Biographical Memorials of James Oglethorpe
by
Thaddeus Mason Harris
Part 3 out of 6
speech. After this, an alliance was concluded, and presents exchanged;
which consisted, on the part of the Indians, of dressed skins; and,
on that of Oglethorpe, of guns, red and blue cloth, powder, bullets,
knives, and small whetstones; and, among the women he distributed
linen and woolen garments, ear-rings, chains, beads, &c.
This business being despatched, the General called the freemen
together, and communicated to them the contents of the letters which
he had received from the Governor of St. Augustine; and this he did
to prevent the ill impression that vague conjecture and idle reports
might occasion, and then, in compliance with the requisition of the
Governor of St. Augustine that hostile intrusion on the Spanish
settlements might be prevented, he immediately fitted out a periagua
and the marine boat, with men and provisions for three months;
together with arms, ammunition, and tools, to sail to the southward,
and cruise along the English side of the St. John's, in order to
detect and prevent any lawless persons from sheltering themselves
there, and thence molesting his Catholic Majesty's subjects, and to
restrain the Indians.
This expedition was conducted by Captain Hermsdorff, who was to leave
Major Richard and Mr. Horton his attendant, at some place on the
Florida shore, whence they could proceed to St. Augustine to wait on
the Governor with the despatches. The purport of these was to acquaint
him, that, "being greatly desirous to remove all occasions of
uneasiness upon the frequent complaints by his Excellency of hostile
incursions upon the Spanish dominions, armed boats had been sent to
patrol the opposite borders of the river, and prevent all passing over
by Indians or marauders. The gentlemen were also directed to render
him the thanks of General Oglethorpe for his civilities, and to
express his inclination for maintaining a good harmony between the
subjects of both crowns."[1]
[Footnote 1: MOORE'S _Voyage_, p. 79.]
On the 22d of May, 1736, a respectable deputation of the Uchee
Indians, from the neighborhood of Ebenezer, waited upon the General at
St. Simons. They had painted themselves with various colors, and were
dressed in their richest costume. Being introduced to him in the large
apartment of the magazine store, the Indian King made a long speech;
after which an alliance was entered into, and pledge presents
interchanged.[1] This treaty was a very important one, because the
Uchees claimed the country above Augusta to the border of the Creeks,
and a portion below adjoining the Yamacraws; because they were an
independent tribe, having no alliance with the others; and because
they had been a little dissatisfied with the Saltzburgers at Ebenezer.
[Footnote 1: URLSPURGER, I. 844, and Appendix No. XIX.]
On the first of June intelligence was received that Major Richard and
Mr. Horton, instead of being received as commissioned delegates, had
been arrested and made prisoners at St. Augustine. Not explaining to
the satisfaction of the Governor and his Council the situation of the
forts and the design of the military force that was stationed in them,
they were detained in custody, till Don Ignatio Rosso, Lieutenant
Colonel of the garrison, with a detachment of men had made personal
investigations; who, after an absence of five days, returned and
reported that the islands were all fortified, and appeared to be
filled with men; and that the shores were protected by armed boats. A
council of war was then held, and it was resolved to send back Major
Richard and Mr. Horton, and their suit, and with them an embassy,
consisting of Charles Dempsey, Esq., Don Pedro Lamberto, Captain of
the Horse, and Don Manuel D'Arcy, Adjutant of the garrison, with
intimations that this formidable array was unnecessary. By
private information, however, Oglethorpe was led to infer that,
notwithstanding the fair professions that had been made by the
Spaniards, there were evidently measures concerted to increase their
forces, to procure guns and ammunition, and to arm the Florida
Indians.[1]
[Footnote 1: MOORE'S _Voyage_, p. 79.]
In consequence of these and other indications that the Spaniards were
commencing preparations for dislodging the English settlers, the
General took all possible precautionary measures for repelling them.
The fort and works on St. Simons were completed in the best manner,
and a battery was erected on the east point of the island, which
projects into the ocean. This commanded the entrance of Jekyl sound in
such manner that all ships that come in at this north entry must pass
within shot of the point, the channel lying directly under it.
St. Andrew's fort, on Cumberland Island, with its munition of ordnance
and garrison of well-disciplined soldiers, was much relied upon as a
mean of defence; and even the outpost at St. George's, on the north
side and near the mouth of St. John's river, was deemed of no
inconsiderable importance as a check, at least, upon any attempted
invasion by the Spaniards, and as serving to prevent their going
through the inner passages.
In the month of July the General visited Savannah, to attend to
affairs there, and to hold a conference with a Committee of the
General Assembly of South Carolina respecting the Indian trade, which
they charged him with aiming to monopolize, to the disallowance of
their traders.
It may be necessary here to state, that, as the boundaries of Georgia
separated the Indians on the west side of the Savannah river from the
confines of South Carolina, they must be admitted as in affinity with
the new Colony. At any rate, Oglethorpe deemed it so expedient to
obtain their consent to the settlement of his people, and their good
will was so essential to a secure and peaceful residence, that his
earliest care had been to make treaties of alliance with them. That
these treaties should include agreements for mutual intercourse and
trade, seemed to be, not only a prudential, but an indispensable
provision; particularly as Tomo Chichi and the Micos of the Creeks,
who went with him to England, had requested that some stipulations
might be made relative to the quantity, quality, and prices of goods,
and to the accuracy of weights and measures, in what was offered for
the purchase of their buffalo hides, and deer-skins and peltry.[1]
Whereupon the Trustees proposed certain regulations of trade,
designed to prevent in future those impositions of which the Indians
complained. To carry these into effect, it was thought right that
none should be permitted to trade with the Indians but such as had
a license, and would agree to conduct the traffic upon fair and
equitable principles. The Carolina traders, not being disposed to
apply for a permit, nor to subject themselves to such stipulations and
restrictions, were disallowed by the Georgia Commissary, who held a
trading house among the Creeks.[2] This was resented by them, and
their complaints to the Provincial Assembly led to the appointment of
the Committee just referred to, and whose conference with Oglethorpe
was held at Savannah on the 2d of August, 1736.[3] In their printed
report they lay down these fundamental principles. "The Cherokee,
Creek, Chickasaw, and Catawba Indians, at the time of the discovery of
this part of America, were the inhabitants of the lands which they now
possess, and have ever since been deemed and esteemed the friends
and allies of his Majesty's English subjects in this part of the
Continent. They have been treated with as allies, but not as subjects
of the crown of Great Britain; they have maintained their own
possessions, and preserved their independency; nor does it appear that
they have by conquest lost, nor by cession, compact, or otherwise,
yielded up or parted with, those rights to which, by the laws of
nature and nations, they were and are entitled."
[Footnote 1: McCALL, Vol. I. p. 46.]
[Footnote 2: Capt. FREDERICK McKAY, in a letter to THOMAS BROUGHTON,
Esq., Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina, dated July 12,1735,
written to justify his conduct as Indian Commissary, in turning out
four traders who would not conform to the rules stipulated in the
licenses, has the following remarks on the difficulties which he had
to encounter: "It was impracticable to get the traders to observe
their instructions, while some did undersell the others; some used
light, others heavy weights; some bribed the Indians to lay out their
skins with them, others told the Indians that their neighboring
traders had heavy weights, and stole their skins from them, but that
they themselves had light weights, and that their goods were better."]
[Footnote 3: "_Report of the Committee appointed to examine into the
proceedings of the people of Georgia, with respect to the Province of
South Carolina, and the disputes subsisting between the two Colonies_."
4to. Charlestown, 1736, p. 121.
This tract was printed by Lewis Timothy. There was no printer in
Carolina before 1730, and this appears to have been one of the
earliest productions of the Charlestown press, in the form of a book.
RICH's _Bibliotheca Americana Nova_, p. 53.]
"The Committee cannot conceive that a charter from the crown of Great
Britain can give the grantees a right or power over a people, who, to
our knowledge, have never owned any allegiance, or acknowledged the
sovereignty of the crown of Great Britain, or any Prince in Europe;
but have indiscriminately visited and traded with the French,
Spaniards, and English, as they judged it most for their advantage;
and it is as difficult to understand how the laws of Great Britain, or
of any Colony in America, can take place, or be put in execution in
a country where the people never accepted of, nor submitted to, such
laws; but have always maintained their freedom, and have adhered to
their own customs and manners without variation or change."
Hence the Committee inferred that the Regulations which were passed
by the Trustees, could not be binding upon the Indians, nor serve to
effect any exclusive trade with them. Oglethorpe acknowledged this
independency of the Indians; and asserted that, in perfect consistency
with it, they had entered into a treaty of alliance with the Colony of
Georgia; and, having themselves indicated certain terms and principles
of traffic, these were adopted and enjoined by the Trustees; and this
was done, not to claim authority over the Indians, nor to control
their conduct, but to indicate what was required of those who should
go among them as traders.
In answer to the allegations that the Carolina traders had been
excluded, he declared that, in granting licenses to trade with the
Indians, he refused none of the Carolina traders who conformed to the
Act, and gave them the same instructions as had been given by the
Province of Carolina.[1] He also declared that he had given, and
should always continue to give, such instructions to the Georgia
traders, as had formerly been given by the Province of South Carolina
to theirs; and in case any new instructions given by the Province of
South Carolina to their traders shall be imparted, and appear to
him for the benefit of the two Provinces, he would add them to the
instructions of the Georgia traders; and, finally, that, pursuant
to the desire of the Committee, he would give directions to all his
officers and traders among the Indians, in their talk and discourses
to make no distinction between the two Provinces, but to speak in the
name and behalf of his Majesty's subjects[2].
[Footnote 1: "To protect the natives against insults, and establish a
fair trade and friendly intercourse with them, were regulations which
humanity required, and sound policy dictated. But the rapacious spirit
of individuals could be curbed by no authority. Many advantages were
taken of the ignorance of Indians in the way of traffic." RAMSAY's
_History of South Carolina_, Vol. I. p. 48. For other particulars
stated by him, respecting the trade with the Indians, see p. 89,104.]
[Footnote 2: _Report of the Committee_, &c., p. 106, 107.]
It seems, however, that the Committee were not satisfied; primarily
because licenses were required, and especially that they must come
through the hands of the Governor of Georgia.
In a few days after this conference Oglethorpe returned to Frederica.
On the latter part of September he renewed the commission of the
Honorable Charles Dempsey, impowering him to state to the Governor
of St. Augustine terms for a conventional adjustment of the
misunderstanding between the two Provinces. This he eventually
effected, and a treaty was concluded on the 27th of October following,
much more conciliatory, on the part of the Spaniards, than he had
expected. This, however, proved ineffectual, and the pleasing
anticipations of restored harmony which it seemed to authorize, were
shortly frustrated by a message from the Governor of St. Augustine to
acquaint him that a Spanish Minister had arrived from Cuba, charged
with a communication which he desired an opportunity of delivering in
person. At a conference which ensued, the Commissioner peremptorily
required that Oglethorpe and his people should immediately evacuate
all the territory to the southward of St. Helena's Sound, as that
belonged to the King of Spain, who was determined to vindicate his
right to it. He refused to listen to any argument in support of the
English claim, or to admit the validity of the treaty which had lately
been signed, declaring that it had erred in the concessions which had
been made. He then unceremoniously departed, with a repetition of his
demand, accompanied with menaces.
Perceiving that the most vigorous measures, and a stronger defensive
force than the Province could supply, would be necessary to overawe
the hostile purposes displayed by Spain, or repel them if put in
execution, Oglethorpe resolved to represent the state of affairs
to the British Ministers, and straightway embarking, set sail for
England.[1] He arrived at the close of the year; and, presenting
himself before the Board of Trustees, "received an unanimous vote of
thanks, as he had made this second, as well as his first expedition to
Georgia, entirely at his own expense."[2]
[Footnote 1: HEWATT, II. 47, and GRAHAM, III. 200, _totidem verbis_.]
[Footnote 2: _London Magazine_, October, 1757, p. 545.]
CHAPTER X.
Delegation of the Missionaries--JOHN WESLEY stationed at Savannah--Has
a conference with Tomo Chichi--His Preaching deemed personal in its
applications--He becomes unpopular--Meets with persecution--Leaves the
Province and returns to England--CHARLES WESLEY attends Oglethorpe
to Frederica--Finds himself unpleasantly situated--Furnished with
despatches for the Trustees, he sets out for Charlestown, and thence
takes passage for England--By stress of weather the Vessel driven off
its course--Puts in at Boston, New England--His reception there--Sails
thence for England--After a perilous voyage arrives--BENJAMIN INGHAM
also at Frederica--Goes to Savannah to apprize John Wesley of the
sickness of his brother--Resides among the Creeks in order to
learn their language--Returns to England--CHARLES DELAMOTTE at
Savannah--Keeps a School--Is much respected--GEORGE WHITEFIELD
comes to Savannah--His reception--Visits Tomo Chichi, who was
sick--Ministerial labors--Visits the Saltzburgers--Pleased with their
provision for Orphan Children--Visits Frederica and the adjacent
Settlements--Returns to England--Makes a second voyage to Georgia, and
takes efficient measures for the erection of an Orphan House.
In order to show circumstantially the progress of colonization, by
following Oglethorpe with his new and large accession of emigrants and
military forces to their destined places of settlement on the borders
of the Alatamaha and the southern islands, all mention of the
reception and treatment of the Wesleys, whom he had brought over as
religious missionaries, has been deferred. The relation is introduced
now, as a kind of episode.
The delegation of these pious evangelists was encouraged by flattering
suggestions, and acceded to with the most raised expectations; and
its objects were pursued by them with untiring zeal and unsparing
self-devotedness, through continual hindrances. The opposition which
they met was encountered with "all long-suffering and patience;" but
their best efforts were unavailing; "and their mission closed, too
speedily, in saddened disappointment."
I. JOHN WESLEY, though stationed at Savannah, did not consider himself
so much a Minister to the inhabitants as a missionary to the Indians.
Whenever he mentioned his uneasiness at being obstructed in his
main design, he was answered "You cannot leave Savannah without a
Minister." To this he rejoined, "My plain answer is, I know not that
I am under any obligations to the contrary. I never promised to stay
here one month. I openly declared, both before, and ever since my
coming hither, that I neither would nor could take charge of the
English any longer than till I could go among the Indians." It was
rejoined, "But did not the Trustees of Georgia appoint you to be
Minister at Savannah?" He replied, "They did; but it was done without
either my desire or knowledge. Therefore I cannot conceive that that
appointment could lay me under any obligation of continuing here
longer than till a door is opened to the Heathen; and this I expressly
declared at the time I consented to accept that appointment[1]."
[Footnote 1: _Life of Rev_. JOHN WESLEY, A.M., _in which is included
the Life of his Brother_ CHARLES WESLEY, A.M. _By Rev_. HENRY MOORE.
_Lond_. 1824, 2 vols. 8vo. Vol. I. p. 310.]
Oglethorpe had been so impressed with what he had seen of the natives,
that he had written home that "a door seemed opened for the conversion
of the Indians." These favorable expectations were greatly increased
by the visit to England of Tomo Chichi and his train. They seemed to
be fully authorized by the declarations which were made by them to the
Archbishop of Canterbury, and other clergy; and they appeared to
be put in a train of accomplishment by the interest taken for
facilitating that purpose by the manual of instruction for the Indians
which was preparing by Bishop Wilson. But when Tomo Chichi came
to welcome the Governor on his arrival, and was introduced to the
intended teacher, it appeared that unforeseen obstacles had arisen.
"I am glad you are come," said the Mico, addressing him through the
female interpreter. "When I was in England I desired that some would
speak the great word to me; and our people then desired to hear it;
but now we are all in confusion. The French on one side, and the
Spanish on the other, and the Traders in the midst, have caused us
much perplexity; and made our people unwilling. Their ears are shut.
Their tongues are divided, and some say one thing, and some another.
But I will call together our chiefs, and speak to the wise men of
our nation, and I hope they will hear. But we would not be, made
Christians as the Spaniards make Christians. We would be taught; and
then, when we understand all clearly, be baptized."[1] There was good
sense in this remark. They would be informed of the evidences of the
truth of Christianity, and have its principles and doctrines explained
to them, and its precepts, tendency, and design illustrated; and hence
be enabled to adopt it from conviction. This they would do, when they
were made to understand how it was a divine revelation, and saw its
effects in the life of its professors. But the reply of Wesley was not
simple enough to be comprehended by him. It was this; "There is but
one,--He that sitteth in the heaven,--who is able to teach man wisdom.
Though we are come so far, we know not whether He will please to teach
you by us, or no. If He teaches you, you will learn wisdom; but we can
do nothing." All the inference which the poor Indian could draw from
this was, that he who had come as a religious teacher disclaimed his
own abilities, and referred to a divine Instructer, of whom the Mico
could know nothing as yet, by whom alone the converting knowledge was
to be communicated.
[Footnote 1: Account of the Settlement of the Saltzburg Emigrants at
Ebenezer, in Georgia. By Philip George Frederic von Reck. Hamburgh,
1777. 12mo, p. 7.]
Moreover, he had been an observer of the disposition and conduct of
those who called themselves Christians; and, at another interview with
Wesley, when urged to listen to the doctrines of Christianity, and
become a convert, he keenly replied, "Why these are Christians at
Savannah! Those are Christians at Frederica!" Nor was it without good
reason that he exclaimed, "Christians drunk! Christians beat men!
Christians tell lies! Me no Christian."
Scenawki, however, had more courtesy. She presented the Missionaries
with two large jars of honey, and one of milk; and invited them
to come up to Yamacraw, and teach the children, saying, the honey
represented the inclination of the people there, and the milk the
need of their children. What a beautiful illustration of the mode of
teaching practised by the Apostle! "I have fed you with milk, and not
with meat;" adapting the instruction to the capacity of those to whom
it was imparted, and "as they were able to receive it," could properly
digest it, "and be nourished thereby."
Other conferences effected little; and as Mrs. Musgrove did not reside
at Yamacraw, and could not often assist him as an interpreter; and,
perhaps, could not readily make perspicuous in the Indian dialect
what was somewhat more mystical than even his English hearers could
comprehend, his cherished purposes for the conversion of the Indians
seemed to be thwarted. Besides, the condition of the people at
Savannah was such as to require clerical services, and he gave himself
wholly to them.
For some time his labors as a preacher promised to be successful; "and
all would have been well," says Southey, "could he but have remembered
the advice of Dr. Burton." This was contained in a letter addressed to
him a few days before embarking for Georgia. Among other things, this
excellent friend suggested to him that, under the influence of Mr.
Oglethorpe, giving weight to his endeavors, much may be effected in
the present undertaking; and goes on to remark; "With regard to your
behavior and manner of address, these must be determined according to
the different circumstances of persons, &c.; but you will always,
in the use of means, consider the great end; and, therefore, your
applications will of course vary. You will keep in view the pattern of
the Gospel preacher, St. Paul, who 'became all things to all men,
that he might save some.' Here is a nice trial of christian prudence.
Accordingly, in every case you will distinguish between what is
indispensable, and what is variable; between what is divine, and what
is of human authority. I mention this, because men are apt to deceive
themselves in such cases; and we see the traditions and ordinances of
men frequently insisted on with more rigor than the commandments of
God, to which they are subordinate. Singularities of less importance,
are often espoused with more zeal than the weighty matters of God's
law. As in all points we love ourselves, so, especially, in our
hypotheses. Where a man has, as it were, a property in a notion, he is
most industrious to improve it, and that in proportion to the labor
of thought he has bestowed upon it; and, as its value rises in
imagination, he is, in proportion, unwilling to give it up, and dwells
upon it more pertinaciously than upon considerations of general
necessity and use. This is a flattering mistake, against which we
should guard ourselves."
Unmindful of such counsel, the eagerness of Wesley to effect
reformation was pressed too precipitately and carried too far. His
sermons had such direct reference, not only to the state of affairs,
but the conduct of individuals, that they were shrunk from as personal
allusions. His zeal was excessive, and his practice exclusive.[1]
[Footnote 1: Mr. SOUTHEY has this remark--"He was accused of making
his sermons so many satires upon particular persons; and for this
cause his auditors fell off; for though one might have been very well
pleased to hear others preached at, no person liked the chance of
being made the mark himself."--Moreover, "following the rubric, in
opposition to the practice of the English church, he insisted upon
baptizing children by immersion, and refused to baptize them if the
parents did not consent to this rude and perilous method. Some persons
he would not receive as sponsors, because they were not communicants;
and when one of the most pious men in the Colony earnestly desired to
be admitted to the communion, he refused to admit him because he was
a Dissenter, unless he would be rebaptized. And he would not read the
burial service over another for the same reason, or one founded on
the same principle." _Life of_ WESLEY, _by_ ROBERT SOUTHEY, _New York
edition_, 1820. Vol. I. p. 108.--Instances of personal reference
in preaching, and of its alienating effects, are mentioned by Mr.
Stevens, in his Journal, Vol. I. pp. 15, 19, and elsewhere.]
For these and other reasons, and in some respects most unreasonably,
the people at Savannah became prejudiced against him, and so
disaffected that "he perceived that his preaching was not likely to be
attended with beneficial influence. Hence, having in vain sought an
accommodation with his opponents, without in the least relaxing from
the enforcement of his principles, and disappointed in the prime
object of his mission, that of preaching to the Indians, he resolved
to quit the Colony, and return to his native land[1]."
[Footnote 1: _Memoir of the Rev_. John Wesley, prefixed to a volume of
his Sermons, by Samuel Drew, page xvi.]
Another circumstance brought the whole scene of his trials to a
catastrophe. Sophia Hopkins, the niece of Mrs. Causton, wife of Thomas
Causton, Esq., chief magistrate of the place, had been a pupil to him
to learn French, was a professed convert to his ministry, and become a
member of the Church. Her beauty, accomplishments, and manners, were
fascinating; and she appears, by some coquettish advances, to have
won his affections. Delamotte, however, doubting the sincerity of her
pretensions to piety, cautioned his friend Wesley against cherishing a
fond attachment. The Moravian Elders, also, advised him not to think
of a matrimonial connection. In consequence of this, his conduct
towards her became reserved and distant; very naturally, to her
mortification; though her own affections had been preengaged, for she
soon after married a Mr. Williamson. But a hostile feeling had been
excited against him by her friends, for the manifestation of which an
opportunity was afforded about five months after her marriage. Wesley
having discovered in her conduct several things which he thought
blameworthy, with his wonted ingenuousness, frankly mentioned them
to her; intimating that they were not becoming a participant of the
Lord's Supper. She, in return, became angry. For reasons, therefore,
which he stated to her in a letter, he cautioned her not to come to
the ordinance till she could do it in a reconciled temper.
The storm now broke forth upon him. A complaint was entered to the
magistrates; an indictment filed, and a warrant issued, by which
he was brought before the Recorder, on the charges of Mr.
Williamson,--1st, That he had defamed his wife; and, 2dly, That he had
causelessly repelled her from the Holy Communion. Wesley denied the
first charge; and the second, being wholly ecclesiastical, he would
not acknowledge the authority of the magistrate to decide upon it. He
was, however, told that he must appear before the next court, to be
holden at Savannah, August term, 1737. In the mean time pains were
taken by Mr. Causton to pack and influence the jury. There were
debates and rude management in the court. No pleas of defence were
admitted. The evidence was discordant. Twelve of the grand jurors drew
up a protest against the proceedings. The magistrates, themselves,
after repeated adjournments, could come to no decision; and justice
was not likely to be awarded. Wearied with this litigious prosecution,
Wesley applied to his own case the direction given by our Lord to his
Apostles, "If they persecute thee in one place, flee unto another;"
and, shaking off the dust of his feet as a witness against them, he
fled to Charlestown, South Carolina; whence, on Thursday, the 22d of
December, 1737, he embarked for England. After a pleasant passage, he
landed at Deal, February, 1738, as he remarks, "on the anniversary
festival in Georgia, for Mr. Oglethorpe's landing there." As he
entered the channel, on his return, Mr. Whitefield sailed through it,
on a mission; not to be his coadjutor, as he expected, but, as it
proved, his successor.
II. The situation of CHARLES WESLEY was annoyed by like discomfitures,
and followed by still greater disappointment. He had received the most
flattering accounts of Georgia from the conversation of Oglethorpe,
with whom he had been for some time acquainted; and from the little
book which this gentleman had published. Implicitly confiding in the
high wrought descriptions which had been given him, and indulging
anticipations of a colonization of more than Utopian excellence, he
attended his brother to Georgia, and attached himself to Oglethorpe,
whose warm professions had won him to his service both as Secretary
and Chaplain.
His destination was to the new settlement at Frederica; and there he
arrived, with his patron, on the 9th of March, 1736. The first person
who saluted him, as he stept on shore, was Ingham, his intimate,
confidential, and highly valued friend; who had preceded him thither.
The meeting was truly pleasant; but what he learned from him of the
state of affairs there, and of "the treatment which he had met
for vindicating the sanctity of the Lord's day," was a saddening
indication of the reverse which his cherished anticipations were soon
to meet. He was apprised by it, however, of the necessity of taking
measures for procuring a more sober observance of the Sabbath in
future. Accordingly, as he had been announced to the settlers as their
religious instructer and guide, he spent the remainder of the week in
visits to their families, and in seeking that personal acquaintance
with them, without which, he well knew that general instruction would
be of little use; but, he observes, "with what trembling should I call
this flock mine!" In the evening he read prayers, in the open air;
at which Oglethorpe was present. He observed that the lesson seemed
remarkably adapted to his situation, and that he felt the power of it;
particularly of the passage, "continue instant in prayer, and watch in
the same with thanksgiving; withal praying also for us, that God would
open a door of utterance, to speak the mystery of Christ, that I may
make it manifest as I ought to speak."[1]
[Footnote 1: Colossians, IV. 3]
In the public discharge of his duties as a clergyman, he was solemn
and fervent; and his preaching evinced "how forcible are right words."
But in his daily intercourse with this heterogeneous population, he
was not always aware that clerical intimacy should never descend to
familiarity. He overheard rude speeches and gossipping tattle; and was
made acquainted with some domestic bickerings and feuds; and kindly,
though not always discretely, endeavored to check them; but his
mediation was repelled as uncalled-for interference.[1] To use the
words of his biographer, "he attempted the doubly difficult task of
reforming the gross improprieties, and reconciling some of the petty
jealousies and quarrels with each other; in which he effected little
else than making them unite in opposing him, and caballing to get rid
of him in any way."[2] Hence complaints were made to Oglethorpe, who,
instead of discountenancing them decidedly, and vindicating, or at
least upholding him whom he had brought over, and placed in an office
where he ought to have demanded for him a treatment of deference and
respect, himself listened too readily to complaints and invectives,
and suffered them to prejudice him against the truly amiable,
ingenuous, and kind-hearted minister. Instead of putting candid
constructions on well-meant purposes, of cautioning his inexperience,
or giving friendly advice, he treated him with coldness and
neglect.[3] The only apology for this is that suggested by Southey.[4]
"The Governor, who had causes enough to disquiet him, arising from
the precarious state of the Colony, was teased and soured by the
complaints which were perpetually brought against the two brothers,
and soon began to wish that he had brought with him men of more
practicable tempers." In some hours of calmer reflection, however, he
felt the compunctious visitings of conscience, and convinced of the
injustice which he had done to Mr. Wesley, "in the most solemn manner
he professed to him his regret for his unkind usage; and, to express
his sincerity, embraced and kissed him with the most cordial
affection." Realizing, however, that the situation of this aggrieved
and disheartened man was such that his usefulness here was at an
end, and finding it necessary to make a special communication to
the Trustees, relative to the internal distractions among the first
settlers; to the Board of Trade on the subject of exports and
commercial relations; and to the Government, respecting the exposed
situation of the Colony, he commissioned him to carry the despatches.
[Footnote 1: "He that passeth by and meddleth with strife belonging
not to him, is like one that taketh a dog by the ears." _Proverbs_,
XXVI. 17. He who inconsiderately engages in other men's quarrels,
whom he lights upon by chance, and in which he is not concerned, will
assuredly suffer by his interference.]
[Footnote 2: SOUTHEY's _Life of the Wesleys_, Vol. I. p. 107.]
[Footnote 3: In the life of Wesley by MOORE, is an affecting detail
of particulars, taken from the unpublished Journal of Charles Wesley,
Vol. I. p. 265-285.]
[Footnote 4: _Life of Wesley_, Vol. I. p. 107.]
On the 26th of July, 1736, he set out for Charlestown, to take passage
to England; and, on the 16th of August, went on board the London
Galley. But the passengers and sailors soon found that the Captain,
while on shore, had neglected every thing to which he ought to have
attended. The vessel was too leaky to bear the voyage; and the Captain
drinking nothing scarcely but gin, had never troubled his head about
taking in water; so that they were soon reduced to short allowance,
which, in that sultry clime and season of the year, was a distressing
predicament. Meeting, too, with violent squalls of wind, they were
driven off their course. The leak became alarming, and their troubles
increased so fast upon them, that they were obliged to steer for
Boston in New England; where they arrived, with much difficulty and
danger, on the 2d of September.
Wesley was soon known at Boston; and met a hospitable reception among
the Ministers, both of the town and neighborhood. In a letter to his
brother, he thus describes the attentions that were paid to him. "I
am wearied with this hospitable people; they so teaze me with their
civilities. They do not suffer me to be alone. The clergy, who come
from the country on a visit, drag me with them when they return[1]. I
am constrained to take a view of this New England, more pleasant even
than the Old. And, compared with the region in which I last resided, I
cannot help exclaiming, O happy country that breeds neither flies, nor
crocodiles, nor prevaricators!"[2]
[Footnote 1: Referring to the weekly assembling of the Clergy from the
neighboring towns to attend the Thursday Lecture.]
[Footnote 2: Having found that letters to his brother were intercepted
and read, before they were delivered, he wrote sometimes in Latin, and
even passages in Greek. This, dated Boston, October 5th, 1736, was
in Latin, and I give the extract here, of which the text is a
translation. "Tsedet me populi hujuser, ita me urbanitate sua divexant
et persequuntur. Non patientur me esse solum. E rure veninnt Clerici;
me revertentes in rare trahant. Cogor henc Anglicum contemplari, etiam
antiqua amoeniorem; et nequeo non exclamare, O fortinata regio, nec
muscas aleus, nec crocodilos, nec delatores!" [When Mr. C. Wesley
was at Frederica, the _sand-flies_ were one night so exceedingly
troublesome, that he was obliged to rise at one o'clock, and smoke
them out of his hut. He tells us that the whole town was employed in
the same way. By _crocodile_ he means the species called _alligator_.
When at Savannah, he and Mr. Delamotte used to bathe in the river
between four and five o'clock in the morning, before the alligators
were stirring, but they heard them snoring all round them. One morning
Mr. Delamotte was in great danger; an alligator rose just behind him,
and pursued him to the land, whither he escaped with difficulty.]]
The repairs of the vessel detained him here till the 15th of October,
when they sailed. They had a most perilous passage, and encountered
violent storms; but on the third of December arrived opposite Deal;
and the passengers went safe on shore.
III. INGHAM had his station assigned him at Frederica; and there his
prudence preserved him from the vexations with which his cherished
companion was annoyed. In behalf of that persecuted and dispirited
friend, he went to Savannah, to inform John Wesley of the opposition
of the people to his brother. He tarried there to supply John's place
during his absence on the visit of sympathy and counsel, of mediation
or rescue. Returning to Frederica, he remained there till the 13th
of May, when he accompanied Charles to Savannah, whither he went to
receive the Indian traders on their coming down to take out their
licenses. He accompanied them to the upper Creeks; among whom he
resided several months, and employed himself in making a vocabulary of
their language, and composing a grammar.[1]
[Footnote 1: SOUTHEY, I. 122, note; mention is also made of him in
CRANZ'S _History of the United Brethren_, p. 228.]
On the 24th of February, 1737, it was agreed that he should go to
England, and "endeavor to bring over, if it should please God, some of
their friends to strengthen their hands in his work."[1] By him John
Wesley wrote to Oglethorpe, who had sailed for England, and to Dr.
Brady's associates, who had sent a library to Savannah.
[Footnote 1: MOORE'S _Lives of the Wesleys_, I. 315.]
Ingham is mentioned by Whitefield, in terms of high regard, as
fellow-laborer with the Wesleys, and "an Israelite indeed."
IV. DELAMOTTE remained, from the first, with John Wesley at Savannah.
He kept a school, in which he taught between thirty and forty children
to read, write, and cast accounts. "Before public worship on the
afternoon of the Lord's day, he catechized the lower class, and
endeavored to fix some things of what was said by the Minister in
their understandings as well as their memories. In the morning he
instructed the larger children."[1]
[Footnote 1: Here is a prototype of the modern Sunday-schools.]
He returned to England in the Whitaker, Captain Whiting; the ship that
brought out Mr. Whitefield, June 2d, 1738. "The good people lamented
the loss of him, and great reason had they to do so; and went to the
waterside to take a last farewell."
V. GEORGE WHITEFIELD was the intimate friend of the Wesleys and of
Ingham; and he states, in his Journal, that when they were in Georgia
he received letters from them; and that their description of the moral
condition of the Colony affected his heart powerfully, and excited a
strong desire to join them, to assist them in the work in which they
were occupied, and become "a partaker with them in the afflictions
of the gospel." Such an undertaking was suited to his energetic and
enterprizing character; and therefore engaged much of his attention.
On the return of Charles Wesley to England, he learned more of the
situation of the Colonists, and of their great need of religious
instruction; and when Ingham came with special reference to procuring
assistance, he expressed his readiness to go on the mission. In the
letter which he received by him from John Wesley was this direct
reference, "Only Delamotte is with me, till God shall stir up the
heart of some of his servants, who, putting their lives in his hands,
shall come over and help us, where the harvest is so great and the
laborers are so few. What if thou art the man, Mr. Whitefield? Do you
ask me what you shall have? Food to eat and raiment to put on; a house
to lay your head in, such as your Lord had not; and a crown of glory
that fadeth not away!" This, and another letter, strengthened the
desire, which soon ripened into a purpose, for which all circumstances
seemed favorable. Charles, too, became more explicit, and rather urged
his going[1].
[Footnote 1: He addressed a poem to him in which are these verses:
"Servant of God! the summons hear.
Thy Master calls! arise! obey!
The tokens of his will appear,
His providence points out the way.
"Champion of God! thy Lord proclaim,
Jesus alone resolve to know.
Tread down thy foes in Jesus' name,
And conquering and to conquer go!"]
He accordingly went up to London to tender his services to Oglethorpe
and the Trustees; by whom he was accepted; and he left London on the
latter part of December, 1737, in the 23d year of his age, to take
passage in the Whitaker, Captain Whiting, master, on a voyage to
Georgia. It was, however, the end of January before the vessel was
fairly on its way, in consequence of contrary winds. They sailed from
the Downs a few hours only before the vessel, which brought Wesley
back, cast anchor there. He was attended on his passage by the
Honorable James Habersham and his brother. They landed, after rather a
circuitous and long passage, on the 7th of May, 1738. Delamotte,
whom Wesley had left schoolmaster at Savannah, received him at the
Parsonage house, which he found much better than he expected. Having
met with some of his predecessor's converts there, he read prayers
on the morrow, and expounded, in the Court-house, and waited on the
magistrates; but, being taken ill of a fever and ague, he was confined
to the house for a week.
Being informed that Tomo Chichi was sick, nigh unto death, as soon
as he could venture abroad he made him a visit. The Mico lay on a
blanket, thin and meagre. Scenawki, his wife, sat by, fanning him
with feathers. There was none who could speak English, so that Mr.
Whitefield could only shake hands with him and leave him. A few days
after he went again, and finding Toonahowi there, who could speak
English, "I desired him," says Whitefield, "to ask his uncle whether
he thought he should die;" who answered, "I cannot tell." I then
asked, where he thought he should go, after death? He replied "To
heaven." But alas! a further questioning led the solemn visiter to an
unfavorable opinion of his preparedness for such a state of purity.
When Whitefield had recovered so as to commence his labors, he
remarked that every part bore the aspect of an infant colony; that,
besides preaching twice a day, and four times on the Lord's day, he
visited from house to house, and was in general cordially received,
and always respectfully; "but from time to time found that _caelum non
animum mutant, qui trans mare currunt_. 'Those who cross the seas,
change their climate, but not their disposition.'" Though lowered
in their circumstances, a sense of what they formerly were in their
native country remained. It was plainly to be seen that coming over
was not so much a matter of choice as of restraint; choosing rather
to be poor in an unknown country abroad, than to live among those who
knew them in more affluent circumstances at home.[1]
[Footnote 1: Gillies' _Memoirs of Whitefield_, p. 27.]
The state of the children affected him deeply. The idea of an
Orphan-House in Georgia had been suggested to him by Charles Wesley,
before he himself had any thought of going abroad; and now that he saw
the condition of the Colonists, he said, "nothing but an orphan-house
can effect the education of the children." From this moment he set
his heart upon founding one, as soon as he could raise funds. In the
meantime, he did what he could. He opened a school at Highgate
and Hampstead, and one for girls at Savannah. He then visited the
Saltzburgers' orphan-house at Ebenezer; and, if any thing was wanting
to perfect his own design, or to inflame his zeal, he found it there.
The Saltzburgers themselves were exiles for conscience' sake, and
eminent for piety and industry. Their ministers, Gronau and Bolzius,
were truly evangelical. Their asylum, which they had been enabled to
found by English benevolence for widows and orphans, was flourishing.
Whitefield was so delighted with the order and harmony of Ebenezer
that he gave a share of his own "Poor's store" to Bolzius for his
orphans. Then came the scene which completed his purpose. Bolzius
called all the children before him, and catechized them, and exhorted
them to give God thanks for his good providence towards them. Then
prayed with them, and made them pray after him. Then sung a psalm.
Afterwards, says Whitefield "the little lambs came and shook me by the
hand, one by one, and so we parted." From this moment Whitefield made
his purpose his fate.[1]
[Footnote 1: PHILLIPS' _Life and Times of Whitefield_, p. 73.]
As opportunity offered he visited Frederica, and the adjacent
settlements; and says that he often admired that, considering the
circumstances and disposition of the first settlers, so much was
really done. He remarks that "the first settlers were chiefly broken
and decayed tradesmen from London and other parts of England; and
several Scotch adventurers, (Highlanders) who had a worthy minister
named Macleod; a few Moravians, and the Saltzburgers, who were by
far the most industrious of the whole;" and he adds, that he would
cheerfully have remained with them, had he not felt obliged to return
to England to receive priest's orders, and make a beginning towards
laying a foundation of the orphan-house, which he saw was much wanted.
In August he settled a schoolmaster, leaving Mr. Habersham at
Savannah; and, parting affectionately with his flock, he went to
Charlestown, South Carolina, and, on the 9th of September, went aboard
the Mary, Captain Coe, for England, where he arrived in the latter
part of November, 1738.
The Trustees for the Colony received him cordially; were pleased to
express their satisfaction at the accounts which had been sent them
of his conduct and services during his stay in the Colony; and having
been requested by letters sent, unknown to him, from the magistrates
and inhabitants, they most willingly presented to him the living of
Savannah, (though he insisted upon having no salary), and as
readily granted him five hundred acres of land, whereon to erect an
Orphan-House, and make a garden and plantations; to collect money for
which, together with taking priest's orders, were the chief motives of
his returning to England so soon[1].
[Footnote 1: GILLIES, p. 32.]
Without extending the account of this zealous, eloquent, and popular
preacher any further, suffice it to say that he was greatly successful
in the object of his visit, and his appeals to public charity in
behalf of the Orphan-House; that he returned to Georgia, and on March
11th, 1742, laid the foundation of that edifice; and, both in America
and in England, continued his measures for its establishment, till he
saw it completed.
CHAPTER XI
Oglethorpe arrives in England--Trustees petition the King for military
aid to the new Colony--A regiment granted--Oglethorpe appointed
Commander in Chief of South Carolina and Georgia--Part of the regiment
sent out--Oglethorpe embarks for Georgia the third time--Remainder of
the regiment arrive--And two companies from Gibraltar--Prospect of war
with Spain--Military preparations at St. Augustine--Oglethorpe makes
arrangements for defence--Treason in the Camp--Mutiny, and personal
assault on the General.
"At a meeting of the Trustees of Georgia, Wednesday, January 19th,
1737, Mr. Oglethorpe, newly returned hither, had the unanimous thanks
of the board. He informed them that Savannah had greatly increased in
building, and that three other towns had been founded within a year;
namely, Augusta, Darien, and Frederica; that a new town, called
Ebenezer, had been laid out for the Saltzburgers; and that there were
several villages settled by gentlemen at their own expense. He
gave them the pleasing intelligence that the remoter Creek nation
acknowledged his Majesty's authority, and traded with the new
settlers; and that the Spanish Governor-General and Council of War of
Florida had signed a treaty with the Colony."[1] He added, however,
that notwithstanding these seeming auspicious circumstances, the
people on the frontiers were in constant apprehensions of an invasion,
and that he had strong suspicions that the treaty would not be
regarded; that the Spanish government at Cuba was wholly opposed to
it; and that the indignant demand of the commissioner from Havana, and
the threat which followed, implied an infraction, and would lead to
consequences against which it was necessary to provide.
[Footnote 1: Extract from the Record of the Trustees, published in the
_Gentleman's Magazine_, for 1737, Vol. XII. p. 59.]
Upon this communication some able remarks were made in the London
Post. They were introduced by a statement of the benefits likely to
accrue to the English nation from settling the colony of Georgia; and
go on to mention that the colony was in the most thriving condition in
consequence of royal patronage and parliamentary aid, seconded by the
generosity of contributors, "whose laudable zeal will eternize their
names in the British annals; and, carried into effect under the
conduct of a gentleman, whose judgment, courage, and indefatigable
diligence in the service of his country, have shewn him every way
equal to so great and valuable a design. In the furtherance of this
noble enterprise, that public spirited and magnanimous man has acted
like a vigilant and faithful guardian, at the expense of his repose,
and to the utmost hazard of his life. And now, the jealousy of the
Spanish is excited, and we are told that that court has the modesty to
demand from England that he shall not he any longer employed. If this
be the fact, as there is no doubt it is, we have a most undeniable
proof that the Spaniards dread the abilities of Mr. Oglethorpe. It is,
of course, a glorious testimony to his merit, and a certificate of his
patriotism, that ought to endear him to every honest Briton."[1]
[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. VII. p. 500. See, also,
_History of the British Provinces_, 4to. p. 158.]
Reference is here made to the memorial of Don Thomas Geraldino,
the Spanish ambassador at the British Court, in which, among other
demands, he insisted that no troops should be sent over to Georgia,
and particularly remonstrated against the return of Oglethorpe.
About the same time intelligence reached England that the Spaniards at
St. Augustine had ordered the English merchants to depart, and were
setting up barracks for troops that were daily expected; that an
embarkation was preparing at Havana, in which two thousand five
hundred soldiers were to be shipped in three large men-of-war, and
eight transports; and that great quantities of provisions had been
laid in for them. Upon this, and other hostile indications, of which
the Trustees were apprised, they petitioned his Majesty that a
regiment might be raised for the defence and protection of the
Colony. This was granted. Oglethorpe was appointed General and
Commander-in-Chief of his Majesty's forces in Carolina and Georgia;
and commissioned to raise a regiment for the service and defence of
those two Colonies, to consist of six companies of one hundred men
each, exclusive of non-commissioned officers and drums; to which a
company of grenadiers was afterwards added. "This regiment he raised
in a very short time, as he disdained to make a market of the service
of his country, by selling commissions, but got such officers
appointed as were gentlemen of family and character in their
respective counties; and, as he was sensible what an advantage it was
to the troops of any nation to have in every company a certain number
of such soldiers as had been bred up in the character of gentlemen, he
engaged about twenty young gentlemen of no fortune, to serve as cadets
in his regiment, all of whom he afterwards advanced by degrees to be
officers, as vacancies happened; and was so far from taking any money
for the favor, that to some of them, he gave, upon their advancement,
what was necessary to pay the fees of their commissions, and to
provide themselves for appearing as officers."[1]
[Footnote 1: _London Magazine_, for 1757, p. 546.]
"He carried with him, also," says a writer of that day, "forty
supernumeraries, at his own expense; a circumstance very extraordinary
in our armies, especially in our plantations."
With a view to create in the troops a personal interest in the Colony
which they had enlisted to defend, and to induce them eventually to
become actual settlers, every man was allowed to take with him a
wife; for the support of whom some additional pay and rations, were
offered.[1] In reference to this, Governor Belcher, of Massachusetts,
in writing to Lord Egmont, respecting the settlement of Georgia, has
these remarks; "Plantations labor with great difficulties; and must
expect to creep before they can go. I see great numbers of people who
would be welcome in that settlement; and have, therefore, the honor to
think, with Mr. Oglethorpe, that the soldiers sent thither should all
be married men[2]."
[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. VIII. p. 164.]
[Footnote 2: Manuscript Letter Book of Governor Belcher, in the
archives of the Massachusetts Historical Society.]
Early in the spring of 1738, some part of the regiment, under the
command of Lieutenant Colonel Cochran, embarked for Georgia, and
arrived at Charlestown, South Carolina, on the 3d of May. They
immediately proceeded to their destined rendezvous by land; as the
General had taken care, on his former expedition, to have the rout
surveyed, and a road laid out and made passable from Port Royal to
Darien, or rather Frederica itself; and there were a sufficient number
of boats provided for passing the rivers.
As soon as Oglethorpe obtained the proper stores of arms, ammunition,
military equipments, and provisions, he embarked for Georgia, the
third time, with six hundred men, women, and children, including the
complement of the new raised regiment, on the 5th of July, in the
Hector and Blandford, men-of-war; accompanied by five transports. They
arrived at St. Simons on the 9th of September, where their landing at
the soldier's fort, was announced by a discharge of artillery, and
cheered by the garrison. The General encamped near the fort, and staid
till the 21st, to forward the disembarkation, and give out necessary
orders.[1]
[Footnote 1: _Letter from Frederica, in Georgia_, dated October 8th,
1738, in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, for January, 1739, p. 22.]
He then went to Frederica, and was saluted by fifteen pieces of cannon
at the fort. The magistrates and townsmen waited on him in a body, to
congratulate him on his return.
On the 25th the inhabitants of the town went out with the General, and
cut a road through the woods down to the soldiers-fort, in a strait
line; so that there is an open communication between them. This work
was performed in three days, though it is a distance of three miles.
Several Indians came to greet the General. They hunted in the
vicinity, and brought venison every day to the camp. They reported
that the chiefs from every town of the Upper and Lower Creek nation
would set out to visit him as soon as they received notice of his
return.
The arrival of the regiment, so complete and in so good order, was
a great relief to the people of Frederica, as they had been often,
during the summer, apprehensive of an attack by the Spaniards, who
had sent large reinforcements of troops to St. Augustine, and were
understood to be providing a formidable embarkation at the Havana,
notwithstanding the treaty which had been so lately concluded with
Oglethorpe. Nay, the Floridians had actually attacked one of the Creek
towns that was next to them; but, though the assault was made by
surprise, they were repulsed with loss; and then they pretended that
it was done by their Indians, without their orders.
Under circumstances of so much jeopardy, the people were so often
diverted from their daily labor, that their culture and husbandry
had been greatly neglected; and there was the appearance of such a
scarcity, that many would be reduced to actual want before the next
crop could be got in. But, in consequence of the measures now taking
for their security, and of some supplies which were brought, in
addition to the military stores, and of more that would be sent for,
the anxiety was removed, and they resumed their labors.
"The utmost care was taken by the General, that in all the frontier
places the fortifications should be put in the best state of defence;
and he distributed the forces in the properest manner for the
protection and defence of the Colony; assigning different corps for
different services; some stationary at their respective forts; some
on the alert, for ranging the woods; others, light-armed, for sudden
expeditions. He likewise provided vessels, and boats for scouring the
sea-coast, and for giving intelligence of the approach of any armed
vessels. He went from one military station to another, superintending
and actually assisting every operation; and endured hardness as a good
soldier, by lying in tents, though all the officers and soldiers had
houses and huts where they could have fires when they desired; and
indeed they often had need, for the weather was severe. In all which
services, it was declared that he gave at the same time his orders and
his example; there being nothing which he did not, that he directed
others to do; so that, if he was the first man in the Colony, his
preeminence was founded upon old Homer's maxims, 'He was the most
fatigued, the first in danger, distinguished by his cares and his
labors, and not by any exterior marks of grandeur, more easily
dispensed with, since they were certainly useless.'"[1]
[Footnote 1: HARRIS'S _Voyages_, II. p. 332.]
But there was treachery lurking in the camp, which, though for some
time suspected, had been so vigilantly watched and guarded against,
that the conspirators found no opportunity for carrying into effect
their insidious purpose.
It seems that among the troops lately sent over, there was one soldier
who had been in the Spanish service, and two others who were Roman
Catholics and disclaimed allegiance to the British Government, who had
enlisted as spies, and been bribed to excite a mutiny in the corps,
or persuade those among whom they were stationed to desert the
service.[1]
[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. IX. 739, p. 22.]
Their attempts, however, to gain over accomplices, were unavailing;
for those with whom they tampered had the fealty to reject their
overtures, and the honesty to make a discovery of their insidious
machinations. Upon this the traitors were seized, convicted, and, on
the beginning of October, 1738, sentenced to be whipt and drummed out
of the regiment.[1]
[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XX.]
Hardly had this secret plot been defeated, when an affray took place
at Fort St. Andrews, in which an attempt was made to assassinate the
General, who was there on a visit.
Some of the soldiers who came from Gibraltar had been granted six
months provisions from the King's stores, in addition to their pay.
When these rations were expended, about the middle of November, one
of the murmurers had the presumption to go up to the General, who
was standing at the door with Captain Mackay, and demanded of him a
continuance of the supply. To this unceremonious and disrespectful
requisition the General replied, that the terms of their enlistment
had been complied with; that their pay was going on; that they had no
special favor to expect, and certainly were not in the way to obtain
any by such a rude manner of application. As the fellow became
outrageously insolent, the Captain drew his sword, which the desperado
snatched out of his hand, broke in two pieces, threw the hilt at him,
and made off for the barrack, where, taking his gun, which was loaded,
and crying out "One and all!" five others, with their guns, rushed
out, and, at the distance of about ten yards, the ringleader shot at
the General. The ball whizzed above his shoulder, and the powder burnt
his face and scorched his clothes. Another flashed his piece twice,
but the gun did not go off. The General and Captain were immediately
surrounded by protectors; and the culprits were apprehended, tried at
a Court-Martial, and, on the first week in October, received sentence
of death. The letter which gives a circumstantial account of this
affair, written from Frederica, and dated December 26th, adds, "Some
of the officers are not very easy, and perhaps will not be till the
mutineers are punished, _in terrorem_; which has been delayed by the
General's forbearance[1]." I quote, with pleasure, this testimony
to his lenity, given by one who must have intimately known all the
aggravating circumstances, because some accounts state that he took
summary vengeance.
[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. IX. p. 215.]
By the defeat of insidious plottings to induce the desertion of the
frontier garrison, and the suppression of the insurgent mutiny, the
spirit of insubordination was entirely quelled; and the people of the
Colony were relieved from their apprehensions of an attack from the
Spaniards, "as they had Oglethorpe among them, in whom they and the
Indians had great confidence."
CHAPTER XII.
Oglethorpe visits Savannah--Troubles there--Causton, the store-keeper,
displaced--Oglethorpe holds a conference with a deputation
of Indians--Town-meeting called, and endeavors used to quiet
discontents--Goes back to Frederica, but obliged to renew his visit to
Savannah.
On the 8th of October, 1738, Oglethorpe set out from Frederica in an
open boat, with two others attending it; and, after rowing two
days and two nights, arrived at Savannah. "He was received, at the
water-side, by the magistrates, and saluted by the cannon from the
fort, and by the militia under arms; and the people spent the night in
rejoicing, making bonfires,"[1] &c. But, notwithstanding this show of
public joy, he had soon to learn particulars of the situation of the
inhabitants, that rendered his visit unpleasant to himself, and not
very welcome to some of those to whom it was made. Those who were
duly sensible of his disinterested devotedness to the advancement
and welfare of the settlement, were actuated, on this occasion, by a
principle of real regard and gratitude; those who were apprehensive
that their conduct in his absence might be investigated and
disapproved, joined in the acclaim, that they might conciliate his
favor; and those who had been discontented grumblers, did not care
openly to exhibit indications of dissatisfaction.
[Footnote 1: Letter, dated Savannah, in Georgia, October 22,1738;
published in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, for January, 1739, p. 22.]
On the day after his arrival he received information that the grand
jury of Savannah had prepared a representation, "stating their
grievances, hardships, and necessities," and complaining of the
conduct of Mr. Thomas Causton, the first magistrate of the town, and
keeper of the public store[1]. They alleged that he had expended much
larger sums than the Trustees authorized, and thus brought the Colony
in debt; that he had assumed powers not delegated to him, and had been
partial and arbitrary in many of the measures which he had pursued[2].
[Footnote 1: This is inserted in the _Narrative of the Colony of
Georgia_, by P. Tailfer, M.D., Hugh Williamson, M.A., and D. Douglas.
Charlestown, S.C. 1741. It was signed September 12th, 1737.]
[Footnote 2: Letter last quoted, and Stephens's Journal, Vol. I. p.
305.]
Upon an investigation of these allegations, Oglethorpe, as
Governor-General of the Colony, deemed it expedient to displace him;
to issue an order that the books, papers, and accounts, belonging to
the stores, should be delivered to Thomas Jones, Esq., who had come
over with the transports with the appointment of Advocate of the
Regiment; and that security should be given by Causton, to answer the
charges against him, by an assignment of his estate at Oakstead,
and his improvements elsewhere. The office thus rendered vacant was
supplied by the appointment of Colonel William Stephens, who had been
sent over with the commission of Secretary for the affairs of the
Trustees in the Province.[1]
[Footnote 1: This worthy gentleman wrote a Journal, which commences on
his arrival at Charlestown, in the Mary-Ann, Captain Shubrick, October
20, 1737, and comes down to October 28,1741. It gives a minute account
of every thing which occurred; and bears throughout the marks of
correctness, of ingenuousness, and frankness in the narrative of
transactions and events; and of integrity, strict justice, and
unflinching fidelity in the discharge of his very responsible office.
As exhibiting "the form and pressure of the times," it is of essential
importance to the Historian of Georgia; and, happily, it was printed,
making three octavo volumes. But the work is exceedingly rare,
especially the third volume. A complete set is among the EBELING books
in Harvard College Library.
He had been at Savannah before, for in p. 46, is this remark; "All
which was evident to myself, as well from what I observed, _when here
formerly_, as more especially now, since my arrival." And again, p.
54, mentioning Mr. Fallowfield, "a constable, whose temper I was
better acquainted with, _having lodged at his house during my former
abode here_."
After the departure of General Oglethorpe, he was President of the
Council, and acting Governor from July 11, 1743, to April 8, 1757,
when he was succeeded by Henry Parker, Esq.]
The great mismanagement of the trust-funds which had been sent for
the support of the Colony, rendered it also necessary to retrench
the ordinary issues, "that something might remain for the necessary
support of life among the industrious part of the community, who were
not to be blamed."
On the 11th, Tomo Chichi came to wait upon the General. He had been
very ill; but the good old man was so rejoiced at the return of his
respected friend, that he said it made him moult like the eagle.[1] He
informed him that several Indian chiefs were at Yamacraw to pay their
respects to him, and to assure him of their fidelity.
[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XXI.]
This embassy consisted of the Micos or chiefs of the Ocmulgees, the
Chehaws, the Ouchasees, and the Parachacholas, with thirty of their
warriors, and fifty-two attendants. As they walked up the hill,
they were saluted by a battery of cannon, and then conducted to the
town-hall by a corps of militia, where the General received them. They
told him that the Spaniards had decoyed them to St. Augustine, on
pretence that he was there; but they found that they were imposed
upon, and therefore turned back with displeasure, though they were
offered great presents to induce them to fall out with the English.
These single-hearted foresters had now come to remove from the mind
of their pledged friend all apprehension of their alienation, and to
assure him that their warriors shall attend his call. They closed
their conference with a pressing invitation to him to come up to their
towns in the course of the summer; and, with his promise to do so,
they took a respectful leave.
On the 17th the General called the inhabitants to assemble at the
town-hall, and "there made a pathetic speech to them;"[1] which he
began by thanking them for the measures which they had pursued for
mutual help and the common good. He apprized them of the great
exertions made by the Trustees to support, protect, and defend the
Colony; but that their being obliged to maintain the garrisons, and
lay in various stores till the arrival of the troops, and the dear
price of provisions the last year, occasioned such an increased demand
upon them, that they would not be able to continue further allowance,
nor assume further responsibilities, unless a supply should be granted
by parliament. This state of embarrassment he greatly regretted,
inasmuch as those whom he addressed were suffering by the failure of
their crops. He told them that, with surprise and great grief, he
found that there was more due from the public store than there were
goods and articles in it to pay; but that he had given orders that all
persons should be paid as far as these effects would go. He said that
he was fully aware of the privations already felt, and of the greater
to which they were exposed; and, therefore, informed those who, on
this account, or for any reason, supposed that they could better their
condition by going out of the Province, that they had his full consent
to do so. At the same time he requested such to come to his quarters,
and acquaint him with their grievances, their wishes, and their
purposes, and he would give them his best advice, and all the aid
in his power. How many, or how far any, availed themselves of this
overture, is not known; but the writer who has given an account of
this address, adds, "It is remarkable that not one man chose to leave
the Province, though they very well knew that they must endure great
hardships before the next crop should come in, for there was very
little money stirring, and very few had provisions sufficient to keep
them till next year. However, they all seemed resolved rather to stay,
than to leave the country now in its distress[2]."
[Footnote 1: STEPHENS'S _Journal_, I. p. 305.]
[Footnote 2: Letter from Savannah, October 22, 1738.]
To lessen the demands upon the Trustees, Oglethorpe made retrenchments
in the public expenditures. He disbanded the troop of Rangers, who
guarded the country on the land side, though they offered to serve
without pay; but he deemed it improper that they should be on service
without remuneration. The garrisons were relieved by the regiments; so
that that expense ceased. He aimed to reconcile the disaffected, by
his good offices; and to gain their affections by unexpected and
unmerited liberalities. With very timely largesses he assisted the
orphans, the widows, and the sick; and contributed towards the relief
of the most destitute; but, adds the writer of the letter above
quoted, "we are apprehensive such contributions cannot last long,
unless assisted from England, for the expenses are too great for any
single man to bear."
The General pursued, with anxious scrutiny, his investigation into the
management of business, and found the charges and accounts to be very
perplexed, and the result evincing mismanagement and unfaithfulness.
"He settled the officers, civil and military, among whom changes had
taken place; filled vacancies; and took the most judicious measures
that the whole municipal establishment should be properly organized.
Then, calling them all to his lodgings, he gave it in charge that they
should do their duties with care and vigilance. He exhorted them to
use their best endeavors to preserve peace; especially at this time,
when ill-disposed persons, taking advantage of people's uneasiness
at those inevitable pressures under which they labored, and must
necessarily for some time be subjected to, might craftily incite them
to insurrection. Withal, he recommended earnestly to them to preserve
unanimity among themselves, which would strengthen and support a due
authority, and restrain the licentious into due obedience."[1]
[Footnote 1: STEPHENS'S _Journal_, I. 309.]
On Wednesday morning, October 25th, Oglethorpe set out for the south,
leaving, as Col. Stephens remarks, "a gloomy prospect of what might
ensue; and many sorrowful countenances were visible under the
apprehensions of future want; which deplorable state the Colony has
fallen into, through such means as few or none of the settlers had any
imagination of, till the Trustees, in their late letters, awakened
them out of their dream; and the General, when he came, laid the whole
open, and apprized them that they were but little removed from a
downright bankruptcy. Now was a time when it would be fully apparent,
who were the most valuable among them, by showing a hearty endeavor to
contribute, what in them lay, to appease the rising discontents, and
wait with patience to see better things, which were not yet to be
despaired of."[1]
[Footnote 1: STEPHENS'S _Journal_, I. 312.]
It appears that Mr. Causton discovered not only reluctance and
perversity in explaining and authenticating his accounts; but, by
disingenuous insinuations reflected on the conduct of Oglethorpe, "as
if he very well knew that extraordinary occasions had created these
great exceedings, which the Trustees approving of, he [Causton] was
given up to be driven to utter ruin."[1] Mr. Jones deemed it necessary
to write to the General to inform him of the reflections which had
thus been cast upon his honor, and of the impediments which he himself
met in the business assigned to him. Upon the receipt of this letter,
Oglethorpe set out on a return to Savannah, where he arrived early in
the morning of Saturday, November 11th, and, as the bell was ringing
for attendance on prayers, he went and joined the orisons of the
congregation. This was more grateful to his feelings than the military
salute and parade of the preceding visit; and the devotional exercises
in which he engaged soothed his vexed spirit, and the petition for
pardon of offences against God produced a livelier disposition in his
heart of lenity and forgiveness towards those who had offended against
him. In the course of the day, he looked again into the concerns of
the store, and despatched some other affairs of consequence. In the
evening he sent for Mr. Causton, when, "in a very mild manner, and
gentler terms than could be expected, upon such a provocation, he
reprehended him for the freedom he had taken with his name, and
advised him to use no delays or shifts in making up his accounts."
[Footnote 1: Ibid. p. 325.]
On Sunday he attended public worship; and after that took boat, and
went back to the south.
In both these visits to Savannah, Oglethorpe discovered among the
inhabitants indications of the prevalence of not only a dissatisfied,
but of a factious spirit; more to be lamented than a failing harvest,
or a stinted market.
It was extremely mortifying to him to perceive that his greatest
exertions and most assiduous services were underrated; his devotedness
to their welfare unacknowledged; and his sacrifices and exposures
that he might establish them in security and peace, were not merely
depreciated, but miscalled and dishonored. While he was zealously
engaged in strengthening the Colony, by locating large accessions of
brave and industrious settlers on the frontiers, and erecting forts,
and supplying them with troops and ammunition, the people who were
"sitting under their own vines and fig-trees, with none to molest or
make them afraid," and who had been best and longest provided for,
were insensible to the hardships and dangers to which others were
exposed; and, cavilling at the circumstances in which they were
placed, complained as if he must be personally accountable for certain
restrictions in the plan of settlement, and subsequent financial and
commercial affairs, to which the Trustees had deemed it proper to
subject them; restrictions which might have been submitted to by them
with as good a grace as they were by the Saltzburgers at Ebenezer and
the Scots at Darien, "who murmured not, neither were unthankful." In
fact, it was very apparent, that by their indolence and improvidence
these dissatisfied ones had brought upon themselves the chief of
the evils which they suffered. Their allegations, therefore, were
unreasonable, and the disposition which dictated them criminally
ungrateful. But Oglethorpe, instead of reproaching the discontented
for their ingratitude, and the murmurers for their unkind imputations,
stifled his own justifiable feelings of displeasure, in the hope that
such forbearance would refute the injustice of theirs. Well might the
poet exclaim:
"What magnanimity!--May ne'er again
Unkind returns thy generous ardor chill,
Nor causeless censure give thy bosom pain,
Nor thankless hearts reward thy good with ill!
"But honoring gratitude its column raise,
To bear inscriptions of deserved praise;
And when through age the record is obscure,
A nobler let posterity procure."
CHAPTER XIII.
Oglethorpe goes to Charlestown, South Carolina, to open his
Commission--Comes back to Savannah--Gives encouragement to the
Planters--Returns to Frederica--Excursion to Coweta--Forms a Treaty
with the Upper Creeks--Receives at Augusta a delegation of the
Chickasaws and Cherokees, who complain of having been poisoned by the
Traders--On his return to Savannah is informed of Spanish aggressions,
and is authorized to make reprisals.
As Oglethorpe was appointed General and Commander in Chief of the
military forces in South Carolina, as well as Georgia, he deemed it
proper to pay a visit to Charlestown, in order to have this assigned
rank duly notified to the Governor and people of the Province. He,
therefore, set out for that metropolis on the 10th of March, 1739;
arrived on the 15th, and, on the 3d of April, had his commission
opened and read in the Assembly. In reference to the exercise of
the authority which it conferred, some regulations in the military
establishment were adopted. On the 11th he returned to Savannah. To
encourage the industry of the planters, he proposed to those who would
persevere in doing what they could in the culture of their lands,
"a bounty of two shillings per bushel for all Indian corn, and one
shilling per bushel for all potatoes, which they should raise over and
above what the produce could be sold for after the next harvest[1]."
[Footnote 1: STEPHENS, I. 460.]
On the 18th he went to Frederica; but was obliged, in the summer, to
renew his visit to Savannah; and, on the evening of the 10th of July,
was received, under a discharge of cannon, by about forty of the
freeholders under arms, which, he was pleased to say, was more than he
expected. "His stay, being very likely to be short, many successively
sought audience of him, whose affairs he despatched with his usual
promptness."
"On the 17th he set off on his Indian expedition to Coweta: he
proceeded up the river, in his cutter, with Lieutenant Dunbar, Ensign
Leman, and Mr. Eyre, a cadet, besides attendants and servants. At
the Uchee town, twenty-five miles above Ebenezer, he quitted
water-conveyance, having appointed several of the Indian traders to
wait his coming there, with a number of horses, as well for sumpter as
riding, and also some rangers to assist."
On this journey, computed to be over three hundred miles, both he and
his attendants met with many and great hardships and fatigue. They
were obliged to traverse a continuous wilderness, where there was no
road, and seldom any visible track; and their Indian guides led them
often, unavoidably, through tangled thickets, and deep and broken
ravines, and across swamps, or bogs, where the horses mired and
plunged to the great danger of the riders. They had to pass large
rivers on rafts, and cause the horses to wade and swim; and to ford
others. During most of the way their resolute leader was under the
necessity of sleeping in the open air, wrapped in his cloak or
a blanket, and with his portmanteau for a pillow; or, if the
night-weather was uncomfortable, or rainy, a covert was constructed of
cypress boughs, spread over poles. For two hundred miles there was not
a hut to be met with; nor a human face to be seen, unless by accident
that of some Indian hunter traversing the woods. At length they
arrived at Coweta, one of the principal towns of the Muscoghe, or
Creek Indians, where the Chiefs of all the tribes were assembled,
on the 11th of August. "Thus did this worthy man, to protect the
settlement, which with so much pecuniary expense and devotedness of
time, he had planted, now expose himself to the hazards and toils of a
comfortless expedition, that would have proved unsurmountable to one
of a less enterprising spirit and steady resolutions." Oglethorpe,
and his suite, were received with great cordiality; and, after the
necessary introduction to individuals, and a little refreshment and
rest, a grand convention was formed. The assembly was arranged in due
order, with the solemn introductory ceremonies prescribed for such
occasions. A libation of the _foskey_,[1] or black-drink, followed; of
which Oglethorpe was invited to partake with "the beloved men," and of
which the chiefs and warriors quaffed more copious draughts. Speeches
and discussions followed; terms of intercourse and stipulations of
trade were agreed upon; and, after smoking the calumet, they unitedly
declared that they remained firm in their pledged fealty to the King
of Great Britain, and would adhere to all the engagements of amity and
commerce heretofore entered into with Oglethorpe as the representative
of the Trustees. They then renewed the former grants, in terms
more explicit and full, confirming the session of territory on the
sea-coast, with the islands, and now extending the southern boundary
to the river Matteo, or St. John's. And Oglethorpe, on his part,
covenanted that the English should not encroach upon, nor take up,
other lands, nor intrude upon any reserved privileges of the Creeks;
but would cause their rights to be respected, and the trade with them
to be conducted upon fair and honorable principles. This important
treaty was concluded on the 21st of August, 1739.
[Footnote 1: This is a decoction of the leaves of the YAUPON, _prinus
glaber_, and is of an exciting, and if taken freely, an intoxicating
effect. It is prepared with much formality, and is considered as
a sacred beverage, used only by the Chiefs, the War Captains, and
Priests ("beloved men") on special occasions, particularly on going to
war and making treaties. For an account of its preparation and use,
see LAWSON'S _Carolina_, p. 90; BERNARD ROMAN'S _Natural History of
Florida_, p. 94; ADAIR'S _History of the American Indians_, p.
108; CATESBY'S _Natural History of Carolina_, II. 57; and BARTON'S
_Elements of Botany_, part II. p. 16.]
Oglethorpe ingratiated himself highly with the Creeks on this
occasion, by his having undertaken so long and difficult a journey to
become acquainted with them, and secure their favor; trusting himself
with so few attendants in a fearless reliance on their good faith;
by the readiness with which he accommodated himself to their mode of
living; and the magnanimity of his deportment while among them.
The chief business being finished to mutual satisfaction, the General,
with his attendants, set out on their return; and, after enduring
the like hardships, exposures, and fatigue, arrived, on the 5th of
September, at Fort Augusta, an outpost on the Savannah, where he had
placed a garrison on his first expedition to Georgia; and under the
protection of which, a little settlement was now formed, inhabited
mostly by Indian traders. There he was waited on by the chiefs of the
Chickasaws, and the chiefs of the Cherokees;[1] the last of whom came
with a heavy complaint that his people had been poisoned by the rum
which had been brought to them by the traders. At this they expressed
high resentment, and even threatened revenge. As this was an affair of
quite an alarming nature, the General made strict inquiry into it; and
ascertained that some unlicensed traders had, the preceding summer,
carried up the small pox, which is fatal to the Indians; and that
several of their warriors, as well as others, had fallen victims to
the distemper. It was with some difficulty that he convinced the
Indians that this was the real cause of the calamity. At the same time
he assured them that such were the precautions and strict examination
used, before any applicant for leave to trade could obtain it, that
they need not apprehend any danger from such as came to them with a
license. With this explanation and assurance they went away satisfied.
[Footnote 1: By some early writers of Carolina these chiefs are called
"Caciques." Whether this be the same as Mico, I know not; but the
title, though often used so, does not seem to be appropriate.
Where justly applied, it is the title of the legislative chief, in
distinction from the war chief.]
On the 13th of September, while yet at this place, an express arrived
from Savannah to acquaint him that a sloop from Rhode Island had
brought the intelligence, that the Governor of that Colony had,
by orders from Great Britain, issued commissions for fitting out
privateers against the Spaniards. This was not a little surprising to
him. He could not conceive how a distant Colony should have any such
orders, before they were sent to him who was most in danger of being
attacked, in case of any rupture with Spain. However, he deemed
it expedient to hasten his return, in order to obtain more direct
information. On the 22d he reached Savannah, where he received and
published his Majesty's orders for reprisals. In consequence of these,
a stout privateer of fourteen guns, was immediately fitted out by
Captain Davies, who had suffered by having had a ship and cargo,
to the value of forty thousand pieces of eight, captured and most
unjustly condemned by the Spaniards; and, therefore, felt that he had
a right to avail himself of the present opportunity for obtaining
redress.[1]
[Footnote 1: _London Magazine, for_ 1757, page 592.]
For several years, the British trade to America, particularly that to
the West Indies, had suffered great interruption and annoyance from
the Spanish _guarda-costas_, which, under various pretences, seized
the merchant ships, and carried them into their ports, where they were
confiscated. This piratical practice had increased to such a degree
that scarcely any vessels were safe in those seas; for the Spaniards
pretended that wherever they found logwood, cocoa, or pieces of
eight on board, the capture was legal. Now, the first two of those
commodities were the growth and produce of the English islands, and
the last was the current specie of all that part of the world; so that
there was hardly a ship homeward bound but had one or other of these
on hoard.
These depredations were also aggravated by circumstances of great
inhumanity and cruelty; the sailors being confined in loathsome
prisons, at the Havana, and at Cadiz; or forced to work with irons on
their legs; with no sustenance but salt fish, almost putrid, and beds
full of vermin, so that many died of their hard captivity[1].
[Footnote 1: _History of the Colonies planted by the English on the
Continent of North America_, by JOHN MARSHALL. 8vo. Philadelphia,
1824. Chap. X.]
The increasing complaints of the merchants, and the loud clamors of
the nation, at length forced the British minister to abandon his
pacific system; and war was declared against Spain on the 23d of
October, 1739. A squadron, commanded by Admiral Vernon was detached
for the West Indies, with instructions to act upon the defensive; and
General Oglethorpe was ordered to annoy the settlements in Florida.[1]
[Footnote 1: _Historical Review of the Transactions of Europe, from
the commencement of the War with Spain, in_ 1739, _to the Insurrection
in Scotland, in_ 1745, by SAMUEL BOYSE. 8vo.. Dublin, 1748. Vol. I. p.
27.]
It now became necessary for Oglethorpe to take the most prompt and
effective measures for the protection of the Colony; and, as his
settlement had, from the beginning, been opposed by the Spaniards
at St. Augustine, and would now have to encounter their resentful
assaults, he must put into requisition all his military force, and see
to their adequate equipment. He immediately took measures for raising
a troop of thirty rangers, to prevent the Spanish horse and Indians at
St. Augustine from making incursions into the Province; and likewise
to intercept the runaway negroes of Carolina, on their way through
the country to join the Spaniards. At the same time he summoned four
hundred Creeks, and six hundred Cherokee Indians to march down to the
southern borders. He then viewed the arms of the militia, to ascertain
that they were all in good order, and gave directions that powder,
balls, and flints, should be issued out of the magazine, for supplying
each member with a proper quantity. But aware that all this would be
too inconsiderable for effectual resistance, he perceived it to be
expedient to seek the protection of the West India fleet, and to apply
to the Assembly of South Carolina for cooeperation in a cause, in
the event of which their own safety was involved. Accordingly he
immediately sent up to Charlestown to desire assistance, and to
consult measures with the commanders of the men of war then on the
station, in order immediately to block up St. Augustine before the
Spaniards could receive supplies and reinforcements from Cuba; which,
if properly executed, the place would, in all probability, be soon
reduced.[1] This application was laid before the General Assembly,
and, on the 8th of November, a Committee was appointed to take the
same into consideration. Their Report was discussed in both Houses of
Assembly; but no decision was obtained.
[Footnote 1: See his letter in the _History of the Rise and Progress
of Georgia_, HARRIS'S _Voyages_, II. p. 338, dated 21st of September,
1739.]
Having taken these preparatory measures, he returned to Frederica to
make all the arrangements which the exigences of the case required,
in the equipment of his own forces, and by calling upon his Indian
allies; waiting, with impatience, however, the result of his
application to the sister Colony.
Towards the middle of November a party of Spaniards landed in the
night time upon Amelia island, and skulked in the thicket till
morning, when two Highlanders, unarmed, went into the woods for fuel;
upon whom the Spaniards fired, first five and then ten shot; which was
heard by Francis Brooks, who commanded the scout-boat upon the coast.
He immediately made a signal to the Fort, which was then garrisoned
by a detachment of General Oglethorpe's regiment. Upon this a party
instantly went out, but they arrived too late, for they found their
comrades dead, and that the assassins had taken to their boat, and put
out to sea. The bodies of the soldiers were not only rent with shot,
but most barbarously mangled and hacked. The periodical publication
from which this account is taken, has the following remarks:[1]
"Whence it was apparent that the Spaniards had first, out of
cowardice, shot them, and then, out of cruelty, cut and slashed them
with their swords. If they had not been most scandalous poltroons,
they would have taken the two unarmed men prisoners, without making
any noise; and then they might have lurked in the wood till they had
found an opportunity of getting a better booty, or at least of making
more prisoners. And, if they had not been most barbarously cruel, they
would have been satisfied with simply killing these unresisting men,
(which might have been without such a volley of shot,) and not have
so mangled their bodies after they were slain. From such cowardly and
cruel foes no mercy can be expected; and every one sent against them
must despair if he finds himself in danger of being overpowered, and
wrought up to desperation and revenge when he finds himself any thing
near upon an equal footing."
[Footnote 1: _Annals of Europe_, for 1739, p. 410.]
Upon being informed of this outrage, Oglethorpe fitted out and manned
a gun boat, and pursued them by water and land, above a hundred miles;
but they escaped. By way of reprisal, however, he passed the St.
John's into Florida; drove in the guards of Spanish horse that were
posted on that river; and advanced as far as a place called the
Canallas; at the same time sending Captain Dunbar with a party to find
out the situation and force of the fort at Picolata, near the river,
upon what were then called "the lakes of Florida," eighty miles from
the mouth of the river. They attacked the garrison, but were repulsed,
having no artillery. They accomplished, however, the intentions of
Oglethorpe, as they reconnoitred both that place and another fort
called St. Francis.
In January he returned to Frederica, where he met with Captain
Warren,[1] who had lately arrived with the Squirrel man of war. When
their consultation was concluded, Captain Warren went and cruised
off the Bay of St. Augustine, while Oglethorpe, with a detachment of
troops on board of the boats, and some artillery, went up the Lakes of
Florida, rowing by day, and sailing by night, so that he attacked the
two forts Picolata and St. Francis, took both the same day, and made
the soldiers in the garrisons prisoners of war.
[Footnote 1: Afterwards Sir PETER WARREN, an excellent naval officer.]
Captain Hugh Mackay, in a letter to Colonel Cecil, dated Frederica,
24th of January, 1740, says, "The General escaped very narrowly being
killed by a cannon ball at Fort St. Francis, or, as the Spaniards
called it, 'San Francisco de Papa.'"
CHAPTER XIV.
Oglethorpe addresses a letter to Lieutenant-Governor Bull, suggesting
an expedition against St. Angustine--Follows this, by application
in person--Promised assistance, and cooeperation--Returns to
Frederica--Collects his forces--Passes over to Florida--Takes several
Spanish forts--Is joined by the Carolinean troops--The enemy receive
supplies--Oglethorpe changes the siege into a blockade--Takes
possession of Anastasia Island--Colonel Palmer and his men surprised
and cut to pieces--Spanish cruelties--English fleet quit the
station--Siege raised, and Oglethorpe returns to Frederica.
By the information which Oglethorpe was able to obtain from the
prisoners, which confirmed the accounts received from other sources,
he learned that the garrison at St. Augustine was in want of
provisions; and that, the half-galleys having been sent to the Havana
for troops and supplies, the river and sea-board were destitute of
defence. Such being the case, he conceived that a fitting opportunity
now offered for the reduction of the place, taking the enemy by
surprise, before the reinforcements arrived; and thereby dispossessing
the Spaniards of Florida. He, therefore, sent an express to
Lieutenant-Governor Bull, urging an immediate compliance with his
application for assistance. The consideration was accordingly renewed
in the Assembly on the 4th of February. At length Oglethorpe,
impatient of delays occasioned by their continued demurring about the
feasibility of the project, presented himself before them, that they
might be made acquainted more fully with his intentions, and with
every thing relative to their being carried into execution. After
many conferences, a scheme of action was agreed upon, and an Act of
Assembly passed, April 5th, 1740, for the raising of a regiment of
four hundred men, to be commanded by Colonel Vanderdussen; a troop of
rangers;[1] presents for the Indians; and supply of provisions for
three months.[2] They also furnished a large schooner, with ten
carriage and sixteen swivel guns, in which they put fifty men under
the command of Captain Tyrrell.
[Footnote 1: As the Rangers could not be procured, the Assembly
afterwards voted an addition of two hundred men.]
[Footnote 2: The term of service, and, of course, the amount of
supply, were afterwards extended to four months.]
With this encouragement, and the promise of cooeperation by Commodore
Vincent Price, who commanded the small fleet on that station, the
place of rendezvous was appointed at the mouth of St. John's river.
The General then published his manifesto,[1] and immediately hastened
back to Georgia to prepare his forces for the Expedition.
[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XXII.]
On the beginning of April he went to the Uchee town to engage runners
to his Indian allies to inform them of his intended assault of St.
Augustine; to bespeak their assistance, and request their chiefs and
warriors to join his forces at Frederica, whither he immediately
repaired. There he completed the equipment of his forces; selected the
field-pieces and their carriages, balls and powder; and attended to
the military accoutrements, stores and provisions.
On the 9th of May he passed over to Florida with four hundred selected
men of his regiment, and a considerable party of Indians, headed by
Molochi, son of Prim the late chief of the Creeks; Raven, war-chief of
the Cherokees; and Toonahowi, nephew of Tomo Chichi. On the evening of
the 10th, part of the Carolina forces arrived.
[Illustration]
As the first thing to be done was to take the forts that kept open
the communication of the Spaniards with the country, and thus cut off
their supplies, the General, impatient of losing time, invested the
small fort called Francis de Pupa, seventeen miles north of St.
Augustine, commanded by a sergeant and twelve men, who surrendered
without a contest. Thence he proceeded to Fort Diego, situated on the
plains, twenty-five miles from St. Augustine, defended by eleven guns,
and fifty regulars, besides Indians and negroes. In his sortie upon
this, he made use of a little stratagem, as well as force; which
was by appointing three or four drums to beat, at the same time, in
different places in the woods, and a few men now and then to appear
suddenly, and withdraw out of sight again. At this, the enemy in
the fort were so confounded, with the apprehension that they were
surrounded by a great number of troops, that they made only a feint of
opposition; and, being summoned to surrender, did so, on condition
of being treated as prisoners of war, and, (what they principally
insisted on) not to be delivered into the hands of the Indians, from
whom they were conscious that they had incurred the most condign
reprisals for former aggressions.[1] The other articles were that they
should deliver up the guns and stores, which consisted of nine swivel
and two carriage guns, with the powder and shot, &c.; that they should
have liberty to keep their baggage; that Seignior Diego Spinosa, to
whom the fort belonged, it having been built at his expense, and
on his land, should hold his plantation and slaves, and such other
effects as were not already plundered in the field; and, finally, that
no deserters or runaways from Charlestown should have the benefit of
this capitulation. Here he left a garrison of sixty men, under the
command of Lieutenant Dunbar, to secure the retreat of the army, in
case of accidents, and to preserve a safe communication with the
settlements in Georgia. He then returned to the place of rendezvous,
where he was joined on the 19th of May by Captain M'Intosh, with a
company of Highlanders, and Colonel Vanderdussen, with the rest of the
Carolina troops, but without any horse, pioneers, or negroes.
[Footnote 1: Stephens, II. 389.]
By this time six Spanish half-galleys, with a number of long brass
nine pounders, manned with two hundred regulars, and attended by two
sloops loaded with ammunition and provisions, had entered the harbor
of St. Augustine, so that the forces in the town and castle were very
nearly equal in numbers to the land forces brought against them, and
their artillery much superior.
Notwithstanding all the reinforcement which Oglethorpe had received,
it was judged impracticable to take the place by assault from the land
side, unless an attack could be made at the same time by the boats of
the men of war, and other small craft, on the sea side, on which the
town had no intrenchments; and to begin a regular siege on the land
side was impossible, as he had neither force enough for investing the
place, nor any pioneers for breaking the ground, and carrying on the
approaches. For this reason it was concerted between him and the sea
commanders, that as soon as they arrived off the bar of the north
channel, he should march up with his whole force, consisting of about
two thousand men, to St. Augustine, and give notice by a signal agreed
on, that he was ready to begin the attack by land; which should be
answered by a counter signal from the fleet of their readiness to
attack it by sea. Accordingly the General marched, and arrived near
the intrenchments of St. Augustine, June 4th, at night, having in his
way taken Fort Moosa, about three miles from St. Augustine, which the
garrison had abandoned upon his approach. He ordered the gates of the
fort to be burnt, and three breaches to be made in the walls.
As soon as it was proper to begin the attack, he made the signal
agreed on, but had no countersign from the men of war. This was to his
utter surprise and disappointment. The reason which was afterwards
assigned, was, that the fleet had ascertained that their promised
cooperation had been rendered impracticable; as the galleys had been
drawn up abreast in the channel between the castle and the island, so
that any boats which they should send in must have been exposed to the
cannon and musketry of the galleys, as well as the batteries of the
castle; and, as no ships of force could get in to protect them, they
must have been defeated, if not wholly destroyed; and that it was
impossible to make an attack by sea, while the galleys were in that
position. It being presumptuous to make an attack without the aid of
the fleet, the General was under the necessity of marching back to
Fort Diego, where he had left all his provisions, camp furniture, and
tools; because he had neither horses nor carriages for taking them
along with him by land, nor had then any place for landing them near
St. Augustine, had he sent them by water.[1]
[Footnote 1: _London Magazine_, Vol. XXVII. p. 22.]
Disappointed in the project of taking the place by storm, he changed
his plan of operations, and resolved, with the assistance of the ships
of war, which were lying at anchor off the bar, to turn the siege into
a blockade, and to shut up every channel by which provisions could
be conveyed to the garrison. For this purpose, he stationed Colonel
Palmer, with his company, at Fort Moosa, to scour the woods, and
intercept all supplies from the country, and "enjoined it upon him,
for greater safety, to encamp every night in a different place, and,
by all means to avoid coming into action." He also charged him, if he
should perceive any superior party sallying forth from St. Augustine,
to make a quick retreat towards Fort Diego, where it was certain the
enemy would not follow him, for fear of having their retreat cut off
by a detachment from the army. He sent Colonel Vanderdussen, with his
regiment, to take possession of Point Quartell, at a creek which makes
the mouth of the harbor opposite Anastasia; and this he did "because
they would be safe there, being divided from St. Augustine, and
covered from any sally that would be made by the garrison."[1]
[Footnote 1: _History of the British Settlements in North America_.
Lond. 1773, 4to, page 163.]
As there was a battery on Anastasia, which defended the entry to St.
Augustine, the Commodore suggested that, if a body of troops should
be sent to land upon that island, under favor of the men of war, and
dispossess it, he would then send the small vessels into the harbor,
which was too shallow to admit the ships. Upon this, the General
marched to the coast, and embarked in the boats of the men of war,
with a party of two hundred men, and most of the Indians. Captain
Warren, with two hundred seamen, attached themselves to this
expedition.
Perceiving that the Spaniards were advantageously posted behind the
sand-hills, covered by the battery upon the island, and the fire from
the half-galleys which lay in shoal water where the men of war could
not come, he ordered the heavy boats to remain and seem as though they
intended to land near them, while he, with Captain Warren and the
pinnaces, rowed, with all the speed they could, to the southward about
two miles. The Spaniards behind the sand-hills strove to prevent their
landing, but before they could come up in any order, the boats had got
so near to the shore that the General and Captain Warren, with the
seamen and Indians, leaped into the water breast high, landed, and
took possession of the sand-hills. The Spaniards retreated in the
utmost confusion to the battery; but were pursued so vigorously,
that they were driven into the water, and took shelter in the
half-galleys.[1]
[Footnote 1: _London Magazine_, Vol. XXVII. p. 22.]
All hands were now set to work to erect the batteries, whence a
cannonade was made upon the town. This, however, was to little effect;
partly from the distance, and partly from the condition of some of the
field pieces which were employed. The enemy returned a brisk fire
from the castle and from the half-galleys in the harbor. The latter,
chiefly annoying the camp, it was agreed to attack them; but though
Commodore Price had proposed that measure to Colonel Vanderdussen
first, he altered his opinion and would not consent to it.
"Thirty-six pieces of cannon, together with planks for batteries, and
all other necessaries, with four hundred pioneers were to have come
from Carolina; but only twelve pieces of cannon arrived. Of course,
for want of planks for batteries, they were obliged to fire upon the
ground, the consequence of which was, that their carriages were soon
broken, and could not be repaired."[1]
[Footnote 1: _History of British Settlements in North America_, p.
165.]
The Spaniards, on the other hand, had surprised and cut to pieces
the detachment under Colonel Palmer. Of this disastrous event, the
particulars are given by one who could say,--"Quos ego miserrimus
vidi, et quorum pars magna fui." [Which I had the misfortune to see,
and greatly to share.] I refer to a letter from Ensign Hugh Mackay
to his brother in Scotland, dated at Fort St. Andrews, on Cumberland
Island, August 10th, 1740.
After some introductory remarks, he gives the following account of the
action:
"On the 9th of June the General sent out a flying party of militia,
Indians, and thirteen soldiers, in all making one hundred and
thirty-seven men, under the command of Colonel Palmer, a Carolina
gentleman, an old Indian warrior, of great personal resolution, but
little conduct. Under him I commanded the party, and had orders to
march from St. Diego, the head-quarters, to Moosa, three miles from
St. Augustine, a small fort which the Spaniards had held, but
was demolished a few days before; there to show ourselves to the
Spaniards, and thereafter to keep moving from one place to another
to divert their attention, while the General took another route, and
intended to come to Moosa in five days. The orders were just, and
might with safety be executed, had a regular officer commanded; but
poor Colonel Palmer, whose misfortune it was to have a very mean
opinion of his enemies, would by no means be prevailed upon to leave
the old fort, but staid there, thinking the Spaniards durst not attack
him. He was mistaken, as will appear presently.
"Upon the 15th day of June, about four in the morning, we were
attacked by a detachment of five hundred, from the garrison of St.
Augustine, composed of Spaniards, negroes, and Indians, besides a
party of horse to line the paths, that none of us might escape.
Apprehending that this would happen, I obtained leave of Colonel
Palmer, and therefore ordered our drum to beat to arms at three
o'clock every morning, and to have our men in readiness till it was
clear day. Thus it was upon the fatal 15th of June, as I have said,
when the Spaniards attacked us with a very smart fire from their small
arms; in which Colonel Palmer fell the first. We returned the fire
with the greatest briskness that can be imagined; and so the firing
continued for some time; but, unluckily, we were penned up in a
demolished fort; there was no room to extend. The Spaniards endeavored
to get in at the ruinous gate; and our party defended the same with
the utmost bravery. Here was a terrible slaughter on both sides; but
the Spaniards, who were five times our number, got at last, by dint
of strength, the better; which, when I saw, that some prisoners were
made, I ordered as many of my party then as were alive to draw off. We
had great difficulty to get clear, for the Spaniards surrounded the
fort on all sides. However, by the assistance of God, we got our way
made good; drew up in sight of the enemy, and retired, without being
pursued, till we were in safety. I had no more than twenty-five men,
and some of them very ill wounded, of which number I was, for I
received three wounds at the fort gate, but they were slight ones.
Several of the poor Highlanders, who were in the engagement, and
fought like lions, lost their lives,--some of them your acquaintance.
"I commanded, next Colonel Palmer, as captain of the horse, on the
militia establishment. My lieutenant was killed. My cornet and
quartermaster were made prisoners of war, with four more of the
Highlanders. Charles Mackay, nephew to Captain Hugh Mackay, who was
ensign of militia, received five wounds in the action, and lost one of
his fingers; and, thereafter, rather than fall into the hands of the
Spaniards, ventured to swim an inlet of the sea, about a mile broad,
and had the good fortune to get to the side he intended, and so to the
General's camp.
"As the Indians fled several different ways, no more account is yet
heard of them, only that some of them were killed in the action, and
others wounded and taken prisoners. I believe there were sixty killed,
and twenty taken prisoners of our whole party. To some of our Creek
Indians who were taken by the enemy, leave was given (to curry favor
with their nation) to return home. They told me that we killed a great
number of the Spaniards at Moosa, and that they were dying by fives
and sixes a day after getting into the town; so miserably were they
cut by our broad swords; yet by their great numbers they got the day;
but were sadly mauled, otherwise they would have pursued me."
The fate of Colonel Palmer was the more affecting, from the
consideration that he had raised one hundred and fifty good men, who
had come with him as volunteers; that he was in a fort in which a
breach had been made, and of course was no adequate protection; and
that he was beyond the reach of any assistance. It has, indeed, been
said that he was not enough mindful of the directions that had been
given him, and presumptuously exposed himself to danger.[1]
[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XXIII.]
Mr. Stephens remarks that "the most bloody part of all fell to the
unhappy share of our good people of Darien, who, almost to a man
engaged, under the command of their leader, John Moore McIntosh; a
worthy man, careful director among his people at home, and who now
showed himself as valiant in the field of battle; where, calling on
his countrymen and soldiers to follow his example, they made such
havoc with their broadswords, as the Spaniards cannot easily
forget."[1] This brave champion was taken prisoner, and suffered
severe and cruel treatment.[2]
[Footnote 1: _Journal_, II. 436.]
[Footnote 2: He was sent to Old Spain, where he remained a prisoner,
at Madrid, for several months; and was finally exchanged, and returned
home to Darien.]
The principal commander of the Spaniards fell at the first onset.
The Spanish took several prisoners; basely insulted the bodies of the
dead; and would have inflicted vengeful cruelties on their captives,
one of whom was an Indian named Nicholausa, whom they delivered over
to the Yamasees to burn, but General Oglethorpe sent a drum with
a message to the Governor from the Indian chief of the Cherokees,
acquainting him that if he permitted Nicholausa to be burnt, a Spanish
horseman who had been taken prisoner should suffer the same fate. He
also mentioned that, as the Governor was a gentleman and a man of
honor, he was persuaded that he would put an end to the barbarous
usage of that country; and expected from the humanity of a Spanish
cavalier that he would prohibit insults to the bodies of the dead, and
indignities to the prisoners; and he rather wished it, as he should be
forced, against his inclination, to resort to retaliation, which
his Excellency must know that he was very able to make, since his
prisoners greatly exceeded those made by the Spaniards. Upon this the
Governor submitted to the rescue of Nicholausa from the fate to which
he had been destined. It was, also, agreed that the Indians, on both
sides, should be treated as prisoners of war; so that an end was put
to their barbarous custom of burning the unhappy wretches who fell
into their hands.
Oglethorpe continued bombarding the castle and town until the regular
troops came over from the land side, and the Carolina militia were
removed from Point Quartel to Anastasia. He then summoned the Governor
to surrender, but received an indignant refusal.
Soon after some sloops, with a reinforcement of men, and a further
supply of military stores and provisions from Havana, found means to
enter the harbor through the narrow channel of the Matanzas.
Upon this, all prospect of starving the enemy Was lost; and there
remained only the chance of a forcible assault and battery.
As the dernier resort, it was agreed, on the 23d of June, that Captain
Warren, with the boats from the men of war, the two sloops hired by
General Oglethorpe, and the Carolina vessels, with their militia,
should attack the half-galleys; and, at a given signal, the General
should attack the trenches.
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