A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. VIII.
by
Robert Kerr
Part 5 out of 10
* * * * *
Sec. 1. _Disasters in the Outset of the Voyage, forcing them back to Sierra
Leona; with Occurrences till leaving Saldanha Bay_.
By the 1st of April, 1607, the Dragon and Hector had reached the Downs.
After passing the line in the beginning of June, and getting four or
five degrees to the southwards, we were so crossed by gusts, calms,
rains, and sickness, as to be constrained to return northwards. Missing
the island of Fernando Noronha, I consulted on the 30th July with the
master, named Taverner, who thought we must return for England; but
Sierra Leona being mentioned, of which place I had formerly read good
accounts, I sent for the book,[158] and both Mr Taverner and myself took
a liking to the place. Our company being very much diseased, and being
exceedingly in want of water, with no hopes of getting to Fernando
Noronha, I called a council, and after dinner desired their opinion what
was fittest to be done? They were all of opinion that we could not stand
any longer to the south, for many reasons; and, demanding their opinions
in regard to a watering-place, Churchman, Savage, and Taverner, proposed
Mayo; Earming, Pockham, Molineux, and my master, preferred Sierra Leona
for many causes, which likewise was my own opinion, wherefore we
concluded to make for Sierra Leona, with which determination I
acquainted the crews, to their very great comfort.
[Footnote 158: Purchas makes the following remark in a side-note:--"Mr
Hakluyt's book was here of good profit; for, as Sir Thomas Smith
affirmed to me, it now saved L20,000 to the company, which they had been
endamaged if the ships had returned home; which had certainly been the
case if that book had not been consulted."]
On the morning of the 4th August, we saw many flowers, a strong sign of
approaching land, and towards evening had ground in from 20 to 16
fathoms, yet saw no land. By means of our skiff, I set the current to
the S.E. at the rate of two miles each watch. The 5th we steered all
morning eastwards, and E. By S. having from 30 to 20 and 10 fathoms, and
still no land to be seen. The greatest depth was on an oose bottom, the
least a coarse yellow sand. About nine o'clock we espied land, bearing
N.E. about 8 leagues distant, being a round hummock of middling height.
By noon we were in latitude 7 deg. 56' N. having steered all day east,
sometimes half a point north or south, as our water deepened or shoaled,
for we would sometimes have ten fathoms or more one cast, and the next
seven fathoms, the ground being full of pits, believing that we were
upon the edge of the shoals of _Santa Anna_, otherwise called _Madera
bomba_. In the afternoon we had 9, 10, 11, and 12 fathoms. The
first-seen land proved to be _Ilha Verde_, a very round land, and a very
notable mark for any ship bound for Sierra Leona from the southwards.
About seven p.m. we anchored in 20 fathoms on hard sand, the south part
of _Ilha Verde_, bearing E. and the Cape of Sierra Leona, which is a low
point, N. by E. about eight leagues distant. But the land over the cape
is very high, and may be seen fifteen leagues off in clear weather.
About six next morning we made sail for the road, and had not less than
16, 15, 10, and 9 fathoms, till we ranged north and south with the rocks
which lie about 1-1/2 miles west of Cape Sierra Leona; and when one mile
from the nearest shore we had seven fathoms, good shoaling between us
and the rock. Immediately when past the rock we had 20 fathoms, and
shoaled to 18, 16, 12, and 10 fathoms all the way into the roads,
keeping very near the south shore; for a sand lies about two miles from
the north shore, or a league from the south shore, and upon it the sea
continually breaks. We came to anchor in ten fathoms on good ground, the
point of Sierra Leona bearing W. by N. the north point of the bay N. by
W. and the sand or breaker N.N.E.
In the afternoon we were waved by some men on shore, to whom I sent my
boat, which, leaving two hostages, brought off four negroes, who
promised us refreshments. My skiff sounded between our anchorage and the
breakers, finding fair shoaling, with two fathoms water within two boats
length of the breach, or sand on which the sea breaks. All the previous
observations of the variation, since our coming from 2 deg. N. latitude to
this place, proved erroneous; for to each distance, having reference to
any meridian eastwards, there must be added 30 leagues, and from such as
referred to western meridians, 30 leagues must be subtracted; for it
appeared, by our falling in with the land, that the ship was so much
more westerly than we supposed; myself, notwithstanding this error,
being as much, if not more westerly than any of the mariners. Yet every
man must trust to his own experience; for instruments may deceive, even
in the hands of the most skilful.
The 7th August, some negroes of a superior appearance came aboard in my
boat, for whom, as for all others, we had to leave one of our men in
hostage for every two of them. These men made signs that I should send
some men up the country, and they would stay as hostages. I accordingly
sent Edward Bradbury, and my servant, William Cotterell, with a present
to the captain, or chief, consisting of one coarse shirt, three feet of
a bar of iron, a few glass beads, and two knives. They returned towards
night, and brought me from the captain, one small gold ear-ring, worth
some eight or nine shillings; and as it was late, the hostages remained
all night on board without any one in pawn for them. I sent my boat, and
brought off five tons of water, very good, and easily come by.
I went ashore on the 11th, when the people came to us, accompanied by
their women, yet feared we might carry them away. We got plenty of
lemons very cheap, as they gave us 200 for a penny knife. The 18th I
bought an elephant's tooth of 63 pounds weight, for five yards of blue
calico, and seven or eight pounds of bar iron. The 15th, in an hour and
a half, we took six thousand excellent small fish, called _cavallos_.
That afternoon we bought two or three thousand lemons at the village. It
rained so much at this place, that we esteemed it a dry day when we had
three hours of fair weather. The 16th I allowed our weekly workers to go
on shore with me for recreation. In our walk we saw not above two or
three acres sown with rice, the surface of the ground being mostly a
hard rock. The 16th and 17th were quite fair, and on the latter I
caused a quantity of lemon water to be made.
The 20th, John Rogers returned and brought me a present of a piece of
gold in form of a half-moon, worth five or six shillings. He reported
the people to be peaceable, the chief without state, the landing to be
two leagues up the river, and the chief's village eight miles from the
landing. The 22d I went on shore, and made six or seven _barricos_ full
of lemon juice; having opened a firkin of knives belonging to the
company, wherewith to buy limes. The afternoon of the 7th September we
went all on shore, to try if we could shoot an elephant; when we shot
seven or eight bullets into him, and made him bleed exceedingly, as
appeared by his track; but night coming on, we had to go on board
without effecting our purpose.
The best road and watering-place is the fourth bay to the east of Cape
Sierra Leona. The tide where we rode flowed W.S.W. and the highest water
upon a spring tide was at the least 12 feet. I made no observation of
the sun in this road, neither aboard nor on shore, though I proposed to
have so done several times; but the master made the road where we lay 8 deg.
36' N. Cape Sierra Leona being west, a league or four miles off. He also
made the variation 1 deg. 50' eastwards; but my instrument was out of order,
and I had not time to put it in repair.
We weighed from Sierra Leona the 14th September, with the wind all
easterly; but it soon fell calm, and we drove to the north, but drifted
again S.W. by S. with the ebb, and when the flood again made, we
anchored in 15-1/2 fathoms. Cape Sierra Leona bearing N.E. by E. about
seven leagues off. We had not less than ten fathoms all this day. The
16th we found the current setting N. by W.
The 17th December, about two p.m. we saw land, being the Table at
Saldanha, and bore up towards it till three, when I ordered the master
to steer E.S.E. and S.E. by E. to double the cape; but as all the
people, sick and sound, desired to put into Saldanha bay, we bore up for
it, and came to anchor about noon, [next day,] in 5-1/2 fathoms, the W.
point bearing W.N.W. the island N.N.E. and the sugar-loaf S.W. As soon
as we were anchored I sent on shore, when there was found engraven on a
rock, Captain Middleton, of the Consent, 24th July, 1607. I went on
shore the 21st; and bought 120 sheep, 12 bullocks, and two calves, of
which I allowed a proportional share to the Hector. This market
continued several days, in which we bought much cattle, paying in all
200 iron hoops for 450 sheep, 46 cows, 10 steers, 9 calves, and one
bull.
Sec. 2. _Departure from Saldanha, and Occurrences till the Ships parted
Company_.
By sun-rise of the first January, 1608, both vessels were under sail,
and by six p.m. were ten leagues _west-southerly_[159] from the south
point of the bay of Saldanha. The 19th we shipped much sea at the helm
port, and at the hole abaft in my gallery, about two hours after
midnight, which wet some of our bales of cloth. We were then in lat. 35 deg.
22' S. [I allow thirteen leagues S.S.E. wind E.N.E. and N.E. six leagues
drift S. and three leagues N.E. wind all westerly.[160]] Our too great
quantity of _Kintledge_ goods occasions our ship to labour greatly,
which the company must have special care of on another voyage. The 20th
I carefully aired and dried our cloth, oiled the fire-arms and sword
blades belonging to the company, strengthened the packing cases, &c.
This afternoon, contrary to expectation, and to the astonishment of all
our mariners, we saw land bearing N.N.W. about twelve leagues off, being
in the lat. of 34 deg. S. If I had not had dear experience of the strong
westerly current in my last voyage, I likewise had admired this; yet I
am more westerly in my reckoning than any, having doubted the currents
for causes before noted; being by reckoning 100 leagues more easterly
than the sight of land warranted.
[Footnote 159: This unusual expression, and others similar, as
west-northerly, east-southerly, and east-northerly, which frequently
occur in this voyage, are most probably the same with the usual
expressions of west by south, west by north, east by south, and east by
north.--E.]
[Footnote 160: These observations within brackets are unintelligible:
Probably notes in the log-book, for being attended to in calculating the
ship's day's work; and either left unexplained as a species of
short-hand writing of Keeling, or rendered unintelligible by the
ignorant abbreviation of Purchas. Such often occur in this article of
the Pilgrims; but, except in this instance, as an example, we have
omitted such useless unintelligibilities.--E.]
The 17th of February we saw land, bearing E. about eight leagues from
us, and, as I judged, in lat. 24 deg. 20' S. About noon we were athwart two
small islands, which seemed to make a good road; but not being sure of
our latitude, we stood off and on till high noon, when we might take an
observation, having no ground with 60 fathoms line within two miles of
the shore. The 18th, in lat. 23 deg. 37' we anchored in 71/2 fathoms sandy
ground, the two islands bearing S.W. one mile distant. There was an
island E. by N. from us about three leagues off, which the master
supposed to be St Augustine, for which we proposed to search. The
variation here was 15 deg. 30'. The 19th we weighed in the morning, when we
broke one of our anchors, through an original defect; which surely
deserves much blame, but for which I refer to a certificate I made on
the subject. We now steered for the seeming harbour or bay of St
Augustine, having from our former anchorage in sailing towards it, from
ten to twelve and twenty fathoms; and on coming near the point of the
bay, we had no ground with 100 fathoms, till we came far into the bay,
our skiffs going before, and then had ground at thirty, shoaling to
eight fathoms. We anchored in eighteen fathoms, and laid out another
anchor in forty fathoms, the deepest water being on the south shore, the
other being made shallow by the coming down of rivers. The land bore W.
by S. and N. from our anchorage, and to the north are certain shoals on
which the sea breaks, so that it was only open to five points of the
wind; but the road is very full of pits and deep water, and a strong
stream runs always down from the river.
Captain Hawkins came on board me, and, as I was very unwell, I sent him
ashore with the boats of both ships. He returned on board towards night,
without having seen any people, though their tracks were quite recent in
several places. He left some beads and other trifles in a canoe, to
allure the natives. In his opinion we had small chance here of any
refreshments; but my fishers from the other side of the bay told me of
having seen great store of beasts bones, and bones certainly have once
had flesh. George Evans, one of the Hector's men, was severely bitten by
an _alegarta_, [alligator.] I gave orders to fill our water casks with
all speed, and propose in the mean time to seek for refreshment. The
tide flows here _nearest east_,[161] and rises high. The 21st we saw
four natives, to whom I sent some beads and other baubles, making them
understand by signs that we were in want of cattle, when they promised
in the same manner to bring plenty next day. Seeing people on shore next
day, I went a-land, and found them a subtle people, strong-built and
well-made, almost entirely naked, except a cloth of bark carelessly hung
before them. We bought a calf, a sheep, and a lamb, but they would only
deal for silver. In the afternoon I rowed up the river, which I found
shallow and brackish. The 24th we bought three kine, two steers, and
four calves, which cost us about nineteen shillings and a few beads.
These cattle have far better flesh than those we got at Saldanha, and
have bunches of flesh on their shoulders, like camels, only more
forward. Some affirmed that the people were circumcised. We here found
_the beautiful beast._[162]
[Footnote 161: As the bay of St Augustine, in lat. 23 deg. 30' S. is on the
west coast of Madagascar, where the coast is direct N. and S. the
current of the tide could not set from the east. The expression in the
text, therefore, probably means that it is high-water when the moon is
nearly east.--E.]
[Footnote 162: This seems to refer to some creature then in the ship,
and perhaps brought home with them to England. Astl. I. 316. a.--Mr
Finch says, there were in the woods, near the river, great store of
beasts, as big as monkies, of an ash colour, having a small head, a long
tail like a fox, barred with black and white, and having very fine
fur.--E.]
Where we rode at anchor the water by the ship's side was very fresh at
high water, and very salt at low water, contrary to what might have been
expected; and at high water it was very fresh on one side of the ship,
and very salt on the other. In a gust of wind at N.W. on the 25th, our
ship drifted and broke a cable, by which we lost the anchor. We bought
this day a calf, a sheep, and a lamb, the sheep having a great tail; all
three costing us _2s. 3d._ I found certain spiders, whose webs were as
strong as silk. All along the low land from E. to W about half a mile
from the shore, there runs a ledge of rocks on which the sea continually
breaks, between which and the shore are two fathoms water, wonderfully
full of fish, and having a fine beach on which to haul the nets.
The 28th in the morning we got under sail to put to sea. This bay of St
Augustine is a very unfit place for ships to touch at for refreshments,
as these are to be had only in small quantities; and the bay is very
untoward for riding at anchor, the water being deep and pitty and the
ground foul, as appeared by cutting our cable. By the 15th March we had
only got into lat. 15 deg. 40' S. and I knew not what course to take to get
out of the current, which was very swift setting to the south, as
keeping mid-channel may endanger us upon _In. de Nova_;[163] and in
keeping near shore God knows what danger may befal, as it is indiscreet
to continue where the wind does not stem the current. The 17th we were
in, lat. 14 deg. 57' S. so that we have got 25 leagues farther north, and
the main power of the current seems now lessened. My master is of
opinion that the age of the moon may have peculiar influence over the
currents, causing them to be strong till three or four days after the
full: but I rather think that the deep bay between Cape Corientes and
Mozambique causes an indraught or eddy of some stream or current, coming
either from the N.E. or more easterly, and entering the channel of
Mozambique at the N.W. of Madagascar, and so along the land to Cape
Corientes; or else the stream from the N.W. of Madagascar, meeting with
the land of Mozambique, may be drawn that way by the falling in of the
land. If this supposition be true, we committed an error in falling in
with the land till we had got to the north of Mozambique point, which
bends far into the sea.[164]
[Footnote 163: This I understand to be the island of Juan de Nova, in
the narrowing between Madagascar and the coast of Africa towards
Mozambique.--ASTL. I.317.]
[Footnote 164: This is by no means the case, and we may therefore
conjecture that Cape St Andrew in Madagascar is here meant, which is of
that description, and is in some measure opposite Mozambique.--E.]
* * * * *
"Their sailing along the islands, and trucking at Tamara, with other
occurrences, I have left out, as being more fully known by later
experience. Leaving _Abdalcuria_ they were forced to ride in _Delisa_
road to the north of _Socotora,_ till the monsoon freed them; at which
time Captain Keeling set sail for Bantam with the Dragon, and Captain
Hawkins in the Hector for Surat, as shall after follow."[165]
[Footnote 165: This latter paragraph is a side-note in the original by
Purchas.--E.]
Sec. 3. _Instructions learnt at Delisa respecting the Monsoon, from the
Moors and Guzerates; with the Arrival of the Dragon at Bantam_.
The Moors of _Delisa_ affirm that pieces of ambergris are some years
found weighing 20 quintals, and so large that many men may take shelter
under their sides without being seen. This is upon the coast of Mombaza,
Magadoxa, Pata, Brava, &c. which indeed are all one coast. From Delisa
they make yearly voyages to the Comora islands to buy slaves; and they
report that the natives there are very treacherous, having sometimes
slain fifty persons by treason; for which reason they trade always
afloat, and do not venture ashore. They affirmed that eight Hollanders
had been three or four years in _Pemba_, two of whom had become
Mahometans. According to their reckoning the southern monsoon begins
yearly on the 1st May, the extremity of it continuing 100 days, and the
most wind being in June and July. On the 10th August the south wind
diminishes; and soon after the wind comes from the north, with much
rain, and so continues for three or four months more. At this time they
make most of the aloes on the island, being the juice of an evergreen,
put into goats skins and dried.
The 23d May I sent on shore to weigh aloes, and received on board 1250
pounds, which cost 250 dollars, for the company. We bought in all 1833
pounds neat. The chief sent to borrow 500 dollars, which I refused to
lend, but sent him two yards of fine coloured kersey, and a knife of my
own. I sent again on shore, and bought 575 pounds of aloes for 115
dollars.
The 24th I was informed that the west monsoon began in this year on the
30th April, coming every year eleven days later; so that in thirty-three
years they begin again on the same day of the month, which I conceive
cannot be true.[166] I was farther informed, that the east monsoon will
begin this year on the 13th October, both monsoons falling yearly eleven
days later. They have only two monsoons yearly. That this year, called
_Neyrocze_,[167] begins with the first of the east monsoon. The west
monsoon here blows all south, and the east monsoon all north. After the
20th September, ships cannot depart from the Red Sea to the eastward.
Chaul, Dabul, and Danda Rajipuri are good and safe ports, and rich
trading towns on the coast of India. At Saada, Ilbookie, Anzoane, and
Mootoo,[168] four of the Comora islands, there is abundance of cheap
rice, and the people are good. Inghezeegee and Malala,[169] two others
of the Comoras, have very little rice, and the people are very
treacherous; and they report that about sixteen years ago an English
ship lost many men by treachery on that island, which surely was James
Lancaster in Raimond's voyage.[170]
[Footnote 166: This must be the case where they reckon by lunar months,
as is done every where by the Mahometans.--ASTL. I. 318. c.]
[Footnote 167: This should be _Neuruz_, which in Persian signifies
New-year's day.--ASTL. I. 318. d.]
[Footnote 168: Probably St Christopher's, St Esprit, Hinznan, and
Mayotta,--E.]
[Footnote 169: Probably Gazidza or Angazezio, and Molalio, Moelia, or
Senbracas.--E.]
[Footnote 170: In the account of that voyage, as already given in Chap.
IX. Sect. 6. of this book, which was in 1591, Lancaster was said to have
been lost in a storm. He may have got on shore in this island, and been
massacred by the natives.--E.]
We were farther informed, that this day, 26th May, 1608, was the 224th
from the _Neyrooze,_ or new-year's-day, according to their account:
That there is no rain on the coast of Arabia till the 70th day of this
monsoon: That the 305th day from Neyrooze is the best time for going to
Surat; and that in ten or twelve days they get to that port. Burrom,
Mekella, and Cayxem, [Keyshem, Kashin, Kasseen, Kassin, or Kushem,] on
the coast of Arabia, are good harbours for shelter in both monsoons; but
are places of no trade. Xael or Xaer[171] has no harbour or road for any
season, yet might be a vent for iron or lead. This place is commanded by
a Turkish Aga, and they send thence for commodities to Keyshem, a day's
journey to the west; but there is no going there at this season. In both
monsoons there is a very heavy sea on the coast of Arabia, and the
currents there set along with the wind. There is no riding at anchor at
the entrance to Surat, so as to have shelter in the west monsoons, both
on account of bad ground, and because the tides run with such rapidity
as to overset ships that are not aground. This road of Delisa is very
safe in the west monsoon; but only two miles either east or west it
continually blows so strong that no ship can ride. I can give no reason
for this, unless that the distance of the high mountains produce this
remarkable difference, as there is much low ground between us and them.
[Footnote 171: This is the Portuguese orthography; in English it should
be _Shael_, or Shaer; but the true name is Shahr, or Shohr, while some
call it Seer.--ASTL. I. 318.I.]
We departed from Delisa on the 24th June, 1608; and on the 23d July we
saw an island, and about noon two more, in lat. 4 deg. 2' S. We left two of
these to the north and one to the south of our course; the most
northerly being a large high island full of trees. Between the two
southermost of these three islands, ten leagues distant, and half way
between them, there is a dangerous reef of rocks, to avoid which we
steered through a very good passage within two leagues of the middle
island, the reef being then to the south, about three leagues from us,
and is very dangerous for ships going through by night. There seemed a
likeness of a passage through between the middle island and the
northermost, but it was not a league broad. The southern island is the
largest of the three.[172]
[Footnote 172: These three islands seem to have been Pulo Minton,
Good-Fortune, and Nassau, off the south-western coast of Sumatra.--E.]
The 26th July we were halfway between Priaman and Tecu, about three
leagues from the shore, the two hummocks of Tecu, with high land over
them, bearing N. by W. and S. by E. half a point east. There is a shoal
four miles from shore, bearing N. and S. with the high land of Tecu. We
had here 45 fathoms water 21/2 leagues from shore, being then N.E. by E.
from the road of Priaman. In the afternoon we got into the road of
Priaman, and saluted the town with five guns.
The governor of the town sent me a goat, and I sent him in return three
yards of stammel cloth, one piece of blue calico, a stocked musket, a
musket-barrel, and two sword blades. The messenger spoke good
Portuguese, to whom I gave a piece of blue calico. He was accompanied by
a person of Acheen, with whom I conversed in Arabic, and by whom I had
great hope of trade. I went ashore early on the 29th, and going to the
governor's house, he presented me with a buffalo, and appointed some of
his chief men to make the price of pepper with me. Sitting down with
about sixty of these men, they first proposed that the pepper should be
weighed in town, while I insisted that it should be weighed in the
island. They demanded fifty dollars the bahar, which much displeased me,
as the Acheen man had desired me only to offer sixteen: But that was his
craft, for he was a merchant, and wished to have engrossed much pepper
before I bought, and then to have re-sold it to me at his own price.
After much time and many words, we agreed at 22-1/2 dollars the bahar,
besides six per centum custom. I at first refused to pay two other
customs, or exactions rather, the one of 160 dollars, and the other not
much less; but at length I consented, and writings were drawn up between
us. During the last night a man lay on board my ship who spoke
Portuguese, who offered, in the name of the widow of the former
governor, calling her queen, to give me half the town if I would help
her in taking it from the present governor. But I refused any
interference, as not answerable for my sovereign, and sent him on shore.
I this day sold cloth to _Nakhada_[173] for 159 _masses_ of gold.
[Footnote 173: Nakhada, or Nakhadah, signifies the captain or commander
of a ship in Arabic--ASTL. I. 519. d.]
The town and bounds of Priaman do not yield above 500 bahars of pepper
yearly; but, with the parts adjoining, as Passaman, Tecu, Beroose, and
the mountains over the town, there are gathered about 2500 bahars
yearly, which quantity will load two good ships, and may be bought very
reasonable, if a factory had means to buy all the year. Their pepper
harvest is in August and September, and is fetched away only by those of
Acheen and Java, the Guzerates not being permitted to trade here, by the
express command of the King of Acheen. Therefore, a ship touching at
Surat, and buying there especially blue calicos, white calicos, blue and
white striped and chequered stuffs, with some small fine painted cloths,
and then leaving a factory at Priaman, might lay the best foundation for
profit that can be wished, against next year. I say against another
year, for it does not seem to me that a ship could go to Surat and come
hither in time the same year. For this purpose, however, the licence of
the King of Acheen must be procured for our safe proceeding in these
parts.
We made sail from Priaman on the 18th September, and on the 4th October
got into the road of Bantam, where we found six ships of Holland, two of
which were almost laden with cloves, and other two were to load with
pepper. I found thirteen Englishmen here alive, and received a letter
from Captain David Middleton of the Consent. The 6th I paid Uncte and
Tegin, the two Chinese, their wages, and dismissed them. The 20th I
called the merchants together, having formerly resolved to return with
the Dragon for England, and we now concluded that our pinnace, when
finished, should go for Banda with Brown and Sidall. John Hearne, John
Saris, and Richard Savage, were to remain at Bantam; and when the
pinnace returned from Banda, John Saris was to go in her to Sackadanea,
in Borneo. The 15th November, I sent for Jaques L'Ermite, the commander
of the Dutch vessels at Bantam, and discovered to him a plot of the
Javans for cutting the throats of all the Hollanders, of which I had
received particular intimation.
The ambassador of Siam came to visit me on the 22d, and dined with me,
and asserted that a thousand pieces of red cloth might be sold in his
country in two days, and a great quantity yearly, as it is used for
housings to their elephants and horses. Gold, he said, was in such
abundance in his country as only to be worth three times its weight in
silver, though good gold. It has also great abundance of cheap precious
stones. He said, moreover, that his king would esteem it a great
happiness to have commerce with the King of England, with whom, as he
understood, the _King of Holland_ was not to be compared.
The 28th November, I took leave of the king, the governor, the admiral,
the old sabander, Jura Bassa, Tanyong, and of the Hollanders, and went
on board for altogether next day. The 2d December, at night, our
merchants came aboard, bringing a letter from the King of Bantam to the
King of England, with a present of two _picols of Canton._ Before we got
out of the straits we espied a sail on the 12th December, which proved
to be the Hector from Surat, where her captain, William Hawkins,
remained. I understood that the Portuguese had taken eighteen of our
men, several of whom were factors, and goods to the value of 9000
dollars. The 14th we came back to Bantam roads, forced either to
lengthen our voyage, or to go home with lost reputation. The 16th there
came a small vessel from Amsterdam, giving notice of peace between
France, Spain, and the Dutch. I appointed Messrs Molineux and Pockham
for England in the Dragon, taking the rest with me in the Hector for the
Moluccas, into which other ship I removed on the 17th, the masters
shifting ships. The 21st I forwarded Mr Towerson in all diligence,
wishing him to depart in all speed; and on the 23d the Dragon made sail
from Bantam, God prosper her voyage.[174]
[Footnote 174: Mr Tewerson seems from this time to have commanded the
Dragon on the voyage home; but this whole narrative is so ill expressed
and incoherent, that its meaning has often to be guessed at.--ASTL. I.
321.a.]
Sec. 4. _Voyage of the Hector to Banda, with Occurrences there._
About one in the morning of the 1st January, 1609, we weighed anchor,
and with an off-shore wind got round the east point, three leagues
E.N.E. from our former anchorage. Thence easterly to another point other
three leagues, a very long shoal with very little water extending
between the two, to avoid which it is good to steer halfway between Java
and the isles of _Tonda_, which are five leagues distant. East from the
second point is the isle of _Tanara_, so close to the shore that it
cannot be distinguished from any distance. From the second to the third
point, are four leagues E.S.E. and one and a half mile off that point N.
by W. is the isle of Lackee, between which and the point is only one and
a half fathoms water, according to report. We rode all night in six
fathoms, having the isle east of us a league. Weighing on the 4th, we
steered within half a league of _Lackee_ in seven or eight fathoms; from
the isle to the west point of _Jackatra_ being E.S.E. four leagues.
There is a dangerous sand off the west point of Jackatra, wherefore it
is good to keep nearer the island opposite that point.
The 8th I went to _Jackatra,_[175] and anchored far out. The king sent
his sabander to desire powder and match, and I sent him 30 pounds of
powder and a roll of match. I bought of them a Portuguese boy, given by
the Hollanders to their king, but who refused to apostatize from
Christianity, and paid for him 45 dollars. We have seen thirty or forty
islands since leaving Bantam. The 10th we made sail from Jackatra. There
is a sunken island even with the water, about two leagues W. by N. from
the east point of Jackatra, which we left to larboard, going between it
and the easter island. The two points forming Jackatra bay bear E.S.E.
and W.N.W. four leagues distant, the eastermost island being in a
straight line between both points. At noon on the 11th we were ten
leagues N.E. from the east point of Jackatra. The 12th at noon, we were
two leagues S.W. by S. from an island, having sailed thirty leagues E.
by S. The 15th we came near Madura, contrary to my expectation, whence I
suppose that the island of Java is not so long as it is laid down in the
charts, or else that we had found a current setting to the east. The
18th we were near the islands of _Nossaseres_ or _Nussasira_, which were
N. by W. a league from us, in lat. 5 deg. 30' S. The 21st, in the forenoon,
we saw _Celebes_; but we could not fetch _Macassar_. Coming to anchor,
we parted our cable and lost an anchor. The 4th February we saw
_Bourro_. The 5th I held a council to consider what was best to be done,
as the wind did not serve for the Moluccas, when it was concluded to go
for Banda. We saw Amboyna E. by N. from Bourro, twelve leagues. The 6th
we saw the high land of Banda, in my opinion 25 leagues E. by S. 1/2 S.
from the eastern part of Amboyna.
[Footnote 175: On the Dutch making this place the metropolis of their
Indian trade and dominion, they changed its name to Batavia, in honour
of their own country, called by the Romans, _insula Batavorum._-E.]
We got into the road or harbour of Banda on the 8th February, 1609, when
the people and the Hollanders came to welcome me. The 9th I went on
shore, and delivered his majesty's letter to _Nera_, together with a
present, being a gilt cup and cover, a head-piece and gorget, and one of
Mr Bucke's firelocks, which cost twenty-five dollars. I was received
with much state, but they delayed giving an answer about our house till
next day. The Hollanders fired five pieces at my landing, and as many
when I returned on board, and I dined with them. The 11th we agreed for
building a house. The 21st I went to _Urtatan_, to confer with the
people, and on the 25th I went to _Lantor_, where I delivered our king's
letter and present, being a smaller gilt cup and cover, a handsome
target, a stocked musket; and a musket-barrel. In the night, Nakhada
China, a spy of the Hollanders, came on board, and advised me to be
speedy. The 13th the people of Lantor demanded for _serepinang_[176] 140
dollars, and I demanded leave to sell my cloth as I best might. The
priest was sent to demand payment of _Rooba-rooba_[177] before we
traded, which I refused unless they would bind themselves to load me
with mace and nutmegs within four months. He offered them at 100
dollars, and I would not give past 90,[178] wherefore he took time for
consideration; when I observed that they deferred till the Hollanders
might arrive, which was now doubtful, as the monsoon was almost spent.
He took his leave, without making any bargain, having a smooth outside,
but a rough mind.
[Footnote 176: It appears in the sequel that this was some tax or
custom.--E.]
[Footnote 177: Another tax or imposition.--E.]
[Footnote 178: We suppose the Katti is here meant, as no quantity is
expressed in the text--ASTL. I. 323. c.]
The 16th three large Dutch ships came in, and shot thirty, sixteen, and
nine pieces of excellent ordnance.[179] Two of these came from Ternate,
where they had lost Paul Van Cardan, their admiral, with seventy-four of
their men, being taken by the Spaniards. The Dutch offered a ransom for
him of 50,000 dollars; but they would hearken to no terms, except the
surrender of fort _Machian_, formerly taken from them by him. The 18th
the Dutch officers of the two largest came to visit me, and staid to
supper; yet an Englishman reported that they meant to surprise me before
the end of a month.
[Footnote 179: This strange expression is probably meant to indicate the
respective number of cannon in each ship.--E.]
The states sent again for _Rooba-rooba_, which I refused to pay; so they
sent again to say, now that the Dutch were come, I should have no trade
unless I gave above 100 dollars; but I refused to give more than 100.
After a long dispute, we at length agreed at 100 dollars; _Rooba-rooba_,
380 dollars; _Serepinang_, 50 dollars; besides _pissalin_, being a duty
to the four sabanders of four pieces of _Sarassa_, or Malayan painted
cloth. We received a beam and weight, the cattee being 99 dollars, or 5
pounds 13 1/2 ounces avoirdupoise. The 20th we began to weigh, and the
Hollanders coming on shore, agreed at 100 dollars, paying 400 for
_Rooba-rooba_, together with _serepinang_ and _pissalin_. We had to
bribe the Dutch in secret, or we must have been idle. The 23d I made a
secret agreement with the chief of Pulo-way to send a factory to that
island, for which I had to lend him 300 dollars, and to give 100 dollars
more as _serepinang_; and the Dutch hearing of this next day, used their
endeavour to prevent me. The 29th six large Holland ships and two small
pinnaces came into the roads, which I saluted with nine guns, and was
only answered with three. The 1st April I received from Pulo-way 225-1/4
cattees of mace, and 1307 1/2 cattees of nutmegs. The 11th we began to
carry our nuts on board, being so constrained by the Dutch, who meant to
land in a day or two; so that we had not time to select the best, nor to
let them lie long enough in sweats.
The 13th I went on shore, and proposed to the sabander of Nera, as I had
done several times before, the formal surrender of Bands to the
sovereignty of the King of England, before the Hollanders might land or
commence their intended fort. The states seemed to like this proposal,
and promised to take it into consideration, and to give me an answer,
but I was doubtful of their inconstancy, neither did they come to any
conclusion. The Dutch landed 1200 men on the 15th from 20 boats, and the
natives fled. The 20th I went on shore to fetch rice, in part of a debt
due by _Daton Patee_ to our company; but the Hollanders had dishonestly
taken it, though their admiral promised I should have it. I then went
among the Javans to buy rice, but they universally said they were
enjoined by the Dutch not to sell me any, although I offered five
dollars the _coyoung_ more than the Dutch paid. When I got home, I found
the person whom the admiral had formerly sent to me, and desired him to
tell the admiral, that his taking my rice was great injustice, and if he
were a gentleman, he would not permit his base people to abuse me as I
walked about. He answered, that the admiral was a weaver and no
gentleman; and being an Englishman, I reprehended him for so speaking;
but he affirmed that all the Dutch spoke so of him.[180]
[Footnote 180: We here omit a long series of ill-told disputes with the
Dutch; who, presuming on their greatly superior force, interrupted the
trade of the English at Banda, and finally obliged Keeling to withdraw,
very imperfectly provided with mace and nutmegs, and much dissatisfied.
The narrative in Purchas is so abrupt, disjointed, and inconclusive,
that it was found quite impossible to give it any consistency or
interest.--E.]
The 4th of May I went to Pulo-way, where I got 1000 cattees of nutmegs,
and 200 cattees of mace. The 1st August, the Dutch gave me a letter of
credit, for the payment at Bantam of all the debts due me at Banda; and
this day I went on shore, at the request of the Dutch governor, to view
their fort, which was a square redoubt, with thirty pieces of artillery,
eight of which were good brass demi-cannon. The 10th I weighed a half
hundred against the ordinary Banda weights, and found it to contain
9-1/2 cattees, so that the cattee appears to equal 5 pounds 14-1/3
ounces avoirdupoise. The 11th I anchored near Macassar, in the island of
Celebes, hoping to get cloves there in barter for cloth; but learning
that a Dutch ship had been lost there lately, I desisted from the
attempt, as the road of Macassar was reported to be dangerous. The 21st
we anchored off Jackatra, in Java, where we found two Dutch ships, which
had brought our people and their goods from Amboyna. The 26th we met a
praw, in which was Ralph Hearne, sent to me by Mr John Saris from
Bantam, to say that he had ready 3481 bags of pepper for me. We got that
day into the road of Bantam, when Mr Saris came immediately on board.
The 13th September, 1609, at the request of the King of Bantam, I sent
twenty-five armed men to make him pastime, in honour of his having the
night before consummated his marriage. The 23d, having token on board
4900 bags of pepper, I prepared for our homeward voyage; and on the 27th
I appointed the following members of our factory at that place:
Augustine Spalding chief factor, at L50 a year; Francis Kellie surgeon,
at 40s. a month; John Parsons at 30s. a month; Robert Neale 29s.
Augustine Adwell 24s. Etheldred Lampre 20s. William Driver 20s. William
Wilson 22s. William Lamwell 16s. Philip Badnedge 16s. Francisco Domingo
12s. Juan Seraon 10s. Adrian, Mr Towerson's boy, 10s.[181] Using every
possible diligence to get away, I hired six persons to go along with us
for England in assistance to our crew; and on the 30th, delivered over
the charge of the factory to Spalding, giving him strict injunctions to
beware of the Dutch insolence and hatred towards us, and therefore to
have as little intercourse with them as possible.
[Footnote 181: These wages are here particularized, as a curious record
of the original wages of the Company's servants in India.--E.]
I took leave of the governor or regent of Bantam on the 2d October,
1609, requesting his favour to our factory, which he promised with
seeming heartiness; and on the 3d I went on board, after taking leave of
all our friends. The 1st November we were in lat. 25 deg. S. with 24 deg.
variation, being by our reckoning 650 leagues from Bantam, which we had
run in 24 days. The 29th, in lat. 32 deg. 30' S. and above 13 deg. variation, we
had all day a severe gale of wind, which at night became a storm at
W.S.W. from the northward,[182] and put us to try with our main course,
continuing all night and next day. In this, as sundry times before, we
found the report of _Linschot_ to be true, that generally all easterly
winds, coming about to the northwards, if accompanied by rain, come
presently round to W.S.W. with considerable violence.
[Footnote 182: This expression is unintelligible; but from the sequel,
it appears the gale had been originally easterly, had then changed to
the north, and finally settled in a storm at W.S.W.--E.]
Early in the morning of the 8th December, 1609, we fell in with the
_Terra de Natal_, some six leagues west, being at noon in lat. 81 deg. 27'
S. with the variation about 8 deg. 30', we standing S.S.E. under low sails,
with the wind at S.W. We met a Hollander, from whom we learnt that the
Erasmus, a ship of the fleet which went home from Bantam at the time of
my arrival there in the Dragon, had sprung a leak at sea; and, being
left by the rest of the fleet, steered for the Mauritius, where she
unladed her goods, which were loft there with twenty-five persons till
they and the goods could be sent for, the rest of her company being in
this vessel. They farther told us, that there are two harbours in the
island of Mauritius; one called the north-west harbour, in somewhat less
than 20 deg. S. the other called the south-east harbour, in 28 deg. 15' S. All
kinds of refreshments are to be had there, as fish, turtles, and
manatis, in great abundance.[183] It has an infinite number and variety
of fowls. Hogs and goats, only newly introduced, are in some reasonable
number, and are fast increasing. The island is healthy, and between 30
and 40 leagues in circumference. The variation there is 21 deg. westwards.
They came from Bantam in May, were a month in getting to the Mauritius,
had remained there four months and a half, and had been six weeks from
thence, seventeen days of which with contrary winds.
[Footnote 183: The Lamantin, Trichechus Manatas Australis, Southern
Manati, or Fish-tailed Walrus of naturalists. This singular amphibious
animal, or rather aquatic quadruped, inhabits the southern seas of
Africa and America, especially near the mouths of rivers, pasturing on
aquatic plants, and browsing on the grass which grows close to the
water. It varies in size from eight to seventeen feet long, and from 500
to 800 pounds weight, and the flesh is said to be good eating.--E.]
The 22d of December we were in lat. 85 deg. 28' S. within seven leagues of
_Cape Aguillas_,[184] which shews like two islands from where we were,
being to the S.E. of it. Coming more athwart, it resembled three isles,
two bays, N.E. and N.W. making three conspicuous, low, and seemingly
round points. We had ground in the evening in 77 fathoms upon ooze,
being about five leagues south from shore, and, as I guess, nearly to
the westwards of the shoalest part of the bank. When bound homewards on
this coast, and finding no weather for observation, either for latitude
or variation, we may boldly and safely keep in sixty fathoms with
shelly ground, and when finding ooze we are very near Cape Aguillas.
When losing ground with 120 fathoms line, we may be sure of having
passed the cape, providing we be within the latitude of 36 deg. S. The 23d
we steered all night W. by N. and W.N.W. with afresh easterly gale,
seeing the land all along about eight or ten leagues from us, all high
land. About noon we were near the Cape of Good Hope, to which we sailed
in seventeen hours from Cape Aguillas. Being within three leagues of the
sugarloaf, we stood off and on all night. The 28th I received by the
Dutch boat from the island, six sheep, the fattest I ever saw, the tail
of one being twenty-eight inches broad, and weighing thirty-five pounds.
I got a main-top-sail of the Dutch, of which we were in extreme want,
and gave them a note on our company to receive twelve pounds twelve
shillings for the same. For the fat sheep we got on Penguin island, we
left lean in their room. The Dutch here behaved to us in a very honest
and Christian-like manner. I left a note here of my arrival and the
state of my company, as others had done before me. All the time we
remained at the Cape, from the 23d December, 1609, to the 10th January,
1610, the wind was westerly and southerly; whereas the two former times
of my being here, at the same season, it blew storms at east.
[Footnote 184: This cape is only in lat. 34 deg. 4S' S. So that their
latitude here could not exceed 35 deg. 10', giving an error in excess of
eighteen minutes in the text--E.]
The 10th January, 1610, we weighed and set sail homewards. The 20th
about noon we passed the tropic of Capricorn; and that evening the Dutch
officers came and supped with me, whom I saluted with three guns at
parting. The 30th before day-light, we got sight of St Helena, having
steered sixty-six leagues west in that latitude. We came to anchor a
mile from shore, in twenty-two fathoms sandy ground, N.W. from the
chapel. This island is about 270 or 280 leagues west from the coast of
Africa. We were forced to steer close under the high land to find
anchorage, the bank being so steep as to have no anchorage farther out.
We weighed on the 9th February, making sail homewards, having received
from the island nineteen goats, nine hogs, and thirteen pigs. The 16th
we saw the island of Ascension, seven or eight leagues to the W.S.W. In
the morning of the 28th, the wind westerly and reasonably fair weather,
we spoke the Dutch ship, which made a waft for us at his mizen-top-mast
head. He told us that he had only eight or nine men able for duty, all
the rest being sick, and forty-six of his crew dead. This was a grievous
chastisement for them, who had formerly offered to spare me twenty men
or more upon occasion, and a never-sufficiently-to-be-acknowledged mercy
to us, that they should be in so pitiable a case, while we had not lost
one man, and were even all in good health. Towards night, considering
our leak, with many other just causes on our part, besides our want of
means to aid them, and at my company's earnest desire, we made sail and
left them, not without sensible Christian grief that we could give them
no assistance. Indeed, without asking us to remain by them, they desired
us to acquaint any Dutch ship we might meet of their extreme distress,
that the best means might be pursued for their relief. We were then in
lat. 45 deg. 6' N.
The 1st May, having fine weather and the wind at S.W. we were in lat.
49 deg. 13' N. Early in the morning of the 2d, the wind came S. and blew a
storm, putting us under our fore course. Towards night we spoke a
Lubecker, who told us Scilly bore E. by N. thirty-eight German miles
from us, which are fifty leagues. I told them of the Dutchman's
distress; and as the wind was fair, made sail for England. In the
morning of the 9th, Beechy-head was three leagues from us N.N.E. and on
the 10th May, 1610, we anchored in the Downs about sunset, having spent
three years, one month, and nine days on this voyage.
* * * * *
SECTION V.
_Narrative by William Hawkins, of Occurrences during his Residence in
the Dominions of the Great Mogul_.[185]
INTRODUCTION.
This and the next following section may be considered as supplementary
to the one immediately preceding; as Captain Hawkins in the Dragon
accompanied Captain Keeling, in the _third_ voyage fitted out by the
English Company; and Finch was in the same vessel with Hawkins, and
accompanied him into the country of the Mogul. The present narrative is
said, in its title in the Pilgrims, to have been written to the company,
and evidently appears to have been penned by Hawkins himself, without
any semblance of having been subjected to the rude pruning knife of
Purchas; except omitting so much of the journal as related to
occurrences before landing at Surat. Purchas gives the following account
of it in a side-note.--E.
[Footnote 185: Purch. Pilg. I. 206.]
"Captain Keeling and William Hawkins had kept company all the
outward-bound voyage, as already related, and therefore not necessary to
be here repeated, to the road of Delisa, in Socotora, whence, on the
24th June, 1603, Captain Keeling departed in the Dragon, as before
related. Captain Hawkins sailed from Delisa in the Hector, for Surat, on
the 4th August, having previously built a pinnace, and having received
from the general, Captain Keeling, a duplicate of the commission under
the great seal."--_Purch_.
Sec. 1. _Barbarous Usage at Surat by Mucrob Khan; and the treacherous
Procedure of the Portuguese and Jesuits._
Arriving at the bar of Surat on the 24th August, 1608, I immediately
sent Francis Bucke, merchant, and two others, on shore, to make known
that I was sent by the King of England, as his ambassador to the king of
the country, together with a letter and present. In answer, I received a
message from the governor, by three of his servants accompanying those I
sent, saying, he and all that country could afford were at my command,
and that I should be made very welcome if I pleased to come on shore. I
accordingly landed, accompanied by our merchants and others, equipped in
the best manner I could, as befitting the honour of my king and country.
On landing, I was well received after their barbarous manner, and vast
multitudes of the natives followed after me, desirous of seeing a
new-come people whom they had often heard of, but who had never before
visited their country. When I drew near the governor's house, I was told
he was not well, but I rather think he was drunk with _affion_ [or
opium,] being an aged man. I went therefore to the chief customer, being
the only officer to whom sea-faring causes belonged; as the government
of Surat pertained to two great noblemen, one of whom, _Khan-Khana_, was
viceroy of the Decan,[186] and the other, _Mucrob-Khan_, was viceroy of
Cambaya or Guzerat, who had no command in Surat except what regarded the
king's customs, and with him only I had to deal.
[Footnote 186: He was only viceroy of the projected conquest of the
Decan.--E.]
I told him that the purpose of my coming to Surat was to establish a
factory there, and that I had a letter from the king of England to his
sovereign for that effect, my sovereign being desirous to form a treaty
of peace and amity with his; so that the English might freely come and
go, and make sales and purchases, according to the usage of all nations;
and finally, that my ship was laden with commodities from our country,
which, according to the intelligence of former travellers, were there in
request. To this he answered, that he would immediately dispatch an
express to his master at Cambaya, as he could do nothing of himself in
the premises without his orders. So, taking my leave, I departed to the
lodging appointed for me, which was at the custom-house. Next morning I
went to visit the governor of the city, to whom I made a present, and
who received me with much gravity and outward show of kindness, bidding
me heartily welcome, and saying that the country was at my command.
After compliments on both sides, I entered upon my main business, when
he told me that my affairs were not in his department, as all sea-faring
or commercial matters belonged to Mucrob-Khan, to whom at Cambaya he
promised to dispatch a _footman_, and would write a letter in my behalf
both for the unloading of my ship and the establishment of a factory. In
the meantime he appointed me to lodge with a merchant who understood
_Turkish_, who was my _trucheman_, or interpreter, being the captain of
that ship which was taken by Sir Edward Michelburn.
In consequence of the great rains and heavy floods it was twenty days
before the messenger returned from Cambaya; in which interval many of
the merchants entertained me in a very friendly manner, when the weather
was such that I could get out of doors; for, during almost the whole
time of the messenger's absence, it rained almost continually. At the
end of twenty days, the messenger came back from Cambaya with the
answer of Mucrob Khan, giving licence to land my goods, and to buy and
sell for the present voyage; but that he could not grant leave to
establish a factory, or for the settlement of future trade, without the
commands of his king, which he thought might be procured, if I would
take a two months journey to deliver my king's letter to his sovereign.
He likewise sent orders to the customer, that all the goods I might land
were to be kept in the custom-house till the arrival of his brother
_Sheck Abder Rachim_, who was to make all convenient dispatch, on
purpose to chuse such goods as were fit for the king's use. It may be
noticed, however, that this pretence of taking some part of the goods of
all men for the king, is merely for their own private gain. Upon this
answer I made all dispatch to ease my ship of her heavy burden of lead
and iron, which must of necessity be landed, and were placed under the
care of the customer till the arrival of the great man. The time being
precious, and my ship not able to stay long, I sent on board for three
chests of money, with which to purchase such commodities as are vendible
at Priaman and Bantam, being those which the Guzerates carry there
yearly, and sell to great profit. I then began to make purchases, to the
great dissatisfaction of the native merchants, who made loud complaints
to the governor and customer of the leave granted me to buy these
commodities, which would greatly injure their trade at Priaman and
Bantam, supposing I meant only to have bought such goods as were fit for
England. At the end of this business the great man arrived from Cambaya,
who allowed me to ship my purchases.
In a council of all our merchants, respecting the delivery of the king's
letter and the establishment of a factory, it was concluded that these
weighty matters could only be properly accomplished by me, from the
experience of my former travels, and my knowledge of the language, and
as it was known to all that I was the person appointed ambassador for
this purpose. I therefore agreed to remain for these ends, and made all
haste to ship the goods and dispatch the vessel. This done, I called Mr
Marlow and all of the ship's company who were on shore, and acquainted
them with my intentions, directing them all to receive Mr Marlow as
their commander; and to give him all due reverence and obedience as
they had done me. I then accompanied them to the water-side, and bade
them farewell.
Next day, when going about my affairs to wait upon Abder Rachim, I met
ten or twelve of the better sort of our men in a great fright, who told
me that our two barks, with thirty men, and all our goods, had been
taken by a Portuguese frigate or two,[187] they only having escaped. I
asked in what manner they were taken, and if they did not fight in their
own defence?[188] They answered me, that Mr Marlow would not allow them,
as the Portuguese were our friends. They said also that Bucke had gone
to the Portuguese without a pawn, and had betrayed them; but, in fact,
Bucke went on the oath and faithful promise of the Portuguese captain,
but was never allowed to return. I sent immediately a letter to the
captain-major of the Portuguese, demanding the release of our men and
goods, as we were English, and our sovereigns were in peace and amity;
adding, that we were sent to the Mogul's country by our king, with
letters for the Mogul to procure licence for us to trade; and that I
held the king's commission for the government of the English in that
country; that his restoring his majesty's subjects and their goods would
be well taken at his own king's hands, but the contrary would produce a
breach between the crowns of England and Spain. On the receipt of this
letter, as the messenger told me, the proud rascal vapoured exceedingly,
most vilely abusing our king, whom he called a king of fishermen, and of
a contemptible island, whose commission he despised; and scornfully
refused to send me any answer.
[Footnote 187: These frigates could only be small armed boats, otherwise
the English in the barks could not have been found fault with for not
fighting.--E.]
[Footnote 188: This not fighting was upbraided to our men by the Indians
as much disgrace; but was since recovered with interest, by our
sea-fights with the Portuguese.--Purch.]
I chanced, on the following day, to meet the captain of one of the
Portuguese frigates, who came on business ashore from the captain-major;
which business, as I understand, was to desire the governor to send me
to him as a prisoner, because we were Hollanders. Knowing what he was, I
took occasion to speak to him of the abuses offered to the King of
England and his subjects. He pretended that these seas belonged to the
King of Portugal, and no one ought to come there without his licence. I
told him, that the seas of India were as free to subjects of England as
to those of Spain, and that the licence of the King of England was as
valid as that of the King of Spain, and whoever pretended otherwise was
a liar and a villain; and desired him to tell his captain-major, that in
abusing the King of England he was a base villain, and a traitor to his
own king, which I was ready to maintain against him with my sword, if he
dared to come on shore, whereto I challenged him. Seeing that I was much
moved, the Moors caused the Portuguese to depart. This Portuguese came
to my house some two hours after, and offered to procure the release of
my men and goods, if I would be liberal to him. I entertained him
kindly, and gave him great promises; but before he left the town, my men
and goods were sent off for Goa.
I had my goods ready about five days before I could get a clearance to
ship them, waiting for the arrival of Abder Rachim, which was the 3d
October; and two days afterwards the ship set sail. I was now left in
Surat with only one merchant, William Finch, who was mostly sick, and
unable to go abroad to do any business; all the rest of my attendants
being two servants, a cook, and a boy, which were all the company I had
to defend us from so many enemies, who went about to destroy us, and
endeavoured to prevent my going to the Great Mogul. But God preserved
me, and in spite of them all, I took heart and resolution to proceed on
my travels. After the departure of our ship, I learnt that my men and
goods had been betrayed to the Portuguese by Mucrob Khan and his
followers; for it was a laid plot by Mucrob Khan and the Jesuit Peneiro,
to protract time till the Portuguese frigates might come to the bar of
Surat, which was done so secretly that we never beard of them till they
had taken our barks.
So long as my ship remained at the bar I was much flattered, but after
her departure I was most unsufferably misused; being in a heathen
country, environed by so many enemies, who plotted daily to murder me
and to cozen me of my goods. Mucrob Khan, to get possession of my goods,
took what he chose, and left what he pleased, giving me such price as
his own barbarous conscience dictated; where thirty-five was agreed,
giving me only eighteen, not regarding his brother's bill, who had his
full authority. Even on his own terms, it was hardly possible to get any
money from his chief servant, as we only received a small part after the
time appointed was expired, before Mucrob came to Surat; and after he
came I was debarred of all, though he outwardly flattered and dissembled
for almost three months, feeding me with continual promises. In the
meantime he came three times to my house, sweeping me clean of all
things that were good; and when he saw I had no more worth coveting, he
gradually withdrew his attentions and pretended kindness. Most of this
time William Finch was ill of the flux, but, thank God, he recovered
past all hope. As for me I durst not venture out of doors, as the
Portuguese were lurking about in crowds to assault or murder me, their
armada being then at Surat.
Their first plot against me was thus. I was invited by _Hagio_ [Haji]
_Nazam_ to the dispatching of his ship for Mecca, as it is the custom on
such occasions to make great feasts for all the principal people of the
town. It was my good fortune at this time, that a great captain
belonging to the viceroy of Guzerat, residing in _Amadavar_,
[Ahmedabad,] was then at Surat, and was likewise invited to this feast,
which was held at the water-side, near which the Portuguese had two
frigates of their armada, which came there to receive tribute for the
ships about to depart, and likewise to procure refreshments. Out of
these frigates there came three gallants to the tent where I was, and
some forty Portuguese were scattered about the water-side, ready to join
in the assault on the first signal. These three gallants that came to
our tent, were armed in buff-coats down to their knees, with rapiers and
pistols at their sides, and, immediately on entering, demanded who was
the English captain? I presently rose, and told them I was the man; and
seeing some intended mischief by their countenances, I immediately laid
hand on my weapon. The Mogul captain, perceiving treason was meant
against me, both he and his followers drew their swords; and if the
Portuguese had not been the swifter, both they and their scattered crew
had come ill off.
Another time some thirty or forty of them came to assault me in my
house, having a friar along with them to animate their courage, and give
them absolution. But I was always on my guard, and had a strong house
with good doors. Many of the Portuguese at other times used to lurk for
me and mine in the streets; so that I was forced to complain to the
governor, that I could not go about my business on account of the
Portuguese coming armed into the city to murder me; and represented that
they were not in use at other times to come armed into the city. The
governor then sent word to the Portuguese not to come armed into the
city at their peril.
Mucrob Khan came to Surat accompanied by a Jesuit named _Padre Peneiro_,
who had offered him 40,000 dollars to send me prisoner to Damaun, as I
was afterwards certainly informed by Hassen Ally and Ally Pommory. On
his arrival I went to visit him, giving him presents, besides those
formerly given to his brother; and for a time, as already mentioned, I
had many outward shows of kindness from him, till such time as I
demanded my money, when he told me flatly he would not give me 20
_mahmudies_ the _vara_, as had been agreed, but would rather give me
back my cloth. I dissembled my sense of this unjust procedure as well as
I could, entreating leave to proceed to Agra to wait upon the king;
telling him I meant to leave William Finch as chief in my place, who
would either receive the money or the goods, as he might please to
conclude. Upon this he gave me his licence and a letter to the king,
promising me an escort of forty horsemen; which promise he did not
perform. After I got this licence, Father Peneiro put into his head that
he ought not to allow me to go, as I would complain against him to the
king; thus plotting to overthrow my intended journey. Mucrob Khan could
not prevent my going, because I was sent by a king; but endeavoured to
prevail on my interpreter and coachman to poison or murder me by the
way; which invention was devised by the Jesuit. But God, of his mercy,
discovered these plots, and the contrivances of the Jesuit took no
effect.
Sec. 2. _Journey of the Author to Agra, and his Entertainment at the Court
of the Great Mogul._
William Finch being now in good health, I left all things belonging to
our trade in his hands, giving him instructions how to conduct himself
in my absence. So I began to take up soldiers to conduct me in safety;
being denied by Muerob Khan. Besides some shot and bowmen whom I hired,
I applied to a captain of the Khan-Khana, to let me have 40 or 50
horsemen to escort me to the Khan-Khana, who was then viceroy of Deccan,
and resided in _Bramport_.[189] This captain did all in his power for
me, giving me a party of _Patan_ horsemen, who are much feared in these
parts for their valour. If I had not done this I had surely been
overthrown, as the Portuguese of Damaun had induced an ancient friend of
theirs, a Hajah, who was absolute lord of a province called _Cruly_,
situated between Damaun, Guzerat, and the Deccan, to be ready with 200
horsemen to intercept me; but I went so well provided with a strong
escort, that they durst not encounter me; and for that time also I
escaped. Then at _Dayta_,[190] another province or principality, my
coachman having got drunk with some of his kinsmen, discovered that he
was hired to murder me. Being overheard by some of my soldiers, they
came and told me that it was to have been done next morning at the
commencement of our journey, as we usually set out two hours before day.
Upon this notice, I examined the coachman and his friends, in presence
of the captain of my escort. He could not deny the truth, but would not
reveal who had hired him, though much beaten; and cursed his bad luck
that he could not effect his purpose. So I sent him back prisoner to the
governor of Surat. My broker or interpreter afterwards told me, that
both he and the coachman were hired by Mucrob Khan, by the persuasion of
the Jesuit, the one to poison and the other to murder me. The
interpreter said he was to receive nothing till the deed was done, which
he never meant to perform, being resolved to be faithful. Thus God again
preserved me. This was five days after the commencement of my journey,
having left Surat on the 1st February, 1609.
[Footnote 189: The names of places in Hindustan are often very much
corrupted in the early voyages and travels, so as sometimes to be
unintelligible. Burhampoor, or Boorhanpoor, in Candeish, is certainly
the place indicated in the text, about 260 English miles almost due east
from Surat.--E.]
[Footnote 190: Neither Cruly nor Dayta are to be found in our best
modern map of Hindostan by Arrowsmith. It may be noticed on this
subject, that most places in Hindostan have more than one name; being
often known to the natives by one name in their vernacular language,
while another name is affixed in Persian, by the Mogul conquerors. The
names of places likewise are often changed, at the pleasure of
successive possessors; and the continual wars and revolutions have made
wonderful changes in the distribution of dominion, since this journey of
Hawkins.--E.]
Continuing my journey for _Burhanpoor_, some two days after leaving
_Dayta_, the Patans who had hitherto escorted me went back, leaving me
to be forwarded by another Patan captain, who was governor of that
lordship, by whom I was kindly entertained. His name was _Sher-Khan_,
and having been some time a prisoner among the Portuguese, and speaking
that language fluently, he was glad to do me service, being of a nation
that is in great enmity to the Portuguese. He escorted me in person with
forty horsemen for two days, till we were past the dangerous places;
during which time he encountered a troop of outlaws, of whom he took
four alive and slew eight, all the rest escaping. Before leaving me, he
gave me letters, authorising me to use his house at Burhanpoor, which
was a very great courtesy, as otherwise I should hardly have known where
to get lodgings, the city being so full of soldiers, which were
preparing for war with the people of the Deccan. I arrived in safety at
Burhanpoor, thanks be to God, on the eighteenth of February. Next day I
went to court to visit the Khan-Khana, who was lord-general and viceroy
of the Deccan, and made him a present, as the custom is, which he
received very graciously. After three hours conference, he made me a
feast; and being, risen from table, he invested me with two robes, one
of fine woollen, and the other of cloth of gold; giving me a letter of
recommendation to the king, which availed me much. Then embracing me, I
departed. The language we spoke was Turkish, which he spoke very well.
I remained in Burhanpoor till the 2d of March, not being sooner able to
effect the exchange of the money I had with me, and waiting likewise to
join a caravan. Having then got a new escort of soldiers, I resumed my
journey to Agra, where, after much fatigue and many dangers, I arrived
in safety on the 16th April. Being in the city, and seeking out for a
house in a secret manner, notice was carried to the king of my arrival,
but that I was not to be found. He presently charged many troops both of
horse and foot to seek for me, and commanded his knight-marshal to bring
me in great state to court, as an ambassador ought to be; which he did
with a great train, making such extraordinary haste, that he hardly
allowed me time to put on my best apparel. In fine, I was brought before
the king, bringing only a slight present of cloth, and that not
esteemed, as what I had designed for the king was taken from me by
Mucrob Khan, of which I complained to his majesty. After making my
salutation, he bid me heartily welcome with a smiling countenance; on
which I repeated my obeisance and duty. Having his majesty's letter in
my hand, he called me to come near him, reaching down his hand from his
royal seat, where he sat in great majesty on high to be seen of the
people. He received the letter very graciously, viewing it for some
time, both looking at the seal and at the way in which it was made up;
and then called an old Jesuit who was present, to read and explain the
letter. While the Jesuit was reading the letter, he spoke to me in the
kindest manner, asking me the contents of the letter, which I told him:
Upon which he immediately promised, and swore by God, that he would
grant and allow with all his heart every thing the king had asked, and
more if his majesty required. The Jesuit told him the substance of the
letter, but discommended the style, saying that it was basely penned,
writing _vestia_ without _majestad_. On which I said to the king, "May
it please your majesty, these people are our enemies: How can it be that
this letter should be irreverently expressed, seeing that my sovereign
demands favour from your majesty?" He acknowledged the truth of this
observation.
Perceiving that I understood Turkish, which he spoke with great
readiness, he commanded me to follow him into his presence-chamber,
having then risen from the place of open audience, as he wished to have
farther conference with me. I went in accordingly, and waited there two
hours, till the King returned from his women. Their calling me to him,
he said he understood that Mucrob Khan had not dealt well by me, but
desired me to be of good cheer, for he would remedy all. It would seem
that the enemies of Mucrob Khan had acquainted the king with all his
proceedings; for indeed the king has spies upon the conduct of all his
nobles. I made answer, that I was quite certain all matters would go
well with me so long as his majesty was pleased to grant me his
protection. After this, he presently dispatched a post to Surat with his
commands to Mucrob Khan, earnestly enjoining him in our behalf, as he
valued his friendship, which he would lose if he did not deal justly by
the English, according to their desire. By the same messenger I sent a
letter to William Finch, desiring him to go with this command to Mucrob
Khan, at the receipt of which he wondered that I had got safe to Agra,
and had not been murdered or poisoned by the way; of which speech Finch
informed me afterwards.
After some farther conference with the king, as it grew late, he
commanded that I should be brought daily into his presence, and gave me
in charge to one of his captains, named Houshaber Khan, ordering that I
should lodge at his house till a convenient residence could be procured
for my use; and that when I was in want of any thing from the king, he
was to act as my solicitor. According to his command, I resorted daily
to court, having frequent conference with the king, both by day and by
night; as he delighted much to talk with me, both of the affairs of
England and other countries; and also made many enquiries respecting the
West Indies, of which he had heard long before, yet doubted there being
any such place, till I assured him I had been in the country.
Many days and weeks passed thus, and I became in high favour with the
king, to the great grief of all mine enemies; when, chusing a favourable
time, I solicited his order or commission for the establishment of our
factory. He asked me, if I meant to remain at his court? to which I
answered, that I should do so till our ships came to Surat, when I
proposed to go home with his majesty's answer to the letter from my
king. He then said, that he expected I should stay much longer, as he
intended by our next ships to send an ambassador to the King of England,
and he wished me to remain with him till a successor was sent to me from
my sovereign: That my remaining would be of material benefit to my
nation, as I should be in the way to put all wrongs to right, if any
were offered to the English, as whatever I might see beneficial for them
would be granted to my petitions; swearing _by his father's soul_, that
if I remained with him, he would grant me articles for our factory to my
full contentment, and would never go back from his word; and that
besides he would give me ample maintenance. I answered, that I would
consider of his proposal: And, as he was daily inciting me to stay, I at
last consented; considering that I should be able to do good service
both to my own sovereign and him, especially as he offered me an
allowance of L4200 sterling for the first year, promising yearly to
augment my salary till I came to the rank of 1000 horse; my first year
being the allowance of commander of 400. The nobility of India have
their titles and emoluments designated by the number of horse they
command, from 40 up to 12,000, which last pay belongs only to princes
and their sons.
Trusting, therefore, to his promises, and believing that it might be
beneficial both to my nation and myself, I did not think it amiss to
yield to his request; considering that I was deprived of the advantages
I might have reaped by going to Bantam; and that your worships would
send another in my place after half a dozen years, while in the mean
time I might do you service and feather my own nest. Then, because my
name was somewhat harsh for his pronunciation, he gave me the name of
_Ingles Khan_, which is to say _English lord_: though in Persia khan is
equivalent to duke. Being now in the height of favour, the Jesuits and
Portuguese did every thing they could for my overthrow; and indeed the
principal Mahometans about the king envied much to see a Christian in
such favour.
Father Peneiro, who was with Mucrob Khan, and the Jesuits here at Agra,
in my opinion did little regard their masses and other church matters,
in studying how to overthrow my affairs. Advice being sent to Goa and
Padre Peneiro at Surat or Cambaya, by the Jesuits here at Agra, of my
favour with the king, they did all in their power to gain Mucrob Khan to
aid the Portuguese; for which purpose the viceroy at Goa wrote to him,
sending rich presents, together with many toys for the king. These
presents, and many fair promises, so wrought with Mucrob Khan, that he
sent a memorial to the king, accompanied by the present from the
viceroy, stating, that permitting the English to trade in the land would
occasion the loss of the maritime country about Surat, Cambaya, and
other places; and that his ancient friends the Portuguese were much
offended by his entertaining me, as a rumour went among them that I was
now general of 10,000 horse, and was ready to assault Diu on the arrival
of the next English ships. The letter of the Portuguese viceroy was much
to the same effect. To all which the king answered, that he had but one
Englishman at his court, whom they had no reason to fear, as he
pretended to none of those things they alleged, and had refused an
establishment near the sea, preferring to live at court.
The Portuguese were quite enraged with this answer, and laboured
incessantly to get me out of the world. I then represented to the king
the dangerous predicament in which I was, and the uncomfortable
situation I was reduced to: My boy Stephen Grosvenor just dead, and my
man Nicholas Ufflet extremely sick, who was the only English person with
me, while I was myself beginning to fall much off. The king immediately
called for the Jesuits, and assured them, if I died by any extraordinary
casualty, that they should all feel it to their cost. The king was then
very earnest with me to take a white maiden from his palace to be my
wife, offering to give her slaves and all other things necessary, and
promising that she would turn Christian; by which means, he said, my
meat and drink would be properly looked after by her and her women, and
I might live without fear. In answer, I refused to accept of any
Mahometan woman, but said if any Christian could be found I would
gratefully accept his royal bounty.
Then the king called to remembrance the daughter of one Mubarick Shah,
who was an Armenian Christian, of the most ancient Christian race;
Mubarick having been a captain, and in great favour with Acbar Padisha,
this king's father. This captain had died suddenly, and without a will,
leaving a vast deal of money, all of which was robbed by his brothers
and kinsmen, or absorbed in debts due to him which could not be
recovered, leaving only a few jewels to this his only child. Considering
that she was a Christian of honest descent, and that I had passed my
word to the king, I could no longer resist my fortune: Wherefore I took
her, and, for want of a minister, I married her before Christian
witnesses, my man Nicholas Ufflet acting as priest; which I thought had
been lawful, till I met with the chaplain who came with Sir Henry
Middleton, who shewed me the error; on which I was again married.
Henceforwards I lived contented and without fear, my wife being willing
to go where I went, and to live as I lived.[191]
[Footnote 191: She went away along with him for England; but as he died
by the way, she afterwards married Mr Towerson.--_Purch._]
After the settlement of this affair, news were sent me that the
Ascension was coming to Surat, which was learnt from the men belonging
to her pinnaces, which were cast away near that place. I then went to
the king, and told him of this circumstance, craving his leave to repair
to Surat, with his commission for settling trade at that port, which he
was very willing to allow, limiting me to a certain time of absence,
when I was to return again to Agra. When the king's chief vizir, Abdal
Hassan, heard this, who was an enemy of all Christians, he told the king
that my going would be the occasion of war, and might occasion the ruin
of one of his great men, who had been sent to Goa to purchase toys for
the king. Upon this, the king signified his pleasure that I was to
remain; but gave immediate orders to have the commission effectually
written and sent off to the chief factor at Surat. In fine, the
commission was written out in golden letters under his great seal, as
fully, freely, and firmly, for our benefit as we could possibly desire.
This I presently obtained, and sent it off to William Finch at Surat.
Before its arrival, news came that the Ascension was cast away, and her
men saved, but were not allowed to come to Surat. I immediately
communicated this intelligence to the king, who was much dissatisfied
with the conduct of Mucrob Khan, my great enemy, and gave me another
order for their good usage, and that every means should be used to save
the goods if possible. These two royal orders came almost at the same
time to Surat, to the great joy of William Finch and the rest, who much
admired how I had been able to procure them. Thus continuing in great
favour with the king, being almost continually in his sight, and serving
him for half the twenty-four hours, I failed not to have most of his
nobles for my enemies, who were chiefly Mahometans; for it went against
their hearts to see a Christian in so great favour and familiarity with
the king, and more especially because he had promised to make his
brother's children Christians, which he actually caused to be done about
two years after my coming to Agra.
Some time after, some of the people belonging to the Ascension came to
me, whom I could have wished to have behaved themselves better, as their
conduct was much pried into by the king.[192] In all this time I had
been unable to recover the debt due me by Mucrob Khan. At length he was
sent for by the king, to answer for many faults laid to his charge, and
much injustice and tyranny he had been guilty of to the people under his
authority, having ruined many, who petitioned the king for justice. This
dog now sent many bribes to the king's sons and the nobles about his
person, to endeavour to make his peace, and they laboured, in his
behalf. When news came that Mucrob Khan was near, the king sent orders
to attach his goods, which were so abundant that the king was two months
in viewing them, every day allotting a certain quantity to be brought
before him. What the king thought fit for his own use he kept, and
returned the rest to Mucrob Khan. In viewing these goods, there appeared
certain muskets, with a rich corselet and head-piece, with other things,
forming the present I intended for the king; which Mucrob had taken from
me under pretence that they were for the king, and would not allow me to
deliver myself. At the sight of these, I was so bold as to tell the king
they were mine.
[Footnote 192: In a side-note at this place, Purchas says that Mr
Alexander Sharpey, their general, came to Agra along with them; which is
not mentioned in the text, but will be found in the narrative of
Sharpens voyage in the sequel.--E.]
After the king had viewed these goods, a Banyan made a most grievous
complaint to the king against Mucrob Khan, who had taken away his
daughter, pretending she was for the king; but had deflowered her
himself, and gave her afterwards to a Bramin who was in his service. The
man who made this charge protested, that his daughter surpassed all
women he had ever seen for beauty. This matter being examined into, and
the offence clearly proved against Mucrob, he was committed as a
prisoner into the custody of a noble of high rank; and the Bramin was
condemned to be made a complete eunuch. Before this happened I went
several times to visit Mucrob, who made many fair promises that he would
deal honestly by me and be my friend, and that I should have my right.
After his disgrace his friends daily solicited for him, and at length
got him clear; but with commandment to pay every man his right, and that
no more complaints should be heard against him, if he loved his life. So
he paid every one his due except me, whom he would not pay. I then
entreated him to deliver me back my cloth, that I might if possible end
with him by fair means; but he put me off from day to day with fresh
delays till his departure shortly after; for the king restored him his
place again, and he was to go to Goa about a fair ballas ruby and other
rarities which were promised to the king.
Sec. 3. _The Inconstancy of the King, and the Departure of Captain Hawkins
with Sir Henry Middleton to the Red Sea, and thence to Bantam, and
afterwards for England_.
All my going and sending to Mucrob Khan for my money and cloth were in
vain, and seeing myself so grossly abused by him, I was forced to demand
justice of the king, who commanded that the money should be brought
before him; yet for all the king's commands, Mucrob did as he liked, and
in spite of every thing I could do or say, he finally cheated me of
12,500 mahmudies which he owed me, besides interest.[193] The greatest
man in the whole country was his friend, who with many others took his
part, and were continually murmuring to the king about suffering the
English to come into the country, saying, that _if our nation once got
footing in the country we would dispossess him of it_.[194] The king,
upon this, called me before him to make answer to these charges. I said,
if any such matters were done or attempted, I was ready to answer with
my life, for the English were in no respect that base nation that our
enemies represented; and that all these things were laid to our charge
merely because I demanded my due and could not get it. At this time I
used to visit daily the king's chief favourites and nearest relatives,
who spoke to him in my favour, so that he commanded no more such
injuries to be offered me. So, thinking to use my best endeavour to
recover my loss, I spoke to the chief vizier, that he might aid me; but
he answered me in a threatening manner, that if I opened my mouth again
on this subject, he would oblige me to pay 100,000 _mahmudies_, which
the king had lost in his customs at Surat, to which no persons durst
now trade for fear of the Portuguese, who were displeased because the
king entertained me, and granted licence for the English to trade. Owing
to this I was constrained to be silent, for I knew that my money had
been swallowed up by these dogs.
[Footnote 193: On some other occasions in these voyages, the mahmudy is
said to be worth about a shilling.--E.]
[Footnote 194: This may appear somewhat in the spirit of prophecy, as
the English are now masters of a very large portion of the Mogul empire
in Hindostan. This unwieldy empire broke in pieces by its own weight,
and the original vices of its constitution; after which its fragments
have gradually been conquered by the India Company, whose dominions now
include Delhi and Agra, two of its great capitals, and many of its
finest provinces--E.]
Mucrob Khan was now ordered in public to make ready to depart upon an
appointed day for Guzerat, whence he was to proceed to Goa, and was on
that day to come to court to take leave, as is the custom. At this time
three principal merchants of Surat came to court about affairs in which
they had been employed by the king or the chief vizier. Likewise, some
six days before this, a letter came to the king from the Portuguese
viceroy, accompanied by a present of many rarities; in which letter the
viceroy represented how highly the King of Portugal was dissatisfied at
the English being admitted into the king's dominions, considering the
ancient amity between him and his majesty. After many compliments, the
viceroy stated, that a merchant had arrived at Goa with a very fine
ballas ruby, weighing 350 _rotties_, of which the pattern was sent. On
coming to take his leave, accompanied by Padre Peneiro, who was to go
along with him, the three Surat merchants being in the presence, Mucrob
Khan made his speech to the king, saying that he hoped to obtain the
great ruby, and many other valuable things, for his majesty from the
Portuguese, if the privileges granted to the English were disannulled;
and besides, that it would occasion great loss to his majesty and his
subjects, if the English were suffered any more to frequent his ports.
In confirmation of this, he called upon the Surat merchants to declare
to his majesty what loss was occasioned by the English, as they best
knew. They affirmed that they were all likely to be undone because of
the English trading at Surat, and that no toys or curiosities would
hereafter come into his majesty's dominions, because the Portuguese,
being masters of the sea, would not suffer them to go in or out of the
ports, because of the licence granted to the English. All this was a
plot concerted by the Portuguese with Mucrob Khan and the vizier, with
the assistance of the jesuits; and by means of these speeches, and the
king's anxiety to procure the great ruby, together with the promises of
the _padres_ to procure many rarities for his majesty, my affairs were
utterly overthrown; and the king commanded Mucrob Khan to inform the
Portuguese viceroy, that the English should not be suffered any more to
come into his ports.
I now saw plainly that it would be quite bootless for me to make any
attempt to counteract these plots, by petitioning the king, till a good
while after the departure of Mucrob Khan, as my enemies were very
numerous, though they had received many presents from me. When I saw a
convenient time, I resolved to petition the king again, having in the
mean time found a fit toy to present, as the custom is, for no man who
makes a petition must come empty handed. On presenting this petition,
the king immediately granted my request, commanding the vizier to make
me out another commission or licence in as ample form as before, and
expressly commanded that no person should presume to speak to him to the
contrary, it being his fixed resolution that the English should have
freedom to trade in his dominions. Of this alteration the Jesuits at
Agra had immediate notice; for no matter passes in the court of the
Mogul, however secret, but it may be known in half an hour, by giving a
small matter to the secretary of the day; for every thing is written
down, and the writers or secretaries have their appointed days in turn.
The Jesuits instantly sent off a speedy messenger with letters to
Peneiro and Mucrob Khan, giving them notice of this new turn in my
affairs; on receipt of which they immediately resolved not to proceed to
Goa till I were again overthrown. Thereupon Mucrob Khan transmitted a
petition to the king, and letters to his friend the vizier, stating that
it was not for his majesty's honour to send him to Goa, if the promises
made to the Portuguese were not performed; and that the purpose of his
journey would be entirely frustrated, if the new licence given to the
English were not recalled. On reading this, the king went again from his
word and recalled my licence, esteeming a few toys promised him by the
Jesuits beyond his honour.
Being desirous to see the final issue of these things, I went to _Hogio
Jahan_, [Haji Jehan], who was lord-general of the king's palace, and
second officer of the kingdom, entreating him to stand my friend. He
went immediately to the king, telling him that I was sore cast down,
because Abdul Hassan, the chief vizier, would not deliver me the
commission which his majesty had accorded to me. Being in the presence,
and very near the king, I heard him give the following answer: "It is
very true that the commission is sealed and ready for delivery; but
owing to letters received front Mucrob Khan, and better consideration
respecting the affairs of my ports in Guzerat, I do not now think fit
that it should be granted." Thus was I tossed and tumbled, like a
merchant adventuring his all in one bottom, and losing all at once by
storms or pirates. In regard likewise to my pension, I was mightily
crossed; as many times when I applied to Abdul Hassan, he would make
answer, "I know well that you are in no such need, as your own master
bears your charges, and the king knew not what he did in giving to you,
from whom he ought on the contrary to receive." I represented to him
that it was his majesty's pleasure, and none of my request, and being
his majesty's gift, I saw no reason for being deprived of my right. Then
he would bid me have patience, and he would find me out a good living.
Thus was I put off from time to time by this mine enemy; insomuch that
all the time I served at court I could not get a living that would yield
me any thing, the vizier giving me always my living on assignments on
places that were in the hands of outlaws or insurgents, except once that
I had an assignment on Lahor by special command of the king, but of
which I was soon deprived; and all I received from the beginning was not
quite L300, and even of this a considerable portion was spent upon the
charges of men sent to the lordships on which my pension was assigned.
Seeing now that the living which the king had bestowed upon me was taken
away, I was past all hope; for before this, on hearing that our ships
were arrived, I expected the king would perform his former promises, in
hopes of receiving rare things from England. When I now presented a
petition to the king concerning my pension, he turned me over to Abdul
Hassan, who not only refused to let me have my pension, but gave orders
that I should be no more permitted to come within the red rails, being
the place of honour in the presence; where all the time of my residence
hitherto I was placed very near the king's person, only five men of the
whole court being before me.
My affairs being thus utterly overthrown, I determined, with the advice
of my friends, to know exactly what I had to rest upon, and either to be
well in or well out. I therefore made ready and presented a petition to
the king, representing how I had been dealt with by Abdul Hassan who had
himself appropriated what his majesty had been pleased to order for my
living: That the expences of my residence at court for so long a time,
at his majesty's command, and under promises to provide for me, would be
my utter ruin; wherefore, I humbly entreated his majesty to take my case
into his gracious consideration, either to establish me as formerly, or
to grant me leave to depart. In answer to this, he gave me permission to
go away, and commanded a safe conduct to be given me, to pass freely and
without molestation throughout his dominions. On receiving this
passport, I came to make my obeisance, and to take my leave, when I
entreated to have an answer to the letters of my sovereign. On this
Abdul Hassan came to me from the king, and utterly refused in a
disdainful manner; saying, that it was not meet for so great a monarch
to write a letter to any petty prince or governor. To this I answered,
that the king knew more of the mightiness of the King of England than to
suppose him a petty governor.
I went home to my house, using all my endeavours to get my goods and
debts gathered together, meaning to purchase commodities with the money
remaining, and exerted every diligence to get out of the country,
waiting only for the return of Nicholas Ufflet from Lahor with some
indigo then in charge of William Finch, who was determined to go home
over land, as he had no hope of our ever being able to embark at Surat.
I would willingly have gone home by the same route, but it was well
known that I could not travel through Turkey, especially in company with
a female. I was forced therefore to curry favour with the Jesuits, to
procure me a pass or _seguro_ from the Portuguese viceroy, to go by way
of Goa to Portugal, and thence to England. But when the mother and
kindred of my wife saw that I was about to take her away, and supposing
they should never see her more, they were so importunate with me, that I
was forced to engage that she should go no farther with me than Goa,
which was in India, and where they could go to visit her; and that, if
at any time I were to go to Portugal or elsewhere, I should then leave
her with such a dower as is usual with the Portuguese when they die. But
knowing that if my wife should chuse to go with me, all these might
have no effect, I concerted with the Jesuits to procure me two _seguros_
or passports; one giving me free permission and liberty of conscience to
reside and trade at Goa, which only I meant to show to my wife's
relations; while the other was to contain an absolute grant for a free
passage to Portugal, and so for England, with my wife and goods, so as
not to be hindered by any interference of my wife's relations; any thing
that I might be under the necessity of conceding to them to be void and
of no effect, but that I should have liberty to stay or go when I
pleased, with liberty of conscience for myself. This last _seguro_ was
desired to be transmitted to me at Cambaya by the fleet of Portuguese
frigates, as at my departure our ships were not yet come.
The fathers would readily have done this and much more for me, only to
get me out of the country. About this time I had notice of the arrival
of three English ships at Mocha, and that they were surely to come to
Surat at the proper season; which news were sent me from Burhanpoor by
Nicholas Banham, who had gone from me six weeks before for the recovery
of some debts, and with letters for our ships if any came, and it were
possible to send them. While I was preparing to depart, news came of the
return of Mucrob Khan from Goa, with many rare and fine things for the
king; but he brought not the balas ruby, saying that it was false; or at
least he made this excuse, lest, if he had given the Portuguese merchant
his price, it might be valued much lower when it came to the king, and
he be forced to pay the overplus, as had happened before on similar
occasions. I likewise understood that Mucrob Khan did not receive such
satisfaction from the Portuguese as he expected.
At this time my great enemy the chief vizier was thrust out of his
place, owing to the complaints of many of the nobles who were in debt
for their expences, and were unable to procure payment of their
pensions, having their assignments either upon barren places, or on such
as were in rebellion, Abdul Hassan having retained all the good
districts to himself, and robbed them all. From these complaints and
others he had much ado to escape with his life, being degraded from his
high office, and ordered to the wars in the Deccan. One _Gaih Beg_, who
was the king's chief treasurer, and whose daughter was chief queen or
favourite, was made vizier in his stead. The new vizier was one who, in
outward show at least, made much of me, and was always willing to serve
me on occasion. His son and I were great friends, having often visited
at my house, and was now raised to high dignities by the king. On this
change of affairs, and being certified through various channels of the
arrival of our ships, I determined to try what I could now do to
re-establish my affairs; and knowing that nothing could be accomplished
through these Moors without gifts and bribes, I sent my broker to
procure me some jewels fit to be presented to the king's sister and new
paramour, and to the new vizier and his son. After receiving my gifts,
they began on all sides to solicit my cause.
News came to Agra, from certain Banyans at Diu, that three English ships
were seen off that place, and three days afterwards other intelligence
was received that they were anchored at the bar of Surat. Upon these
news, the visier asked me if I had a proper gift for the king, on which
I showed him a ruby ring, and he desired me to prepare for going to
court along with him, when he would present my petition to the king,
who, he said, was already won over to my interest. So, once more coming
before his majesty, and my petition being read, he presently granted the
establishment of our factory, and that the English might come and trade
in all freedom at Surat, commanding the vizier to make out my commission
or licence to that effect with all expedition. The vizier made me a sign
to come forwards and make my obeisance, which I did according to the
custom. But mark what followed. A nobleman of high rank, and in great
favour with the king, who was a most intimate friend both of the late
vizier and of Mucrob Khan, having been brought up along with them from
childhood as pages together to the king, made a speech to the king to
the following effect: "That the granting of this licence would be the
ruin of all his majesty's sea-ports and people, as his majesty had been
already certified by several of his subjects: That it was not consistent
with the king's honour to contradict what he had granted to the
Portuguese, his ancient friends: And that whoever solicited in favour of
the English knew not what they were about; or, if they knew, were not
friends to his majesty." Upon this speech my business was again quite
overthrown, and all my time and presents thrown away, as the king now
said he would not allow the English to trade at his sea-ports, owing to
the inconveniences that had already arisen from their trading at Surat.
But as for myself, if I would remain in his service, he would command
that the allowance he had formerly granted me should be given to my
satisfaction. I declined this, unless the English were allowed the
freedom of trade according to his promise; saying that my own sovereign
would take care that I should not want. I then requested his majesty
would be pleased to give me an answer to the letter I had brought him
from my sovereign; but after consulting some time with his viziers, this
was refused.
I now took my leave, and departed from Agra the 2d of November, 1611,
being in a thousand difficulties what course I had best take. I was in
fear lest the Portuguese might poison me for the sake of my goods; it
was dangerous to travel through the Deccan to Masulipatam on account of
the wars; I could not go by land to Europe by reason of the Turks; and I
was resolved not to remain among these faithless infidels. I arrived at
Cambaya the 31st December, 1611, where I had certain news of our ships
being at Surat, to which place I sent a foot-messenger with a letter,
saying that the friars at Cambaya asserted that four large ships, with
certain gallies and frigates, wore preparing at Goa to attack our ships,
and that the Portuguese were contriving treachery against Sir Henry
Middleton; all of which the fathers wished me to apprize him of, which I
afterwards found was a political contrivance to put Sir Henry in fear,
that he might depart.
As for me, my ostensible object was to go home by means of the
Portuguese, as I had promised my wife and her brother, who was now with
us, and to delude him and the friars till I could get away on board our
ships, which I was sure to know by the return of my messenger. In the
mean time I used every endeavour to get away my wife's brother, who
departed two days afterwards for Agra, without once suspecting that I
meant to go in the English ships. Nicholas Ufflet now went from Cambaya
to examine the road; and when two days journey from Cambaya, he met
Captain William Sharpey, Mr Fraine, and Mr Hugh Greete, who were sent to
me at Cambaya by Sir Henry to my no small joy. Wherefore, making all the
haste I could to prepare for my departure, I left Cambaya on the 18th
January, 1612, and got to our ships on the 26th of the same month, when
I was most kindly received and welcomed by Sir Henry Middleton.
We departed from Surat on the 11th February, and arrived at Dabul on the
16th, where we took a Portuguese ship and frigate, out of which we took
some quantity of goods. Leaving Dabul on the 5th March for the Red Sea,
with intention to revenge our wrongs both on the Turks and Moguls, we
arrived there on the 3d April, where we found three English ships, whose
general was Captain John Saris. Having dispatched our business in the
Red Sea, we sailed from thence the 16th August, 1612, and arrived at
Tecu in Sumatra the 19th October. Our business there being ended, we
departed thence on the night of the 19th November, and struck that
night, three leagues off, on a bed of coral, in about three fathoms
water, but by the great mercy of God escaped being lost; yet we were
forced to put back to Tecu to stop our leaks, for which purpose we had
to unload our ship. The leaks being somewhat stopped, and our goods
reloaded, we departed again the 8th December, and arrived at Bantam the
21st of that month.
As Sir Henry did not think his ship, the Trades-increase, in sufficient
condition for going home that season, he was forced to remain and have
her careened. Having closed accounts with Sir Henry to his satisfaction,
I shipped my goods in the Solomon, _which came for our voyage_,[195] for
saving a greater freight, but could not be admitted in her myself;
Captain Saris, however, accommodated me in the Thomas, and it was agreed
that the Solomon and we were to keep company. We accordingly sailed from
Bantam on the 30th January, 1613, and arrived at Saldanha bay the 21st
April, having much foul weather for near 200 leagues from the Cape. We
here found four ships of Holland, which left Bantam a month before us.
The Hollanders were very kind to us all, and especially attentive to me,
as they had heard much of my favour and high estate at Agra, by an agent
of theirs who resided at Masulipatam. Some eight days afterwards the
Expedition came in,[196] and brought me a letter from your worships,
which was delivered two days after. The wind coming fair, we departed
from Saldanha the 21st May, 1613.[197]
[Footnote 195: This uncommon expression is not easily explicable, as the
ships under Saris appear to have been in the employ of the same company.
It probably refers to the partial subscriptions for particular voyages,
in use at the first establishment of the Company.--E.]
[Footnote 196: This alludes to the twelfth voyage fitted out by the
English East India Company, under the command of Christopher Newport, of
which hereafter.--E.]
[Footnote 197: We have formerly seen, from a side-note of Purchas, that
Captain Hawkins died before reaching England, and that his Armenian wife
afterwards married Mr Towerson. The journal here breaks off abruptly,
and Purchas remarks, that he had omitted many advices of the author,
respecting forts, Indian factories, &c. _not fitting for every
eye._--E.]
4. _A brief Discourse of the Strength, Wealth, and Government of the
Great Mogul, with some of his Customs.[198]
I first begin with his princes, dukes, marquisses, earls, viscounts,
barons, knights, esquires, gentlemen, and yeomen; for as the Christian
sovereigns distinguish their nobility by these titles, so do the Moguls
distinguish theirs by the numbers of horse they are appointed to
command; unless it be those whom he most favours, whom he honours with
the title of _Khan_ and _Immirza_; none having the title of _Sultan_
except his sons. Khan, in the Persian language, is equivalent to duke
with us in Europe. Immirza is the title given to the sons of the king's
brother. These titles or ranks are of 12,000 horse, of which there are
only four, being the king himself, his mother, his eldest son, Prince or
Sultan Parvis, and one more named Khan Azam, who is of the blood-royal
of the Usbecks. The next rank, equivalent to our dukes, are leaders of
9000 horse, of whom there are three. Then of marquisses, or commanders
of 5000, there are eighteen. The others are from 2000 down to 20; of all
which ranks there are 2950. Besides which there are 5000 men, called
Haddies, who receive monthly pay, equal to from one to six horsemen. Of
such officers as belong to the court and camp there are 36,000, as
porters, gunners, watermen, lackies, horse-keepers, elephant-keepers,
matchlock-men, _frasses_ or tent-men, cooks, light-bearers, gardeners,
keepers of wild beasts, &c. All these are paid from the royal treasury,
their wages being from ten to three rupees[199]. All the captains under
the king are obliged, on eight days warning, to furnish the number of
horsemen which belong to the rank they respectively hold, from 12,000
down to 20, for all which they draw pay, and which they are obliged to
maintain; making a total of three lacks, or 300,000 horse.
[Footnote 198: This appears to have been written by Captain Hawkins, as
appended to his narrative by Purchas. It is said by the author, that he
had partly seen these things, and partly learnt them by information,
from the chief officers and overseers of the court.--E]
[Footnote 199: The rupee, or _rupia_, as it is called in the original,
is stated by Purchas, in a side-note, at 2s. each; while, he adds, some
call it 2s. 3d. and others 2s. 6d. In fact, the rupee varies materially
in its value according to circumstances, which will be fully explained
in the sequel.--E.]
The entire compass of the dominions of the Great Mogul is two years
travel for caravans; reaching from Agra, which is in a manner in the
heart of all his kingdoms, in various directions, to Candahar, to
Soughtare[200] in Bengal, to Cabul, Deccan, Surat, and Tatta in Sinde.
His empire is divided into five great kingdoms: _Punjab_, of which
Lahore is the capital; _Bengal_, of which _Sonargham_[201] is the chief
place; _Malwa_, of which _Ugam_ [Ougein] is the capital; _Deccan_, with
its capital _Bramport_ [Burhanpoor]; and _Guzerat_, having _Amadavar_
[Ahmedabad] as its capital. _Delhi_ is reckoned the chief or royal city
of the great kingdom of the Mogul in India, where all the ceremonials of
his coronation are performed. There are six principal fortresses or
castles, Agra, Gualiar, Nerwer, Ratamboor, Hassier, and Roughtaz; in
which castles his treasures are securely kept.[202]
[Footnote 200: This name is so completely corrupted as to be
inexplicable.--E.]
[Footnote 201: This name is nearly in the same predicament with
Soughtare, unless Chunarghur be meant, including Oude Allahabad and
Bahar in Bengal.--E.]
[Footnote 202: The three last names are inexplicable, unless Ruttampoor
be meant for one of them. But this slight sketch of the Mogul empire is
so exceedingly imperfect and unsatisfactory, as not to merit any
commentary.--E.]
In all this great empire there are three arch enemies, which all his
power has been unable to subdue; these are, _Amberry Chapu_ in the
Deccan, _Baadur_, the son of _Muzafer_, who was formerly king of
Guzerat, and _Rajah Rahana_ in Malwa. The present Great Mogul[203] has
five sons, Sultan Cussero, Sultan Parvis, Sultan Chorem, Sultan Shariar,
and Sultan Bath. He has two young daughters, and 300 wives, four of
whom, being the chief, are reckoned queens; Padisha Bann, the daughter
of Kaime Khan; Nour Mahal, the daughter of Gaih Beg; the third is the
daughter of Sein Khan; and the fourth is the daughter of Hakim Hamaun,
who was brother to his own father the Padisha Akbar.[204]
[Footnote 203: His name is no where given by Hawkins; but in the journal
of Sir Thomas Rae, who went a few years afterwards ambassador to the
same king, he is called Jehan-Guire.--E.]
[Footnote 204: We have here omitted a long account of the Mogul
treasures in gold, silver, and jewels, and an immense store of rich
ornaments in gold, silver, and jewellery, together with the enumeration
of horses, elephants, camels, oxen, mules, deer, dogs, lions, ounces,
hawks, pigeons, and singing birds, extremely tedious and
uninteresting.--E.]
The daily expences of the Mogul for his own person, and for feeding his
cattle of all sorts, among which are some royal elephants, and all other
particular expences, as dress, victuals, and other household charges,
come to 50,000 rupees a-day; and the daily expences of his women amount
to 30,000 rupees.
The custom of the Mogul is, to take possession of all the treasure
belonging to his nobles when they die, giving among the children what he
pleases; but he usually treats them kindly, dividing their fathers land
among them, and giving great respect to the eldest son, who is generally
promoted in time to the full rank of his father. In my time Rajah
Gaginat, a great lord or prince among the idolaters, died, when his
effects being seized to the king's use, besides jewels, silver, and
other valuables, his treasure in gold only amounted to 60 _mauns_, every
_maun_ being 25 pounds weight.
The king has 300 royal elephants on which he himself rides; and when
brought before him they appear in great state, having thirty-two men
going before them with streamers. The housings or coverings of these
elephants are very rich, being either cloth of gold or rich velvet; each
royal elephant is followed by his female, and his cub or cubs, usually
having four or five young ones as pages, some seven, eight, or nine.
These royal elephants, which are the largest and handsomest, eat every
day to the value of ten rupees, in sugar, butter, grain, and sugar
canes. They are so tame and well managed, that I one day saw the king
order one of his sons, named Shariar, a child of seven years old, to go
to the elephant and be taken up by his trunk, which was so done, the
elephant delivering him to his keeper, who rules him with a hooked iron.
When any of these elephants are brought Jean before the king, those
having charge of them are disgraced unless they have all the better
excuse: so that every one strives to bring his in good order, even
though he may have to spend of his own funds.
When the Mogul goes out to hunt, his camp is about as much in compass as
the city of London, or even more; and I may even say that at least
200,000 people follow him on this occasion, every thing being provided
as for the use of a large city. The elephant is of all beasts the most
sagacious, of which I shall give one instance, which was reported to me
as a certainty. An elephant upon a hard journey having been ill-used by
his keeper, and finding the fellow asleep one day near him, but out of
his reach, and having green canes brought him as food, he took hold of a
cane by one end with his trunk, and reached the other end to the
keeper's head, which was bare, his turban having fallen off, and
twisting the cane among his long hair, drew the fellow towards him, and
then slew him.
The king has many dromedaries, which are very swift, and are used for
coming with great speed to assault any city, as was once done by this
king's father, who assaulted Ahmedabad in Guzerat, when he was supposed
to be at Agra; going there with 12,000 men in nine days upon
dromedaries, striking such terror into the Guzerats by his sudden
arrival, that they were easily reduced. This king has much reduced the
numbers of the Rajaput captains, who were idolaters, and has preferred
Mahometans, who are weak-spirited men, void of resolution; so that this
king is beginning to lose those parts of the Deccan which were conquered
by his father. He has a few good captains yet remaining, whom his father
highly valued; but they are out of his favour, as they refused to join
him in his unnatural rebellion against his own father. For this purpose,
being in _Attabasse_, the regal seat of a kingdom called _Porub_,[205]
he rose in rebellion with 80,000 horse, intending to have taken Agra and
got possession of his father's treasure, who was then engaged in
conquering the Deccan.
[Footnote 205: Probably an error for the royal city of the kingdom of
Porus, in the time of Alexander the Great; in which case Attabasse may
be what is now called Attock Benares, on the main stream of the Indus,
in the Punjab, or the eastern frontier of Lahore.--E.]
Before the former emperor Akbar departed for the wars in the Deccan, he
gave orders to his son Selim, who is now emperor, to go with the forces
he commanded against Raja Rahana, the great rebel in Malwa, who coming
to a parley with Selim, told him he would get nothing in warring against
him but hard blows; and he had much better, during his father's absence
in the Deccan, go against Agra, and possess himself of his father's
treasure and make himself king, as there was no one able to resist him.
Selim followed this advice: but his father getting timely notice, came
in all haste to Agra to prevent him, and sent immediately a message to
his son, that he might either come and fall at his feet for mercy, or
try the chance of a battle. Considering his father's valour, he thought
it best to submit to his father, who committed him to prison, but soon
released him at the intercession of his mother and sisters. In
consequence of this rebellion Selim was disinherited, and his eldest son
Cussero was proclaimed heir-apparent; all the younger sons of Akbar
having died in the Deccan or in Guzerat.
Akbar died shortly after, having restored Selim to his inheritance while
on his death-bed. But Cussero raised troops against his father, and
being defeated and taken prisoner, still remains confined in the palace,
but blinded, according to report. Since that time he has caused all the
adherents of his son to be put to cruel deaths, and has reigned since in
quiet; but is ill beloved by the greatest part of his subjects, who are
in great fear of him. While I was at his court, I have seen him do many
cruel deeds. Five times a week he orders some of his bravest elephants
to fight in his presence, during which men are often killed or
grievously wounded by the elephants. If any one be sore hurt, though he
might very well chance to recover, he causes him to be thrown into the
river, saying, "Dispatch him, for as long as he lives he will
continually curse me, wherefore it is better that he die presently." He
delights to see men executed and torn in pieces by elephants.
In my time, a Patan of good stature came to one of the king's sons,
called Sultan Parvis, and petitioned to have some place or pension
bestowed on him. Demanding whether he would serve him, the Patan said
no, for the prince would not give him such wages as he would ask. The
prince asked him how much would satisfy him, on which he said that he
would neither serve his father nor him unless he had 1000 rupees a-day,
equal to L100 sterling. On the prince asking what were his
qualifications that he rated his services so highly, he desired to be
tried at all kind of weapons, either on foot or on horseback, and if any
one was found to surpass him, he was willing to forfeit his life. The
prince having to attend his father, ordered the Patan to be in the way.
At night, the king's custom being to drink, the prince told him of the
Patan, whom the king commanded to be brought before him. Just at this
time a large and very fierce lion was brought in, strongly chained, and
led by a dozen men. After questioning the Patan, as to whence he came,
his parentage, and what was his valour, that he demanded such wages, the
Patan desired the king to put him to a trial: Then, said the king, go
and wrestle with that lion. The Patan replied, that this was a wild,
beast, and it would be no trial of his manhood to make him go against
the lion without a weapon. The king however insisted upon it, and the
poor fellow was torn in pieces. Not yet satisfied, but desirous to see
more sport, the king sent for ten of his horsemen who were, that night
on guard, whom he commanded, one after the other, to buffet with the
lion. They were all grievously wounded, and three of them lost their
lives. The king continued three months in this cruel humour; in which
time, merely for his pleasure, many men lost their lives, and many were
grievously wounded. Afterwards, and till I came away, twelve or fifteen
young lions were made tame, and used to play with each other in the
king's presence, frisking about among people's legs, yet doing no harm
in a long time.
His custom is every year to be two months out hunting; and when he means
to begin his journey, if he comes from his palace on horseback, it is a
sign he goes to war; but if on an elephant or in a palanquin, his
expedition will only be for hunting.
He cannot abide that any one should have precious stones of value
without offering them to him for sale, and it is death for any one to
possess such without immediately giving him the refusal. A Banyan, named
_Herranand_, who was his jeweller, had bought a diamond of three
meticals weight, for which he paid 100,000 rupees, yet had not done it
so covertly but news of it was brought to the king; and some friend of
_Herrenand_ presently acquainted him that it had come to the king's
knowledge. Upon this the jeweller waited on the king, saying that his
majesty had often promised to come to his house, and that now was the
proper time, as he had a fine present to make him, having bought a
diamond of great weight. The king smiled, and said, "Thy luck has been
good." By these and such means the king has engrossed all the finest
diamonds, as no one dare purchase one from five carats upwards without
his leave. All the lands of the whole monarchy belong to the king, who
giveth and taketh at his pleasure. If any one, for instance, has lands
at Lahore, and is sent to the wars in the Deccan, his lands at Lahore
are given to another, and he receives new lands in or near the Deccan.
Those lands which are let pay to the king two-thirds of the produce; and
those which are given away in fee pay him one-third. The poor _riots_,
or husbandmen who cultivate the land, are very hardly dealt by, and
complain much of injustice, but little is given them. At his first
coming to the throne he was more severe than now, so that the country is
now so full of outlaws and thieves, that one can hardly stir out of
doors in any part of his dominions without a guard, as almost the whole
people are in rebellion.
There is one great _Ragane_[206] between Agra and Ahmedabad, who
commands an extent of country equal to a good kingdom, maintaining
20,000 horse and 50,000 foot; and as his country is strong and
mountainous, all the force of the king has never been able to reduce
him. There are many of those rebels all through his dominions, but this
is one of the greatest. Many have risen in Candahar, Cabul, Mooltan,
Sindy, and the kingdom of _Boloch_.[207] Bengal, Guzerat, and the Deccan
are likewise full of rebels, so that no one can travel in safety for
outlaws; all occasioned by the barbarity of the government, and the
cruel exactions made upon the husbandmen, which drive them to rebellion.
[Footnote 206: Hawkins calls rebels, as the Moguls did, all those that
refused subjection; though some of them were perhaps originally
independent kings, as this Ragane or Ranna, supposed to have been the
true successor of Porus, who was conquered by Alexander. He is now
reduced, or rather, as they say, peaceably induced to acknowledge the
Mogul, and to pay tribute.--_Purch_.]
[Footnote 207: Probably meaning the Ballogees, a people on the
south-side of the Wulli mountains, bordering to the southward on
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