goodness of Providence. We accordingly fell to
our oars in all haste to pull on shore, where at least 500 negroes were
waiting our arrival; but on coming near shore the surf ran so high that
the boat overset, on which the negroes plunged immediately into the
water and brought us all safe on shore. They even preserved the boat and
all that was in her, some swimming after the oars, and others diving for
the goods that had sunk. After this they hauled the boat on shore and
brought every thing that belonged to us, not daring to detain the most
trifling article, so much were they in awe of the kings son, who was a
stout and valiant man, and having many excellent endowments.
They now brought us such provisions as they used themselves, and being
very hungry we fed heartily, the negroes all the while staring at us
with much astonishment, as the common people are used to do in England
at strange outlandish creatures. Notwithstanding all this apparent
humanity and kindness, we were still under great apprehensions of the
negroes, all of whom were armed with darts. That night we lay upon the
ground among the negroes, but never once closed our eyes, tearing they
might kill us while asleep. Yet we received no hurt from them, and for
two days fared well; but finding the ships did not come for us, as they
expected would soon have been the case, when likewise they looked to
have had a large quantity of goods distributed among them in reward for
their hospitality, they soon became weary of us; and after lessening our
allowance from day to day, they at length left us to shift for
ourselves. In this forlorn state, we had to range about the woods in
search of fruits and roots, which last we had to dig from the ground
with our fingers for want of any instruments. Hunger had quite abated
the nicety of our palates, and we were glad to feed on every thing we
could find that was eatable. Necessity soon reconciled us to going
naked, for our clothes becoming rotten with our sweat fell from our
backs by degrees, so that at length we had scarcely rags left to cover
our nakedness. We were not only forced to provide ourselves in food, but
had to find fuel and utensils to dress it. We made a pot of clay dried
in the sun, in which we boiled our roots, and roasted the berries in the
embers, feasting every evening on these varieties. At night we slept on
the bare ground, making a great fire round us to scare away the wild
beasts.
What with the entire change in our manner of living, and the heat and
unhealthiness of the climate, our people sickened apace; and in a short
time our original number of nine was reduced to three. To those who died
it was a release from misery, but we who remained were rendered more
forlorn and helpless than before. At length, when we had abandoned all
hopes of relief, a French ship arrived on the coast, which took us on
board and carried us to France, which was then at war with England,
where we were detained prisoners.
A prisner therefore I remaine,
And hence I cannot slip
Till that my ransome be
Agreed upon and paid:
Which being levied yet so hie,
No agreement can be made.
And such is lo my chance,
The meane time to abide;
A prisner for ransome in France,
Till God send time and tide.
From whence this idle rime
To England I do send:
And thus, till I have further time,
This tragedie I end.
SECTION XI.
_A Voyage to Guinea, in 1564:, by Captain David Carlet_[289].
At a meeting of merchant adventurers, held at the house of Sir William
Gerard, on the 11th July 1564, for setting forth a voyage to Guinea, the
following chief adventurers were present, Sir William Gerard, Sir
William Chester, Sir Thomas Lodge, Anthony Hickman, and John Castelin.
It was then agreed that Francis Ashbie should be sent to Deptford for
his letters to Peter Pet, to go about rigging of the Minion at the
charges of the queens majesty, after which Francis Ashbie was to repair
with these letters to Gillingham, with money to supply our charges
there.
[Footnote 289: Hakluyt, II. 531. Astley, I. 134.]
It was also agreed that every one of the five partners shall forthwith
call upon their partners to supply, towards this new rigging and
victualling L.29, 10s. 6d., for every L.100 value. Also that every one
of the five partners shall forthwith bring in L.50, towards the
furniture of the premises. Likewise, if Mr Gonson give his consent that
the Merlin shall be brought round from Bristol to Hampton, that a letter
shall be drawn under his hand, before order be given in the same.
The ships employed in this voyage were, the Minion belonging to the
queen, David Carlet, captain, the John Baptist of London, and the Merlin
belonging to Mr Gonson. The success of this voyage in part appears by
certain brief relations extracted out of the second voyage of Sir John
Hawkins to the West Indies, made in the year 1564, which I have thought
good to set down for want of more direct information, which hitherto I
have not been able to procure notwithstanding every possible
endeavour[290].
[Footnote 290: This is the substance of Hakluyt's introduction to the
following brief relation of the present voyage.--E.]
* * * * *
Sir John, then only Mr Hawkins, departed from Plymouth with a prosperous
wind for the West Indies, on the 18th of October 1564, having under his
command the Jesus of Lubec of 700 tons, the Salomon of 140 tons, a bark
named the Tiger of 50 tons, and a pinnace called the Swallow of 30 tons,
having in all 170 men, well supplied with ordnance and provisions for
such a voyage. While casting loose the foresail, one of the officers in
the Jesus was killed by the fall of a block, giving a sorrowful
beginning to the expedition. After getting ten leagues out to sea, they
fell in with the Minion, a ship belonging to the queen, of which David
Carlet was captain, and her consort the John Baptist of London; which
two ships were bound for Guinea. The two squadrons, as they may be
called, saluted each other with some pieces of ordnance, after the
custom of the sea; after which the Minion parted company to seek her
other consort the Merlin of London, which was out of sight astern,
leaving the John Baptist in company with Hawkins.
Continuing their voyage with a prosperous wind until the 21st, a great
storm arose at N.E. about 9 o'clock at night, which continued 23 hours,
in which storm Hawkins lost sight of the John Baptist and of his pinnace
called the Swallow, the other three ships being sore tossed by the
tempest. To his great joy the Swallow joined company again in the night,
10 leagues to the north of Cape Finister, having been obliged to go
_roomer_, as she was unable to weather that cape against a strong
contrary wind at S.W. On the 25th, the wind still continuing contrary,
he put into Ferol in Galicia, where he remained five days, and gave out
proper instructions to the masters of the other ships for keeping
company during the rest of the voyage.
On the 26th of the month the Minion came into Ferol, on which Mr Hawkins
saluted her with some guns, according to the custom of the sea, as a
welcome for her safe arrival: But the people of the Minion were not in
the humour of rejoicing, on account of the misfortune which had happened
to their consort the Merlin, whom they had gone to seek on the coast of
England when they parted from Mr Hawkins. Having met with her, they kept
company for two days; when, by the negligence of one of the gunners of
the Merlin, the powder in her gun-room took fire, by which her stern was
blown out and three of her men lost, besides many sore hurt, who saved
their lives in consequence of their brigantine being at her stern; for
the Merlin immediately sunk, to the heavy loss of the owners and great
grief of the beholders.
On the 30th of the month, Mr Hawkins and his ships, together with the
Minion and her remaining consort the John Baptist, set sail in the
prosecution of their voyage with a prosperous gale, the Minion having
both brigantines at her stern. The 4th of November they had sight of
Madeira, and the 6th of Tenerife, which they thought to have been grand
Canary, as they reckoned themselves to the east of Tenerife, but were
not. The Minion and her consort, being 3 or 4 leagues a head of the
ships of Mr Hawkins, kept the course for Tenerife, of which they had a
better view than the other ships, and by that means they parted company.
Hawkins and his ships continued his voyage by Cape Verd and Sierra
Leone, after which he crossed the Atlantic ocean and came to the town of
Burboroata on the coast of the Terra Firma in the West Indies, or South
America; where he afterwards received information of the unfortunate
issue of the Guinea voyage, in the following manner. While at anchor in
the outer road on the 29th of April 1565, a French ship came in called
the Green Dragon of Newhaven, of which one Bon-temps was captain, which
saluted the English squadron after the custom of the sea, and was
saluted in return. This ship had been at the Mina, or Gold coast of
Guinea, whence she had been driven off by the Portuguese gallies, and
obliged to make for the Terra Firma to endeavour to sell her wares. She
informed that the Minion had been treated in the same manner; and that
the captain, David Carlet, with a merchant or factor and twelve
mariners, had been treacherously made prisoners by the negroes on their
arrival on that coast, and remained in the hands of the Portuguese;
besides which they had lost others of their men through the want of
_fresh water_, and were in great doubts of being able to get home the
ships[291].
[Footnote 291: Hakluyt might have said whether they did come home or
not, which he certainly might have known; but he often leaves us in the
dark as to such matters.--Astl. I. 185. a.]
* * * * *
_Note_.--It may not be improper to state in this place, that no ship
need be reduced to utter distress for want of _fresh water_ at sea; as
distilled sea water is perfectly fresh and wholesome. For this purpose,
all ships bound on voyages of any length, ought to have a still head
worm and cooler adapted to the cooking kettle, to be used when needed,
by which abundance of fresh water may always be secured while cooking
the ships provisions, sufficient to preserve the lives of the crew. In
default of that useful appendage, a still may be easily constructed for
the occasion, by means of the pitch kettle, a reversed tea kettle for a
head, and a gun barrel fixed to the spout of the tea kettle, the breach
pin being screwed out, and the barrel either soldered to the spout, or
fixed by a paste of flour, soap and water, tied round with rags and
twine. The tea kettle and gun barrel are to be kept continually wet by
means of swabs and sea water, to cool and condense the steam. This
distilled water is at first vapid and nauseous, both to the taste and
the stomach; but by standing open for some time, especially if agitated
in contact with air, or by pumping air through it, as is commonly done
to sweeten putrid water, this unpleasant and nauseous vapidness is soon
removed.
The nautical world owes this excellent discovery, of distilled sea water
being perfectly fresh, to the late excellent and ingenious Dr James
Lino, first physician to the general hospital of the navy at Haslar near
Portsmouth during the American war, the author of two admirable works,
on the Scurvy, and the Means of Preserving the Health of Seamen during
long voyages, to which the British navy, and seamen in general, owe
inestimable advantages. The editor, while giving this useful hint to
seamen engaged on long voyages, is happy in having an opportunity of
bearing this feeble testimony of honourable respect to the friend of his
youth, under whom he had the happiness and advantage of serving, in that
magnificent asylum of the brave defenders of the glory and prosperity of
our king and country, for the last three years of the American war.
Besides being an eminent and experienced physician, Dr Lind was a man of
exemplary humanity, and of uncommon urbanity and singleness of manners:
He was truly the seaman's friend. The rules and expedients which he
devised and proposed, founded on the solid basis, of observation and
experience, for Preserving the Health of Seamen on long voyages, were
afterwards employed and perfected by the great navigator and discoverer
COOK, and by his pupils and followers; and are now universally
established in our glorious navy, to the incalculable advantage of the
service.
In high northern or southern latitudes, solid clear ice melted affords
good fresh water, the first runnings being thrown away as contaminated
by adhering sea water. White cellular ice is quite unfit for the
purpose, being strongly impregnated with salt. In future articles of our
work, several opportunities will occur in which these two expedients for
supplying ships with fresh water will be amply detailed. But on the
present opportunity, it seemed proper to mention these easy and
effectual expedients for preserving the health and lives of seamen, when
in want of fresh water by the ordinary means.--Ed.
SECTION XII.
_A Voyage to Guinea and the Cape de Verd Islands in 1566, by George
Fenner_[292]
Three ships were employed on this voyage, the admiral, called the Castle
of Comfort, George Fenner general[293] of the expedition, and William
Bats master; the May-Flower, vice-admiral, William Courtise master; the
George, John Heiwood captain, and John Smith of Hampton master; besides
a small pinnace. Walter Wren, the writer of the narrative, belonged to
the George.
[Footnote 292: Hakluyt, II. 533. Astley, I. 185.]
[Footnote 293: This general was probably head factor--E.]
We departed from Plymouth on the 10th December 1566, and were abreast of
Ushant on the 12th. On the 15th we got sight of Cape Finister, and lost
company of our admiral that night, for which reason we sailed along the
coast of Portugal, hoping our admiral might be before us. Meeting a
French ship on the 18th and getting no intelligence of our admiral, we
made sail for the Canaries, and fell in with the island of Tenerife on
the 28th, where we came to anchor in a small bay, at which there were
three or four small houses, about a league from the town of Santa Cruz.
In this island there is a marvellous high hill called the Peak, and
although it is in lat. 28 deg. N. where the air is as warm in January as it
is in England at midsummer, the top of this hill, to which no man has
ever been known to ascend, is seldom free from snow even in the middle
of summer. On the 3d January 1567, we departed from this place, going
round the western point of the island, about 12 or 14 leagues from Santa
Cruz, and came into a bay right over against the house of one Pedro de
Souza, where we came to anchor on the 5th, and heard that our admiral
had been there at anchor seven days before us, and had gone thence to
the island of Gomera, to which place we followed him, and coming to
anchor on the 6th over against the town of Gomera, we found our admiral
at anchor to our great mutual satisfaction. We found here Edward Cooke
in a tall ship, and a ship of the coppersmiths of London, which had been
treacherously seized by the Portuguese in the bay of Santa Cruz on the
coast of Barbary, or Morocco, which ship we left there all spoiled. At
this place we bought 14 buts of wine for sea stores, at 15 ducats a but,
which had been offered to us at Santa Cruz for 8, 9, or 10 ducats. The
9th we went to another bay about three leagues off, where we took in
fresh water; and on the 10th we sailed for Cape Blanco on the coast of
Africa.
The 12th we came to a bay to eastwards of Cape Pargos, (_Barbas?_) which
is 35 leagues from Cape Blanco, but being unacquainted with that part of
the coast, we proceeded to Cape Blanco, off which we had 16 fathoms two
leagues from shore, the land being very low and all white sand. At this
place it is necessary to beware of going too near shore, as when in 12
or 10 fathoms you may be aground within two or three casts of the lead.
Directing our course on the 17th S. and S. by E. we fell into a bay
about 16 leagues east of Cape Verd, where the land seemed like a great
number of ships under sail, owing to its being composed of a great
number of hummocks, some high some low, with high trees upon them. When
within three leagues of the land we sounded and had 28 fathoms over a
ground of black ouze. This day we saw much fish in sundry _sculs_ or
shoals, swimming with their noses at the surface. Passing along this
coast we saw two small round hills about a league from the other,
forming a cape, and between them great store of trees, and in all our
sailing we never saw such high land as these two hills. The 19th we came
to anchor at the cape in a road, fast by the western side of two
hills[294], where we rode in 10 fathoms, though we might safely have
gone into five or six fathoms, as the ground is good and the wind always
blows from the shore.
[Footnote 294: The paps of Cape Verd are about a League S.S.E. from the
extreme west point of the Cape.--E.]
At this place some of our officers and merchants went on shore with the
boat unarmed, to the number of about 20 persons, among whom were Mr
George Fenner the general, his brother Edward Fenner, Thomas Valentine,
John Worme, and Francis Leigh, merchants, John Haward, William Bats,
Nicholas Day, John Thomson, and several others. At their coming on shore
they were met by above 100 negroes armed with bows and arrows. After
some talk pledges were interchanged, five of the English being delivered
into their hands, and three negroes taken on board the admirals skiff.
Our people mentioned the merchandize they had brought, being linen and
woolen cloth, iron, cheese, and other articles; on which the negroes
said that they had civet, musk, gold, and grains to give in exchange,
with which our people were well pleased. The negroes desired to see our
merchandize, on which one of the boats was sent back to the ships, while
our general and merchants remained in the other with the three negroe
pledges, our five men walking about on shore among the negroes. On the
return of the boat from the ship with goods, bread, wine, and cheese
were distributed among the natives. At this time two of the negroe
pledges, on pretence of sickness, were allowed to go on shore, promising
to send two others in their stead. On perceiving this, Captain Haiward
began to dread some perfidy, and retreated towards the boat, followed by
two or three negroes, who stopped him from going on board, and made
signs for him to bring them more bread and wine, and when he would have
stepped into the boat, one of them caught him by the breeches, but he
sprung from him and leapt into the boat. As soon as he was in, one of
the negroes on shore began to blow a pipe, on which the negroe pledge
who remained in the boat, suddenly drew Mr Wormes sword, cast himself
into the sea and swam on shore. The negroes immediately laid hands on
our men that were on shore, and seized three of them with great
violence, tore their clothes from their backs, and left them nothing to
cover them. Then many of them shot so thick at our men in the boats that
they could scarcely handle their oars, yet by God's help they got the
boats away, though many of them were hurt by the poisoned arrows. This
poison is incurable, if the arrow pierce the skin so as to draw blood,
except the poison be immediately sucked out, or the part hurt be cut out
forthwith; otherwise the wounded man inevitably dies in four days.
Within three hours after any part of the body is hurt, or even slightly
pricked, although it be the little toe, the poison reaches the heart,
and affects the stomach with excessive vomiting, so that the person can
take neither meat nor drink.
The persons seized in this treacherous manner by the negroes were
Nicholas Day, William Bats, and John Thomson, who were led away to a
town about a mile from the shore. The 20th we sent a boat on shore with
eight persons, among whom was the before-mentioned John Thomson[295] and
our interpreter, who was a Frenchman, as one of the negroes spoke good
French. They carried with them two arquebuses, two targets, and a
_mantell?_ and were directed to learn what ransom the negroes demanded
for Bats and Day whom they detained. On coming to the shore and telling
the negroes the nature of their errand, Bats and Day were brought from
among some trees quite loose, but surrounded by some 40 or 50 negroes.
When within a stone's throw of the beach, Bats broke suddenly from them
and ran as fast as he could into the sea towards the boat; but
immediately on getting into the water he fell, so that the negroes
retook him, violently tearing off his clothes. After this some of the
negroes carried our two men back to the town, while the rest began to
shoot at our people in the boat with their poisoned arrows, and wounded
one of our men in the small of the leg, who had nearly died in spite of
every thing our surgeons could do for him. Notwithstanding this
unjustifiable conduct, our general sent another message to the negroes,
offering any terms they pleased to demand as ransom for our men. But
they gave for answer, that three weeks before we came an English ship
had forcibly carried off three of their people, and unless we brought or
sent them back we should not have our men, though we gave our three
ships and all their lading. On the 21st a French ship, of 80 tons came
to the place where we were, intending to trade with the negroes, and
seeing that the Frenchmen were well received by the natives, our general
told them of our two men being detained, and wished them to endeavour
to procure their release, promising L.100 to the Frenchmen if they
succeeded. We then committed this affair to the management of the
Frenchmen, and departed. Of our men who were hurt by the poisoned
arrows, four died, and one had to have his arm cut off to save his life.
Andrews, who was last hurt, lay long lame and unable to help himself,
and only two recovered.
[Footnote 295: It is not said how he had got away from the negroes.--E.]
While between Cape Verd and Bonavista on the 26th, we saw many flying
fishes of the size of herrings, two of which fell into the boat which we
towed at our stern. The 28th we fell in with Bonavista, one of the Cape
de Verd islands, which is 86 leagues from that cape. The north side of
that island is full of white sandy hills and dales, being somewhat high
land. That day we came to anchor about a league within the western
point, in ten fathoms upon fine sand, but it is quite safe to go nearer
in five or six fathoms, as the ground is every where good. The 30th we
went into a bay within a small island about a league from our first
anchorage, where we took plenty of various kinds of fish. Whoever means
to anchor in this bay may safely do so in four or five fathoms off the
south point of the small island; but must beware of the middle of the
bay, where there is a ledge of rocks on which the sea breaks at low
water, although then they are covered by three fathoms water. The last
day of January, our general went on shore in the bay to some houses,
where he found twelve Portuguese, the whole island not having more than
30 inhabitants, who were all banished men, some condemned to more years
of exile and some to less, and among them was a simple man who was their
captain. They live on goat's flesh, cocks and hens, with fresh water,
having no other food except fish, which they do not care for, neither
indeed have they any boats wherewith to catch them. They told us that
this island had been granted by the king of Portugal to one of his
gentlemen, who had let it at 100 ducats of yearly rent, which was paid
by the profit on goats skins, of which 40,000 had been sent from that
island to Portugal in one year. These men made us very welcome,
entertaining us as well as they could, giving us the carcasses of as
many he-goats as we pleased, and even aided us in taking them, bringing
them down for us from the mountains on their asses. They have great
store of oil procured from tortoises, which are _fishes_ that swim in
the sea, having shells on their backs as large as targets. It only rains
in this island for three months in every year, from the middle of July
to the middle of October; and the climate is always very hot. Cows have
been brought here, but owing to the heat and drought they always died.
We left Bonavista, or Buenavista, on the 3d February, and fell in the
same day with another island called Mayo, 14 leagues distant; there
being a danger midway between the two islands, but it is always seen and
easily avoided. We anchored in a fine bay on the N.W. side of Mayo, in
eight fathoms on a good sandy bottom; but weighed next day and went to
another island called St Jago, about five leagues E. by S. from Mayo. At
the westermost point of this island, we saw a good road-stead, having a
small town by the waterside, close to which was a fort or battery. We
here proposed to have anchored on purpose to trade; but before we were
within shot, they let fly two pieces at us, on which we went to leeward
along shore two or three leagues, where we found a small bay and two or
three houses, off which we anchored in 14 fathoms upon good ground.
Within an hour after we had anchored, several persons both on foot and
horseback were seen passing and repassing opposite the ships. Next day a
considerable force of horse and foot was seen, and our general sent a
message to know whether they were disposed to trade with us. They
answered that we were made welcome as merchants, and should have every
thing we could reasonably demand. On this our general ordered all the
boats to be made ready, but doubting the good faith of the Portuguese,
caused the boats to be well armed, putting a _double base_ in the head
of his pinnace and two _single bases_ in the skiff, directing the boats
of the May-flower and George to be similarly armed. On rowing towards
the shore with all the boats, the general was surprised to see above 60
horsemen and 200 foot all armed to receive us, for which reason he sent
a flag of truce to learn their intentions. Their answer was fair and
smooth, declaring that they meant to treat us like gentlemen and
merchants, and desired that our general might come on shore to converse
with their captain. When our general approached the shore in his skiff,
they came towards him in great numbers, with much seeming politeness,
bowing and taking off their bonnets, and earnestly requesting our
general and the merchants to come on shore. He declined this however,
unless they would give sufficient hostages for our security. At length
they promised to send two satisfactory hostages, and to give us water,
provisions, money, and negroes in exchange for our merchandize, and
desired a list of our wares might be sent on shore; all of which our
general promised to do forthwith, and withdraw from the shore, causing
our _bases, curriers_[296], and arquebuses to be fired off in
compliment to the Portuguese, while at the same time our ships saluted
them with five or six cannon shot. Most of the Portuguese now left the
shore, except a few who remained to receive the list of our commodities;
but, while we meant honestly and fairly to trade with them as friends,
their intentions were treacherously to betray us to our destruction, as
will appear in the sequel.
[Footnote 296: Bases and curriers must have been some small species of
ordnance, capable of being used in boats; arquebuses were matchlock
muskets.--E.]
About two leagues to the west of where we lay, there was a town behind a
point of land, where the Portuguese had several caravels, and two
brigantines or row barges like gallies. With all haste the Portuguese
fitted out four caravels and these two brigantines, furnishing them with
as many men and cannon as they could carry; and as soon as it was night
these vessels made towards us with sails and oars, and as the land was
high, and the weather somewhat dark and misty, we did not see them till
they were almost close on board the May-flower, which lay at anchor
about a gun-shot nearer them than our other ships. When within gun-shot
of the May-flower, one of the watch chanced to see a light, and then
looking out espied the four ships and gave the alarm. The Portuguese,
finding themselves discovered, began immediately to fire their cannon,
_curriers_, and arquebuses; then lighted up certain tubes of wild fire,
and all their people both on shore and in their ships set up great
shouts, while they continued to bear down on the May-flower. With all
the haste we could, one of our guns was got ready and fired at them, on
which they seemed to hesitate a little; But they recharged their
ordnance, and again fired at us very briskly. In the mean time we got
three guns ready which we fired at them, when they were so near that we
could have shot an arrow on board. Having a fine breeze of wind from the
shore, we hoisted our foresail and cut our cable, making sail to join
our admiral to leeward, while they followed firing sometimes at us and
sometimes at our admiral. At length one shot from our admiral had the
effect to make them retire, when they made away from us like cowardly
traitors. During all this time, though they continually fired all their
guns at us, not a man or boy among us was hurt; but we know not what
were the effects of our shot among them.
Seeing the villany of these men, we set sail immediately for an island
named _Fuego_, or the Fire island, twelve leagues from St Jago, where we
came to anchor on the 11th February, opposite a white chapel at the west
end of the island, half a league from a small town, and about a league
from the western extremity of the island. In this island, there is a
remarkably high hill which burns continually, and the inhabitants told
us, that about three years before, the whole island had like to have
been destroyed by the prodigious quantity of fire which it discharged.
About a league west from the chapel we found a fine spring of fresh
water, whence we supplied our ships. They have no wheat in this island,
instead of which they grow millet, which makes good bread, and they
likewise cultivate peas like those of Guinea. The inhabitants are
Portuguese, and are forbidden by their king to trade either with the
English or French, or even to supply them with provisions, or any other
thing unless forced. Off this island is another named Brava, or St John,
not exceeding two leagues over, which has abundance of goats and many
trees, but not above three or four inhabitants.
On the 25th of February we set sail for the Azores, and on the 23d of
March we got sight of one of these islands called Flores, to the north
of which we could see another called Cuervo, about two leagues distant.
The 27th we came to anchor at Cuervo, opposite a village of about a
dozen mean houses; but dragging our anchors in the night during a gale
of wind, we went to Flores, where we saw strange streams of water
pouring from its high cliffs, occasioned by a prodigious rain. The 18th
April we took in water at Flores, and sailed for Fayal, which we had
sight of on the 28th, and of three other islands, Pico, St George, and
Graciosa, which are round about Fayal. The 29th we anchored in 22
fathoms water in a fine bay on the S.W. side of Fayal, over against a
small town, where we got fresh water and fresh provisions. In this
island, according to the report of the inhabitants, there grows green
woad, which they allege is far better than the woad of St Michael or of
Tercera.
The 8th of May we came to Tercera, where we found a Portuguese ship, and
next morning we saw bearing down, upon us, a great ship and two
caravels, which we judged to belong to the royal navy of Portugal, as
they really were, and therefore made ready for our defence. The large
ship was a galliass, of about 400 tons and 300 men, well appointed with
brass guns both large and small, some of their shot being as large as a
mans head; and the two caravels were both well appointed in men and
ammunition of war. As soon as they were within shot of us, they waved us
amain with their swords as if in defiance, and as we kept our course
they fired at us briskly, while we prepared as well as we could for our
defence. The great ship gave us a whole broadside, besides firing four
of her greatest guns which were in her stern, by which some of our men
were hurt, while we did our best to answer their fire. At this time two
other caravels came from shore to join them, and two pinnaces or boats
full of men, whom they put on board the great ship, and then returned to
the shore with only two men in each. The ship and caravels gave us three
attacks the first day, and when night came they ceased firing, yet kept
hard by us all night, during which we were busily employed knotting and
spicing our ropes and strengthening our bulwarks.
Next day the Portuguese were joined by four great caravels or armadas,
three of which were not less than 100 tons each, the fourth being
smaller, but all well armed and full of men. All these came up against
us, in the admiral or Castle of Comfort, and we judged that one of the
caravels meant to lay us on board, as we could see them preparing their
false nettings and all other things for that purpose, for which the
galliasse came up on our larboard side, and the caravel on our
starboard. Perceiving their intention, we got all our guns ready with
bar-shot, chain-shot, and grape; and as soon as they came up, and had
fired off their guns at us, thinking to lay us on board, we gave them
such a hearty salutation on both sides of us, that they were both glad
to fall astern, where they continued for two or three hours, there being
very little wind. Then our small bark the George came up to confer with
us, and as the Portuguese ships and caravels were coming up again to
attack us, the George, while endeavouring to get astern of us, fell to
leeward, and was so long of filling her sails for want of wind, that the
enemy got up to us, and she got into the middle of them, being unable to
fetch us. Then five of the caravels assailed her all round about, yet
she defended herself bravely against them all. The great ship and one
caravel came to us and fought us all day. The May-flower being well to
windward, took the benefit of that circumstance, and kept close hauled
all that day, but would not come near us. When night came, the enemy
ceased firing, yet followed us all night. During these repeated attacks
we had some men slain and several wounded, and our tackle much injured;
yet we did our best endeavour to repair all things, resolving to defend
ourselves manfully, putting our trust in God. In the night the
May-flower came up to us, on which our captain requested they would
spare us half a dozen fresh men, but they would not, and bore away
again.
Next morning, the enemy seeing us at a distance from one another, came
up against us with a great noise of hooping and hallooing, as if
resolved to board or sink us; yet although our company was small, lest
they might think us any way dismayed, we answered their shouts, and
waved upon them to board us if they durst, but they did not venture.
This day they gave us four several assaults; but at night they forsook
us, desisting with shame from the fight which they had begun with pride.
We had some leaks in our ship from shot holes, which we stopped with all
speed, after which we took some rest after our long hard labour. In the
morning the Mayflower joined, and sent six of her men on board us, which
gave us much relief, and we sent them four of our wounded men.
We now directed our course for England, and by the 2d of June came into
soundings off the Lizard. On the 3d we fell in with a Portuguese ship,
the captain of which came on board our admiral, saying that he was laden
with sugar and cotton. Our merchants shewed him five negroes we had,
asking him to buy them, which he agreed to do for 40 chests of sugar,
which were very small, not containing above 26 loaves each. While they
were delivering the sugar, we saw a large ship and a small one bearing
down upon us, which our captain supposed to be men of war or rovers, on
which he desired the Portuguese to take back their sugars, meaning to
prepare for defence. But the Portuguese earnestly entreated our captain
not to forsake him, and promised to give him ten chests of sugar in
addition to the bargain, if we would defend him. To this our captain
consented, and the rovers seeing that we were not afraid of them, let us
alone. Next morning two others came up, but on seeing that we did not
attempt to avoid them, they left us also. The 5th of June we got sight
of the Start, and about noon were abreast of Lyme bay, where we sounded
in 35 fathoms water. Next day we came in at the Needles, and anchored at
a place called Meadhole, under the isle of Wight; from whence we sailed
to Southampton, where our voyage ended.
SECTION XIII.
_Embassy of Mr Edmund Hogan to Morocco in 1577, written by
himself_.[297]
Though not exactly belonging to the subject of the present chapter, yet
as given by Hakluyt along with the early voyages to Guinea, it has been
thought proper to be inserted in this place. According to Hakluyt, Mr
Hogan was one of the sworn esquires of the person to Queen Elizabeth, by
whom he was sent ambassador to Muley Abdulmeleck, emperor of Morocco and
king of Fez.--_Hakl_.
[Footnote 297: Hakluyt, II. 541.]
* * * * *
I Edmund Hogan, being appointed ambassador from her majesty the queen to
the emperor and king Muley Abdulmeleck, departed from London with my
company and servants on the 22d of April 1577; and embarking in the good
ship called the Gallion of London, I arrived at Azafi, a port in
Barbary, on the 21st of May. I immediately sent Leonell Edgerton on
shore, with my letters to the care of John Williams and John Bampton,
who dispatched a _trottero_ or courier to Morocco, to learn the emperors
pleasure respecting my repair to his court. They with all speed gave the
king notice of it[298]; who, being much satisfied with the intelligence,
sent next day some of his officers and soldiers to Azafi, with tents and
other necessaries, so that these captains, together with John Bampton,
Robert Washborne, and Robert Lion, came late on Whitsunday night to
Azafi. Having written in my letter, that I would not land till I knew
the kings pleasure, I remained on board till their arrival; but I caused
some of the goods to be landed to lighten the ship.
[Footnote 298: It would appear that Williams and Bampton were resident
at the city of Morocco.--E.]
The 22d of May the Make-speed arrived in the road: and on the 27th,
being Whitsunday, John Bampton came on board the Gallion with others in
his company, giving me to understand that the king was rejoiced at my
safe arrival from the queen of England, and that for my safe conduct he
had sent four captains and 100 soldiers, together with a horse and
furniture on which the king was in use to ride. I accordingly landed
with my suite consisting of ten persons, three of whom were trumpeters.
The four English ships in the harbour were dressed up to the best
advantage, and shot off all their ordnance, to the value of twenty marks
in powder. On coming ashore, I found all the soldiers drawn up on
horseback, the captains and the governor of the town standing close to
the water side to receive me, with a jennet belonging to the king for my
use. They expressed the great satisfaction of their sovereign, at my
arrival from the queen my mistress, and that they were appointed by the
king to attend upon me, it being his pleasure that I should remain five
or six days on shore, to refresh myself before commencing my journey.
Having mounted the jennet, they conducted me through the town to a fair
field, where a tent was provided for me, having the ground spread with
Turkey carpets. The castle discharged a peal of ordnance, and every
thing necessary was brought to my tent, where I had convenient table and
lodging, and had other tents for the accommodation of my servants. The
soldiers environed the tents, and kept watch as long as I remained
there.
Although I sought a speedier dispatch, I could not be permitted to begin
my journey till Wednesday the 2d of June, when I mounted towards
evening, and travelled about ten miles to the first place on the road
where water was to be had, and there pitched our tents till next
morning[299]. The 3d we began our journey early, and travelled till ten
o'clock, when we halted till four, at which time we resumed our journey,
travelling as long as we had light, making about 26 miles in all that
day. The 4th being Friday, we travelled in the same manner about 28
miles, and pitched our tents beside a river, about six wiles from the
city of Morocco. Immediately afterwards, all the English and French
merchants came on horseback to visit me, and before night there came an
_alcayde_ from the king, with 50 men and several mules laden with
provisions, to make a banquet for my supper, bringing a message from the
king, expressing how glad he was to hear from the queen of England, and
that it was his intention to receive me more honourably than ever
Christian had been before at the court of Morocco. He desired also to
know at what time I proposed to come next day into his city, as he was
resolved that all the Christians, and also his own nobles should meet
me. He desired likewise that John Bampton should wait upon him early
next morning, which he did accordingly.
[Footnote 299: Having no inns in Barbary, travellers have to encamp or
lodge in the open fields where they can find water.--_Hakluyt_.]
About seven o'clock the next morning, I moved towards the city,
accompanied by the English and French merchants, and a great number of
soldiers; and by the time I had gone about two miles, I was met by all
the Spanish and Portuguese Christians, which I knew was more owing to
the kings commands than of their own good will,[300] for some of them,
though they spoke me fair, hung down their heads like dogs, especially
the Portuguese, and I behaved to them accordingly. When I had arrived
within two miles of the city, John Bampton rejoined me, expressing that
the king was so glad of my arrival, that he knew not how sufficiently to
shew his good will towards the queen and her realm. His counsellors met
me without the gates; and on entering the city some of the kings footmen
and guards were placed on both sides of my horse, and in this manner I
was conducted to the palace. The king sat in his chair of state, having
his counsellors about him, both Moors and _Elchies_; and, according to
his order previously given me, I declared my message to him in the
Spanish language, and delivered her majestys letters. All that I spoke
at this time in Spanish, he caused one of his _Elchies_ to interpret to
the Moors who were present in the _Larbe_ tongue. When this was done, he
answered me in Spanish, returning great thanks to the queen my mistress,
for my mission, and offering himself and country to be at her majesty's
disposal; after which he commanded some of his counsellors to conduct me
to my lodging, which was at no great distance from the court. The house
appointed for me was very good according to the fashion of the country,
and was every day furnished with all kinds of provisions at the kings
charge.
[Footnote 300: The Spaniards and Portuguese were commanded by the king,
on pain of death, to meet the English ambassador.--Hakluyt.]
I was sent for again to court that same night, and had a conference with
the king for the space of about two hours, when I declared to him the
particulars of what had been given me in charge by the queen, and found
him perfectly willing to oblige her majesty, and not to urge her with
any demands that might not conveniently be complied with, well knowing
that his country might be better supplied from England with such things
as it stood in need of, than England from his country. He likewise
informed me, that the king of Spain had sent demanding a licence to send
an ambassador to him, and had strongly urged him not to give credence or
entertainment to any ambassador that might come from the queen of
England: "Yet," said he, "I know well what the king of Spain is, and
what the queen of England and her realm; for I neither like him nor his
religion, being so governed by the inquisition that he can do nothing of
himself; wherefore, when his ambassador comes upon the licence I have
given, he will see how little account I make of him and Spain, and how
greatly I shall honour you for the sake of the queen of England. He
shall not come into my presence, as you have done and shall daily; for I
mean to accept of you as a companion and one of my household, whereas he
shall wait twenty days after he has delivered his message."
At the end of this speech I delivered him the letters of Sir Thomas
Gresham; upon which he took me by the hand, and led me down a long court
to a palace, past which there ran a fair fountain of water, and sitting
down in a chair, he commanded me to sit upon another, and sent for such
simple musicians as he had to entertain me. I then presented him with a
great bass lute, which he thankfully accepted, and expressed a desire to
hear when he might expect the musicians: I told him great care had been
taken to provide them, and I did not doubt that they would come out in
the first ship after my return. He is willing to give them good
entertainment, with lodgings and provisions, and to let them live
according to their own law and conscience, as indeed he urges, no one to
the contrary. He conducts himself greatly by the fear of God, and I
found him well read in the scriptures both of the old and new testament,
bearing a greater affection for our nation than any other, because that
our religion forbids the worship of images; and indeed the Moors call
him the Christian king. That same night[301] I continued with him till
twelve o'clock, and he seemed to have taken a great liking for me, as
he took from his girdle a short dagger set with 200 stones, rubies and
turquoises, which he presented to me, after which I was conducted back
to my lodgings.
[Footnote 301: In the original this is said to have been the 1st of
June; but from what has gone before, that date must necessarily be
erroneous; it could not be before the 5th of June, on which day he
appears to have entered Morocco in he morning.--E.]
Next day being Sunday, which he knew was our Sabbath, he allowed me to
remain at home; but he sent for me on the afternoon of Monday, when I
had a conference with him, and was entertained with music. He likewise
sent for me on Tuesday by three o'clock, when I found him in his garden
laid upon a silk bed, as he complained of a sore leg. Yet after a long
conference, he walked with me into another orchard, having a fine
banqueting-house and a large piece of water, in which was a new galley.
He took me on board the galley, and for the space of two or three hours,
shewed me what great experience he had in the management of gallies, in
which he said he had exercised himself for eighteen years of his youth.
After supper he shewed me his horses, and other matters about his house.
From that time I did not see him, as he was confined with his sore leg,
yet he sent messages to me every day. I was sent for to him again on the
13th of June, about six in the evening, and continued with him till
midnight, conferring about her majestys commission, and with regard to
the good usage of our merchants trading in his dominions. He said that
he would even do more than was asked for the queen and her subjects, who
might all come to his ports in perfect security, and trade in every part
of his dominions, likewise that they should at all times freely have
water and provisions, and in times of war might bring in the ships taken
from our enemies, and either sell them there, or freely depart at their
pleasure. Likewise that all English ships, either passing along his
coast of Barbary, or going through the straits into the Mediterranean or
Levant sea, should have safe conducts to pass freely to the dominions of
the Turks or of Algiers, as well as to his own. And he engaged to write
to the great Turk and the king of Algiers to use our ships and goods in
a friendly manner. Also, that if any Englishmen should be hereafter made
captives and brought into his dominions, that they should on no account
be sold as slaves. Whereupon, declaring the acceptance by her majesty of
these conditions, to confirm the intercourse of trade between our
merchants and his dominions, I engaged to satisfy him with such
commodities as he stood in need of, to furnish the wants of his country
in all kinds of merchandize, so that he might not require any thing from
her majesty contrary to her honour and law, or in breach of league and
amity with the Christian princes her neighbours. That same night I
presented him with a case of combs[302], and requested his majesty to
give orders for the lading of the ships back again, as I found there was
very little saltpetre in the hands of John Bampton. He answered that I
should have all the aid in his power, as he expected there was some
store in his house at _Sus,_ and that the mountaineers had much in
readiness. On my request that he would send orders for that to be
brought, he promised to do so.
[Footnote 302: This seems rather a singular present to the emperor of
Morocco.--E.]
The 18th day I was with him again and continued till night, when he
shewed me his house, with the amusement of duck-hunting with water
spaniels, and bull-baiting with English dogs. At this time I reminded
him of sending to _Sus_ about the saltpetre, which he engaged to do; and
on the 21st the Alcayde Mammie departed on that errand, accompanied by
Lionel Edgerton and Rowland Guy, carrying with them, on our account and
the king's, letters to his brother Muley Hamet, the Alcayde Shavan, and
the viceroy. The 23d the king sent me out of Morocco with a guard, and
accompanied by the Alcayde Mahomet, to see his garden called
Shersbonare; and at night of the 24th I was sent for to court to see a
Morris dance, and a play acted by his _Elchies._ He promised me an
audience on the next day being Tuesday, but put it off till Thursday,
when he sent for me after supper, when the Alcaydes Rodwan and Gowry
were appointed to confer with me; but after a short conversation, I
requested to be admitted to the king to receive my dispatch. On being
admitted, I preferred two bills, or requests, of John Bampton respecting
the provision of saltpetre, also two other petitions for the quiet trade
of our English merchants, together with petitions or requests for the
sugars which had been agreed to be made by the Jews, both for the debts
they had already incurred to our merchants, and those they might incur
hereafter, as likewise for the proper regulation of the ingenios. I also
moved him to give orders for the saltpetre and other affairs that had
been before agreed upon, which he referred me to be settled by the two
alcaydes. But on Friday the alcaydes could not attend to my affairs, and
on Saturday Rodwan fell sick. So on Sunday I again made application to
the king, and that afternoon I was sent for to confer upon the bargain
with the alcaydes and others, but we could not agree.
Upon Tuesday I wrote a letter to the king for my dispatch, and was
called again to court that afternoon, when I referred all things to the
king, accepting his offer of saltpetre. That night the king took me
again into his galley, when the water spaniels hunted the duck. On
Thursday I was appointed to weigh the 300 gross quintals of saltpetre;
and that afternoon the _tabybe_ came to my lodging, to inform me that
the king was offended with John Bampton for various reasons. Late on
Sunday night, being the 7th of July, I got the king to forgive all to
John Bampton, and he promised to give me another audience on Monday.
Upon Tuesday I wrote to the king for my dispatch, when he sent _Fray
Lewes_ to me, who said he had orders to write them out. Upon Wednesday I
wrote again, and the king sent me word that I should come on Thursday to
receive my dispatches, so that I might depart without fail on Friday the
12th of July.
According to the kings appointment I went to court on Friday, when all
the demands I had made were granted, and all the privileges which had
been requested on behalf of the English merchants were yielded to with
great favour and readiness. As the Jews resident in Morocco were
indebted in large sums to our men, the emperor issued orders that all
these should be paid in full without delay or excuse. Thus at length I
was dismissed with great honour and special favour, such as had not
ordinarily been shewn to other Christian ambassadors. Respecting the
private affairs treated on between her majesty and the emperor, I had
letters to satisfy her highness in the same. To conclude, having the
same honourable escort for my return from court that I had on my way
there, I embarked with my suite, and arrived soon after in England, when
I repaired to court, and ended my embassy to her majestys satisfaction,
by giving a relation of my services.
SECTION XIV.
_Embassy of Henry Roberts from Queen Elizabeth to Morocco in 1585,
written by himself_[303].
Like the former ambassador, Edmund Hogan, Mr Henry Roberts was one of
the sworn esquires of the person to Elizabeth queen of England, and the
following brief relation of his embassy, according to Hakluyt, was
written by himself. This, like the former, does not properly belong to
the present portion of our arrangement, but seemed necessary to be
inserted in this place, however anomalous, as an early record of the
attentions of the English government to extend the commerce and
navigation of England, the sinews of our strength, and the bulwark of
our glorious constitution. Mr Roberts appears to have spent three years
and five months on this embassy, leaving London on the 14th August 1585,
and returning to the same place on the 12th January 1589, having, in the
words of Hakluyt, remained at Morocco as _lieger_, or resident, during
upwards of three years.
[Footnote 303: Hakluyt, II 602.]
In the commencement of this brief notice, Mr Roberts mentions the
occasion of his embassy as proceeding from the incorporation of a
company of merchants, for carrying on an exclusive trade from England to
Barbary; upon which event he was appointed her majestys messenger and
agent to the emperor of Morocco, for the furtherance of the affairs of
that company. It is not our intention to load our work with copies of
formal patents and diplomatic papers; yet in the present instance it may
not be amiss to give an abridgment of the patent to the Barbary company,
as an instance of the mistaken principles of policy on which the early
foundations of English commerce were attempted.--E.
_Letters Patent and Privileges granted in 1585 by Queen Elizabeth, to
certain Noblemen and Merchants of London, for a Trade to Barbary.[304]_
[Footnote 304: Hakluyt, II. 599.]
Elizabeth, &c.--Whereas our right trusty and well beloved counsellors,
Ambrose earl of Warwick, and Robert earl of Leicester, and also our
loving and natural subjects Thomas Starkie, &c.[305] all merchants of
London, now trading into the country of Barbary, in the parts of Africa
under the government of Mulley Hamet Sheriffe, emperor of Morocco, and
king of Fez and Sus, have made it evident to us that they have sustained
great and grievous losses, and are likely to sustain greater if it
should not be prevented. In tender consideration whereof, and because
diverse merchandize of the same countries are very necessary and
convenient for the use and defence of this our realm, &c. Wherefore we
give and grant to the said earls, &c. by themselves, their factors or
servants, and none others, for and during the space of twelve years, the
whole freedom and liberty of the said trade, any law, &c. to the
contrary in any way notwithstanding. The said trade to be free of all
customs, subsidies or other duties, during the said period to us, our
heirs and successors, &c. Witness ourself at Westminster, the 5th July,
in the 27th year of our reign.
[Footnote 305: Here are enumerated forty merchants of London, as members
of the Barbary company in conjunction with the two earls.--E.]
_Narrative._
Upon an incorporation granted to the company of Barbary merchants
resident in London, I Henry Roberts, one of her majesties sworn esquires
of her person, was appointed messenger and agent from her highness unto
Mulley Hamet Sheriffe, emperor of Morocco and king of Fez and Sus. And,
having received my commission, instructions, and her majesties letters,
I departed from London, the 14th August 1585, in a tall ship called the
Ascension, in company with the Minion and Hopewell. We arrived in safety
at the port of Azaffi in Barbary on the 14th of September following. The
alcaide of the town, who is the kings chief officer there, or as it were
mayor of the place, received me with all civility and honour, according
to the custom of the country, and lodged me in the best house in the
town. From thence I dispatched a messenger, which in their language is
called a _trottero_, to inform the emperor of my arrival; who
immediately sent a party of soldiers for my guard and safe conduct, with
horses for myself, and mules for my baggage and that of my company or
suite.
Accompanied by Richard Evans, Edward Salcot, and other English merchants
resident in the country, and with my escort and baggage, I came to the
river _Tenisist_, within four miles of the city of Morocco, and pitched
my tents among a grove of olive trees on the banks of that river, where
I was met by all the English merchants by themselves, and the French,
Flemish, and various other Christians, who waited my arrival. After we
had dined, and when the heat of the day was over, we set out about 4
o'clock in the afternoon for the city, where I was lodged by order of
the emperor in a fair house in the _Judaria_ or jewry, the quarter in
which the Jews have their abode, being the best built and quietest part
of the city.
After I had rested there three days, I was introduced into the kings
presence, to whom I delivered my message and her majesties letters, and
was received with much civility. During three years in which I remained
there as her majesties agent and _ligier_, or resident, I had favourable
audiences from time to time; as, whenever I had any business, I was
either admitted to his majesty himself or to his viceroy, the alcaide
Breme Saphiana, a very wise and discreet person, and the principal
officer of the court. For various good and sufficient reasons, I forbear
to put down in writing the particulars of my service.
After obtaining leave, and receiving an honourable reward from the
emperor, I departed from his court at Morocco the 18th of August 1588,
to a garden belonging to him called Shersbonare, where he promised I
should only stay one day for his letters. Yet on one pretence or
another, I was detained there till the 14th of September, always at the
kings charges, having 40 or 50 shot attending upon me as my guard. At
length I was conducted from thence, with every thing requisite for my
accommodation, to the port of Santa Cruz, six days journey from Morocco,
where our ships ordinarily take in their lading, and where I arrived on
the 21st of that month.
I remained at Santa Cruz 43 days. At length, on the 2d November, I
embarked in company with one Marshok, a Reis or captain, a gentleman
sent along with me by the emperor on an embassy to her majesty. After
much foul weather at sea, we landed on new-years day 1589, at St Ives in
Cornwal, whence we proceeded together by land to London. We were met
without the city by 40 or 50 of the principal Barbary merchants all on
horseback, who accompanied us by torch light into the city on Sunday the
12th January 1589, the ambassador and myself being together in a coach.
_Edict of the Emperor of Morocco in favour of the English, obtained by
Henry Roberts_.
In the name of the most merciful God, &c. The servant of the Supreme
God, the conqueror in his cause, the successor appointed by God, emperor
of the Moors, son of the emperor of the Moors, the Shariffe, the Haceny,
whose honour and estate may God long increase and advance. This our
imperial commandment is delivered into the hands of the English
merchants who reside under the protection of our high court, that all
men who see these presents may understand that our high councils will
defend them, by the aid of God, from all that may injure or oppress them
in any way or manner in which they shall be wronged; and that which way
soever they may travel, no man shall take them captives in these our
kingdoms, ports, or other places belonging to us; and that no one shall
injure or hinder them, by laying violent hands upon them, or shall give
occasion that they be aggrieved in any manner of way. And we charge and
command all the officers of our ports, havens, and fortresses, and all
who bear authority of any sort in our dominions, and likewise all our
subjects generally of all ranks and conditions, that they shall in no
way molest, offend, wrong, or injure them. And this our commandment
shall remain inviolable, being registered on the middle day of the month
Rabel of the year 996.
The date of this letter agrees with the 20th of March 1587, which I,
Abdel Rahman el Catun, interpreter for his majesty, have translated out
of Arabic into Spanish, word for word as contained therein.[306]
[Footnote 306: Besides this, Hakluyt gives copies in Spanish and English
of a letter from Mulley Hamet to the Earl of Leicester, and of a letter
from Queen Elizabeth to Mulley Hamet, both of which are merely
complimentary, or relate to unexplained circumstances respecting one
John Herman an English rebel, whose punishment is required from the
emperor of Morocco. He had probably contraveened the exclusive
privileges of the Barbary company, by trading in Morocco.--E.]
SECTION XV.
_Voyage to Benin beyond Guinea in 1588, by James Welsh_[307].
This and the subsequent voyage to Benin were fitted out by Messrs Bird
and Newton, merchants of London, in which a ship of 100 tons called the
Richard of Arundel and a pinnace were employed, under the chief command
of James Welsh, who wrote the account of both voyages--_Astley_.
[Footnote 307: Hakluyt, II. 613. Astley, I. 199.]
It seems not improbable that these voyages were intended as an evasion
of an exclusive privilege granted in May 1588 by Queen Elizabeth, for
trade to the rivers Senegal and Gambia, called Senega and Gambra in
Hakluyt. The boundaries of this exclusive trade are described as
beginning at the northermost part of the river Senegal, and from and
within that river all along the coast of Guinea into the southermost
part of the river Gambia, and within that river also; and the reason
assigned for this exclusive grant is, that the patentees had already
made one voyage to these parts, and that the enterprizing a new trade
must be attended with considerable hazard and expence. The patentees
were several merchants of Exeter and other parts of Devonshire, and one
merchant of London, who had been instigated by certain Portuguese
resident in England to engage in that trade, and the privilege is
extended to ten years.[308]--E.
[Footnote 308: See the patent at large in Hakluyt, II. 610. London
edition, 1810.]
* * * * *
On the 12th October 1588, weighing anchor from Ratcliff we dropped down
to Blackwall, whence we sailed next day; but owing to contrary winds we
did not reach Plymouth till the 25th October, where we had to remain for
want of a fair wind to the 14th of December, when we set sail and passed
the Lizard that night. Thursday the 2d January 1589, we had sight of the
land near Rio del Oro, making our lat. 22 deg. 47' N. The 3d we saw Cape
Barbas, distant 5 leagues S.E. The 4th in the morning we had sight of
the stars called the _Croziers_. The 7th we had sight of Cape Verd,
making our lat. 14 deg. 43' at 4 leagues off shore. Friday 17th Cape Mount
bore from us N.N.E., when we sounded and had 50 fathoms water with a
black ouse, and at 2 P.M. it bore N.N.W. 8 leagues distant, when Cape
Misurado bore E. by S. Here the current sets E.S.E. along shore, and at
midnight we had 26 fathoms on black ouse. The 18th in the morning we
were athwart a land much resembling Cabo Verde, about 9 leagues beyond
Cape Misurado. It is a saddle-backed hill, and there are four or five
one after the other; and 7 leagues farther south we saw a row of
saddle-backed hills, all the land from Cape Misurado having many
mountains. The 19th we were off Rio de Sestos, and the 20th Cape Baixos
was N. by W. 4 leagues distant. In the afternoon a canoe came off with
three negroes from a place they called Tabanoo. Towards evening we were
athwart an island, and saw many small islands or rocks to the southward,
the current setting from the south. We sounded and had 35 fathoms. The
21st we had a flat hill bearing N.N.E. being 4 leagues from shore; and
at 2 P.M. we spoke a French ship riding near a place called _Ratere_,
there being another place hard bye called Crua[309]. The Frenchman
carried a letter from us on shore for Mr Newton; and as we lay to while
writing the letter, the current set us a good space along shore to the
S.S.E. The 25th we were in the bight of a bay to the west of Cape
Three-points, the current setting E.N.E. The 31st January we were off
the middle part of Cape Three-points at 7 in the morning, the current
setting to the E. Saturday 1st February we were off a round foreland,
which I considered to be the easternmost part of Cape Three-points,
within which foreland was a great bay and an island in the bay.
[Footnote 309: Krou Sestra, nearly in lat. 5 deg. N.]
The 2nd February we were off the castle of Mina; and when the third
glass of the watch was run out, we spied under our larboard quarter one
of their boats with some negroes and one Portuguese, who would not come
on board. Over the castle upon some high rocks, we saw what we thought
to be two watch houses, which were very white. At this time our course
was E.N.E. The 4th in the morning we were athwart a great hill, behind
which within the land were other high rugged hills, which I reckoned
were little short of _Monte Redondo_, at which time I reckoned we were
20 leagues E.N.E. from the castle of Mina; and at 11 o'clock A.M. I saw
two hills within the land, 7 leagues by estimation beyond the former
hills. At this place there is a bay, having another hill at its east
extremity, beyond which the land is very low. We went this day E. N E.
and E. by N. 22 leagues, and then E. along shore. The 6th we were short
of Villa Longa, and there we met a Portuguese caravel. The 7th, being a
fair temperate day, we rode all day before Villa Longa, whence we sailed
on the 8th, and 10 leagues from thence we anchored again, and remained
all night in 10 fathoms water. The 9th we sailed again, all along the
shore being clothed with thick woods, and in the afternoon we were
athwart a river[310], to the eastward of which a little way was a great
high bushy tree which seemed to have no leaves. The 10th we sailed E.
and E. by S. 14 leagues along shore, the whole coast being so thick of
woods that in my judgment a person would have much difficulty in passing
through them. Towards night we anchored in 7 fathoms. The 11th we sailed
E. by S. and 3 leagues from shore we had only 5 fathoms water, all the
wood along shore being as even as if it had been clipt by gardeners
sheers. After running 2 leagues, we saw a high tuft of trees on a brow
of land like the head of a porpoise. A league farther on we had a very
low head land full of trees; and a great way from the land we had very
shallow water, on which we hauled off to seaward to get deeper water,
and then anchored in 5 fathoms, athwart the mouth of the river _Jayo_.
The 12th we sent the pinnace and the boat to land with the merchants,
and they did not return till next morning. The shallowest part of this
river is toward the west, where there is only 4-1/2 fathoms, and it is
very broad.
[Footnote 310: Rio de Lagoa--_Hakluyt_.--Probably that now called Lagos,
in long. 2 deg. 40' E. from Greenwich, in the Bight of Benin.--E.]
Thursday the 13th we set sail going S.S.E. along shore, the trees being
wonderfully even, the east shore being higher than the west shore[311].
After sailing 18 leagues we had sight of a great river, called Rio de
Benin, off which we anchored in 3-1/2 fathoms, the sea being here very
shallow two leagues from the main[312]. The 15th we sent the pinnace and
boat with the merchants into the river; and as we rode in shallow water,
we made sail with the starboard tacks aboard till we came to 5 fathoms
water, where we anchored having the current to the westwards. The west
part of the land was high-browed, much like the head of a Gurnard, and
the eastermost land was lower, having three tufts of trees like stacks
of corn. Next day we only saw two of these trees, having removed more to
the eastwards. We rode here from the 14th of February till the 14th of
April, having the wind always at S.W.
[Footnote 311: This is only to be understood as implying that the shore
was now higher in the eastern part of the voyage along the coast, than
formerly to the west on the coast of Mina; the east shore and the west
shore referring to the bight or bay of Benin.--E.]
[Footnote 312: It is probable that the two rivers mentioned in the text
under the names of Rio de Lagoa and Rio de Benin, are those now called
the Lagos creek and the great river Formosa, both in the negro kingdom
of Benin.--E.]
The 17th February our merchants weighed their goods and put them aboard
the pinnace to go into the river, on which day there came a great
current out of the river setting to the westwards. The 16th March our
pinnace came on board with Anthony Ingram the chief factor, bringing 94
bags of pepper and 28 elephants teeth. All his company were sick. The
19th our pinnace went again into the river, having the purser and
surgeon on board; and the 25th we sent the boat up the river again. The
30th our pinnace came from Benin with the sorrowful news that Thomas
Hemstead and our captain were both dead. She brought with her 159 serons
or bags of pepper, besides elephants teeth. In all the time of our
remaining off the river of Benin, we had fair and temperate weather when
the wind was at S.W. from the sea; but when the wind blew at N. and N.E.
from the land, it then rained with thunder and lightning, and the
weather was intemperately hot.
The 13th of April 1589, we began our voyage homeward, and the 27th of
July we spoke a ship called the Port belonging to London, giving us good
news of England. The 9th September we put into Catwater, where we
remained till the 28th, owing to sickness and want of men. The 29th we
sailed from Plymouth, and arrived at London on the 2d October 1589.
The commodities we carried out in this, voyage were linens and woollen
cloths, iron work of sundry kinds, manillios or bracelets of copper,
glass beads and coral. Those we brought home were pepper, elephants
teeth, palm oil, cloth made of cotton very curiously woven, and cloth
made of the bark of the palm tree. Their money consists of pretty white
shells, as they have no gold or silver. They have also great store of
cotton. Their bread is made of certain roots called _Inamia_, as large
as a mans arm, which when well boiled is very pleasant and light of
digestion. On banian or fish days, our men preferred eating these roots
with oil and vinegar to the best stock-fish[313]. There are great
quantities of palm trees, out of which the negroes procure abundance of
a very pleasant white wine, of which we could purchase two gallons for
20 shells. The negroes have plenty of soap, which has the flavour of
violets. They make very pretty mats and baskets, also spoons of ivory
very curiously wrought with figures of birds and beasts.
[Footnote 313: It is obvious that the banian or meager days, still
continued in the British navy, are a remnant of the meager days of the
Roman catholic times, when it was deemed a mortal sin to eat flesh.
Stock-fish are, however now abandoned, having been found to promote
scurvy.--E.]
Upon this coast we had the most terrible thunder and lightning, which
used to make the deck tremble under our feet, such as I never heard the
like in any other part of the world. Before we became accustomed to it,
we were much alarmed, but God be thanked we had no harm. The natives are
very gentle and courteous; both men and women going naked till they are
married, after which they wear a garment reaching from the middle down
to the knees. Honey was so plentiful, that they used to sell our people
earthen pots of comb full of honey, the size of two gallons for 100
shells. They brought us also great store of oranges and plantains, which
last is a fruit which grows on a tree, and resembles our cucumbers, but
is very pleasant eating. It pleased God of his merciful goodness to give
me the knowledge of a means of preserving water fresh with little cost,
which served us six months at sea; and when we came to Plymouth it was
much wondered at by the principal men of the town, who said there was
not sweeter water in all Plymouth[314]. Thus God provides for his
creatures, unto whom be praise, now and _for ever more_, amen.
[Footnote 314: This preservative is wrought by casting a handful of
bay-salt into a hogshead of water, as the author told me.--_Hakluyt_.
The Thames water soon putrifies on board ships in long voyages; but
afterwards throws down a sediment and becomes perfectly sweet pleasant
and wholesome; insomuch that it is often bought from ships which have
been to India and back. Putrid water at sea is purified or rendered
comparatively sweet by forcing streams of air through it by what is
called an air pump. Water may be preserved sweet on long voyages, or
restored when putrid, by means of pounded charcoal.--E.]
SECTION XVI.
_Supplement to the foregoing Voyage, in a Letter from Anthony Ingram the
chief Factor, written from Plymouth to the Owners, dated 9th September,
the day of arriving at Plymouth_[315].
Worshipful Sirs! The account of our whole proceedings in this voyage
would require more time than I have, and a person in better health than
I am at present, so that I trust you will pardon me till I get to
London.
[Footnote 315: Hakluyt, II. 616. Astley, I. 202.]
Departing from London in December 1588, we arrived at our destined port
of Benin on the 14th of February following, where we found not water
enough to carry our ship over the bar, so that we left her without in
the road. We put the chiefest of our merchandise into the pinnace and
ships boat, in which we went up the river to a place called _Goto_[316],
where we arrived on the 20th, that place being the nearest to Benin to
which we could go by water. From thence we sent negro messengers to
certify the king of our arrival, and the object of our coming. These
messengers returned on the 22d with a nobleman to conduct us to the city
of Benin, and with 200 negroes to carry our merchandise. On the 23d we
delivered our commodities to the kings factor, and the 25th we came to
the great city of Benin, where we were well entertained. The 26th we
went to court to confer with the king, but by reason of a solemn
festival then holding we could not see him; yet we spoke with his
_veador_, or chief man who deals with the Christians, who assured us
that we should have every thing according to our desires, both in regard
to pepper and elephants teeth.
[Footnote 316: Goto or Gato is a negro town on the northern branch of
the Rio Formoso, about 45 miles in a straight line from the mouth of the
river, and about 85 miles short of the town of Benin. This branch or
creek is probably the river of Benin of the text.--E.]
We were admitted into the kings presence on the 1st of March, who gave
us like friendly assurances respecting our trade; and next day we went
again to court, when the _veador_ shewed us a basket of green pepper and
another of dry in the stalks. We desired to have it plucked from the
stalks and made clean, which he said would require some time to get
done, but should be executed to our satisfaction, and that by next year
it should be all in readiness for us, as we had now come unexpectedly to
their country, to which no Christians had traded for pepper in the reign
of the present king. Next day they sent us 12 baskets full, and
continued to send more daily till the 9th March, by which time we had
made up 64 serons of pepper and 28 elephants teeth. By this time, as our
constitutions were unused to the climate of Benin, all of us were seized
with fevers; upon which the captain sent me down to Goto with the goods
we had collected. On my arrival there, I found all the men belonging to
our pinnace sick, so that they were unable to convey the pinnace and
goods to the ship; but fortunately the boat came up to Goto from the
ship within two hours after my arrival, to see what we were about, so
that I put the goods into the boat and went down to the ship: But by the
time I had got on board several of our men died, among whom were Mr
Benson, the copper, and the carpenter, with three or four more, and I
was in so weak a state as to be unable to return to Benin. I therefore
sent up Samuel Dunne and the surgeon, that he might let blood of them if
it were thought adviseable; but on their arrival they found the captain
and your son William Bird both dead, and Thomas Hempstead was so very
weak that he died two days after.
In this sorrowful state of affairs they returned with all speed to the
ship, with such pepper and elephants teeth as they had got, as will
appear by the cargo. At their coming away; the _veador_ told them he
would use all possible expedition to procure them more goods if they
would remain longer; but the sickness so increased among us, that by the
time our men came back we had so many sick and dead, that we looked to
lose our ship, lives, country, and all. We were so reduced that it was
with much difficulty we were able to heave our anchors; but by Gods
blessing we got them up and put to sea, leaving our pinnace behind, on
the 13th of April. After which our men began to recover and gather
strength. Sailing between the Cape de Verd islands and the Main, we came
to the Azores on the 25th of July; and here our men began again to fall
sick, and several died, among whom was Samuel Dunn, those who remained
alive being in a sad state. In the midst of our distress, it pleased God
that we should meet your ship the _Barke Burre_ on this side the North
Cape, which not only kept company with us, but sent us six fresh men on
board, without whose assistance we must have been in a sad condition. By
this providential aid we are now arrived at Plymouth, this 9th
September; and, for want of better health at this present. I must refer
you for farther particulars till my arrival in London.--Yours to
command,
ANTHONY INGRAM.
SECTION XVII.
_Second Voyage of James Welsh to Benin, in 1590_[317].
In the employment of the same merchants, John Bird and John Newton, and
with the same ship as in the former voyage, the Richard of Arundel,
accompanied by a small pinnace, we set sail from Ratclif on the 3d
September 1590, and came to Plymouth Sound on the 18th of that month. We
put to sea again on the 22d, and on the 14th October got sight of
Fuertaventura, one of the Canary islands, which appeared very rugged as
we sailed past. The 16th of October, in the lat. of 24 deg. 9' N. we met a
prodigious hollow sea, such as I had never seen before on this coast;
and this day a monstrous great fish, which I think is called a
_gobarto_[318], put up his head to the steep-tubs where the cook was
shifting the victuals, whom I thought the fish would have carried away.
The 21st, being in lat. 18 deg. N. we had a _counter-sea_ from the north,
having in the same latitude, on our last voyage, encountered a similar
sea from the south, both times in very calm weather. The 24th we had
sight of Cape Verd, and next day had a great hollow sea from the north,
a common sign that the wind will be northerly, and so it proved. The
15th November, when in lat. 6 deg. 42' N. we met three currents from west to
north-west, one after the other, with the interval of an hour between
each. The 18th we had two other great currents from S.W. The 20th we saw
another from N.E. The 24th we had a great current from S.S.W. and at 6
P.M. we had three currents more. The 27th we reckoned to have gone 2-1/2
leagues every watch, but found that we had only made _one_ league every
watch for the last 24 hours, occasioned by heavy billows and a swift
current still from the south. The 5th December, on setting the watch, we
cast about and lay E.N.E. and N.E. and here in lat. 5 deg. 30' our pinnace
lost us wilfully. The 7th, at sunset, we saw a great black spot on the
sun; and on the 8th, both at rising and setting we saw the like, the
spot appearing about the size of a shilling. We were then in lat. 5 deg. N.
and still had heavy billows from the south.
[Footnote 317: Hakluyt, II. 618. Astley, I. 203.]
[Footnote 318: In a side note, Astley conjectures this to have been a
great shark.]
We sounded on the 14th December, having 15 fathoms on coarse red sand,
two leagues from shore, the current setting S.E. along shore, and still
we had heavy billows from the south. The 15th we were athwart a rock,
somewhat like the _Mewstone_ in England, and at the distance of 2
leagues from the rock, had ground in 27 fathoms. This rock is not above
a mile from the shore, and a mile farther we saw another rock, the space
between both being broken ground. We sounded off the second rock, and
had ground at 20 fathoms on black sand. We could now see plainly that
the rocks were not along the shore, but at some distance off to sea, and
about 5 leagues farther south we saw a great bay, being then in lat. 4 deg.
27' N. The 16th we met a French ship belonging to Harfleur, which robbed
our pinnace: we sent a letter by him. This night we saw another spot on
the sun at his going down. Towards evening we were athwart the mouth of
a river, right over which was a high tuft of trees. The 17th we anchored
in the mouth of the river, when we found the land to be Cape Palmas,
there being a great ledge of rocks between us and the Cape, a league and
half to sea, and an island off the point or foreland of the Cape. We
then bore to the west of the Cape, and as night came on could see no
more of the land, except that it trended inwards like a bay, in which
there ran a stream or tide as it had been the Thames. This was on the
change day of the moon.
The 19th December, a fair temperate day, with the wind S. we sailed
east, leaving the land astern of us to the west, all the coast appearing
low like islands to the east of Cape Palmas, and trending inwards like a
great bay or sound. We went east all night, and in the morning were only
three or four leagues from shore. The 20th we were off Rio de las
Barbas. The 21st we continued along shore; and three or four leagues
west of Cape Three Points, I found the bay to be set deeper than it is
laid down by four leagues. At 4 P.M. the land began to shew high, the
first part of it being covered by palm trees. The 24th, still going
along shore, the land was very low and full of trees to the water side.
At noon we anchored off the Rio de Boilas, where we sent the boat
towards the shore with our merchants, but they durst not put into the
river, because of a heavy surf that broke continually on the bar. The
28th we sailed along shore, and anchored at night in seven fathoms, to
avoid being put back by a current setting from E.S.E. from _Papuas_.
At noon on the 29th we were abreast of Ardrah, and there we took a
caravel, the people belonging to which had fled to the land. She had
nothing in her except a small quantity of palm oil and a few roots. Next
morning our captain and merchants went to meet the Portuguese, who came
off in a boat to speak with them. After some communing about ransoming
the caravel, the Portuguese promised to give for her some bullocks and
elephants teeth, and gave us then one tooth and one bullock, engaging to
bring the rest next day. Next day being the 1st January 1591, our
captain went a-land to speak with the Portuguese, but finding them to
dissemble, he came on board again, when presently we unrigged the
caravel and set her on fire before the town. We then set sail and went
along the coast, where we saw a date tree, the like of which is not on
all that coast, by the water side. We also fell a little aground at one
place. Thus we went on to _Villalonga_ where we anchored. The 3d we came
to Rio de Lagoa, or Lagos Creek, where our merchants went to land,
finding 3 fathoms on the bar, but being late they did not go in. There
is to the eastward of this river a date tree, higher than all the other
trees thereabouts. Thus we went along the coast, anchoring every night,
and all the shore was full of trees and thick woods. The morning of the
6th was very foggy, so that we could not see the land; but it cleared up
about three in the afternoon, when we found ourselves off the river
Jaya; and finding the water very shallow, we bore a little out to
seawards as we had done in the former voyage, and came to anchor in five
fathoms. We set sail again next day, and came about noon abreast the
river of Benin, where we anchored in four fathoms.
The 10th our captain went to land with the boat at 2 P.M. All this week
it was very foggy every day till 10 o'clock A.M. and hitherto the
weather had been as temperate as our summer in England. This day we
anchored in the road in 4 fathoms, the west point bearing from us E.N.E.
The 21st, being a fair temperate day, Mr Hassald went up to the town of
Gato to hear news of our captain. The 23d came the caravel[319] in which
was Samuel, bringing 63 elephants teeth and three bullocks. The 28th was
a fair temperate day, but towards night we had much rain with thunder
and lightning. This day our boat came on board from Gato. The 24th
February, we took in 298 serons or bags of pepper, and 4 elephants
teeth. The 26th we put the rest of our goods on board the caravel, in
which Mr Hassald went up to Gato. The 5th March the caravel came again,
bringing 21 serons of pepper and 4 elephants teeth. The 9th April our
caravel came again on board with water for our return voyage, and this
day we lost our shallop or small boat. The 17th was a hazy and rainy
day, and in the afternoon we saw three great water spouts, two to
larboard and one right a-head, but by the blessing of God they came not
to our ship. This day we took in the last of our water for sea store,
and on the 26th we victualled our caravel to accompany us. The 27th we
set sail on our voyage homewards.
[Footnote 319: It is not mentioned how they came by this caravel.--Astl.
I. 204. b. Probably the pinnace that attended them in the voyage, for
the purpose of going up the shallow rivers.--E.]
The 24th May we were 37 leagues south of Cape Palmas. The 1st July we
got sight of Brava, one of the Cape Verd islands, bearing east 7 leagues
off. The 13th August we spoke the queens ship, of which Lord Howard was
admiral and Sir Richard Grenville vice-admiral. They made us keep
company till the night of the 15th, lying all the time a hull in waiting
for prizes, 30 leagues S.W. from the island of Flores. That night we got
leave to depart, accompanied by a fliboat laden with sugar from the
island of San Thome which had been taken by the queens ship, and of
which my lord admiral gave me strict charge not to part with her till
safe harboured in England. The 23d the N.E. part of the island of Corvo
bore from us E. by S. 6 leagues distant. The 17th September we fell in
with a ship belonging to Plymouth bound from the West Indies. Next day
we had sight of another sail; and this day died Mr Wood one of our
company. The 23d we spoke the Dragon belonging to my Lord Cumberland, of
which _master_ Ivie was _maister_[320]. The 2d October we met a ship
belonging to Newcastle coming from Newfoundland, out of which we got 300
couple of _Newland_ fish. The 13th we put into Dartmouth, where we staid
till the 12th December, when we sailed with a west wind, and by the
blessing of God we anchored on the 18th December 1591, at Limehouse in
the river Thames, where we discharged 589 sacks of pepper, 150 elephants
teeth, and 32 barrels of palm oil.
[Footnote 320: This distinction of master and maister often occurs in
these early voyages.--Astl. I. 205. a.]
The commodities we carried out on this my second voyage were, broad
cloth, kersies, bays, linen cloth, unwrought iron, copper bracelets,
coral, hawks bells, horse-tails, hats, and the like. This voyage was
more comfortable to us than the former, because we had plenty of fresh
water and that very sweet. For even yet, being the 7th June 1592, the
water we brought out of Benin on the 1st of April 1591, is as clear and
good as any fountain can yield. In this voyage we sailed 350 leagues
within half a degree of the equator, where we found the weather more
temperate than at our anchorage on the coast of Benin. Under the line we
killed many small dolphins, and many other good fish, which were very
refreshing to us; and the fish never forsook us till we were to the
north of the Azores: But God be thanked we met with several ships of our
own country, during the five months we were at sea, which were great
comfort to us, having no consort.
SECTION XVIII.
_Voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel to the Rivers Senegal and
Gambia adjoining to Guinea, in 1591_[321].
PREVIOUS REMARKS [322].
In virtue of her majestys most gracious charter, given in the year 1588,
being the 30th of her reign, certain English merchants were privileged
to trade, in and from the river of Senega or Senegal, to and in the
river of Gambra or Gambia on the western coast of Africa. The chiefest
places of trade on that coast, in and between these rivers are: 1.
_Senegal_ river, where the commodities are hides, gum, elephants teeth,
a few grains or pepper, ostrich feathers, ambergris, and some gold. 2.
_Beseguiache_[323], a town near Cape Verd, and ---- leagues[324] from the
river Senegal. The commodities here are small hides and a few teeth. 3.
_Rufisque_, or _Refisca viejo_, a town 4 leagues from Beseguiache,
producing small hides and a few teeth now and then. 4. _Palmerin_, a
town 2 leagues from Rufisque[325], having small hides and a few
elephants teeth occasionally. 5. _Porto d'Ally_, or _Portudale_, a town
5 leagues from Palmerin, having small hides, teeth, ambergris, and a
little gold; and many Portuguese are there. 6. _Candimal_, a town half a
league from Portudale, having small hides and a few teeth now and then.
7. _Palmerin_[326], a town 3 leagues from Candimal, with similar
commodities. 8. _Jaale_ or _Joala_, 6 leagues beyond Palmerin, its
commodities being hides, wax, elephants teeth, rice, and some gold, for
which it is frequented by many Spaniards and Portuguese, 9. _Gambia
river_, producing rice, wax, hides, elephants teeth, and gold.
[Footnote 321: Hakluyt, III. 2. Astley, I. 242.]
[Footnote 322: In Astley, these previous remarks are stated to have been
written by Richard Rainolds; but in the original collection of Hakluyt
no such distinction is made, only that in the text Richard Rainolds
states himself to have written the account of the voyage.--E.]
[Footnote 323: Or Barzaguiche, by which name the natives call the island
of Goree; the town of that name being on the opposite shore of the
continent.--Astl, I. 242. c.]
[Footnote 324: At this place the editor of Astley's Collection supplies
28 leagues, in the text between brackets: But Cape Verd is 39 leagues
from the southern mouth of the Senegal, and Goree is 6 leagues beyond
Cape Verd. Near the situation pointed out for Beseguiache, modern maps
place two small towns or villages named Dakar and Ben.--E.]
[Footnote 325: A league north from Rufisque in modern maps is a place
called Ambo; about 1-1/2 league farther north, one named Canne; and near
2 leagues south, another named Yenne.--E.]
[Footnote 326: We have here two towns called Palmerin within a few
leagues, perhaps one of them may be wrong named in the text.--E.]
The French have traded thither above thirty years from Dieppe in
New-haven[327], commonly with four or five ships every year, of which
two small barks go up the river Senegal. The others are wont, until
within these four years that our ships came thither, to ride with their
ships in Portudale, sending small shalops of six or eight tons to some
of the before-named places on the sea coast. They were generally as well
beloved and as kindly treated by the negroes as if they had been natives
of the country, several of the negroes going often into France and
returning again, to the great increase of their mutual friendship. Since
we frequented the coast, the French go with their ships to Rufisque, and
leave us to anchor a Portudale. The French are not in use to go up the
river Gambia, which is a river of secret trade and riches concealed by
the Portuguese. Long since, one Frenchman entered the river in a small
bark, which was surprised, betrayed, and taken by the Portuguese. In
our second voyage in the second year of our trade[328], about forty
Englishmen were cruelly slain or captured, and most or all of their
goods confiscated, by the vile treachery of the Portuguese, with the
consent of the negro kings in Portudale and Joala. On this occasion only
two got back, who were the merchants or factors. Likewise, by the
procurement of Pedro Gonzalves, a person in the service of Don Antonio
one of the officers of the king of Portugal, Thomas Dassel and others
had been betrayed, if it had not pleased the Almighty to reveal and
prevent the same.
[Footnote 327: Havre de Grace is probably here meant--E.]
[Footnote 328: Hence it appears that the relation in the text was the
third voyage of the English exclusive company, in the third year of
their patent, but we find no account of the other two beyond what is now
mentioned. It appears, however from Kelly's ship being at the same time
upon the coast, that others as well as the patentees carried on this
trade.--Astl. I. 242. d.]
From the south side of the river Senegal, all along the sea coast to
Palmerin is one kingdom of the Negroes, the king of which is named
Melick Zamba[329], who dwells about two days journey inland from
Rufisque.
[Footnote 329: Melick; or Malek, in Arabic signifies king.--Astl. I.
242. e.]
_The Voyage._
On the 12th of November 1591, I, Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel,
being factors in a ship called the Nightingale of London, of 125 tons,
accompanied by a pinnace of 40 tons called the Messenger, arrived near
Cape Verd at a small island called the _Isle of Liberty_. At this island
we set up a small pinnace in which we are in use to carry our goods to
land in the course of our traffic; and in the mean time Thomas Dassel
went in the large pinnace to traffic with the Spaniards or Portuguese in
Portudale or Joale. Over against this island of Liberty [_Goree_] there
is a village of the negroes called Beseguiache, the alcaide or governor
of which came on board, with a great train in a number of canoes, to
receive the kings duties for anchorage and permission to set up our
pinnace. He was much pleased that we had no Portuguese in our ships,
saying that we should be always better thought of by the king and people
of that country if we never brought any Portuguese, but came of
ourselves as the French do always. To secure his favour, I gave him and
his company very courteous entertainment, and upon his entreaty, having
sufficient hostages left on board, I and several others went to the land
along with him. At this time a war subsisted between this governor and
the governor of a neighbouring province; but upon our arrival a truce
was entered into for some time, and I with my companions were conducted
through among the contending parties belonging to both provinces, to the
house of the governor of Beseguiache, where we were hospitably
entertained after their manner, and having received some presents
returned safely on board. Next day the alcaide came again on board,
desiring me to send some iron and other commodities in the boat to
barter with the negroes, and also requested me to remove with the ship
to Rufisque, which I did accordingly. I observed one thing, that a
number of negroes, armed with bows and poisoned arrows, poisoned darts,
and swords, attended the landing of the governor in warlike array,
because the hostile tribe had come there to view our ship, taking
advantage of the truce. These his armed attendants for the most part
approached him in a kneeling posture, and kissed the back of his hand.
On the 17th of November, finding no French ship had yet come out, I left
the anchorage at the island [_Goree_], and went to the road of Rufisque,
where the interpreters of the alcaide came on board and received from me
the kings duties for free trade with the negroes, with whom I every day
exchanged my iron and other wares for hides and some elephants teeth,
finding the people very friendly and tractable. Next day I went about
three miles inland to the town of Rufisque, where I was handsomely
received and treated by the alcaide, and especially so by a young noble
named _Conde Amar Pattay_[330], who presented me with an ox, and some
goats and kids, for my company, assuring me that the king would be glad
to hear of the arrival of a Christian ship, calling us _blancos_ or
white men, and more especially that we were English. Every day the young
_conde_ came to the sea-side with a small company of horsemen, feasting
me with much courtesy and kindness. On the 5th of December, he and his
train came on board to view the ship, which to them seemed wonderful, as
a thing they had seldom seen the like of. He then told me that a
messenger sent to the king to notify our arrival was returned, and that
the king was much rejoiced that the English had brought a ship to trade
in his ports; and as I was the first Englishman who had brought a ship
there, he promised that I and any Englishman hereafter might be sure of
being well treated, and of receiving good dealings in his country. The
_conde_ farther requested, in the kings name and his own, that before my
final departure from the coast, I might return to the road of Rufisque,
to confer with him for our better acquaintance, and for the
establishment of stable friendship between them and the English, which I
agreed to. Having shewn him and his train every civility in my power, he
went on shore, on which I proposed to have given him a salute, but he
desired the contrary, being amazed at the sight of the ship and noise of
the guns, which they greatly admired.
[Footnote 330: In the name or title of this negro chief or noble may be
recognized the Portuguese or Spanish _conde_, and the Arabic _amir_ or
_emir_.--E.]
The 13th of December I weighed anchor from before Rufisque, and went to
Porto d'Ally, which is in another kingdom, the king of which is called
Amar Malek, being son to Malek Zamba the other king, and has his
residence a days journey and a half inland from Porto d'Ally. When we
had anchored, the governors of the town, who were the kings kinsmen, and
all the other officers, came on board to receive the kings duty for
anchorage and liberty to trade, all of whom seemed much pleased that we
had no Portuguese on board, saying that it was the kings pleasure we
should bring none of that nation, whom they considered as a people
devoid of truth[331]. They complained of one Francisco de Costa, a
servant of Don Antonio, who had often, and particularly the former year,
abused their king Amar Malek, promising to bring him certain things out
of England which he had never done, and supposed that might be his
reason for not coming this voyage. They said likewise that neither the
Portuguese nor Spaniards could abide us, but always spoke to the great
defamation and dishonour of England. They also affirmed that on the
arrival of a ship called the Command, belonging to Richard Kelley of
Dartmouth, one Pedro Gonzalves, a Portuguese, who came in that ship from
Don Antonio, reported to them that we were fled from England, and had
come to rob and commit great spoil on the coast, and that Thomas Dassel
had murdered Francisco de Acosta since we left England, who was coming
in our ship with great presents for their king from Don Antonio,
desiring on our arrival that they should seize our goods and ourselves
secretly. They assured us however that they had refused to do this, as
they disbelieved the report of Gonzalves, having often before been
abused and deceived by such false and slanderous stories by the
Portuguese. Their king, they said, was extremely sorry for the former
murder of our people, and would never consent to any such thing in
future, holding the Portuguese and Spaniards in utter abhorrence ever
since, and having a much better opinion of us and our nation than these
our enemies wished them to entertain. I gave them hearty thanks for
their good opinion, assuring them that they should always find a great
difference between our honour, and the dishonourable words and actions
of our enemies, and then paid them the customary duties. As this was a
chief place for trade, I told them that I intended to wait upon their
king that I might give him certain presents which I had brought out of
England, on purpose to strengthen the friendship between their nation
and ours.
[Footnote 331: From this and other passages of the present journal, it
appears that the English used to carry a Portuguese along with them in
their first voyages to the coast of Africa, whether from choice or by
agreement with the government of Portugal does not clearly appear: and
that, finding the inconvenience of this custom, they began now to lay it
aside. This seems to have provoked the king of Portugal, who proposed to
ruin the English trade by means of these agents or spies.--_Astl_. I.
214. b.]
All this time, Thomas Dassel was with our large pinnace at the town of
Joala, in the dominions of king Jocoel Lamiockeric, trading with the
Spaniards and Portuguese at that place. The before-mentioned Pedro
Gonzalves, who had come out of England, was there also along with some
English merchants, employed in the service of Richard Kelley. As
Gonzalves had not been able to accomplish his treacherous purposes
against Dassel at Porto d'Ally, where I remained, he attempted, along
with other Portuguese who were made privy to his design, to betray
Dassel at this town of Joala, and had seduced the chiefs among the
negroes, by means of bribes, to concur in his wicked and most
treacherous intentions. These, by the good providence of God, were
revealed to Thomas Dassel by Richard Cape, an Englishman, in the service
of Richard Kelley; on which Thomas Dassel went on board a small English
bark called the Cherubim of Lyme, where a Portuguese named Joam Payva, a
servant of Don Antonio, declared that Thomas Dassel would have been
betrayed long before, if he and one Garcia, a Portuguese, who lived at
Joala, would have concurred with Pedro Gonzalves. Upon this warning,
Thomas Dassel contrived next day to get three Portuguese on board the
pinnace, two of whom he sent on shore, and detained the third named
Villanova as an hostage, sending a message that if they would bring
Gonzalves on board next day by eight o'clock, he would release
Villanova; but they did not. Dassel likewise got intelligence, that
certain Portuguese and negroes were gone post by land from Joala to
Porto d'Ally, with the view of having me, Richard Rainolds, and my
company detained on shore; and, being doubtful of the negro friendship,
who were often wavering, especially when overcome by wine, he came with
his pinnace and the Portuguese hostage to Porto d'Ally on the 24th
December, for our greater security, and to prevent any treacherous plan
that might have been attempted against us in the roads by the
Portuguese. He was no sooner arrived beside our large ship the
Nightingale in the road of Porto d'Ally, than news was brought him from
John Baily, servant to Anthony Dassel, that he and our goods were
detained on shore, and that twenty Portuguese and Spaniards were come
there from Joala along with Pedro Gonzalves, for the purpose of getting
Villanova released. After a conference of two or three days, held with
the negro chiefs and the Spaniards and Portuguese, the negroes were in
the end convinced how vilely Pedro Gonzalves had behaved; and as he was
in their power, they said he ought to suffer death or torture for his
villany, as an example to others; but we, in recompence of his cruel
treachery, pitied him and shewed mercy, desiring the negroes to use him
well though undeserving; upon which the negro chiefs brought him on
board the pinnace to Thomas Dassel, to do with him as he thought proper.
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