Biographical Memorials of James Oglethorpe
by
Thaddeus Mason Harris
Part 5 out of 6
[Footnote 1: About this time he presented a manuscript French
paraphrase of the Bible, in two folio volumes, finely illuminated, to
the library of Corpus Christi College in Oxford. "The gift of James
Oglethorpe, Esq., Member of Parliament." GUTCH's _Appendix to Wood's
History and Antiquities of the Colleges and Halls in the University of
Oxford_.]
Again, CROKER has a long note upon a passage in Boswell's _Life
of Johnson_, II. p. 173, to invalidate a narative of Oglethorpe's
respecting a writing of Colonel Sir Thomas Prendergast, who was killed
at the battle of Malplaquet, on the 31st of August, 1709, which thus
concludes: "At the battle of Malplaquet, Oglethorpe was _only eleven
years old_. Is it likely that Oglethorpe, at the age of _eleven
years_, was present at Pope's interview with Colonel Cecil? And, even
if he were, what credit is to be given to the recollections, after the
lapse of sixty-three years, of what a boy of _eleven_ heard?"[1]
[Footnote 1: CROKER means that the time when Oglethorpe told the story
to Dr. Johnson was _sixty-three_ years after the battle of Malplaquet,
when the event referred to took place.]
In reply to this, I would observe, that it is not even probable, as
this statement would imply, that the interview of Pope with Colonel
Cecil was directly after the battle. There might have been intervening
years. Moreover, Croker goes upon the presumption that the birth of
Oglethorpe was in 1698. Now, to assign his birth to that year would
make him only _eighty-seven years_ old when he died; but Dr. Lettsom,
in "a letter on prisons," in the _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. LXXI. p.
21, has this remark: "I spent an evening, which agreeably continued
till two o'clock in the morning, with the late General Oglethorpe,
when this veteran was in the _ninety-sixth_ year of his age; who told
me, that he planted Georgia chiefly from prisons." And Hannah More
writes of being in company with him when he was _much above ninety
years_ of age. He was, therefore, born before 1698. And, finally,
the record of his admission into Corpus Christi College, at Oxford,
decides the matter beyond all controversy; and, by certifying his
age to be _sixteen_, proves that he was born in _sixteen hundred and
eighty-eight_. For the _month_ and _day_, I receive the testimony of
William Stephens, Esq., Secretary for the affairs of the Trustees in
Georgia, in the first volume of his Journal. On Thursday, December,
21st, [1738,] he makes this record.
"Another heavy rain of all last night, and this whole day's
continuance; which, whatever impediments it might occasion to our
other affairs, was no hindrance to our celebration of _the General's
birth-day_, as had been always the custom hitherto; and in the very
same manner as we did last year, under the discharge of cannon, &c."
And McCall, who has named _December_ 21st, says, "I am indebted to the
Encyclopedia Perthensis, and to the Journal of a private gentleman in
Georgia, where his birth-day was celebrated, for the date which I have
inserted."[1]
[Footnote 1: _History of Georgia_, Vol. I. p. 321.]
This assignment will tally with the other dates and their attendant
circumstances; allow time, with becoming propriety, for finishing his
education at the University; and show that he was not so precocious a
soldier as has been represented, but that, instead of the _juvenile_
age of _eleven_, he entered the army at the _manly_ age of
_twenty-one_.
_Memorandum_. This attempt to ascertain the exact age of Oglethorpe,
was written in 1837. I have, since then, received the following
letter, dated London, October 2d, 1840.
My Dear Sir.
In compliance with your request, I. have been, this morning,
to the vestry of St. James, Westminster, where I examined
the record of Oglethorpe's baptism, of which the following is
an exact copy in substance and form.
Bapt. | June 1689
2. | James Oglethorpe of Sir Theophilus and
| his lady Elinor, b. 1.
I certify that the above is a true extract from the Register
Book of Baptisms belonging to the Parish of St. James,
Westminster.
J.G. GIFFORD, _Preacher and Assistant_.
Hence it appears that Oglethorpe was born on _the first_ of
June, 1669, and baptized on the _second_. I was assured by
Mr. Gifford that this is the true meaning of the record; and
I observed in the Register Book that other names were recorded
in like manner. There were several other baptisms the
same day, with different days of birth.
Most truly your friend and obedient servant,
JARED SPARKS.
This will be deemed decisive; though to me not entirely satisfactory.
I think I see cause for questioning the "b.1." not their _import_, but
their _correctness_: occasioned either for family reasons, or that
the date given at the font either was not distinctly heard by the
officiating clergyman, or misremembered at the time when the entry
was made in the Book. Besides, there would seem no occasion for the
presentation so immediately after the birth; for, according to custom,
it is very unusual before _the eighth day_. On the other hand, from
the statement of Nichols, Vol. II. p. 19, that of the children of Sir
Theophilus, "the five eldest were born at St. James London," we may
infer that JAMES, who was the _sixth_ in the order of births in the
family, was born at Godalming. This is proved, also, by Shaftoe's
narrative, which mentions the going down of the mother to London, in
consequence of the sickness and death of one of the nurslings. Now,
though the main statement of that document may not be true, such an
incidental circumstance as this, which has no direct bearing on "the
vexed question," may be admitted. If, therefore, born at Godalming,
he could not be taken to London, for baptism, _on the day after his
birth_. And, admitting that his nativity was on the 21st of December,
the season of the year alone would be sufficient reason for deferring
the public ceremony till after the inclement weather, and the
opportunity favored for having it in the Parish Church, where all the
other children had been baptized.
After all, the fact that on the _ninth_ of July, _seventeen hundred
and four_, he was _sixteen years_ old, as is testified on the Record
of his admission into College, is incompatible with the date of June
1st, 1689, for the day of his birth, but consistent with that of
December 21st, 1688.
To adjust all these discrepancies respecting the time of his birth,
and others of the time of his death, one needs the ingenuity of the
Benedictins of St. Maur, who published a 4to volume with this title:
"_L'art de verifier les dates des faits historiques_."
III.
CHARLES MORDAUNT, _Earl of Peterborough_. This great man died on his
passage to Lisbon, 25th of October, 1735, aged 77. To bravery and
heroism, he added a penetrating genius and a mind highly polished and
well instructed in ancient and modern literature, as his _Familiar
Epistles_, preserved among those of his friend Pope, fully evince.
Of REV. GEORGE BERKELEY, D.D., the celebrated Dean of Derry, and
afterwards Bishop of Cloyne, I give the following particulars.
His learning and virtues, his lively and agreeable conversation,
introduced him to the acquaintance, and procured him the esteem and
friendship of many great and learned men, and among others the Earl of
Peterborough, who made him his Chaplain, and took him as a companion
on a tour of Europe in 1714-15. Soon after his return, the Dean
published a proposal for the better supplying of the churches in
the American Plantations with Clergymen, and for instructing and
converting the savages to Christianity, by erecting a College in
Bermuda. The first branch of this design appeared to him in the light
of importance; but his principal view was to train up a competent
number of young Indians, in succession, to be employed as missionaries
among the various tribes of Indians. It appeared to be a matter of
very material consequence, that persons should be employed in this
service who were acquainted with the language necessary to be used;
and he had also a strong persuasion that such missionaries as he
proposed would be much better received by the savages than those of
European extraction. These Indian lads were to be obtained from the
different tribes in the fairest manner, and to be fed, clothed and
instructed at the expense of the Institution.
The scheme, for some time, met with all the encouragement that was
due to so benevolent a proposal. The King granted a charter; and the
Parliament voted a very considerable sum to be obtained from the
sale of lands in St. Christophers. Such a prospect of success in
the favorite object of his heart, drew from Berkeley some beautiful
verses, "in which," a writer of the day remarks, "another age,
perhaps, will acknowledge the old conjunction of the _prophetic_
character with that of the _poetic_, to have again taken place."
In consequence of this encouragement, he resigned his rich Deanry;
and in execution of his noble design, embarked in the latter part of
Autumn, 1728; his lady and her sister accompanying him; and arrived
at Newport, in Rhode Island, in February following. This situation
he pitched upon with a view of settling a correspondence there for
supplying his College. He purchased a country-seat and farm in the
neighborhood, where he resided about two years and a half. His
residence in this country had some influence on the progress of
literature, particularly in Rhode Island and Connecticut. The presence
and conversation of a man so illustrious for talents, learning,
virtue, and social attractions, could not fail of giving a spring
to the literary diligence and ambition of many who enjoyed his
acquaintance.
Finding, at length, that the promised aid of the ministry towards his
College would fail him, he embarked at Boston in September 1731, on
his return to England. At his departure he distributed the books which
he had brought with him, among the Clergy of Rhode Island. He sent,
as a gift to Yale College, a deed of his farm; and afterwards made a
present to its Library of about a thousand volumes.
Immediately after his arrival in London, he returned all the
private subscriptions that had been advanced for the support of his
undertaking.
The fund, which had been calculated upon for his College, had been
chiefly appropriated as a marriage portion of the Princess Ann, on her
nuptials with the Prince of Orange. There remained, however, L10,000,
which General Oglethorpe had interest enough in Parliament to obtain
for the purpose of carrying over and settling foreign and other
Protestants in his new Colony of Georgia in America;[1] "having
first paid Dean Berkeley the compliment of asking his consent to the
application for the money, before he moved for it in Parliament."
[Footnote 1: See _Journal of the House of Commons_, May 10, 1733.]
He passed the latter part of his life at Oxford; and deceased January
14th, 1753, aged 74.
The character of this worthy prelate was expressed in few words by
Bishop Atterbury, who, having heard much of him, wished to see him.
Accordingly, he was one day introduced to him by the Earl of Berkeley.
After some time, Mr. Berkeley quitted the room; on which the Earl said
to the Bishop, "Does my cousin answer your Lordship's expectations?"
The Bishop, lifting up his hands in astonishment, replied, "So
much understanding, so much knowledge, so much innocence, and such
humility, I did not think had been the portion of any but angels, till
I saw this gentleman."
Mr. Pope sums up Bishop Berkeley's character in one line. After
mentioning some particular virtues that distinguished other Prelates,
he ascribes
"To Berkeley every virtue under heaven."
I close these memoirs of the early companion, and congenial and
lasting friend of Oglethorpe, with the verses referred to, written by
him.
"ON THE PROSPECT OF ARTS AND SCIENCES IN AMERICA."
The muse, disgusted at an age and time,
Barren of every glorious theme,
In distant lands now waits a better clime,
Producing subjects worthy fame.
In happy climes, where from the genial sun
And virgin earth such scenes ensue,
The force of art by nature seems outdone,
And fancied beauties by the true:
In happy climes, the seat of innocence,
Where nature guides and virtue rules;
Where men shall not impose, for truth and sense,
The pedantry of courts and schools:
There shall be seen another golden age,
The rise of empire and of arts;
The good and great inspiring epic page,
The wisest heads and noblest hearts.
Not such as Europe breeds in her decay,
Such as she bred when fresh and young,
When heavenly flame did animate her clay,
By future ages shall be sung.
Westward the course of empire takes its way,--
The four first acts already past,
A fifth shall close the drama with the day,--
Time's noblest offspring is the last.
IV.
REFERENCE TO DEBATES IN THE BRITISH HOUSE OF COMMONS IN WHICH
OGLETHORPE TOOK A PART.
[_See History and Proceedings of the House of Commons_.]
Against the banishment of Francis Atterbury, Bishop of Rochester.
April 6, 1723.
On ecclesiastical benefices.
On the preference of a militia to a standing army. Plea in behalf of
the persecuted Protestants in Germany January, 1731-2.
On the bill for the better securing and encouraging the trade of the
sugar Colonies. January 28, 1732.
On the petition of Sir Thomas Lombe relating to his silk winding
machine.
On the petition from the proprietors of the Charitable Corporation,
complaining of the mismanagement of their directors &c. February,
1732.
On a second reading of the sugar colony bill.
On the motion for an address of thanks in answer to the King's speech.
January 27, 1734. [His speech fills more than three pages.]
On the motion in the grand committee on the supply for granting thirty
thousand men for the sea service for the year 1735. February 7th,
1734-5. [This speech fills six pages and a half.]
Against committing the bill for limiting the number of officers in the
House of Commons.
On Sir J. Barnard's motion for taking off such taxes as are burdensome
to the poor and the manufacturers.
Against the act for disabling Alexander Wilson, Esq., from the holding
office, &c.
On the petition, in 1747, of the United Brethren to have the _Act for
naturalizing foreigners in North America_, extended to them and other
settlers who made a scruple of performing military service.
On another petition of the United Brethren presented 20th of February,
1749.
[All the speeches in both Houses of Parliament on each of these
petitions, were printed in the _Universal Magazine_ for the months of
April and May, 1749.]
He spoke on other occasions, to have indicated which would have
required more research than I could spare.
V.
PRISON-VISITING COMMITTEE.
This committee consisted of the following gentlemen:
James Oglethorpe, Esquire, Chairman,
The Right Honorable the Lord Finch,
The Right Honorable Lord Percival,
Sir Robert Sutton, Knight of the Bath,
Sir Robert Clifton, Knight of the Bath,
Sir Abraham Elton, Baronet,
Sir Gregory Page, Baronet,
Sir Edmund Knatchbull, Baronet,
Vultus Cornwall, Esquire,
General Wade,
Humphry Parsons, Esquire,
Captain Vernon,
Robert Byng, Esquire,
Judge Advocate Hughes.
On Thursday, the 27th of February, they went to the Fleet prison to
examine into the state of that gaol, in order for the relief of the
insolvent debtors, &c., when the irons were ordered to be taken off
Sir William Rich, Baronet. The next day, the same committee went a
second time to the Fleet prison, where, upon complaint made to them
that Sir William Rich was again put in irons, they made report thereof
to the House of Commons, who thereupon ordered Mr. Bambridge, the
warden of the Fleet, to be taken into the custody of their sergeant at
arms.
REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE
"On Thursday, the 20th of March, Mr. Oglethorpe from the committee
appointed to inquire into the state of the gaols of this kingdom, made
a REPORT of some progress they had made, with the RESOLUTIONS of
the committee thereupon, and he read the Report in his place, and
afterwards delivered the same (with two appendixes) in at the table,
where the Report was read, and the resolutions of the committee
being severally read a second time, were agreed to by the House, in
substance as follows, viz.:
"Resolved, _nemine contradicente_, that Thomas Bambridge, the acting
Warden of the prison at the Fleet, hath wilfully permitted several
debtors to the crown in great sums of money, as well as debtors to
divers of his Majesty's subjects to escape; hath been guilty of the
most notorious breaches of his trust; great extortions, and the
highest crimes and misdemeanors in the execution of his said office;
and hath arbitrarily and unlawfully loaded with irons, put into
dungeons, and destroyed prisoners for debt under his charge, treating
them in the most barbarous and cruel manner, in high violation and
contempt of the laws of this kingdom:
"Resolved, _nemine contradicente_, that John Higgins, Esq., late
warden of the prison of the Fleet, did during the time of his
wardenship, wilfully permit many in his custody to escape, and was
notoriously guilty of great breaches of his trust, extortions,
cruelties, and many other high crimes and misdemeanors, &c., &c.
"And that James Barnes, William Pindar, John Everett, and Thomas King
were agents of, and accomplices with the said Thomas Bambridge in the
commission of his said crimes.
"At the same time, upon a motion made by Mr. Oglethorpe, by direction
of the committee, it was unanimously resolved to address his Majesty
that he would be graciously pleased to direct his Attorney General
forthwith to prosecute, in the most effectual manner, the said Thomas
Bambridge, John Higgins, James Barnes, William Pindar, John Everett,
and Thomas King for their said crimes.
"It was also ordered that the said Bambridge, Higgins, Barnes, Pindar,
Everett, and King be committed close prisoners in His Majesty's gaol
of Newgate.
"Then, upon Mr. Oglethorpe's motions, two bills were ordered to be
brought in, one to disable Thomas Bambridge from holding or executing
the office of Warden of the Prison of the Fleet, or to have or
exercise any authority relating therein. The other, for better
regulating the prison of the Fleet, and for more effectually
preventing and punishing arbitrary and illegal practices of the Warden
of the said prison.
"In the last place the Commons ordered the Report from the Committee
relating to the Fleet prison to be printed." [N.B. The substance of
this report is given in BOYER's _Political State of Europe_, Vol.
XXXVII. p. 359-377.]
The labors of Oglethorpe and his associates to correct prison abuses,
were warmly acknowledged by their country, and were the grateful theme
of the poet. They were alluded to by THOMSON in the following strain:
"And here can I forget the generous hand
Who, touched with human woe, redressive searched
Into the horrors of the gloomy jail?
Where misery moans unpitied and unheard,
Where sickness pines, where thirst and hunger burn,
And poor misfortune feels the lash of vice?
* * * * *
"Ye sons of mercy! yet resume the search,
Drag forth the legal monsters into light;
Wrench from their hands oppression's iron rod
And bid the cruel feel the pains they give!"
[_Winter_, l. 359-388.]
"The wretched condition of confined debtors, and the extortions and
oppressions to which they were subjected by gaolers, thus came to be
known to persons in high stations, and this excited the compassion of
several gentlemen to think of some method of relieving the poor from
that distress in which they were often involved without any fault
of their own, but by some conduct which deserved pity rather than
punishment."
VI.
RELEASE TO INSOLVENT DEBTORS, FROM PRISON.
In a very excellent publication entitled "_Reasons for establishing
the Colony of_ GEORGIA, _with regard to the trade of Great Britain,
the increase of our people, and the employment and support it
will afford to great numbers of our own poor, as well as foreign
Protestants_," by BENJAMIN MARTIN, Esq. _Lond_. 1733; are some remarks
in reference to the release of insolvent debtors from gaol, which I
deem it proper to extract and annex here; and the rather, because the
work is exceedingly rare.
After describing the deplorable condition of those who are in reduced
circumstances, and need assistance and would be glad of employment,
the writer refers to the situation of those who are thrown into
prison for debt, and judges that the number may be estimated at _four
thousand every year_; and that above one third part of the debts is
never recovered hereby; and then adds, "If half of these, or only
five hundred of them, were to be sent to Georgia every year to be
incorporated with those foreign Protestants who are expelled their own
country for religion, what great improvements might not be expected in
our trade, when those, as well as the foreigners, would be so many new
subjects gained by England? For, while they are in prison, they are
absolutely lost,--the public loses their labor, and their knowledge.
If they take the benefit of the Act of Parliament that allows them
liberty on the delivery of their all to their creditors, they come
destitute into the world again. As they have no money and little
credit, they find it almost impossible to, get into business,
especially when our trades are overstocked. They, therefore, by
contracting new debts, must return again into prison, or, how honest
soever their dispositions may be, by idleness and necessity will be
forced into bad courses, such as begging, cheating, or robbing. These,
then, likewise, are useless to the state; not only so, but dangerous.
But these (it will be said) may be serviceable by their labor in
the country. To force them to it, I am afraid, is impracticable; to
suppose they will voluntarily do it, I am sure is unlikely. The Colony
of Georgia will be a proper asylum for these. This will make the act
of parliament of more effect. Here they will have the best motive for
industry; a possession of their own, and no possibility of subsisting
without it.
"I have heard it said that our prisons are the properest places for
those that are thrown into them, by keeping them from being hurtful to
others. Surely this way of thinking is something too severe. Are these
people, with their liberty to lose our compassion? Are they to be shut
up from our eyes, and excluded also from our hearts? Many of very
honest dispositions fall into decay, nay, perhaps, because they are
so, because they cannot allow themselves that latitude which others
take to be successful. The ways that lead to a man's ruin are various.
Some are undone by overtrading, others by want of trade; many by being
responsible for others. Do all these deserve such hardship? If a man
sees a friend, a brother, a father going to a prison, where felons are
to be his society, want and sickness his sure attendants, and death,
in all likelihood his only, but _quick_ relief; if he stretches out
his hand to save him from immediate slavery and ruin, he runs the risk
of his own liberty, and at last loses it; is there any one who will
say, this man is not an object of compassion? Not so, but of esteem,
and worth preserving for his virtue. But supposing that idleness
and intemperance are the usual cause of his ruin. Are these crimes
adequate to such a punishment as confinement for life? But even yet
granting that these unhappy people deserve no indulgence, it is
certainly imprudent in any state to lose the benefit of the labor of
so many thousands.
"But the public loss, by throwing men into prison, is not confined to
them only. They have many of them wives and children. These are,
also, involved in their ruin. Being destitute of a support, they must
perish, or else become a burden on their parishes by an inability
to work, or a nuisance by their thefts. These, too, are useless to
society.
"In short, all those who can work yet are supported in idleness by any
mistaken charity, or are subsisted by their parishes, which are at
this time, through all England overburdened by indolent and lazy poor,
who claim and are designed only for impotent poor;--all those who
add nothing by their labor to the welfare of the state, are useless,
burdensome, or dangerous to it. What is to be done with these
necessitous? Nobody, I suppose, thinks that they should continue
useless. It will be then an act of charity to these, and of merit to
the public, for any one to propose, forward, and perfect a better
expedient for making them useful. If he cannot, it is surely just to
acquiesce, till a better be found, in the present design of settling
them in Georgia." p. 16-21.
VII.
SIR THOMAS LOMBE'S MILL FOR WINDING SILK
"In 1719, a silk-throwing mill was erected at Derby, and from that
time to the beginning of the present century, various improvements
were introduced.
"The following account of the first silk mill erected in England will
be interesting. At the commencement of the last century, a person of
the name of Crochet erected a small mill near the present works, with
the intention of introducing the Italian method of spinning into this
country. About 1715, a similar plan was in the contemplation of a
mechanic and draughtsman named John Lombe, who travelled into Italy
to procure drawings and models of the machines necessary for the
undertaking. After remaining some time in that country, and gaining as
much information as the jealousy and precautions of the merchants of
Italy would allow, he returned with two natives, accustomed to the
manufacture, into this country, and fixed upon Derby as a proper place
to establish his works. He agreed with the corporation for an island,
or rather swamp, in the river, 500 feet long and 52 feet wide, at the
rent of about L8 yearly. Here he established his silk mills, and
in 1718 procured a patent to enable him to secure the profits for
fourteen years. But Lombe did not live much longer; for the Italians,
exasperated at the injury done to their trade by its introduction into
England, sent an artful woman over, who associated with the parties in
the character of a friend, and, having gained over one of the natives
who had originally accompanied Mr. Lombe, administered a poison to
him, of which, it is said, he ultimately died. His death, however, did
not prove fatal to his scheme; for his brother, and afterwards his
cousin, carried on the business with energy, and employed more than
three hundred persons. A little before the expiration of the Patent,
Sir Thomas Lombe petitioned for a renewal of it; but this was refused,
and instead of it, L14,000 was granted him, on condition that he
should allow a complete model of the works to be taken; this was
accordingly done, and afterwards deposited in the town for public
inspection.
"This extensive mill stands upon a huge pile of oak, double planked
and covered with stone-work, on which are turned thirteen stone
arches, which sustain the walls.
"The spinning mills are eight in number, and give motion to upwards
of 25,000 reel bobbins, and nearly 3000 star wheels belonging to the
reels. Each of the four twist mills contains four rounds of spindles,
about 389 of which are connected with each mill, as well as the
numerous reels, bobbins, star wheels, &c. The whole of this elaborate
machine, though distributed through so many apartments, is put in
motion by a single water-wheel twenty-three feet in diameter, situated
on the west side of the building."
[_Treatise on the Manufactures and Machinery of Great Britain_, by P.
BARLOW, Esq., F.R.S., &c., in the _Encyclopedia Metropol_. Part VI.
"Mixed Sciences."]
"Sir Thomas Lombe, Alderman of Bassishaw Ward, died, at his house in
Old Jury, London, on the third of January 1739, aged 81. A gentleman
of great integrity and honor. He was the senior Alderman, next the
chair. Worth L120,000 sterling."
VIII.
CASE OF CAPTAIN PORTEOUS.
There is an account of the riot, and of all the particulars attending
the murder of Captain Porteous, at the close of the 9th volume of the
_History of the Proceedings of the House of Commons_, from page 506
to 545; and a concise narrative in the _History of England_, by Lord
MAHON, Vol. II. p. 285-298. He introduces it by the following remarks:
"Some years back, the real events might have excited interest; but the
wand of an enchanter is now waved over us. We feel the spell of the
greatest writer that the world has seen in one department, or Scotland
produced in any. How dull and lifeless will not the true facts appear
when no longer embellished by the touching sorrows of Effie, or the
heroic virtue of Jeanie Deans!" He refers, in a note, to chapter
VI. of _The Heart of Mid Lothian_, by Sir WALTER SCOTT, and to "his
excellent narrative" in the 2d series of the _Tales of a Grandfather_,
from p. 231 to 242, the end of the volume. See also the able speech of
Mr. LINDSAY, in the _Parliamentary History_, p. 254.
It is worthy of remark that the Bill was carried in Committee by the
least possible majority. One hundred and thirty-one members voted for
reporting the Bill as amended; the same number voted against it. And,
though it is customary for the Chairman to give his vote on the side
of mercy, he voted in favor of the Bill. It is further remarkable,
that two Scots members, the Solicitor General, and Mr. Erskine of
Grange, were then attending an appeal in the House of Lords, and were
refused leave of absence in order to be at this discussion, otherwise
the Bill would have been entirely lost.
IX.
About the end of the month of August, 1732, Sir Gilbert Heathcote
acquainted the court of directors of the Bank of England, that his
Majesty had granted a charter for establishing a regular colony in
Georgia; that the fund was to arise from charitable contributions
which he recommended to them, shewing the great charity of
the undertaking and the future benefit arising to England, by
strengthening all the American Colonies, by increasing the trade and
navigation of the kingdom, and by raising of raw silk, for which
upwards of L500,000 a year was paid to Piedmont, and thereby giving
employment to thousands of tradesmen and working people. Then Sir
Gilbert gave a handsome benefaction to the design, and his example
was followed by the directors then present, and a great many others
belonging to that opulent society; and James Vernon, Robert Hucks, and
George Heathcote, Esquires, paid into the Bank (the treasury for this
use) L200 each for the charity, which was conducted by the following
gentlemen as trustees:
Anthony Earl of Shaftesbury, Francis Eyles, Esq.
John Lord Viscount Purceval, John Laroche, Esq.
John Lord Viscount Tyrconnel, James Vernon, Esq.
James Lord Viscount Limerick, Stephen Hales, A.M.
George Lord Carpenter, Richard Chandler, Esq.
Edward Digby, Esq. Thomas Frederick, Esq.
James Oglethorpe, Esq. Henry L'Apostre, Esq.
George Heathcote, Esq. William Heathcote, Esq.
Thomas Towers, Esq. John White, Esq.
Robert Moore, Esq. Robert Kendal, Esq.
Robert Hucks, Esq. Richard Bundy, D.D.
William Sloper, Esq.
Collections were made all over England, and large sums raised, and the
Parliament gave L10,000, which enabled the trustees to entertain
many poor people that offered, and to make provision for their
transportation and maintenance till they could provide for themselves.
[OLDMIXON, I. p.526.
"Those who direct this charity have, by their own choice,
in the most open and disinterested manner, made it impossible
for any one among them to receive any advantage from
it, besides the consciousness of making others happy. Voluntary
and unpaid directors carry on their designs with honor
and success. Such an association of men of leisure and fortune
to do good, is the glory and praise of our country."]
[_Sermon before the trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia_,
by THOMAS RUNDLE, D.D., _Bishop of Londonderry, Ireland_. Lond. 1734,
page 16.]
X.
OGLETHORPE'S DISINTERESTEDNESS IN THE UNDERTAKING.
As Oglethorpe's going along with this new Colony proceeded merely
from his public spirit, and from a disinterested and generous view of
contributing all that was in his power, towards the benefit of his
country, and the relief of his distressed countrymen, it met with just
and deserved applause. In one of the public prints of the day the
following encomium was inserted.
"Whether it is owing to an affectation of being thought conversant
with the ancients, or the narrowness of our minds, I know not, but we
often pass over those actions in our contemporaries which would strike
us with admiration in a Greek or a Roman. Their histories perhaps
cannot produce a greater instance of public spirit than what appeared
in an evening paper of Saturday, the 18th instant, that 'James
Oglethorpe, Esq., one of the Trustees for establishing the Colony of
Georgia, is gone over with the first embarkation at his own expense.'
To see a gentleman of his rank and fortune visiting a distant and
uncultivated land, with no other society but the miserable whom he
goes to assist; exposing himself freely to the same hardships to which
they are subjected, in the prime of life, instead of pursuing his
pleasures or ambition; on an improved and well concerted plan, from
which his country must reap the profits; at his own expense, and
without a view, or even a possibility of receiving any private
advantage from it; this too, after having done and expended for it
what many generous men would think sufficient to have done;--to see
this, I say, must give every one who has approved and contributed to
the undertaking, the highest satisfaction; must convince the world of
the disinterested zeal with which the settlement is to be made, and
entitle him to the truest honor he can gain, the perpetual love and
applause of mankind.
"With how just an esteem do we look back on Sir Walter Raleigh for the
expeditions which he made so beneficial to his country! And shall we
refuse the same justice to the living which we pay to the dead, when
by it we can raise a proper emulation in men of capacity, and divert
them from those idle or selfish pursuits in which they are too
generally engaged? How amiable is humanity when accompanied with so
much industry! What an honor is such a man! How happy must he be! The
benevolent man, says Epicurus, is like a river, which, if it had a
rational soul, must have the highest delight to see so many corn
fields and pastures flourish and smile, as it were, with plenty and
verdure, and all by the overflowing of its bounty and diffusion of its
streams upon them.
"I should not have written so much of this Gentleman, had he been
present to read it. I hope to see every man as warm in praising him
as I am, and as hearty to encourage the design he is promoting as I
really think it deserves; a design that sets charity on a right foot,
by relieving the indigent and unfortunate, and making them useful at
the same time."[1]
[Footnote 1: Transcribed into the _Political State of Great Britain_,
for February, 1733, Vol. XLV. p.181.]
XI.
On the 13th of January, 1732-3, the Governor of South Carolina
published in their Gazette the following advertisement.
Whereas I have lately received a power from the Trustees for
establishing a Colony in that part of Carolina between the rivers
Alatamaha and Savannah, now granted by his Majesty's Charter to the
said Trustees, by the name of the Province of Georgia, authorizing me
to take and receive all such voluntary contributions as any of his
Majesty's good subjects of this Province shall voluntarily contribute
towards so good and charitable a work, as the relieving poor and
insolvent debtors, and settling, establishing, and assisting any poor
Protestants of what nation soever, as shall be willing to settle in
the said Colony; and whereas the said intended settlement will, in
all human appearance, be a great strengthening and security to this
Province, as well as a charitable and pious work, and worthy to be
encouraged and promoted by all pious and good Christians; I have,
therefore, thought fit to publish and make known to all such pious and
well disposed persons as are willing to promote so good a work, that
I have ordered and directed Mr. Jesse Badenhop to receive all such
subscriptions or sums of money as shall be by them subscribed or paid
in for the uses and purposes aforesaid; which sums of money (be they
great or small,) I promise them shall be faithfully remitted to the
Trustees by the aforesaid charter appointed, together with the names
of the subscribers, which will by them be published every year; or,
(if they desire their names to be kept secret) the names of the
persons by whom they make the said subscriptions.
The piety and charity of so good an undertaking, I hope will be a
sufficient inducement to every person to contribute something to
a work so acceptable to God, as well as so advantageous to this
Province.
R. JOHNSON.
_A Copy of the Letter of the Governor and Council of South Carolina,
to Mr. Oglethorpe_.
Sir--We cannot omit the first opportunity of congratulating you on
your safe arrival in this province, wishing you all imaginable success
in your charitable and generous undertaking; in which we beg leave to
assure you that any assistance we can give shall not be wanting in the
promotion of the same.
The General Assembly having come to the Resolutions inclosed, we hope
you will accept it as an instance of our sincere intentions to forward
so good a work; and of our attachment to a person who has at all times
so generously used his endeavors to relieve the poor, and deliver them
out of their distress; in which you have hitherto been so successful,
that we are persuaded this undertaking cannot fail under your prudent
conduct, which we most heartily wish for.
The rangers and scout-boats are ordered to attend you as soon as
possible.
Colonel Bull, a gentleman of this Board, and who we esteem most
capable to assist you in the settling of your new Colony, is desired
to deliver you this, and to accompany you, and render you the best
services he is capable of; and is one whose integrity you may very
much depend on.
We are, with the greatest respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient
humble servants.
ROBERT JOHNSON,
THOMAS BROUGHTON,
AL. MIDDLETON,
A. SKEENE,
FRA. YOUNGE,
JAMES KINLOCK,
JOHN FENWICKE,
THOMAS WARING,
J. HAMMERTON.
_Council Chamber_, 26 January, 1733.
_Copy of the Assembly's Resolutions_.
The Committee of his Majesty's Honorable Council appointed to confer
with a Committee of the lower House on his Excellency's message
relating to the arrival of the Honorable James Oglethorpe, Esq.,
report--
That agreeable to his Majesty's instructions to his Excellency, sent
down together with the said message, we are unanimously of opinion
that all due countenance and encouragement ought to be given to the
settling of the Colony of Georgia.
And for that end your Committee apprehend it necessary that his
Excellency be desired to give orders and directions that Captain
McPherson, together with fifteen of the rangers, do forthwith repair
to the new settlement of Georgia, to cover and protect Mr. Oglethorpe,
and those under his care, from any insult that may be offered them
by the Indians, and that they continue and abide there till the new
settlers have enforted themselves, and for such further time as his
Excellency may think necessary.
That the Lieutenant and four men of the Apalachicola Garrison be
ordered to march to the fort on Cambahee, to join those of the rangers
that remain; and that the Commissary be ordered to find them with
provision as usual.
That his Excellency will please to give directions that the scout-boat
at Port Royal do attend the new settlers as often as his Excellency
shall see occasion.
That a present be given Mr. Oglethorpe for the new settlers of Georgia
forthwith, of an hundred head of breeding cattle and five bulls, as
also twenty breeding sows and four boars, with twenty barrels of good
and merchantable rice; the whole to be delivered at the charge of the
public, at such place in Georgia as Mr. Oglethorpe shall appoint.
That periauguas be provided at the charge of the public to attend Mr.
Oglethorpe at Port Royal, in order to carry the new settlers, arrived
in the ship Anne, to Georgia, with their effects, and the artillery
and ammunition now on board.
That Colonel Bull be desired to go to Georgia with the Honorable James
Oglethorpe, Esq., to aid him with his best advice and assistance in
settling the place.
_Extract of a Letter from His Excellency Robert Johnson, Esq.,
Governor of South Carolina, to Benjamin Martyn, Esq., Secretary to the
Trustees, &c_.
CHARLESTOWN, Feb. 12, 1733.
Sir--I have received the favor of yours, dated the 20th of October,
and the duplicate of the 24th. I beg you will assure the Honorable
Trustees of my humble respects, and that I will attach myself to
render them and their laudable undertaking all the service in my
power.
Mr. Oglethorpe arrived here with his people in good health the 13th of
January. I ordered him a pilot, and in ten hours he proceeded to Port
Royal, where he arrived safe the 19th, and I understand from thence,
that, after refreshing his people a little in our barracks, he, with
all expedition, proceeded to Yamacraw, upon Savannah River, about
twelve miles from the sea, where he designs to fix those he has
brought with him.
I do assure you, that upon the first news I had of this embarkation,
I was not wanting in giving the necessary orders for their reception;
and, being assisted at Port Royal, (although they were here almost as
soon as we heard of their design of coming,) not knowing whether Mr.
Oglethorpe designed directly there, or would touch here.
I am informed he is mighty well satisfied with his reception there,
and likes the country; and that he says things succeed beyond his
expectation; but I have not yet received a letter from him since his
being at Port Royal.
Our General Assembly meeting three days after his departure, I moved
to them their assisting this generous undertaking. Both Houses
immediately came to the following resolution; that Mr. Oglethorpe
should be furnished at the public expense, with one hundred and four
breeding cattle, twenty-five hogs, and twenty barrels of good rice;
that boats should also be provided at the public charge to transport
the people, provisions and goods, from Port Royal to the place where
he designed to settle; that the scout-boats, and fifteen of our
rangers, (who are horsemen, and always kept in pay to discover the
motions of the Indians,) should attend to Mr. Oglethorpe, and obey his
commands, in order to protect the new settlers from any insults, which
I think there is no danger of; and I have given the necessary advice
and instructions to our out garrisons, and the Indians in friendship
with us, that they may befriend and assist them.
I have likewise prevailed on Colonel Bull, a member of the Council,
and a gentleman of great probity and experience in the affairs of this
Province, the nature of land, and the method of settling, and who
is well acquainted with the manner of the Indians, to attend Mr.
Oglethorpe to Georgia with our compliments, and to offer him advice
and assistance; and, had not our Assembly been sitting, I would have
gone myself.
I received the Trustees commission; for the honor of which I beg you
will thank them. I heartily wish all imaginable success to this good
work; and am, Sir,
Your most humble Servant,
ROBERT JOHNSON.
P.S. Since writing the above, I have had the pleasure of hearing from
Mr. Oglethorpe, who gives me an account that his undertaking goes on
very successfully.
XII.
Creeks, so called by the English, because their country lies chiefly
among rivers, which the American English call "creeks;" but the real
name is Musogees. Their language is the softest and most copious of
all the Indians, and is looked upon to be the radical language; for
they can make themselves understood by almost all the other Indians on
the Continent. They are divided into three people, Upper, Lower, and
Middle Creeks. The two former governed by their respective chiefs,
whom they honor with a royal denomination; yet they are, in the most
material part of their government, subordinate to the Chief of the
latter, who bears an imperial title. Their country lies between
Spanish Florida and the Cherokee mountains, and from the Atlantic
Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico. They are a tall, well-limbed people, very
brave in war, and as much respected in the South, as the Iroquois are
in the North part of America.
[_History of the British Settlements in North America_, Lond. 1773,
4to, p. 156. ADAIR, 257. BARTON's Views, &c., Introduction XLIV. and
Appendix 9.]
XIII.
ACCOUNT OF THE INDIANS IN GEORGIA, BEING PART OF A LETTER FROM
OGLETHORPE, DATED 9TH JUNE, 1733.
There seems to be a door opened to our Colony towards the conversion
of the Indians. I have had many conversations with their chief men,
the whole tenor of which shews that there is nothing wanting to their
conversion but one who understands their language well, to explain
to them the _mysteries_ of religion; for, as to the _moral_ part of
Christianity, they understand it, and do assent to it. They abhor
_adultery_, and do not approve of _a plurality of wives_. _Theft_ is
a thing not known among the Creek Indians; though frequent, and even
honorable among the Uchees. _Murder_ they look on as a most abominable
crime: but do not esteem the killing of an _enemy_, or one that has
injured them, murder. The passion of _revenge_, which they call
_honor_, and _drunkenness_, which they learn from our traders, seem to
be the two greatest obstacles to their being truly Christians: but,
upon both these points they hear reason; and with respect to drinking
_rum_, I have weaned those near me a good deal from it. As for
_revenge_, they say, as they have no executive power of justice
amongst them, they are forced to kill the man who has injured them,
in order to prevent others doing the like; but they do not think any
injury, except _adultery_, or _murder_, deserves revenge. They hold
that if a man commits adultery, the injured husband is obliged to have
revenge, by cutting off the ears of the adulterer, which, if he is too
strong or sturdy to submit to, then the injured husband kills him the
first opportunity he has to do it with safety. In cases of murder, the
next in blood is obliged to kill the murderer, or else he is looked
on as infamous in the nation where he lives; and the weakness of the
executive power is such, that there is no other way of punishment but
by the revenger of blood, as the Scripture calls it; for there is no
coercive power in any of their nations; their kings can do no more
than to persuade. All the power they have is no more than to call
their old men and captains together, and to propound to them the
measures they think proper; and, after they have done speaking, all
the others have liberty to give their opinions also; and they reason
together with great temper and modesty, till they have brought each
other into some unanimous resolution. Then they call in the young men,
and recommend to them the putting in execution the resolution, with
their strongest and most lively eloquence. And, indeed, they seem to
me, both in action and expression, to be thorough masters of true
eloquence. In speaking to their young men, they generally address the
passions. In speaking to the old men, they apply to reason only. [He
then states the interview with the Creeks, and gives the first set
speech of Tomo Chichi, which has been quoted.] One of the Indians of
the Cherokee nation, being come down, the Governor told him that "he
need fear nothing, but might speak freely," answered smartly, "I
always speak freely, what should I fear? I am now among friends, and I
never feared even among my enemies." Another instance of their short
manner of speaking was when I ordered one of the Carolina boatmen, who
was drunk and had beaten an Indian, to be tied to a gun till he was
sober, in order to be whipped. Tomo Chichi came to me to beg me to
pardon him, which I refused to do unless the Indian who had been
beaten should also desire the pardon for him. Tomo Chichi desired him
to do so, but he insisted upon satisfaction. Tomo Chichi said, "O
Fonseka," (for that was his name,) "this Englishman, being drunk, has
beat you; if he is whipped for so doing, the Englishmen will expect
that, if an Indian should insult them when drunk, the Indian should be
whipped for it. When you are drunk, you are quarrelsome, and you know
you love to be drunk, but you don't love to be whipped." Fonseka
was convinced, and begged me to pardon the man; which, as soon as I
granted, Tomo Chichi and Fonseka ran and untied him, which I perceived
was done to show that he owed his safety to their intercession.
XIV.
DUKE OF ARGYLE A PATRON OF OGLETHORPE.
"From his boyhood Oglethorpe uniformly enjoyed the friendship and
confidence of his gallant and eloquent countryman, John Duke of
Argyle; who, in an animated speech in Parliament, bore splendid
testimony to his military talents, his natural generosity, his
contempt of danger, and his devotion to the public weal."[1]
[Footnote 1: VERPLANK's _Discourse before the New York Historical
Society_, p. 33.]
This favorable opinion, acquired in military campaigns, where his
soldierly accomplishments and personal bravery had attracted the
notice and won the admiration of the commanding officers, was
preserved in after scenes, and confirmed by the principles which they
both maintained, and the measures they alike pursued in Parliament.
The Duke also early devoted himself to a military life, and served
under the great Marlborough. He distinguished himself at the battles
of Ramilies, of Oudenarde, and Malplaquet, and assisted at the siege
of Lisle and of Ghent. Such services were honorably rewarded by the
King, who made him Knight of the Garter in 1710, and the following
year sent him ambassador to Charles III. of Spain, with the command
of the English forces in that kingdom. His support of the union with
Scotland, rendered him for awhile unpopular with his countrymen,
but his merits were acknowledged by all parties. George I. on his
accession, restored him to the command of Scotland, of which he had
before been capriciously deprived; and, in 1715, he bravely attacked
Lord Mar's army at Dumblane, and obliged the Pretender to retire from
the kingdom. In 1718 he was made Duke of Greenwich. He died in 1743,
and was buried in Westminster Abbey, where a handsome monument records
his virtues.
The following couplet by pope immortalizes his fame.
"Argyle, the state's whole thunder born to wield,
And shake alike the senate and the field."
He had the honor, also, to be celebrated in very high terms by
THOMSON;
--"full on thee, ARGYLE,
Her hope, her stay, her darling and her boast,
From her first patriots and her heroes sprung,
Thy fond imploring country turns her eye;
In thee, with all a mother's triumph, sees
Her every virtue, every grace, combined,
Her genius, wisdom, her engaging turn,
Her pride of honor, and her courage tried,
Calm and intrepid, in the very throat
Of sulphurous war, on Tenier's dreadful field.
Nor less the palm of peace inwreathes thy brow;
For, powerful as thy sword, from thy rich tongue
Persuasion flows, and wins the high debate;
While, mix'd in thee, combine the charm of youth,
The force of manhood, and the depth of age."
[_Autumn_, 1. 926-941.]
XV.
HISTORICAL REFERENCES TO THE SETTLEMENT OF THE SALTZBURGERS IN
GEORGIA.
_Nachricht von dem establishment derer Salzburgischen emigranten zu
Ebenezer, en der Provinz Georgien in Nord-America_, &c. Von P.G.F.
VON RECK. Halle 1774. From this, and a subsequent Journal of the same
author, was published a very interesting little work, by the direction
of _the Society for promoting Christian knowledge_, entitled "_An
extract of the Journals of Mr. Commissary_ VON RECK, _who conducted
the first transport of Saltzburgers to Georgia; and of the Reverend
Mr_. BOLZIUS, _one of their Ministers_." London, 1734. 12mo.
A circumstantial account of the settlement and of the affairs of these
emigrants is given in a work which bears this title, "_Ausfuerliche
Nacrichten von den Salzburgischen Emigranten, die sich in America
niedergelassen haben, worinnen die Riesediaria des konige.
Grossbritannischen Commissarii und der beyden Salzburgischen Prediger,
wie auch eine Beschreibung von Georgien enthalten. Heraus gegeben von_
SAMUEL URLSPERGER." _Halle_, 1735-52. This journal of the proceedings
of the Saltzburg emigrants, who formed the settlement of Ebenezer
in Georgia, was continued from year to year, from 1734 to 1760; in
several parts, which, bound up, make five thick quarto volumes. In
Professor Ebeling's copy, now in the library of Harvard College, is
the continuation, in _manuscript_, [perhaps the original,] and which
was never printed, by JOHN MARTIN BOLZIUS, dated January, 1765. There
is, also, a separate work, entitled _Americanisches Ackerwerck Gottes,
von_ SAMUEL URLSPERGER. Augs. 1745-1760. 4to. 4 vol.
A most interesting account of the persecution is to be found in
two thin quarto volumes by J.M. TEUBENER, entitled _Historie derer
Emigranten oder Vertriebenen Lutheraner aus dem Ertz-Bissthum
Saltzburg_. 2 vols. 4to. _Leipz_. 1732.
"About twenty-five thousand persons, a tenth part of the population,
migrated on this occasion. Their property was sold for them, under the
King of Prussia's protection; some injustice, and considerable loss
must needs have been suffered by such a sale, and the chancellor, by
whom this strong measure was carried into effect, is accused of
having enriched himself by the transaction. Seventeen thousand of the
emigrants settled in the Prussian states. Their march will long be
remembered in Germany. The Catholic magistrates at Augsburgh shut the
gates against them, but the Protestants in the city prevailed, and
lodged them in their houses. The Count of Stolberg Warnegerode gave a
dinner to about nine hundred in his palace; they were also liberally
entertained and relieved by the Duke of Brunswick. At Leipsic the
clergy met them at the gates, and entered with them in procession,
singing one of Luther's hymns; the magistrates quartered them upon the
inhabitants, and a collection was made for them in the church, several
merchants subscribing liberally. The university of Wittenberg went out
to meet them, with the Rector at their head, and collections were
made from house to house. 'We thought it an honor,' says one of the
Professors, 'to receive our poor guests in that city where Luther
first preached the doctrines for which they were obliged to abandon
their native homes.' These demonstrations of the popular feeling
render it more than probable that if a religious war had then been
allowed to begin in Saltzburg, it would have spread throughout all
Germany.
"Thirty-three thousand pounds were raised in London for the relief of
the Saltzburgers. Many of them settled in Georgia,--colonists of the
best description. They called their settlement Ebenezer. Whitfield, in
1738, was wonderfully pleased with their order and industry. 'Their
lands,' he says, 'are improved surprisingly for the time they have
been there, and I believe they have far the best crop of any in the
colony. They are blest with two such pious ministers as I have
not often seen. They have no courts of judicature, but all little
differences are immediately and implicitly decided by their ministers,
whom they look upon and love as their fathers. They have likewise an
orphan house, in which are seventeen children and one widow, and I
was much delighted to see the regularity wherewith it is managed.'"
SOUTHEY'S _Life of Wesley_, Vol. I. p. 98, note.
XVI.
With reference to these persecuted exiles, are the following lines of
Thomson.
"Lo! swarming southward on rejoicing suns
New colonies extend'. the calm retreat
Of undeserved distress, the better home
Of those whom bigots chase from foreign lands;
Such as of late an Oglethorpe has formed,
And crowding round, the pleased Savannah sees."
[Liberty, _Part V_.]
I give, also, an extract from the _London Journal_ of the day.
"As the Trustees for settling Georgia are giving all proper
encouragement for the Saltzburg emigrants to go over and settle there,
some of the managers for those poor people have sent over to the
Trustees from Holland, a curious medal or device, enchased on silver,
representing the emigration of the poor Saltzburgers from their native
country, which opens like a box, and in the inside contains a map of
their country, divided into seventeen districts, with seventeen little
pieces of historical painting, representing the seventeen persecutions
of the primitive Christians; the whole being folded up in a very small
compass, and is a most ingenious piece of workmanship."
XVII.
SETTLEMENT OF THE MORAVIANS IN GEORGIA.
"In consequence of the oppression which they suffered in Bohemia, the
United Brethren, or, as they are more commonly called, the Moravians,
resolved to emigrate to the new Colony of Georgia in America, whither
the Saltzburgers had recently gone. With this purpose they applied
to Count Zinzendorf, their spiritual guide, for his concurrence and
assistance. Accordingly, he made interest with the Trustees on their
behalf, which, being favorably received, and a free passage offered, a
small company of them set out from Herrnfurt in November, 1734. They
proceeded to London, where they found Mr. Spangenberg, who had
nearly concluded every thing relative to their embarkation, with the
Trustees, and to their accommodation and settlement, with General
Oglethorpe. A number of Saltzburgers were also about to emigrate; and
three zealous ministers of the Church of England, Mr. John Wesley,
together with his brother Charles, and Mr. Benjamin Ingham, went with
them in the same ship.
"They arrived at Savannah in the spring of 1735; and, in the following
summer received a considerable increase of brethren, conducted by
David Nitchmann, senior.
"The Saltzburgers went further up the river, and selected a place
of settlement, which they called Ebenezer, but the Brethren began
immediately their settlement near to Savannah; and God so blessed
their industry, that they were not only soon in a capacity of
maintaining themselves, but, also, of being serviceable to their
neighbors. Having had assistance in the erection of a school-house for
the children of the Indians, Tomo Tschatschi, their King, came to see
it, and was glad that they might have a place where, as he expressed
it, _they could hear the good word_. Consequently the Colony of
the Brethren presented a fair prospect, both with respect to the
settlement itself, and the instruction and conversion of the Heathen.
But, being among the rest summoned to take up arms in defence of the
country, and to march against the Spaniards, they refused it, as being
no freeholders, and, of consequence, not obliged to it according to
the laws of the Colony; nay, before coming over, they had expressly
stated that they were not willing to perform any military service.
Count Zinzendorf, on his visit to London, in January, 1737, took
occasion to become acquainted with General Oglethorpe and the Trustees
of Georgia, with whom he entered into a conference relative to the
situation of the Moravian Brethren there. He remonstrated against
their being called on to enlist as soldiers; and the Trustees readily
exempted them from such a liability. But as this exemption embittered
the minds of the people against them, some of the Brethren in 1738
left all their flourishing plantations, having repaid all the money
which had been advanced towards their passage and settlement, and went
to Pennsylvania. The rest were left undisturbed for awhile; but in
1739, when the troubles of war broke out afresh, being again molested
on account of military service, they followed their brethren in the
spring of 1740, and afterwards began the colonies of Bethlehem and
Nazareth." CRANZ'S _History of the United Brethren_, p. 193, 213 and
229.
XVIII.
SCOUT-BOAT.
1. This was a strong built ten-oared boat, bearing three swivel guns,
kept for exploring the river passages, visiting the islands, and for
preventing the incursions of enemies, and repelling the predatory
attempts of runaway slaves who sometimes lurked round and infested the
coast. The crew was composed of bold and hardy South Carolinians, who
lie out in the woods or in the open boat, for months together. Most of
them are good hunters and fishers; and by killing deer and other game,
subsist themselves, when the packed stores fail.
2. "_Channels_," as they are called, are water courses between the
main-land and the islands; in some places above a mile wide, in
others, not above two hundred yards. These sometimes open into what
are called "_sounds_," which are gulfs of the sea, that extend into
the land and entrances of rivers.
XIX.
The Uchee Indians had a village not far from Ebenezer, at the time of
the settlement of Georgia; but their principal town was at _Chota_, on
the western branch of the _Chattahoochee_, or, as it was more properly
spelt, _Chota-Uchee_ river. How long they had resided there we do not
know. As their language is a dialect of the Shawanees, it has been
supposed that they were descendants from that tribe. A jealousy
existed between them and the Muscogees; but they were in amity with
the Creeks, though they would not mix with them. How numerous they
were at the time of their treaty with Oglethorpe, cannot now be
ascertained.
In 1773 they lived on a beautiful plain of great extent, in a compact
village. They had houses made of timbers framed together, lathed and
plastered over with a kind of red clay, which gave them the appearance
of having been built of brick. At that time they numbered 1500, of
whom 300 were warriors. For many years they have not joined the Creeks
in any of their games or dances; and have only been kept from open
hostility with other tribes, by the influence of the white people.
[For this note I am indebted to my friend SAMUEL G. DRAKE; whose
_Biography and History of the Indians of North America_ comprises much
that can be known of the aborigines.]
XX.
OF THE MUTINY IN THE CAMP, AND ATTEMPT AT ASSASSINATION.
From the journal of William Stephens, Esq. (Vol. II. pp. 76, 90, 473,
480, 499, and 505; and Vol. III. 4, 5, 27, and 32,) I collect the
following particulars. One of the persons implicated in the insidious
plot, was William Shannon, a Roman Catholic. "He was one of the new
listed men in England, which the General brought over with him. By his
seditious behavior he merited to be shot or hanged at Spithead before
they left it, and afterwards, for the like practices at St. Simons.
Upon searching him there, he was found to have belonged to Berwick's
regiment, and had a furlough from it in his pocket." Instead of
suffering death for his treasonable conduct, in the last instance,
he was whipped and drummed out of the regiment. "Hence he rambled up
among the Indian nations, with an intent to make his way to some of
the French settlements; but being discovered by the General when he
made his progress to those parts, in the year 1739, and it being
ascertained that he had been endeavoring to persuade the Indians into
the interest of the French, he fled, but was afterwards taken and
sent down to Savannah, and committed to prison there as a dangerous
fellow." On the 14th of August, 1740, he and a Spaniard, named Joseph
Anthony Mazzique, who professed to be a travelling doctor, but had
been imprisoned upon strong presumption of being a spy, broke out of
prison and fled. On the 18th of September, they murdered two persons
at Fort Argyle, and rifled the fort. They were taken on the beginning
of October at the Uchee town, and brought back to Savannah, tried and
found guilty, condemned and executed on the 11th of November, having
previously confessed their crime.
Since my account of _the traitorous plot_ was written, as also of the
_attempt at assassination_, I have received from my friend Dr. W.B.
STEVENS, of Savannah, the following extracts from letters of
General Oglethorpe. As they state some particulars explanatory and
supplementary of the narrative which I had given, I place them here.
And this I do the rather because DR. HEWATT, (Vol. II. p. 70,) as also
Major McCALL, (Vol. I. p. 124,) in the same words, and some others,
incorporate the _treachery_ at St. Simons, and the _assault_ at St.
Andrews into a connected narrative, as one occurrence; whereas it
is very evident that the circumstances detailed were distinct; one
originating among the troops which sailed in the Hector and Blandford,
in July 1738, from England, and the other in the two companies drawn
from the garrison at Gibraltar, which came in the Whittaker in the
preceding month of May.
In reference to the first, General Oglethorpe thus wrote in a letter
to the trustees, dated, "on board the Blandford at Plymouth, July 3d,
1738."
"We have discovered that one of our soldiers has been in the Spanish
service, and that he hath stroved to seduce several men to desert with
him to them, on their arrival in Georgia. He designed also to murder
the officers, or such persons as could have money, and carry off the
plunder. Two of the gang have confessed, and accused him; but we
cannot discover the rest. The fellow has plenty of money, and he said
he was to have sixty or a hundred crowns, according to the number of
men he carried. He is yet very obstinate, refusing to give any account
of his correspondents. We shall not try him till we come to Georgia,
because we hope we shall make more discoveries."
"They left Plymouth on the 5th of July, and arrived about the 16th of
September, at Frederica."
On the 8th of October, 1738, occurs the following passage in a letter
from Frederica, to his Grace the Duke of Newcastle.
"We have discovered some men who listed themselves as spies. We took
upon one of them his furlough from Berwick's regiment in the Irish
troops. They strove to persuade some of our men to betray a post to
the Spaniards; who, instead of complying, discovered their intentions.
I have ordered a general Court Martial, for the trying of them, who
have not yet made their report. One of them owns himself a Roman
Catholic, and denies the King having any authority over him."
"I conceive," says Dr. Stevens, "that these two letters refer to one
and the same thing, viz.: that there were _spies_, which came over
with the troops who arrived in September; that they designed to betray
the English posts; that they were to murder the officers; and defeat
the object for which the regiment was sent to Georgia. But this plot
was crushed by the fact of its being discovered, the ring-leaders
seized, and a Court Martial ordered."
Writing again to the Duke of Newcastle from Frederica, November 20,
1738, Oglethorpe says,--"Those soldiers who came from Gibraltar, have
mutinied. The King gave them provisions and pay at Gibraltar. He gave
them but six months provision here; after which they were to live upon
their pay. On the expiration of their provisions, they demanded a
continuance of them, and not being able to comply with their demands,
they took to arms. One of them fired upon me. After a short skirmish
we got the better of them. One of the officers was slightly, and one
of the mutineers dangerously wounded, and five are secured prisoners,
to be tried by a Court Martial. We have strong reason to suspect
that our neighbors have tampered with these men. Many of them speak
Spanish, and some of their boats,[1] under various pretences, came up
hither before my arrival."
[Footnote 1: He refers here to boats from St. Augustine.]
Upon this Dr. Stevens remarks--"In this case the cause of mutiny had
no reference to the Spaniards. While in Gibraltar the troops had
received provisions in addition to their pay. These were continued six
months after their arrival in America; but when these were withdrawn,
and nothing but their bare pay left, they became dissatisfied;
demanded additional supplies; and, on refusal by General Oglethorpe,
took to their arms. Here was a simple cause _originating among
themselves_; in the other affair, the soldiers who created the
difficulty were acting as _agents of a foreign power_; the bribed and
acknowledged traitors to their own country. In the one case it was the
sudden outbreaking of discontent, owing to the retrenchment of their
wages; in the other, it was a premeditated and well-concerted plan,
framed by Spanish emissaries on the other side of the water, to be
executed on this."
Referring to the remark of General Oglethorpe at the close of the last
letter, as also to some suggestions in the letter of mine, to which
the foregoing was the reply, Dr. Stevens adds--"That the Spaniards
tampered with the English, and endeavored to seduce them from their
allegiance, is not to be doubted; because it was of the utmost
importance to them to create divisions in the regiment; but the one to
whom Hewatt refers, as having been 'in the Spanish service, and had so
much of a Roman Catholic spirit,' is doubtless the same spoken of by
Oglethorpe in July, upon whom a Court Martial sat in September; and
who could not, therefore, have been connected with the mutiny at Fort
St. Andrews, in November."
XXI.
FURTHER PARTICULARS OF TOMO CHICHI.
In the preceding pages are several references to Tomo Chichi, which
show how strongly he became attached to Oglethorpe; how liberal he was
in the grant of territory; how considerate in furnishing to the new
settlers venison, wild turkeys, and other articles, as opportunity
offered, and the occasion made particularly acceptable; how
serviceable he was in procuring such interviews with the Chiefs of the
Upper and Lower Creeks as led to amicable treaties; and how ready to
assist, not only with his own little tribe, but by his influence with
others, in the contests with the Spaniards. Some other notices of him,
which bring out his excellent character more prominently, but could
not be inserted in the body of this work, I have deemed to be
sufficiently interesting to be inserted here.
"There were no Indians near the Georgians, before the arrival of
Oglethorpe, except Tomo Chichi, and a small tribe of about thirty or
forty men who accompanied him. They were partly Lower Creeks, and
partly Yamasees, who had disobliged their countrymen, and, for fear of
falling sacrifices to their resentment, had wandered in the woods
till about the year 1731, when they begged leave of the Government
of Carolina to sit down at Yamacraw, on the south side of Savannah
river."[1]
[Footnote 1: Report of the Committee of the South Carolina Assembly,
on the Indian trade, 4to, 1736, p. 11.]
"Tomo Chichi had in his youth been a great warrior. He had an
excellent judgment, and a very ready wit, which showed itself in his
answers upon all occasions. He was very generous in giving away all
the rich presents he received, remaining himself in a willing poverty,
being more pleased in giving to others, than possessing himself; and
he was very mild and good natured."[1]
[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1740, Vol. X. p. 129.]
"While Oglethorpe was at Charlestown, in June 1733, an Indian shot
himself in the vicinity. His uncle, (who was a war-king,) and his
friends, finding him dead, and fancying that he had been murdered
by the English, declared that they would be revenged on them. Tomo
Chichi, being informed of the uproar, came to the place and strove to
quiet the Indians, saying that he was persuaded it could not be the
English who had killed him; and therefore desired that they would
inquire better into the matter. But the uncle, continuing in a great
rage, Tomo Chichi bared his breast and said to him, 'If you will kill
any body, kill me; for I am an Englishman.' So he pacified them; and,
upon the thorough examination of the matter, it was found that for
some days he had been in despair, and desired several different
Indians to shoot him; and an Indian boy saw him kill himself in the
following manner; he put the muzzle of his gun under his chin, and
with his great toe pushed the trigger."[1]
[Footnote 1: _New England Weekly Journal for August_ 23, 1733.]
The visit of Tomo Chichi to England was greeted in some beautiful
poetry, of which the following stanza is an extract:
"What stranger this? and from what region far?
This wonderous form, majestic to behold?
Unclothed, yet armed offensive for the war,
In hoary age, and wise experience old?
His limbs inured to hardiness and toil,
His strong large limbs, what mighty sinews brace!
Whilst truth sincere and artless virtue smile
In the expressive features of his face.
His bold, free aspect speaks the inward mind,
Awed by no slavish fear, by no vile passion blind."
Major McCALL, after giving an account of the visit of the Indians to
England, makes this declaration: "Tomo Chichi acknowledged that the
Governor of the world, or _Great Spirit_, had given the English great
wisdom, power, and riches, so that they wanted nothing. He had given
the Indians great extent of territories, yet they wanted every thing.
Therefore he exerted his influence in prevailing on the Creeks to
resign such lands to the English as were of no use to themselves, and
to allow them to settle amongst them; that they might be supplied with
useful articles for cultivation, and necessaries of life. He told them
that the English were a generous nation, and would trade with them on
the most honorable and advantageous terms; that they were brethren and
friends, and would protect them against danger, and go with them to
war against their enemies." Vol. I. p. 46.
Mr. WESLEY, in his Journal, writes July 1st, 1736: "The Indians had an
audience, and another on Saturday, when Chicali, their head man, dined
with Mr. Oglethorpe. After dinner I asked the grey-headed old man,
'What he thought he was made for?' He said, 'He that is above knows
what he made us for. We know nothing. We are in the dark. But white
men know much. And yet white men build great houses, as if they were
to live forever. In a little time white men will be dust as well as
I.' I told him, 'if red men will learn the good book, they may know as
much as white men. But neither we nor you can know that book, unless
we are taught by Him that is above; and he will not teach you unless
you avoid what you already know is not good.' He answered, 'I believe
that; He will not teach us while our hearts are not white [pure]; and
our men do what they know is not good. Therefore he that is above does
not send us the good book.'"
About TOMO CHICHI, the following is given in SPENCE'S _Anecdotes_, p.
318. (Ed. Lond. 1820.)
"When General Oglethorpe was conversing with a sensible old native of
Georgia about prayer, the latter said that 'they never prayed to God,
but left it to him to do what he thought to be best for them; that the
asking for any particular blessing, looked to him like directing God;
and if so, must be a very wicked thing. That, for his part, he thought
every thing that happened in the world was as it should be; that God,
of himself, would do for every one what was consistent with the good
of the whole; and that our duty to him was to be content with whatever
happened in general, and thankful for all the good that happened to us
in particular.'"
The speech of Tomo Chichi, on presenting _the feather of an Eagle_ to
Oglethorpe, is very expressive in his own laconic explication. By a
little paraphrase it may be understood to import: "The Eagle has a
sharp beak for his enemies, but down on his breast for his friend. He
has strong wings, for he is aspiring; but they give shelter to feeble
ones, for he is naturally propitious."
"TOMO CHICHI died on the 5th of October, 1739, at his own town, four
miles from Savannah, of a lingering illness, being aged about 97. He
was sensible to the last minutes; and when he was persuaded his death
was near, he showed the greatest magnanimity and sedateness, and
exhorted his people never to forget the favors he had received from
the King when in England, but to persevere in their friendship
with the English. He expressed the greatest tenderness for General
Oglethorpe, and seemed to have no concern at dying, but its being at a
time when his life might be useful against the Spaniards. He desired
that his body might be buried among the English, in the town of
Savannah, since it was he that had prevailed with the Creek Indians
to give the land, and had assisted in the founding of the town.
The corpse was brought down by water. The General, attended by the
Magistrates and people of the town, met it upon the water's edge. The
corpse was carried into the Percival square. The pall was supported by
the General, Colonel Stephens, Colonel Montaigute, Mr. Carteret,
Mr. Lemon, and Mr. Maxwell. It was followed by the Indians, and
Magistrates, and people of the town. There was the respect paid of
firing minute guns from the battery all the time of the procession;
and funeral firing by the militia, who were under arms. The General
has ordered a pyramid of stone which is dug in this neighborhood, to
be erected over the grave, which being in the centre of the town, will
be a great ornament to it, as well as testimony of gratitude."[1]
[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1740, Vol. X. p. 129, and _London
Magazine_, 1758, Vol. LVII. p. 24. The account of the death and
funeral of Tomo Chichi, much like the above, is given in the Journal
of W. STEPHENS, who was present. Vol. II. p. 153.]
As a frontispiece to one of the volumes of URLSPERGER'S _Journal
of the Saltzburg Emigrants_, is an engraving of _Tomo Chichi and
Toonahowi_, which bears the inscription, "TOMO CHICHI, _Mico_, and
TOONAHOWI, the son of his brother, the Mice, or king of Etichitas;
engraved in Augsburg after the London original, by John Jacob
Kleinshmidt."
In 1738, a dramatic entertainment in three acts, entitled Timbo
Chiqui, was published by John Cleland. [NICHOLS'S _Literary
Anecdotes_, Vol. II. p. 459.]
TOONAHOWI was killed, valiantly fighting for the English against the
Yamasee Indians, at Lake di Pupa, in 1743.
XXII.
MANIFESTO BY GENERAL OGLETHORPE.
_Charlestown, April_ 1, 1740.
Whereas upon mature deliberation it is resolved to defend these
Provinces by invading the Province of Florida, and attacking St.
Augustine, in order to remove the enemy that from thence may molest
his Majesty's subjects in America, which enemy both have and do
continue to foment and countenance the slaves to rebellion, burning
houses, murders, and other cruelties, of which the circumstances of
the late massacre in this Province is too sad a proof; and whereas the
General Assembly of this Province hath ordered forces to be raised, so
that an army composed of various troops and Indians are to assist in
invading the Spanish dominions of Florida; I, therefore, to prevent
any disorders that may arise in the said army by virtue of powers
received from his Majesty authorizing and empowering me, (for the
better government of the forces during their continuance under my
command,) to prepare and publish such rules and ordinances as are fit
to be observed by all officers and soldiers: in regard, therefore, to
the regiment of foot raised in South Carolina, I do constitute and
appoint that Alexander Vanderdussen, Esq., Colonel of the said
regiment, paid by the government of South Carolina, shall hold
regimental courts martial for the trials of such offences as shall be
committed by the officers and soldiers of that regiment; and that the
said court martial shall consist of the officers of that regiment
only; and that the Colonel of the said regiment shall sit as President
of the said regimental courts martial, and make a report to me, and
that according to the judgment of the said Courts I shall cause
sentence to be pronounced, in case I approve of the same, or otherwise
suspend the same as I shall see cause. And I do further declare that
this authority shall continue for the space of four months from the
commencement of the said expedition, and no longer; and that after the
expiration of the said four months, or other sooner determination of
the said expedition, every officer and soldier, whether volunteers
from, or in the pay of the government of Carolina, shall have free
liberty to depart and return to their habitations, and that a free
pass (if by them required,) shall be respectively granted unto them,
against being impressed, impeded, enlisted, or detained, by any
authority, civil or military, whatsoever, that may be exercised by or
derived from me.
And I do further declare that if the officers of his Majesty's ships
of war shall land men to assist the land forces, one full moiety of
all the plunder that shall be taken in such service, shall go to the
officers and men in his Majesty's said sea-service, whose ships are
assisting in the said expedition; and that all plunder taken and
accruing to the officers and men in the land service shall be divided
among the officers and men of the land service, in the same manner and
proportion as prizes are distributed among the officers and men in
his Majesty's sea-service, according to the laws and rules of his
Majesty's navy.
And I do further declare that whatever share of plunder shall come to
me as General and commander of the said forces, I will apply the same
totally towards the relief of such men as may happen to be maimed or
wounded in the said expedition, and towards assisting the widows and
children of any of the said forces that may happen to be killed in
the said service; and for the rewarding of such as shall perform any
distinguished brave action.
No Indian enemy is to be taken as a slave, for all Spanish and
Indian prisoners do belong to his Majesty, and are to be treated as
prisoners, and not as slaves.
JAMES OGLETHORPE.
XXIII.
COLONEL PALMER.
"As no final agreement with respect to the limits of the two provinces
had been concluded, the Indians in alliance with Spain continued to
harass the British settlements. Scalping parties of the Yamasees
frequently penetrated into Carolina; killed white men, and carried
off every negro they could find. Though the owners of slaves had been
allowed from the Spanish government a compensation in money for their
losses, yet few of them ever received it. At length Colonel Palmer
resolved to make reprisals upon the plunderers. For this purpose he
gathered together a party of militia and friendly Indians, consisting
of about three hundred men, and entered Florida with a resolution of
spreading desolation throughout the province. He carried his arms as
far as the gates of St. Augustine, and compelled the inhabitants to
take refuge in their castle. Scarce a house or hut in the Colony
escaped the flames. He destroyed their provisions in the fields; drove
off their hogs, cattle, and horses; and left the Floridians little
property, except what was protected by the guns of their fort. By this
expedition he demonstrated to the Spaniards their weakness; and that
the Carolinians, whenever they pleased, could prevent the cultivation
and settlement of their Province so as to render the improvement of
it impracticable on any other than peaceable terms with their
neighbors."[1]
[Footnote 1: HEWATT'S _History of South Carolina_, Vol. I. p. 314, and
Dr. RAMSAY'S _History of South Carolina_, Vol. I. p. 137; where it is
quoted, word for word, without acknowledgment.]
XXIV.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE SIEGE OF ST. AUGUSTINE, IN A LETTER FROM ON BOARD
THE HECTOR.
"May 30th, [1740] we arrived near St. Augustine. June 1st we were
joined by the Flamborough, Captain Pearse; the Phoenix, Captain
Fanshaw; the Tartar, Captain Townshend; and the Squirrel, Capt.
Warren, of twenty guns each; besides the Spence Sloop, Captain Laws,
and the Wolf, Captain Dandridge. On the 2d Colonel Vanderdussen, with
three hundred Carolina soldiers, appeared to the north of the town. On
the 9th General Oglethorpe came by sea with three hundred soldiers and
three hundred Indians from Georgia: on the which they were carried on
shore in the men-of-war's boats, under the cover of the small ships'
guns. They landed on the Island Eustatia, without opposition, and took
the look-out. The 13th Captain Warren, in a schooner and other armed
sloops and pettiauguas anchored in their harbor, just out of cannon
shot, until the 26th, when the sailors were employed in landing
ordnance and other stores, within reach of the enemy's cannon. On
which occasion they discovered a surprising spirit and intrepidity.
The same night two batteries were raised; but too far off. The 27th
the General summoned the Governor to surrender; who sent word he
should be glad to shake hands with him in his castle. This haughty
answer was occasioned by a dear-bought victory which five hundred
Spaniards had obtained over eighty Highlanders, fifty of whom were
slain; but died like heroes, killing thrice their number. The 29th,
bad weather, obliged the men-of-war to put to sea, out of which but
one man had been killed. Hereupon the siege was raised."
_Letter from General Oglethorpe to Rev. J.M. Bolzius_.
REVEREND SIR,
Though God has not been pleased to prosper us with the success of
taking St. Augustine, yet we are to thank him for the safe return of
the greatest part of our men, and that the pride of our enemy has been
curbed.
Those men who came from Ebenezer, and that were in the Carolina
regiment, I have ordered to be sent up to you again.
I recommend myself to your prayers,
and am, Reverend Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
JAMES OGLETHORPE.
_Frederica_, 5 _August_, 1740.
_From the Gentleman's Magazine, for November_, 1740.
A letter in the Daily Post of the 26th, dated from Charlestown, South
Carolina, having laid the ill success at Fort St. Augustine on the ill
conduct of ----, some particulars of which are: 1st, that the cattle
taken at a cow-pen of one Diego, twenty-five miles from the town, May
12, were not distributed to the soldiery; 2d, that the people might
have entered the town without opposition, but were not suffered; 3d,
that the men were needlessly harassed; 4th, that Colonel Palmer, who
was sent to Negro Fort, two miles from the town, with one hundred and
thirty-three men to alarm the Spaniards was not supported by ----, who
staid six or seven miles off; 5th, that Colonel Palmer being attacked
by five hundred Spaniards, shot three of them after they had entered
the fort; 6th, that Captain Warren was the life and spirit of the
cause; 7th, that the Volunteers, seeing no prospect of succeeding
under such mad conduct, as they called it, daily went off,--the
following answer was published.
"Upon seeing a letter misrepresenting, in the most false and malicious
manner, the late expedition against St. Augustine; aiming thereby to
defame the character of a gentleman, whose unwearied endeavors for the
public service, have greatly impaired his health; and as I, who am a
Captain in General Oglethorpe's regiment, was present, and acted
upon that occasion as Brigadier Major, and must know the whole
transactions, I think it my duty to take notice of it.
"As to the cow-pen it speaks of, it is a square Fort, with four
carriage guns and four swivel guns, and had a garrison in it of
forty-seven soldiers of the regular troops, and seven negroes, who
were all made prisoners of war. The cattle found there, and in parts
adjacent, were distributed to the King's troops and the Carolina
regiment.
"In respect to the Carolina people being ready to enter the town of
Augustine without opposition; it is entirely false, and without the
least foundation.
"In regard to Colonel Palmer's misfortune, who was killed in the first
fire from the Spaniards; he brought it upon himself by disobeying
the orders he received, which positively enjoined his keeping in the
woods, and avoiding action, and by acting contrary to the advice of
the officers under his command, some of whom were present when he
received his orders, and lodging himself in the Negro Fort Moosa,
where they were surrounded and defeated; the gates of which fort, and
the house within it, the General had before burnt.
"With respect to the Carolina Volunteers; that they did go away is
certain, without leave given, or asked, and their Captain with them. A
Captain of the Carolina regiment also left his command in the guard of
the trenches, without being relieved, or asking any leave, and went
with them. After such behavior, what credit can be given to such men,
though termed persons of note?
"As to Captain Warren, whose name is mentioned to endeavor to throw an
odium elsewhere; I am convinced by the personal acquaintance I have
with him, that he will upon all occasions, do his duty in the service
of his King and country; as also Captain Law and Captain Townshend,
that were ashore with him.
"The morning after we landed upon the Island of Anastatia, I stood by
while Captain Warren read to General Oglethorpe a letter to Captain
Pearse, then Commodore, acquainting him of our landing without any
loss, and the Spaniards withdrawing from that Island, on which Captain
Warren said, all that was now necessary to secure the reduction of the
place, was the taking of the Spanish galleys, which undertaking he
would himself head with the King's boats under the cannon of the fort,
if he would give him leave. Several councils of war were held on
board his Majesty's ships by the sea captains, but Captain Warren's
proposition was not undertaken.
"Lest malicious people should suggest that I might be sent to England
by General Oglethorpe on this occasion, I solemnly declare, that I
came at my own desire by his leave, and had no instructions from him,
directly or indirectly, concerning this affair; but my regard to
truth, and abhorrence of all false and malicious reports whatsoever,
have induced me to publish this, to which I set my name. HUGH
MACKLEY."
_Johnson's Court, Charing Cross, Nov_. 29, 1740.
XXV.
SPANISH INVASION.
For details of the Spanish invasion in 1742, I refer to the
_Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. XII. pages 494, 496, 550, and 661; and
would here remark that Patrick Sutherland, Lieutenant of General
Oglethorpe's regiment, was sent express to England to give an
account of the war, and was furnished with a minute Journal of the
occurrences; but, being taken by a Spanish privateer, he threw his
papers into the sea. A circumstantial relation, however, having been
sent by another conveyance to the Trustees, was attested and confirmed
by Lieutenant Sutherland on his arrival in London; and was published
in the _London Gazette_ of December 25th, and thence transferred into
the _Gentleman's Magazine_, for 1742, p. 693, and was afterwards
repeated in the _London Magazine_ for 1758, p. 79. There is also
in HARRIS'S _Collection of Voyages_, Vol. II. p. 324-347, a very
particular account of the Spanish invasion, which is introduced by
the following remarks: "As to the manner in which they executed it at
last; and the amazing disappointment they met with, notwithstanding
the vast force they employed, and the smallness of that by which they
were assisted, we had so full, so clear, and so authentic an account
published by authority, that I know of no method more fit to convey an
idea of it, or less liable to any exceptions than transcribing it." Of
this I have freely availed myself, and have distinguished the direct
quotations by inverted commas, but without repeating the references in
marginal notes.
This account is concluded with the following remarks: "I must observe,
before I conclude this chapter, that if there be any thing in it which
ought in a particular manner to claim the attention of the public, it
is, in a great measure, due to the lights afforded by the Honorable
James Oglethorpe, from whom, if the author has caught any part of that
generous spirit which inclines a man to bend all his thoughts and turn
all his labors to the service of his country, it is but just that he
should acknowledge it; and this he is the more ready to do, because,
if there be any merit in his performance, capable of making it known
to and esteemed by posterity, he would willingly consecrate it as a
mark of his esteem and gratitude for the many informations he has
received, and the right turn that has been given to his inquiries, by
that knowing and worthy person, who is equally happy in rendering the
greatest personal services himself to the community, and in infusing
the like disposition in others, both by his example and conversation."
Some extracts are also inserted in my narrative from _an account of
the Invasion of Georgia, taken from the Diary of the Preachers at
Ebenezer_. [URLSPERGER, Vol. IV. p. 1252.] This is principally derived
from intelligence by despatches to Savannah, and contains three
letters from Oglethorpe. Just as my manuscript was going to the press,
I was favored by my obliging friend, Dr. Stevens, of Savannah, with
a copy of General Oglethorpe's despatch to the Duke of Newcastle; in
season, however, to profit by it.
XXVI.
COPY OF AN ORDER FOR A THANKSGIVING TO BE HELD TO THE PRAISE OF GOD,
THAT HE HAS PUT AN END TO THE SPANISH INVASION.[1]
[Footnote 1: From the German translation of the Reverend Mr. Bolzius.]
Almighty god has at all times displayed his power and mercy in the
wonderful and gracious delivery of his Church; and in the protection
of pious and godly rulers and people, who have acknowledged and served
him, against the ungodly conspiracies and violent practices of all
their enemies. He has by the interposition of his Providence rescued
us from the assaults of the Spaniards. They came out against us with
fourteen sail of light galleys, into Cumberland sound, but fear came
upon them, and they fled at his rebuke. Again they came with a mighty
fleet of thirty-six ships and vessels, into Jekyl sound, and after
a sharp contest became masters of the fort, since we had but four
vessels to oppose their whole force; but He was there the shield of
our people; for, in the unequal conflict in which we held out bravely
for four hours, not one of our men was killed, although many of theirs
were, and five by a single shot. They landed with four thousand
five hundred men upon this island, according to the account of the
prisoners we took, yea even of the Englishmen who escaped from
them. The first party marched through the woods towards this town,
(Frederica) when, before a small number of our people, they were
dispersed, and fled. Another party which supported that, fought also,
but was discomfited. We may say surely the hand of God was raised for
our defence, for in the two skirmishes more than five hundred fled
before fifty; though the enemy fought vigorously a long time, and,
especially, fired their grenades with great spirit; but their shooting
did little hurt, so that not one of us was killed; but they were
thrown into great confusion, and pursued with so great loss, that
according to the account of the Spaniards since made prisoners, more
than two hundred returned not to their camp again. They advanced with
their galleys against our fortress, but were disappointed and withdrew
without discharging a shot. After this, fear came upon them, and they
fled, leaving behind them some cannon, and many other things which
they had taken on shore. Next, with twenty-eight sail they attacked
Fort William, in which there were only fifty men, and after a contest
of three hours, they desisted, and left the Province.
And so wonderfully were we protected and preserved, that in this great
and formidable conflict but few of our men were taken, and but three
killed. Truly the Lord hath done great things for us, by rescuing us
from the power of a numerous foe, who boasted that they would conquer
and dispossess us. Not our strength or might hath saved us; our
salvation is of the Lord. Therefore it is highly becoming us to render
thanks to God our deliverer. For this purpose, and in regard to these
considerations, I hereby appoint that the twenty-fifth day of this
month should be held as a day of public THANKSGIVING to Almighty God
for his great deliverance, and the end that is put to this Spanish
invasion. And I enjoin that every one observe this festival in a
christian and godly manner; abstaining from intemperance and excess,
and from all extravagant signs of rejoicing.
Given under my own hand and seal this twenty-first day of July, at
Frederica in Georgia, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven
hundred and forty-two.
JAMES OGLETHORPE.
[Under the date of September, the Rev. Mr. Bolzius makes this entry in
his diary--"Mr. Jones told me lately, that the people and soldiers at
Frederica, on the day when the Thanksgiving was held, observed such a
stillness and good order as he had never seen there. There was also a
very pertinent and devout ascription of praise read, which he (and
Mr. Jones is a good judge of edifying things,) pronounce to be very
excellent; and, moreover, he maintained that it must have been
prepared and composed by General Oglethorpe himself, for there was
neither preacher nor school-master at Frederica at that time."[1]]
[Footnote 1: URLSPERGER, IV. p. 1261.]
XXVII.
A LIST OF THE SPANISH FORCES EMPLOYED IN THE INVASION OF GEORGIA,
UNDER THE COMMAND OF DON MANUEL DE MONTEANO.
One Regiment of dismounted Dragoons, 400
Havana Regiment, 500
Havana Militia, 1000
Regiment of Artillery, 400
Florida Militia, 400
Batalion of Mulattoes, 300
Black Regiment, 400
Indians, 90
Marines, 600
Seamen, 1000
----
Total 5090
General Oglethorpe's command consisted of,
His Regiment, 472
Company of Rangers, 30
Highlanders, 50
Armed Militia, 40
Indians, 60
----
Total 652
Ensign Stewart's command at Fort William, on the south end of
Cumberland Island, consisted of sixty men. Fort William was about
fifty miles south-west from Frederica.
XXVIII.
A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE SILK CULTURE IN GEORGIA,
BY WILLIAM B. STEVENS, M.D.
One of the principal designs which influenced the settlement of
Georgia, was the hope of thereby creating a silk-growing province,
where that material for which England had so long been indebted
to France, Italy and China, could be produced in this colonial
dependency.
As early as 1609, the subject engaged the attention of the adventurers
to Virginia, and in a pamphlet, called "Nova Brittannia offering most
excellent fruites by planting in Virginia," published that year, the
writer says "there are silkeworms, and plenty of mulberie-trees,
whereby ladies, gentlewomen and little children (being set in the way
to do it) may bee all imploied with pleasure, making silke comparable
to that of Persia, Turkey, or any other." In 1650, Mr. Samuel Hartlib
published a work entitled "Virginia Discovery of Silk Wormes, with
their Benefits," in which he endeavored to show that the raising of
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