Charles Philip Yorke, Fourth Earl of Hardwicke, Vice-Admiral R.N.
by
Lady Biddulph of Ledbury
Part 2 out of 5
assure you it was thought much of, and highly valued. I think the Turks,
tho' they speak seldom, yet when they do are more profuse in their
compliments and fine speeches and questions than any people I have ever
seen.
'I am obliged to close my discourse as I am ordered to take another
convoy, and a ship is this moment weighing for England.
'So with affte. Love to Lady C.: and all haste,
'Believe me most sincerely,
'Your affte. Son,
'C. YORKE.'
* * * * *
H.M.S. 'ALACRITY,' MALTA:
May 24, 1824.
'MY DEAREST FATHER,
'I am once more in this part after divers peregrinations and events
which in due time I shall narrate. But first of all I am in despair at
hearing from no single soul in the land of Roast Beef. One solitary
letter from yourself is all I have received since I sailed from England.
You last heard from me from Gibraltar where I was waiting to take Convoy
to Cape St. Vincent having brought four sail to that place. Made short
work of the Cape St. Vincent trip having a gale of wind through the Gut
of Gib. And not able to show a stitch of canvas, so next day I was able
to haul my wind again having made the Cape. The letter which I hope you
received was sent by one of the ships. On my return to Gib. I again
three days afterwards took convoy to Malta where I did not remain more
than six hours being called on to perform a service of some delicacy;
different are the opinions of the way in which I acquitted myself but I
feel conscious of having strictly done my duty, and if I have done
wrong, all that I have to say is that the laws of nations were not the
groundwork or capital of my education, but it has made me take books up
a little in that way. The fact was a vessel under English colours
received on board at Rhodes 250 Algerians to take passage to their
native city (among whom was the brother-in-law of the Dey) with all
their money and effects; on this passage they hear of the war between
their country and our own, the master of the vessel wishes to bear up
for Malta but the Turks will not allow it, and he is obliged to use the
stratagem of cutting his main topmast rigging and so let the mast go
overboard for his excuse. He cannot reach Malta, but he gets into
Messina, the Consul for our Government there was applied to in this
matter by the Sicilian Authorities, & as by the salutary laws of that
country no barbarians can perform quarantine in any of their ports, it
became their desire to get her away. The master of the _Crown_
refuses to go, stating that his life was in absolute danger from the
people. I arrived in Malta from Gib with Convoy and in six hours after I
sailed for Messina with orders and that caused his untimely end.
'Give my kindest love to Lady Clanricarde and if she wants Turkey
carpets, shawls, &c. &c. now is the time. Affectionate love to all. I
wish Hy. was with me, I think if he would read as he travelled he would
make good use of his time.
'Your affectionate son,
'C.Y.'
* * * * *
H.M.S. 'TRIBUNE,'
In the Channel off Corfu, on the coast of Epirus:
July 16, 1824.
'MY DEAREST FATHER,
'I am here with G--- under sail and about to eat the gouty old
Commodore's dinner, _Alacrity_ in company. We start together for
Zante, Cephalonia, Cerigo, &c. though I leave him to take command in the
Archipelago.
'He is, as you well know, all that a kind and affectionate friend can
be. I wrote you a few days ago a very short letter and one that I know
you will abuse much when you receive it, but I promise a long one when I
am in for the Station and business that will naturally occur therefrom.
I have already one affair in hand with a Greek corvette for plunder
which will be acted on by me in a burning manner, for these fellows
require it.
'All the Algerian business is settled and the Admiral has expressed
himself well pleased with my conduct. Hamilton of the _Cambria_
promised me to see you and acquaint you with all particulars of the
affair.
'Love to all.
'Your affectionate son,
'C. Y.'
* * * * *
H.M. SLOOP 'ALACRITY,' SMYRNA:
Sept. 17, 1824.
'MY DEAREST FATHER,
'I received your kind letter of the 1st of May a few days ago at Spezzia
on the Gulf of Napoli di Romania (Nauplia) by H.M.S. _Martin_ which
arrived from Malta. Capt. Eden commands our little squad (for squadron I
will not call it as there are only 46 guns among three of us) and being
my senior officer has of course taken possession of the Green Bag, & my
command in these seas has expired after having held it nine weeks. 'I
believe before I go further it will be wise of me to explain to you what
this "Green Bag," as I call it, is, and when you hear I rather think you
will be a little amused.
'From the present state of Greece and the islands in the Archipelago
some Greek, some Turk, some both, and some neither, much piracy and
murder goes on against all the flags of Europe; and of course we fall in
for our share, and hardly a week passes but some appeal to humanity or
justice is brought to the Senior Officer, or any cruizing ship in the
Archipelago, indeed of late owing to the small force up this country
these papers have so accumulated that a large bag became necessary to
hold them, and when I gave up my command to Eden of the _Martin_,
up the side after me came the "awful Green Bag." The Senior Officer here
is in himself an Admiralty Court for all the Archipelago, and a most
difficult and delicate service it is, for _"truth is never to be got
at"_ and the Ionian who is always the person aggrieved is as bad as
the Greek. I foresee myself getting into a discussion, but I must say a
little of my opinions to you, faulty as they most likely are, yet such
has been the impression made on my mind by what I have seen and heard;
but I shall not break out here as I wish to give you an outline of what
I have been about since I left Malta.
'I had a passage of five weeks to Smyrna touching at Corfu and Milo and
delivering at the former 120,000 Dollars for the Government, found our
friend Guion there as much the ladies man as ever. I gave you a line
from _Tribune_ myself, I parted from her two days afterwards. After
remaining a few days at Smyrna I sailed on a cruizer leaving the
_Rose_ there for the protection of the Trade. But before I weigh
and make sail I shall say something of John Turk, who has always stood
rather well with me until you take him into the field, and there he is
bloody, cruel, ferocious and desperate but _not brave_. In the
drawing room he is polish'd, well bred, and from the pomp and
magnificence of style in which he lives he cannot fail at first to
impose on the stranger a good opinion of at least his gentlemanly
manners, and courtlike behaviour. On my arrival at Smyrna I did not fail
as soon as I was able to gain an interview with Hussan Pacha, the
Governor. This man gain'd his Government by some merit of his own;
marching thro' Smyrna on his way to take possession of his Pachalick
with his troops, he was called on by the Authorities and Consuls of
foreign powers to exercise his military authority in restoring order to
the town which was at this time (1821) in a state of anarchy, massacre
and cruelty, against the Greeks; he undertook the task and succeeded in
restoring order and stopping the slaughter in twenty-four hours, after
which service, in consequence of a representation from the Consuls, the
Porte confirm'd him to the Government.
'My party on the visit consisted of Capt. Dundas, Mr. Whitehead (the
Admiral's son who has been with me from Malta) Lt. Trescott and Mr.
Forester Wyson, with the Dragoman; we were received with all due respect
and pomp and after many compliments, pipes, coffee, sherbet, &c. &c. we
took our leave. The conversation that took place is not worth relating,
as it was of that nature which such a visit might be supposed to
produce.
'I afterwards went a round of visits to the Turkish nobles and principal
officers of the Town, Delibash Beys, Beys, Agas, &c. &c. Smyrna is a
large town, and like all other Turkish towns has narrow streets, low
dirty houses, and long Bazaars; the people from their costume and arms
forming the most amusing and picturesque objects of the whole. Here and
there you saw strong symptoms of firing in the dominions of the Porte,
doors full of shot-holes, and now and then a random ball whizzing over
your head. Above the town on an eminence is a very picturesque old
castle built by the Genoese, now in ruins and nothing more than a very
beautiful object, and one of the finest roadsteads in the Mediterranean.
The country at the back of Smyrna is rich and beautifully wooded.
'I rode out one evening with Capt. Dundas to the Consul's, the roads
infamous and my horse stumbling exceedingly I did not quite enjoy the
beauties of Asia, and the romance of the ride thro' the burying-place of
the Turk, studded with the Turban [Footnote: The Turks at the top of the
tombstone have the turban of their rank] or stone and Cypress, as much
as I ought.
'On the 4th of July, I sailed from Voorla, a watering place on the south
side of the Gulf of Smyrna, for Psara and arrived there on the 5th. The
Turks having attacked the place on the 3rd, which they carried in about
twelve hours, excepting a strong work on the west end of the Island
which did not fall till the following day. I thought at first that this
had been a decided and bloody blow struck at the root of the Greek
revolution, but the Turk has gone to sleep since, or nearly. I have
myself little doubt that the French had much to do with the capture of
this island, for I learnt from many that a Frigate had been at Psara on
the 22nd of June, and for four successive days had sounded round and
round the Island and then sailed for Mytilene where the Capt. Pacha was.
Moreover when I was on board the Pacha's ship he show'd me a Chart or
plan of the Island, which the moment I saw it, I exclaimed "This is done
by a Frank," and he said, yes that it had been done for him. The attack
was made on the north side, the only place in this Island that Turkish
troops could land on with safety, and even here the pass was so narrow
up the mountain that only one man could pass at a time. To shew the
difficulty of gaining ground, and how easily this place might have been
defended, one Greek who was near the spot asleep on hearing a noise
jumped up, and with his single arm killed seven Turks, one after the
other as they came up; and then fled.
'As soon as I anchored on the roadstead, I sent to say I wished to pay
my respects to the Captain Pacha, who returned a very civil answer, and
I went _en grande tenue_, to see this mighty conqueror and Royal
Prince. Our interview was truly amusing. I began with saying that having
anchored in the road, and finding his fleet there (which consisted of
one 80 gun ship, seven frigates and about eighty Corvettes, Brigs and
Transports) I had come to pay my respects to him and to congratulate him
on his successes over his enemies; he whimpered and simpered, like an
old woman, thank'd me, but pretended to be excessively sorry for the
loss of life on the part of the Psariotes, _he_ having taken very
good care that not a _man_ on the Island should have his head left
on his shoulders; but the women would not give him a chance, they did
that which would do honor to the Antient Hist: of Greece! throwing their
children from the precipices into the sea, and then following
themselves. The Pacha told me he had not taken a single woman, and only
a few children, that some of the boats pick'd up floating. We conversed
on different topics, but more particularly on the politics of Turkey and
Greece. I ask'd him if he meant to strike the iron while it was hot, and
get on to Hydra, and strike a blow there, telling him at the same time
that I was going to the Naval Islands on business and should tell all I
had seen. He replied, "No, I love the Hydriotes." The crafty old dog
loves them like a cannibal "well enough to eat them." After having sat
above an hour (for I was determined to see all I could) he was called
out by the Admiral who whispered in his ear; out he went, I was curious,
and walked to the front part of the cabin opening a little of the Door;
I saw him on the deck surrounded with Turkish soldiers who were each
producing their day's work, in the process of extermination. Each head
got the possessor a few Liqueurs. After he came into the cabin again, I
tax'd him with what he had been at. He smiled and ask'd me should I like
to see it. I told him I had read of these things among Eastern nations,
but was not quite sure before that it was true, upon which he not
knowing that I had seen a great deal, ordered the head of a Greek Priest
just taken off, and still reeking with gore, to be brought in to me,
which was accordingly done. After this I took my leave of the Old Turk,
who pressed my hand cordially; I ask'd his permission to go on shore,
but he would not give it, saying that it was a horrid sight and that
most likely I should be shot myself. The Turks here killed about 8000
Greeks and lost themselves by their own account about 3000, but the fact
is they cannot tell, for they never know the number of people they have
on board.
'Ismail Pacha had one of his Captains wounded, and he ask'd me to allow
my surgeon to visit him, which I did. This Ismail Pacha is an Albanian
and served under the old lion Ali for a long while and was by him raised
to a Pachalick which was confirm'd to him by the Porte after the death
of Ali; he commanded the 12,000 men that landed at Psara. Another
desperate act of heroism took place in the strong fort situated on an
eminence at the West End of the Island, it held out till the last and
was not destroy'd until everything was lost. The Turks had made a
forlorn hope to storm it, the Greeks allowed them easy access, then
fired the magazine. Thus perish'd 1000 Greek men, women and children and
400 Turks. I sailed in the evening after saluting the Pacha with twenty
guns, and saw them fire the Town, the Plunder being finish'd.
'From Psara to Hydra where I had a grievance to try to redress, but from
its being a year old, I had much fear that with my small force I should
not be able to effect that which a larger ship would have immediately
succeeded in, with nothing more than threats. I intended to try
_those_ first and ultimately to do more and take my chance of what
the Govt. might think.
'But the _Martin's_ arrival has taken the "Green Bag" away from me.
I will now relate that on my arrival off Hydra, I found Miaoulis the
Greek Admiral on his way to assist Psara. I hailed his vessel and
invited him on board, he came and I made him acquainted with the capture
and massacre at the place, (since I left Psara I found that about
twenty-five sail of vessels had escaped, with some women and children).
He seem'd much distressed, but said he would push on and see what was to
be done. I afterwards heard that he kept aloof until the Captain Pacha
quitted, he then attack'd the gun boats in which about 2000 [Footnote:
The garrison left at Psara] Turks were attempting to escape and
destroyed nearly the whole of them. Now the Island is desolate and
_neutral_ having neither Greek nor Turk on it; but I hear that the
Captain Pacha is going to adopt the miserable and contemptible policy of
destroying its harbour, and then taking no more regard of the Island. I
must say the want of unanimity in the Greek against the common enemy is
here too perceptible. The Hydriotes well knew that Psara was soon to be
attack'd and it was in their power to have saved it, but its having been
in former days a rival island in commerce, and was now a rival island in
achievements in war, they delay'd sending their ships until it was too
late. There were also traitors among their own people, no doubt of it!
'My business at Hydra was a case of piracy, against a British merchant
of Alexandria, and all the property was stolen and the vessel burnt, &c.
&c. I called off the island and as _they_ wish'd to refer back to
the affair before they would give an answer, I passed on to Napoli di
Romania (Nauplia) where the Greeks have set up an attempt at a
government, for a government I cannot call it that has neither laws or
courts, not even a national assembly is yet instituted; but anarchy
seems to reign among them, and until something like a strict union among
the chiefs of this people takes place I fear their cause is not likely
to be progressive, or their means effective.
'The people who are now at the head of what they style the Provisional
Government of Greece are men who under the Turks were merchants, or
masters of merchant ships. The Chief or Primate of this Government
(Condenotti by name) is an Hydriote (his Brother is now Primate of
Hydra) who during his life has amassed a fortune of Five million of
dollars, having had for twenty-three years the Trade, I may say, of the
whole of the northern part of the Archipelago; himself a ship owner,
having no less than eighteen or twenty fine Brigs and ships from 180 to
300 tons burthen. This man has never given a Para to the cause of his
country; what can you expect with such a beginning? The Govt. have in
their pay about 10,000 men, ragamuffins of all sorts. This is that part
of the population of Greece that our Committee in London send money to.
'Are the Greek Committee such fools as to suppose that they are
honourably dealt with, and that this money is all put to the uses they
would wish to see it put to, or that the money sent from England will
ever do any good to the Greek cause, unless they appoint proper
Commissioners to receive it, and to dole it out, in such a way as to be
of service to those who merit it? Is the Provisional Govt. of Greece
such a Committee? Or are they who have been tricking and trafficking to
make money all their lives fit people to be entrusted with such a
Commission? _There is not one Patriot among them!_ And they are
accountable to no one by law, for there are no laws in the land.
'Money has arrived lately from the Greek Committee and it was put into
the hands of the Provisional Govt. What they have done with the
_whole_ of it I do not know; some they have given to Odysseus. When
he heard that money was coming from England to Napoli he left his
stronghold in Parnassus and came down with the small retinue of 300 men
to demand of the Govt. some remuneration for his services, he had
expelled the Turks from Livadia, and he now required that they would pay
5000 men for him. This Odysseus is the only man whom I should call a
Patriot among them. So different in style is the free Mountain Chief
from the Lowland long enslaved Greek, that you would hardly believe them
to belong to the same nation. Odysseus ever called and thought himself
free, and his family before him never own'd the dominion of the Turk,
living in inaccessible holds no Turkish turbaned head was ever near
them. This man tho' wild and untaught is patriotic, brave, devoid of
superstition, and last and most rare among the Greeks, has an utter
contempt for money. He has talents for war or peace, and the most
moderate in his principles of any of them. If there is a man in Greece
who is to be depended on _he_ is the man. He maintains that one of
the greatest steps towards the well-being of Greece is the putting down
the ascendancy of the Priests, with that you will put down intolerant
avarice and much crime. At first the Govt. would not give much ear to
his demands, but he goes to them in person, stripped of his arms,
telling them he is no longer a soldier, that he would turn barber for he
could shave; he said he would get an honest livelihood as a poor man but
not pilfer &c. _as some of his friends did_ who had neither
patriotism or virtue, and who thought of nothing but aggrandizing and
enriching themselves. Such was his opinion of this Govt., and he assured
me himself that not one of their heads should be on their shoulders in
ten days if they did not distribute this money in such a way as to
ensure something like a successful campaign against the Turks. They have
however given what I suppose they could not keep from him and what he
_had before_; the command in _Livadia_, and pay 5000 men for
him.
'I had some very amusing excursions with this Chief and we became great
friends, he is in person one of the handsomest and finest men I ever
saw, and had Maria seen him manage his horse she would never have
forgotten it. I could give very interesting accounts of our picnics and
rides, when his Albanians roasted the sheep whole stuffed with almonds
and raisins, &c. &c. but it will take more time than I can spare, and I
fear by this time you will be nearly tired, but you must bear with me up
to the date I write from before I give up. The other Chiefs of Note,
Mavrocordato and Colcotronis, are men of perfectly different characters
but both by their different means attempting to aggrandize themselves.
The former's weapons are his talents and his tongue, the latter's his
courage and his sword. Colcotronis rebelled and try'd to overthrow the
provisional Government, he blockaded Napoli and was for some weeks
fighting with the Govt. Corps in the Plains of Argos, but Odysseus
appearing on the mountain, neither knowing which side he would take,
they suspended their arms and a reconciliation was brought about. I
think of late there has been a little more apparent conduct in the
Chiefs than before. I see in our papers great puffs about the fighting
in Greece. The warfare, in fact, is desultory and next to ridiculous
excepting in the passes of the Mountains, and when Turkish cavalry are
caught there the Greeks always kill them all. As yet the campaign is
rather against the Greek by the loss of Psara, their chief Naval Island,
which from its situation much annoy'd the Turk.
'But to the Greek Committee! Great as the respect is which I feel for a
set of men who have wished to give assistance to that cause so dear to
every Englishman, yet I regret much the material and money that has been
wasted and frittered away to no purpose. Had the Greek Committee fully
understood the business they were about to take in hand they would not
have sent out the quantities of valuable yet useless stores which are
now I believe in the possession of the people of Missolonghi. If instead
of sending out surveying instruments, sextants, telescopes and
numberless instruments used by our artillery and engineers, they had
caused to be manufactured musquets, yataghans and pistols in the fashion
of the country together with powder and ball, and had taken care that a
proper commission was there ready to receive it and take care that they
were properly distributed, I would have given them some credit; but as
yet I think what they have sent has created bad blood among the people
and rivalry among the Chiefs who should possess the whole. When Odysseus
heard that supplies of stores had arrived from England at Missolonghi he
sent 300 men and a captain to get some, he demanded a share and it was
refused; he then forcibly took away four field guns and forty barrels of
powder on mules and carried them safe to Parnassus. The man who did this
was Mr. Trelawney from whom I had the circumstance. Of the money the
Committee have just sent out, a little comes back to us, for the Greeks
always allege they cannot pay for the piracies committed on our Flag
until the money arrives from England! This is too great a farce! I have
actually been once to Napoli for money, which has been owing for this
year pass'd and which they never would pay until they were able to pay
it in English sovereigns.
'Greece has the name of fighting but with the present sort of warfare
that goes on, unless some interference is made or the one party or the
other gets weary, it may continue without progression towards the grand
end, peace, until doomsday.
'After leaving Napoli I went to Hydra where I had some piratical
business to settle. On pulling into the port in my boat I saw a vessel
there under British colors that informed me they had that morning been
captured by an Hydriote corsair, I desired that she should be instantly
given up to me which they refused doing; I that evening cut her out with
the _Alacrity's_ Boats; I put half my crew and all my marines into
the three boats going myself in my gig, making Trescott in the brig
stand slap into the port with her guns loaded with round shot and grape.
The shores of the harbour (which is not more than two cables lengthward)
lined with about 12,000 men, her guns would have made dreadful havoc. In
three minutes from the time we got on board, the Greeks had jumped
overboard and her cables were cut, and out she came without the loss of
a single man. They have protested against me to the Govt. at Napoli but
_it's all right_, and I did what was perfectly proper in all
points. These rascals must not be allowed to capture British vessels on
any pretence whatever; if they are allowed to do so, even on pretences
of assisting their enemies, no vessel but a man of war will be able to
sail in these seas.
'From Hydra hearing that Samos was about to be attacked by the Turks I
sailed thither, and on the first day of their attack (in which they were
repulsed) I took off 106 women and children with their property,
_being British subjects_, and carried them to Smyrna. From there on
my way to Napoli I fell in with the _Martin_ and returned to
Smyrna, where I found _Euryalus_. He went to sea and has left me
Gardo here. Finding that for a time my sea trips were suspended I set
off for Magnesia and much delighted I have been with my trip, suffice it
to say that nothing can be kinder than the great Turks are to me, and in
a few days I return to Magnesia to hunt with Ali Bey the Governor of
that Town. But I must reserve a description of these trips until another
letter, as I am sure you will be heartily tired by the time you have got
through my _griffonage_.
'I have enjoy'd all this summer most excellent health, and the climate
has completely left off its baneful influence upon me, thank God.
'Tell Lady C. I have collected for her a quantity of antient Greek,
Roman and Egyptian pottery, the greater part of which is most
exceedingly valuable, and some that I dug myself at Samos.
'I have also collected a quantity of very fine Coins (Greek) which
_if_ I get a safe conveyance, I shall send Uncle Charles. Tell him
so! This letter I know he will see, so if he will, take it as written as
much to himself as you and indeed all the family, To whom individually &
collectively give my afftn. love.
'Don't show my letters to any but the family Pray!
'You will be amused to hear I wear the Turkish dress on these
excursions.
'Your most afftn. Son
'C. YORKE.
'PS.--Affectionate Love to U. K. and Agneta an affectionate Embrace to
H. Y., E. Y. and G. Y.'
* * * * *
ALEXANDRIA:
Dec. 27, 1825.
'MY DEAREST FATHER,
'Although I cannot write as long a letter as I intended and wish, for
lack of time, yet, as there are several vessels in this harbour on the
point of sailing for England, I must, after so long an interval, put pen
to paper in your behalf.
'By the finish of my last letter to you which I trust was prolix enough
I was at Smyrna, and had informed you of my visiting in this country its
nobles and princes: and I think mentioned something of a visit I paid to
Ali Bey, the Governor of Idun a country to the Nd. of Smyrna, whose
capital is Magnesia, where the residence of the Governor is. I twice
visited this Prince, and, so much was he pleased the first time, that he
invited me to come a second when there was to be a hunt of birds and
beasts. On the 13th of September, Forrester the Surgeon, Weatley my 2nd
Lieutenant, and myself with a young Armenian as an interpreter and a
Janissary for a "Garde du corps," started "au point du jour" from
Smyrna, and arrived in the afternoon at Magnesia, one of the prettiest
Turkish towns I have seen. Our journey slow, over bad roads, did not
afford any circumstances much worth relating. We found our new
acquaintances Turk and Christian, both in their way agreeable; the
Armenian, young, sensible, and an extraordinary linguist, speaking nine
languages though not twenty years of age. The Old Turk, funny, fat and
good-natured. The latter part of our journey lay thro' a pass in the
mountains from the summit of which the Valley of Magnesia suddenly burst
on our view, with the town on the eastern side at the foot of a
perpendicular rocky mountain very like the rock of Gibraltar, but if
anything higher, more craggy, and bold: the valley that lay before us,
bounded on the W. by a ridge of regular round topped hills, and to the
Nd. the eye could not reach the extent of this immense plain, which is
covered with vines, and fig trees, corn, and tobacco, the best in
Natolia. On my arrival, I sent my Janissary from the Kane I put up at to
say I was arrived, when an officer from the Bey came, and marched us
thro' the street till we stopped at one of the best looking houses I had
seen; we were ushered in, and I was then informed we were to live here
and that if I did not like it and was not comfortable that I should have
another. But I soon found out we could not be better off; the Bey having
sent us to the house of the Primate of the Greeks, who was obliged to
receive us whether he liked it or not, it being sufficient that a Turk
orders it. But in truth, I believe the old Patriarch was very proud of
the honor for no hospitality could outdo his: the fatted calf was killed
and we feasted sumptuously. Fingers were now called into requisition as
knives and forks are no part of the necessaries of these Oriental
nations. Such tearing of fowls and tucking up of sleeves! After dinner
the water, and then the Alpha and Omega of all oriental visitings,
mornings, noons, and nights, "Coffee and Pipes." During the evening some
pretty girls, the daughters of the Old Man, danced before us, those
dances which the women of the country are so famous for: tho' none of
the most decent yet very curious, some young men playing the guitar and
singing, for the song always accompanies the dance. My Janissary was so
delighted, that, he swore if he had only had two glasses of wine he
would fire his pistols right and left. I felt rather satisfied he had
not had the wine he spoke of. We were all fagged enough to find our beds
on the floor capital; and the next day we visited the Bey.
'January 16, 1825.--I am now at sea and had intended this letter from
Alexandria, and, as I said before, it was to be short; but now I shall
send it from Malta, and it is to be long.
'But to resume my story. When we arrived at the palace he was dining in
the Kiosk with some of his friends, and we had to wait a little while
until the repast was ended when we were ushered in. He received us very
haughtily, and in a manner not at all consistent with the kind messages
he had sent us. Pipes and Coffee were served, and the conversation was
rather slack. At his feet sat one of the most extraordinary figures I
ever saw in my life; a countenance more devilish was never given to
Dervish before. After we had been seated some time, this man, who had
never opened his lips but had eyed us with the greatest attention and
ferocity, at length began to mutter, "Kenkalis, Kenkalis, taib ben"
("English, English, I hope you are well"). This was one of those
privileged people which in these countries are called Dervishes, who are
dreaded and respected by the superstitious, and who afford amusement by
their extraordinary antics to others. They have the _entrée_ of all
houses great or small, rich or poor, and are never refused food or
raiment: it being in itself a crime, to insult or offend all who are in
any way extraordinary: the more mad, the more sacred the person. Madness
in Turkey is an excellent trade.
'At length I soon discovered how it was that my new friend the Bey was
thus: his friends (Turks) rose to depart, so did I but he desired me to
sit down again. The moment the Turks had departed he was a new man. I
have never been so pleased with any Turk in my life as with Ali Bey. His
affability and kindness were European, which, when blended with the
handsomest form and face the costume of a Turk and pomp of a prince,
made a most agreeable acquisition to my Eastern acquaintance.
'He now began to make his attendants play all sorts of tricks with the
Dervish to draw him out; who seemed to be a perfect prince in the art of
buffoonery. We were amazingly amused. He now told me he had a grand
_chasse_ in twenty-five days' time, and desired that I would come
to him on that day, bring my gun, and stay with him a week; nothing
could have pleased me more than this offer. And as I lay Gardo in
Smyrna, twenty-five days afterwards I again found myself in Magnesia,
housed with the old Greek Patriarch a second time. He now sent us down
to the village of Graviousken (?) (Infidel Village) where we were well
lodged: his cook and household chief accompanied us, and the following
day he came himself. Our hunt, tho' not much sport to English taste, yet
was most amusing. The magnificence of the horses and riders; their
equipage and management of the animal; riding at speed, as tho' they
were on the point of being dashed to pieces, against a wall or down a
precipice, at once coming to a dead stop. Riding at each other,
delivering the jareed, firing their pistols and wheeling short round in
an instant, and at speed in the opposite direction. We had greyhounds
and killed a few hares. The following days were unfortunately wet; we
returned to Magnesia.
'The first visit I paid the Bey this time, I honored him with my full
dress for reasons very good, he was not quite sure who I was. It was
also necessary that his people should have outward shew, to satisfy
them: this I was nearly paying dear for. There is a horrid custom in
this country, of paying a certain sum to the attendants of these great
people every visit you make. A few piastres had heretofore satisfied,
but on leaving, after this Golden Visit, they seized my interpreter the
moment he took his purse out, tore it away from him took all he had
saying, "they should never see such a man again" and returned him the
empty purse. He fortunately had been prepared for such an attack and had
a proper sum and no more in his purse, but had it not been for this
sagacity, I might have lost all the money I had with me. Our dinner at
Graviousken was capital, he had wine for us; fingers were again in
requisition, and we were obliged to eat of twenty-six dishes, each
brought separately on the table, one after the other, which you had no
sooner begun to think good, than it was immediately snatched away and
disappeared. After having given to my old Greek some presents of silks
for his wife, and caps for his daughters, we returned to Smyrna, where I
found H.M.S. _Cyrene_, Captn. Grace, and soon after arrived
Clifford in the _Euryalus_, who most kindly gave me an opportunity
of seeing a great deal of other countries by an order to visit the coast
of Syria, &c. &c.
'Oct. 24, 1825.--We passed thro' the Straits of Scio, and on the 25th
anchored at Scala Nova. I shall not trouble you with nautical details,
as all my remarks, bearings, soundings, &c., which I have carefully
taken in this voyage I keep in a distinct remark-book. It is a small
town, governed by an Aga, situated on an elevated promontory, with a
small island and fort off the point, bad shelter for a winter anchorage.
Scala Nova had much interest to me, as I was completely able to
appreciate the conduct of the Captain Pacha with regard to his pitiful
attempt on the island of Samos, which is distant about twenty miles.
This Pacha had 100,000 men at Scala Nova, with a sufficient number of
boats and transports to convey them, and about eighty sail of men of war
to protect them. Yet he made the attempt to land 3000 men, which I
myself was a witness, and they nearly all perished by the musketry of
the Greeks. No further attempt was made on the island, the fleet remains
to the Northward of Samos, under sail for fourteen days, (fine weather)
the Greeks thirty-five sail of small vessels and fireships in the little
Bogaz, which separates the island from the main. At length the fleet
sail for Mytilene. The troops at Scala Nova know not what to think, no
provisions, no water, 25,000 die of famine, the rest in a most pitiable
condition, receive orders to return to their homes, massacre, pillage,
and plunder the whole way back. Nevertheless, the Turks contrived to
lose two small frigates by the fireships of the Greeks. The conduct of
the Pacha, and his disgraceful mode of entering Constantinople with
about fifty sail of small Greek Boats for the occasion, with a Greek
hanging at each mast head, you might have seen from the public prints.
My business with the Governor of Scala Nova being settled (having
obliged him to release an Ionian Vessel one of his cruizers had
captured), Ephesus three hours distant became the next object. Little is
now left of this once celebrated city, and the site of Diana's huge
temple I think is not to be found. One splendid relic still remains. A
part of a fluted Corinthian column, of Parian marble, about 111 feet
long, broken; the remainder is gone; but from the diameter, the block
forming that part could not have been less than fifty feet; a part also
of a huge cornice which was immediately over this column remains, of
marble also, weighing about 15 tons. The carved work on the capital and
cornice is as fresh as the day the artist finished it, tho' most likely
above 2000 yrs. old. Ephesus is thought by many to have been latterly
destroyed by an earthquake, and this small relic certainly tends to
prove the assertion. On examining this column carefully, I found that
the fluting, about half way down, was finished and polished, and a part
in the rough. The ancients always finished and polished, after the
column was erect. Certainly, some sudden accident must have occurred to
have prevented the artist from completing so fine a piece of work, and
the manner in which it is broken leads me to suppose an earthquake,
without doubt, to have been the cause of the abrupt departure of the
chisel from its occupation.
'Leaving Scala Nova, we sailed thro' the little Bogaz, by Patmos when we
fell in with some Greek cruizers, on the look out for the Egyptian fleet
under Ibrahim Pacha, whom we found at Bodrum (?) where we next anchored.
Nothing whatever of antient Halicarnassus, or the wonder of the world,
here remains! Not a trace, not a vestige! One tower more modern, the
base of which appears Roman with a Turkish superstructure, and one block
of granite on which is an inscription stating that Caesar mounted his
horse from this stone: I would have carried this relic away, but Mr.
Arbro, Premier Interprète et Lieutenant à son Altesse Ibrahim Pacha,
informed me that he had laid hands on it. Here I no sooner anchored than
a number of Maltese captains of merchant vessels, in the employ of the
Viceroy of Egypt, came on board to beg my interference with the Pacha as
to some grievance they had suffered. I was quite determined I would have
nothing to do with these blackguards in the Turkish service; but, on
going on shore I could not help feeling immensely enraged at seeing
upwards of twenty large Red Ensigns (English), flying on his fleet of
Transports, loaded with Turkish soldiers going to carry them to the
Morea! I presume the British subject is free to trade as he pleases but,
at the same time, that he must take the consequence of his speculations.
Whether this large national flag was to be displayed at sea, in a
rencontre with the Greek fleet, became a question with me? Whether our
ensign was to be borne by vessels actually engaging Greek ships, was
also a question I asked myself. And the reply instantly was, "_No_,
it cannot be neutrality." I determined to take the ensigns from them
which was done, and having cut the Unions out I gave them back, which I
have since been sorry for. In short, I should have taken all the vessels
as they were all sailing under false papers, or have taken the flags
away altogether and have considered them as they really were, Turkish
transports. But I felt it a very delicate affair as Ibrahim Pacha, when
I waited on him, declared, that I should be the means of his losing his
expedition, and that he trembled for the consequences. He had previously
sent his Secretary on board me, to try and talk me over to give back the
flags. But it would not do, I saw thro' the whole thing. The fact was,
these mercenaries employed in the Egyptian service had refused to
proceed any further, their contract having expired. He having exhausted
five months in reaching Bodrum (?) from Alexandria wished to throw the
whole of the revolt of the Maltese on me, as having taken their colors;
they declaring that they could not go to sea in safety under any other
flag. He wished to be able to use this pretext to his father, the
Viceroy. After about four hours' conversation we parted as we begun, I
would not return the colors. We parted however the following day better
friends, the revolted vessels were moored in a line before the loyal
ones so that those who were willing could not go to sea. He sent for me,
and begged me to speak to the Maltese which I did, and desired them to
move their ships to let the other Transports pass out. What he said to
the Viceroy of Egypt I know not, but be that as it may the old man was
very civil afterwards to me in Egypt. I daresay you will think me a
great fool for having troubled my head in this affair at all; but
really, whether I am right or wrong, I could not bear to see the flag
under the Turk, and the vessels bearing it conveying troops to the
conquest of the Morea. Much as I dislike the Greek character, yet I love
the cause.
'I was not sorry to get clear of Ibrahim and his expedition, as I
inevitably saw difficulties would increase and that from the situation
of the British subjects violence might be resorted to by the Turk, and
that my presence only added fuel to the fire. For while I was there the
Maltese grew more and more impudent. However, all since has ended well.
The Maltese have been honorably paid off by the Viceroy of Egypt.
'Passing between Stanco(?) and the main on the 2nd of Novr. we anchored
in the Harbour of Marmorico (?), certainly the finest in the
Mediterranean. Here we remained in consequence of bad weather, but we
managed to wood and water. After leaving this port I visited Rhodes, so
famous an island requires me to give some description. Keeping the Brig
boxing about between the island and the main, I made my visits leaving
her early in the morning, she standing in the evening to pick me up. The
Port here I by no means considered safe for the _Alacrity_. Small
merchant vessels do go into the Port, and often pay for their temerity
by being totally wrecked. Here you see the remains of what the island
was, with some of the Knights, but nothing more ancient except the
remains of a temple to Apollo. The works and fortifications are very
like Malta on a diminished scale, and the great Street of the Knights
with their arms and devices over each door. To see a turban'd head
sticking out of the window is a provoking proof of the triumph of the
Mussulman over these deserted Christian Knights.
'January 28th, 1826.--I am just anchored in the Quarantine Harbour at
Malta; I find the packet for England on the point of sailing so I cannot
finish my letter, but I think it already too long. In my next I shall
take up my proceedings from Rhodes, going into Cyprus, Scandaroon,
Beirut, Tyre, Sidon, St. Jean D'Arc, Deir-il-Kamr in the Mountains of
Lebanon, Lady Hester Stanhope with whom I stayed one week, Alexandria,
Cairo, &c. and back to Malta after a cruize of eight Months.
'I must now finish with a little Turkish politics. The whole arrangement
of the Greek War is put into the hands of the Viceroy of Egypt. The
Captain Pacha does not go afloat this year but is I fancy in great
disgrace. The Constantinople and Egyptian fleets are to be combined
under Ibrahim Pacha, who is now at Marmorico, waiting for reinforcements
to go to the Morea. I fancy the divided Councils of the Greeks now gives
a fine opportunity of success. Colcotronis has secretly sided with
Mehemet Ali, and it is supposed that Albania is bought with Turkish
gold. The Greeks are quite capable of this. The only way in which the
Turk will do anything in the Morea is by corrupting the Greeks: if it is
to be a contest, I prophesy the Egyptian army _will never return_.
The conduct of the French to the Turks has been most decided. The King
of France wrote to the Viceroy of Egypt, complimenting him on his
genius, and wishing him all possible success. The bearer of this letter
was General Boyer who has come out to discipline the Turkish army, has
assumed the Turkish dress, being installed in his command with the title
and allowance of a Bey and a salary of 10,000 Dollars per annum. He
brought out also two most beautifully manufactured carpets, and 500
stand of arms and accoutrements complete, as a present from the King to
the Viceroy. The Turks of the country do not know what to make of this
gracious like conduct, but they say he has formed an alliance with
France either to stop, at any time they wish, our overland intercourse
with India, or to strengthen himself so that he may be better able to
shake off the Turkish yoke of Istamboul. His views are certainly most
ambitious; but as yet have not sufficiently developed themselves for
anyone, I think, decidedly to form an opinion.
'Dr. Father, Adieu!'
* * * * *
The letter from Vourla which follows is that promised to his father in
the preceding letter from Alexandria, and is strictly of an earlier date
as it takes up the story of his experiences in the later months of 1824.
The narrative requires no comment, as it speaks for itself, and the
description of Captain Yorke's visit to Lady Hester Stanhope at Djoun
will be read with interest. He attained the rank of Captain on June 6,
1825.
* * * * *
'... After a tedious passage from Larnica we anchored at Beirut, once
the capital of the Druses but conquered in the time of Daher Prince of
Acre by the Turks. The place is supposed to be the ancient Baal Berith.
Here we stay a week. Beirut is a curious town. The architecture is
substantial, perfectly different from any seen in other parts of Asia
until you arrive in Syria; quite Saracenic, arches in abundance and
curious tesselated pavements of coloured stones. But this is not
Turkish, though now in possession of the Turks, but the architecture of
its former inhabitants remains. I made short excursions into the country
with some English and Armenian missionaries who have resided some years
in the country, but except the beauties of nature little else remarkable
is to be seen. For the best information in a small compass of this part
of Syria Mr. Hope's "Anastasius" will give it. But within the compass of
a letter I cannot enter into very great detail unless I were to write it
on the spot and take more time and pains than my disposition inclines
to. As far as professional remarks go, I have as much as a boat and lead
line and bearings will give.
'Here I was in some distress, for the pilot, a Greek, that I got at
Rhodes declared he knew nothing of the coast, so I discharged him. A
Turk now undertook to pilot us to Seyden, though on our arrival there I
determined to have no more pilots, as they rather confused the
navigation, not being able to give positive information at any time.
'After leaving Beirut we next let go anchor at Saida (Sidon) once so
famed, and now a very tolerable Turkish town. Here no relic of antiquity
is visible except a large block of marble about a mile to southward of
the town with a Greek inscription (which _I_ did not see; Mandiel
gives a sufficient account of it, and my friends who visited it say it
appears to be in precisely the same state that he saw it in) with some
remains of a galley mole, which the Turks in their profound policy have
blocked up so that it is with difficulty that a small boat can get in.
Here my attention was greatly diverted from examining much of the town
and its contents by the circumstance of my dispatching a civil line
"with Captain Y's compts to Lady H. Stanhope" offering my services in
any way to take letters &c. to Malta or elsewhere that I might be going.
Lady Hester for some years has refused to see English people, therefore
I had not a hope that she would give me an interview; but to my
surprise, on the evening of my writing, her Armenian interpreter came on
board with a kind note by which I found that a horse and escort were at
Saida waiting to conduct me when I might please to Djoun her residence
in Libanus, about three hours from Saida. Accordingly on the following
morning, with Luca my Armenian interpreter whom I have mentioned in
company, we started for the residence of her ladyship. The ride,
uninteresting from any circumstance but that of actually being on Mount
Libanus, deserves no remark, sterile, and but little cultivated in this
part. Her residence is on an eminence about ten miles from the sea which
it overlooks; on the other side it does not look into the bosom of the
Valley of Bernica, yet it is high enough to enjoy the beautiful verdure
of the mountain rising on the opposite side, whose tops are the most
lofty of Libanus. The air is pure and the scenery bold. On a hill about
a mile to the southward of her habitation is a village which flourishes
in the sunshine of her favour and protection. Her house is a neat
building, a mixture of Oriental and English. From the entrance gate a
passage (on either side of which is a guard room and some apartments for
soldiers and servants) leads to a square yard, half way across which is
a terrace with three steps, round which terrace are the different
apartments of servants, interpreters, as also spare rooms for visitors.
On the left side of the terrace under a lattice work of wood woven with
rose and jessamine I was ushered, and shewn into a small apartment
furnished in the Eastern style. The chiboque and coffee were instantly
brought me by a French youth in the costume of a Mameluke, with
compliments from my lady begging I would refresh myself after my
fatigue. On my ablutions being finished I was sent for. Passing through
several passages I was shewn into a room rather dark with a curtain
drawn across, which being withdrawn I found myself in the presence of a
Bedouin Arab chief who soon turned out to be Lady Hester. She expressed
great joy at seeing the son of one of the most honest families in
England, so she was pleased to express herself. She received me as an
English lady of fashion would have done. I at once became delighted with
her, with her knowledge, and I must say her beauty, for she is still one
of the finest specimens of a woman I ever saw. She spoke much of Uncle
Charles; her conversation beyond any person's I ever met; she was in
fine spirits. Her dress, which well became her gigantic person, very
rich. I shall pass over our conversation which was full of liveliness,
of marvels and wonders, manners and customs of the people, plagues,
troubles, and famines &c. &c. I went back to the brig the following day
and returned in the afternoon to Djoun, taking with me Mr. Forrester, my
surgeon, who she requested I would allow to arrange her medicines which
were in confusion and disorder.
'In the evening she sent for me; she smoked the chiboque, her mind was
wrought to a high pitch of enthusiasm, she talked wildly and was much
distressed in mind, in short her intellects were much disordered and it
was very distressing.
'However, she arranged that I should next morning start for Deir-el-
Kamr, the capital of the Druses, with a letter to the Emir Bashire, the
prince of that nation. I perceive that, were I to begin a description, I
should waste much good paper without stating any thing that is new. The
Druses are a most extraordinary people; the Palace of the Emir superb,
the country richly cultivated by the greatest labour being all in ridges
on the sides of the mountains, but I shall refer you to Mr. Hope's
"Anastasius" for a good description and for all that is supposed, for
nothing is known of their religion. The Emir treated us with much
kindness and I stayed two days in his palace where we had apartments,
visited him in the forenoon after which he did not interfere with our
pleasure; excellent living, about fifty dishes served to about four
people for dinner.
'On a visit to the Emir was a son of the Pacha of Damascus, who offered
me to accompany him back to that city where, he said, I should reside in
the palace of his father and see all that was to be seen. Such an offer
almost tempted me to cut the _Alacrity_. I suppose a Christian
hardly ever had such an opportunity which he was obliged to lose. Lady
Hester said it was my djinn or star which got me into such favour. On
the third morning we breakfasted at Deir-el-Kamr, the town about one
mile distant from Petedeen the palace, and returned to Djoun arriving
late that night. She made me several presents, the most valuable of
which I sent home to your charge by _Euryalus_. She has written to
me once since.
'I wrote a letter to Lord Chatham about her as I know her family knew
little or nothing about her; in a manner I found myself called on.
'Much more could I write, but really just now my attention is so much
called off by continual calling from Capt. Hamilton, who sends for me on
every occasion, that this despatch will be curtailed, but I trust that
more particulars will come _viva voce_.
'Tyre was the next place where we anchored; no vessel of war with
English colours had visited this port in the memory of any inhabitant
living at the place, which to be sure is not many; it is little better
than the prophecy states it should be "a rock for fishers to dry their
nets upon." There are here some superb remains of antiquity, Alexander's
isthmus and Solomon's cisterns. Alexander's famous siege of this place
is too well known and it is quite out of my power to say anything new of
it, but his work will remain for ever; the isthmus he made to connect
the island on which Tyre stood with the mainland is perfect to this day
and has no appearance of being a work of art, but of nature. It is 200
fathoms wide in its narrowest part. The most ancient relic in the town
of Tyre is the east end of a Christian church which is mentioned by
Mandiel; this stands nearly as he left it. Tyre itself is a wretched
place; any little attempt that the people have lately made to improve
themselves has been thwarted by the Pacha of St. Jean d'Acre, who
squeezes them so for money that they never have a para in their pockets.
Filth, misery and starvation are the legacy of a Tyrian. The country
around is rich and superb, its produce might be enormous, but so it is
with all Syria that I have seen.
'Solomon's cisterns, which are situated about three miles from Tyre to
the south east, are of an octagonal form built of gravel and cement that
form a solid stone. The elevation of the largest above the level is
twenty-seven feet on the south side, and eighteen on the north; a walk
round on the top eight feet wide, a step below twenty-one feet broad, a
stream leaves it turning four mills. There are two smaller ones turning
two mills at a small distance to the northward of the large one. Their
original shape appears to have been square, but now much disfigured. The
large one is thirty-three yards deep, the people believe it has no
bottom and that the water is brought there by genii. Where it comes from
no one knows, but it is always full. I think these cisterns originally
supplied Tyre with water; I traced the remains of an aqueduct from them
nearly to the walls but better than half way across the isthmus, so that
I think they are of a later date than the time of Solomon because the
aqueduct could not be built over the isthmus before the isthmus was
made. They are on the whole the most curious relics of antiquity I have
seen, they must at least be 2300 years old and they are in no way
injured, but the supply of water is constant even in the wannest
weather. The country for seven miles round is a perfect level: I think
the water must be brought by some underground drain from the mountains
in the distance to the eastward. The story is that Solomon among the
presents made to King Hiram for his assistance in building the Temple
built for him these cisterns, but they are not mentioned in the Bible,
and I think the story improbable for reasons before mentioned, and that
Solomon certainly had not such good artificers as King Hiram himself.
'By the bye there are considerable remains of the old port, a mote, by
the ruins of which you can easily trace its extent.
'Haipha and St. Jean d'Acre, Mt. Carmel and the river Kishon "that
ancient river" became next the objects of my amusement. I bivouacked one
night on the banks of the river at Mt. Tabor and Carmel in sight. At
this time an alteration in the weather took place, the gales of wind
began to blow here and the coast consequently became exceedingly
dangerous. I thought it prudent to quit it and arrived in Alexandria in
fourteen days after leaving Haifa, having had a contrary gale nearly the
whole time.
'During my stay in Egypt I was four days in Cairo, eight days on the
Nile, two days at Sakkara and one day at Gizeh. Salt lent me his house
and his boat with twenty men, and I saw all that was to be seen. Mehemet
Ali gave me a Turk to attend me and I play the traveller here for a few
days; time for description I have none. You will be sorry I have hurried
over the latter part of this despatch but I assure you it is
unavoidable. The vessel that takes our letters to Malta I expect will
put herself in quarantine every hour.
'I have returned to Malta, refitted, and am again up the Archipelago
with Captain Hamilton who has just joined company. We have been the last
forty-eight hours rather harassingly employed routing out a nest of
pirates which we have done nearly to a man. Our boats have been away all
night and the brig under way. My marines took the men under Lieut.
Weately, and my men took two Greek boats with nine men each on board one
of which was the Captain of the Pirates; the _Fury's_ boats took
the vessels and their prizes, eleven in number. There was no fighting.
Captain Lethaby in the _Vengeance_ and _Alacrity_ brought the
Bey of Rhodes to his senses the other day; the Consul had been insulted,
he would give no satisfaction, so we took the old way and began at him,
when he came to terms. One 18 lb. shot through his palace made him know
that we did not always bark and never bite. _Alacrity_ was near
enough the battery to receive a heavy fire of stones from the Turks
which, with a few muskets discharged at us, was all the return made by
the Turks before the thing was amicably arranged....
'Love to all; I wish Lady Elizabeth Stuart (de Rothesay) would write to
me, I do sincerely love that cousin of mine; Grantham's letter I will
answer next opportunity, I am delighted with it.
'Adieu,
'C. YORKE'
VOURLA, GULPH Of SMYRNA:
June 10, 1825.
CHAPTER V
A HOLIDAY IN NORTHERN REGIONS. 1828
My father appears to have had a long leave between the two commands, in
the _Alacrity_ (1826) and the _Alligator_ (1829), during which
commands he was employed in the Mediterranean, with a roving commission
--a free lance, in short--to put down piracy and watch the War of
Independence between the Greeks and the Turks. He never let the grass
grow under his feet, so off he started with his friend Walrond on a
roving tour through the greater part of Scandinavia, and his journals
contain a daily record, extending over nearly six months. He crossed the
Dovrefeld Range between Norway and Sweden (a journey seldom undertaken
to-day), and in 1828 the lack of travelling facilities was exceptional.
The energy and resource of my father's character and his great powers of
observation appear to great advantage in these journals, and there are
many facts which I shall endeavour to relate as far as possible in his
own graphic words.
He was greatly impressed by the kindness and hospitality he received
from all classes in both countries with the exception of one district
near Gottenborg, where he met with some outrageous conduct on the part
of a postmaster, who either thought he was robbed, or else fully
intended to rob his guest.
He was honoured by interviews with King Charles John IV, better known as
Bernadotte, Napoleon's Field-Marshal and founder of the present royal
dynasty of Sweden, and it is worthy of note that as far back as 1828,
Norway was chafing under the Union with Sweden which was brought about
by the Treaty of Kiel in 1814 and has so lately been dissolved.
On the 10th of May 1828, Captain Yorke started from the Customs House
Wharf on the Thames, in a small steamer of 300 tons. Steam navigation
being then in its infancy the vessel was of great interest to the
traveller, who notes that she had 'two very fine engines of 40 horse
power!'
The passage to Hamburg took exactly fifty-five hours. It is curious in
the light of eighty years' commercial progress to read that 'The
commerce on the Elbe has no comparison with that of the Thames.' Then
follows a difficulty with the Customs officer, who, unaware of the
habits of British sportsmen, was horrified to find gunpowder among the
captain's baggage, a discovery which necessitated an appeal to the
British Consul and entailed a delay of several days.
Kiel was reached on 14th of May, and after exploring the pretty little
town the two friends took the Caledonian steam packet for Copenhagen.
This little steamer was built as a pleasure boat for James Watt, and had
run nine years making much money for her owner though a very 'bad boat.'
At Copenhagen Captain Yorke was much impressed by the royal palace of
Frederiksborg, with its chapel where are crowned the Kings of Denmark,
and its pane of glass on which Caroline Matilda [Footnote: Sister of
George III, Queen of Christian VII. She was entrapped into a confession
of criminality to save the life of her supposed lover Struensee, who was
afterwards beheaded. She was condemned to imprisonment for life in the
Castle of Zell, and died there aged twenty-four in 1775.] had scratched,
'O keep me innocent; make others great.' His professional interest was
kindled by the Trekroner Battery which he visited in a boat, and of
which he noticed both the strong and the weak points. He failed to get
into the dockyard, though here again he was careful to note the number
of ships of the line, frigates, and launches afloat; but the royal stud
of 700 horses and the riding school struck him most. On the 20th of May
our travellers reached Elsinore, and crossing over in an open boat to
the Swedish coast they landed at Helsingborg.
My father was a good sportsman, and fishing was his favourite sport. It
was combined with that love of scenery which was one of his
characteristics, and his first fly was thrown in a beautiful river at
Falkenborg, rented by two Englishmen who paid £300 a year for it. Here
he remarks that the Swedes 'are poor, honest, and exceedingly good
natured.'
'I believe,' he wrote, 'that much of the great civility we received
arose from our travelling as we did, without speaking or understanding
the language, with no servant and no carriage, taking the common
conveyances of the country. Our fare, chiefly fish, black bread, and
brandy. The country round Falkenborg is barren, with cultivated spots
here and there.
'After leaving Falkenborg we experienced a great change in the character
of the people. Kindness and honesty were changed for ill-looks and petty
extortions. On a bridge between Moruss and Asa, the woman who kept it
and our drivers charged a double toll, and drank the overplus in
schnapps before our faces! Our vehicle is changed from four wheels to
two, so we now travel in little wooden gigs and four horses, forming a
pretty cavalcade.
'We arrived at Gottenborg about 1 P.M., dined _table d'hôte_ and
left at four. We passed along the banks of the Wener, a superb river.
The vessels that trade from Gottenborg to the Wener See pass up this
river. To pass the falls a canal is cut through the solid rock, with two
locks. I saw a vessel of 80 tons go through. Considerable saw mills are
erected here, the timber cut up, the lumber is just marked, launched
down and the owners look out for themselves.
'The Wener shows one of the finest works of art perhaps in the world! To
navigate this river at the falls it has been necessary to cut a canal
for one English mile at least through mountains of solid rock, and has
eight locks. The mountains are granite and basalt. There is a cut
through the rock also parallel with the river. This cut is useless, for
there is in it a fall of sixty feet perpendicular, so that what it was
made for it is difficult to conceive.'
Between Trolhätta and Gottenborg our travellers were detained four hours
on the road. The reason for this detention is fully explained in a
letter my father wrote to Sir Joseph Yorke a month or two later, from
which I make the following extract:
'While the servants were shifting our luggage at Gottenborg I went into
the house to get change for a three dollar Banco Note. On receiving the
change I found it was only two Dollar Rix Geld, a depreciated currency,
after which I offered, with a remonstrance, a two dollar 'Banco' note.
The woman took it, and was then possessed of five dollar Banco, for
which I could get no further exchange than the two Rix Geld before
mentioned, neither would she return my money. I took the first
opportunity of snatching it from her, first the two dollar note and then
the three, and pushing the small change lying on the table towards her,
walked out of the house. Having managed to pay the horses we wished to
proceed but the driver refused to go, under the plea that I had taken
three dollars from the woman of the house, and they would not move till
I returned it. Neither threats nor entreaties prevailed, and we remained
about two hours till the Postmaster arrived in person. I appealed to
him, it was useless, and I saw no alternative but to offer him the three
dollars, making him understand as well as I could, that he being
Postmaster was responsible, and that I should acquaint the authorities
at Gottenborg of his conduct in taking from me three dollars which
neither belonged to him nor the woman of the house. He looked at the
note and threw it on the table, then left the inn, and in a minute
returned with a pair of screw irons to which was attached a chain,
himself and another laid hold of me, and attempted to force my hands
into them.
'By this time we had all come out of the house. I struck right and left
and effectually released myself. We were set on by the seven or eight
men standing by, and though successful in repelling their attack, seeing
my servant badly wounded and that iron instruments were beginning to be
used, I thought it better to suffer myself to be secured, which was done
by screwing my hands into the irons and making me fast by padlocking the
chain to a part of the room. In this situation I remained for about half
an hour, the Postmaster preparing to accompany us, which he did taking
me with him in his car as a prisoner. On a remonstrance from Walrond on
the tightness of the screws from which I suffered dreadfully, he took
off the irons before getting into the car, but he was armed.
'On arriving at Lilla Edet, we were taken before a magistrate, showed
our passports and were dismissed, after refusing to compromise the
affair for five dollars. This is the story and a very strange one it is.
The King has ordered a process to be begun against the men. I can make
no comment upon it. The reason for such treatment it is impossible to
conceive.'
But on arriving at Gottenborg, I find my father called on the Governor,
and found him justly very indignant, and he declared the Postmaster
should go to prison for three years with hard labour, exclaiming at the
same time, '_Nous ne sommes pas des Barbares, monsieur._'
Changing vessels of passage twice, my father arrived at Christiania.
'Xtiania fiord is deep and the town is situated at the head of it. Part
of the passage of the fiord is very narrow among the small islands, and
the water very deep. Though Christiania is but a poor town compared with
other northern towns, yet its environs may boast of more beauty than
perhaps any capital in the universe.'
My father finds the politeness of the inhabitants expensive, and says,
'in walking the streets of northern towns, you can wear out a good hat
in three days.'
In return they received the greatest civility from two fellow-passengers
who took them to call on Count Plater, the Stadt-Holder or Governor of
Xtiania, who was an admiral in their navy and spoke excellent English;
also on Count Rosen.
'Went to see the Storthing in the morning. Strangers were admitted to
the Gallery on requesting a ticket from the Police!'
My father writes:
'The origin of this Constitution, (now such a thorn in the side of the
King,) was in the reign of the Danish Prince Christian, who himself
assembled a body of the people to consult on the affairs of State at the
moment previous to Norway and Sweden falling under the power of France.
The body thus met, constituted themselves into a perpetual assembly for
the government of the country, and by their prudence and independence,
it is now permanently established (1828) and never were a people more
attached to their constitution.' Dining with Count Plater the Viceroy
of Norway, at 3 P.M., he met forty people, all the Ministers of State
and great officers in full dress with their 'orders' on; also three
peasant Labour Candidates in the costume of their country, being Members
of the Storthing. He also met Count Videll, a 'most fascinating person'
who, being asked as to the purchase of a carriage, replied politely, 'I
will give you one'; and he sent it, saying, 'It is nothing, I have
plenty.' The valley of the Drammen he beheld from the mountain of their
descent, 'charm and awe' by turns are the sensations of the travellers,
and this led them on to Kongsberg, at one time famous for its silver
mines, but the mines not being worked and the timber trade also
decreasing, the population went with it and was then only 4000. The
travellers went down the only silver mine then worked, in the dress of a
miner, walked through a horizontal gallery a mile long till they came to
the shaft, and descended two storeys but could not proceed, the fire
being just lit below.
'This mine returns about £1250 sterling of silver per ann. Sixty miners
are employed at £14 a year each! Bears, wolves and reindeer abound in
this vicinity. There is plenty of iron, not worked, and gold has also
been found in Kongsberg. From thence to Topam(?) we were surprised to
find ourselves driven up to the door of a gentleman's place, out came
Jack Butler, and the master of the house, pressing us to walk in; after
excuses and proper hesitation we accepted, and found ourselves in a room
with people at supper, ladies pretty ones too, who spoke English!
'The fact is that Topam, of which we had heard so much, is a gentleman's
place; after dinner we were shown to our room (one only was vacant).
Walrond had a bed and I slept in my cloak.'
Next day they engaged a well-organised _chasse_. My father
pronounces Topam (?) the most beautiful thing he had ever seen. 'Mr.
Benker of Berlin, their host, purchased it from the King of Sweden for
£150,000. It is the only thing on this scale in Europe.'
The travellers now returned to Christiania, apparently to be received by
the King. They intended dining with their old friend Count Plater, but
the King commanded them to dine with him. After waiting some time they
were ushered in by Baron Lamterberg, the head Chamberlain, and after a
few minutes the King entered--(here follows the interview in Captain
Yorke's own words):
'I apologised for being in plain clothes instead of uniform or court
dress; he replied, "I do not want to see the dress but the man, I am
glad to see you both." He then addressed his conversation in different
topics, viz.: policy of Sweden, change of ministry in England, the navy,
the country, and the mines of Sweden; all of which he enlarged much on.
'He remarked, speaking of England, "That she must have a strong
government or things would not go right in a turn of affairs which he
seemed to think must soon come. A strong government is absolutely
necessary for England." He asked me if _I_ thought that much order
or signals could be attended to after a naval fight had once begun? I
answered, "I thought it depended much on the weather, and which fleet
had the weather gage. With a strong wind and the weather gage I thought
a well-conducted fleet could keep in good order, as long as spars
stood." We stayed with the King for an hour before dinner which was
served at half-past five, after taking schnapps and anchovies, &c. (at
which preparation the King did not appear, they being served at side
tables). The company, about thirty generals, Colonels and Officers of
State, were scattered about in different rooms; the King suddenly
entered and took his seat; everyone did the same, nothing was said; he
fell to work, a very good dinner. I sat opposite the King who never
spoke, or even changed his countenance, or his knife and fork, which
were of gold, and wiped them himself on bread.
'He ate of many dishes, and drank claret and Seltzer water. The plate
was silver except what he had, the glass plain except his, and the
knives and forks were wiped and given to us again. Dinner over, coffee
was served and he talked to me, hoped to see me at Stockholm, bowed to
the company and retired. The King is a perfect gentleman and man of the
world, elegant in his manners and dress, the most intelligent
countenance, and very upright, and good looking in feature.'
I have before noted that my father had really no evening dress or
uniform and was sorely put to it what to do, when he remembered he had
given his servant Jack Butler an old black coat, so he borrowed it for
the occasion, Butler remarking 'that it looked as good as new, as he had
blacked the seams with ink.' This was told to the Chamberlain, who
repeated it to the King, who went into a paroxysm of laughter.
June 13.--We now come to the parting with Walrond, faithful friend and
companion, and sad was the leave-taking. Both were sorry to part, my
father with a long and dreary journey before him alone in a strange
land. As before, he seems to have been most hospitably treated wherever
he halted. Excellent rooms and good food were provided. Between this and
Brejden (? Trondhjem) he passed by the wooden monument erected to
Sinclair, who was there shot. The Norwegians say that silver bullets
were cast on purpose to kill him. Here also they murdered forty Scots,
prisoners, in cold blood. Between Brejden (?) and Langan Pass, the spot
where the action was fought, 700 Scots fell. The pass is, even with a
good road, very narrow, and the mountain above and below nearly
perpendicular; at the foot runs the Langan, a rapid stream. The
Norwegians held the heights, and with them a handful of men might defeat
the enemy.
In crossing the summit and then the descent of the Dovrefeld Range, he
suffered much fatigue both to the eye and limb, 'for never did my eye
wander over so desolate a waste as the summit of these mountains, the
peaks covered with snow, and spots of deep snow in the valleys.' Not a
vestige of herbage or tree to be seen on the northern summit, nor for
one Swedish mile of the descent; then begins the stunted birch, next the
Scotch fir, and 'towards the end of the day our eyes were cheered by the
sight of pines.'
'The inhabitants of the Post-houses are the cleanest people I have seen,
and one is surprised by meeting clocks, carved, painted and gilded, and
walls covered with inscriptions or rudely painted figures. All their
utensils are well scrubbed, and as white as wood can be made. They wear
plaid and recall in their delivery the people of the Scotch Highlands.'
Here comes another description of meals, the table at the latter being
covered with 'glass, flowers and sweets,' _Diner à la Russe_, now
so completely our own fashion. 'A general welcome to the board is first
given, and on rising from table we shake hands all round and the words,
"much good may it do you" often accompanies this greeting.' This again
reminds one of the German _gesegnete Mahlzeit_.
Captain Yorke continues his inquiries by visiting the Arsenal at
Trondhjem which he finds in good order with stores and gunpowder in
small quantities. Twenty gunboats are here laid up in houses built for
the purpose, everything connected with them in good repair. They have a
large lug sail with a mast that falls down. How quaint all these
descriptions must appear to sailors of modern times!
'Besides the Arsenal, the King's Regalia was inspected with laudable
curiosity. It distinctly belonged to Norway, but was made at Stockholm
for the coronation of the present King in the old Church. A very
gorgeous affair, the jewels (pearls) no diamonds, and the other stones
in the crown chiefly amethysts. The Bernadotte family, on the whole, is
not popular in Norway. Sport is always mingled with hospitality and
entertainments; a vast quantity of eider duck is everywhere on the
water, and to take a boat and go out on the Fiord with a gun, is one of
the delights of this most delightful tour. It is curious to see the
affection of the old ones for the brood, which they never will forsake
and so fall an easy prey to the fowler.'
Trondhjem was left with much regret. The pictures, the old town with its
hospitality, the fishing for trout and shooting of eider duck with the
gorgeous scenery left an indelible impression, but night beginning to
darken at twelve put the traveller in mind that time was passing with
rapidity and that to effect the journey before him he must depart.
The next point of general interest is a visit to a family of Laplanders
a mile up the mountains. Herick Anderson, the head or chief of his
family, received the whole party, consisting of Captain Yorke, a friend
(Mr. Charter), and their servants, with 'great delight.'
They were milking the deer, so the travellers could not have arrived at
a more fortunate moment. Five hundred of these animals were enclosed in
a circular space with birch trees cut down and made into a temporary
fence, so giving a good opportunity for looking at the animal. It is
about the height of our common fallow deer, but much stronger and larger
in make, large necks and feet, large-boned legs, with immense antlers
covered with flesh and skin, a dark mouse colour, coat thick, most even
and beautiful to look at. The milk is rich beyond any ever tasted. They
dined with the Laps on reindeer soup and bouillie, scalded milk and
cheese--a characteristic meal. The scalded milk was delicious, but so
rich they could hardly eat it.
They also had a fine sight of Lapland deer dogs, and bought one for
10s.; I suppose that quarantine was not invented then!
After a good deal of brandy drinking the travellers departed with some
difficulty, for the Finns got so riotous that it was with force they got
them from the horses' heads, holding on to the bridles to prevent their
departure.
The Diet at Stockholm (November 1828) was opened with great pomp and
ceremony. My father was present and went in the suite of Lord
Bloomfield, our Minister at the Swedish Court. The ceremony began at 10
A.M., the King and Crown Prince going in state to the church where
divine service was performed. From there a procession to the palace.
The nobles, Ministers of State, &c., with bands of music met them, the
King and Crown Prince walking under a canopy with their crowns on their
heads. Then followed Foreign Ministers with their suites, then twelve
men in armour with large helmets (a bodyguard established by Charles
XII), and more burghers, clergy, and peasants; guards on one side,
artillery on the other, and on entering the square of the palace, the
Horse Guards lined the way. The King took his seat on the throne at the
upper end of the Riks Salon, the Crown Prince on his right a little
below him; the Ministers of State at the foot of the throne, behind
officers of the household, below in a semicircle the guards in armour.
At each side on seats the members of the Diet, in a gallery on the left
sat the Queen and Princess Royal with their ladies. In another gallery
opposite the throne sat the Foreign Minister and strangers of
distinction. The King then delivered his speech to the Crown Prince, who
read it, silence being obtained by the chief minister striking his baton
three times on the ground (which reminds one of a beadle in a Roman
Catholic ceremony!).
The marshal of the ceremony also struck his baton three times on the
ground--the signal for the speakers from the Diet to deliver their
respective addresses, after which the whole procession left the Riks
Salon as it came.
'Carl Johan did the King to admiration, though he looked weary and
distressed.
'The Prince was more at his ease, he put one in mind of the pictures we
see of our old Saxon Kings, the crown being made to that shape.'
On November 17 my father received a summons from the King at 7 P.M., and
was most kindly received.
'He first conversed on Norway, and asked about the new road between
Norway and Sweden. "You, I think, have been in Egypt," said he, "the
Pasha is a most extraordinary man?" I replied, "One of the most
extraordinary men in the world." "Egypt is well governed, is it not?"
"Perhaps so, sire, to answer the Pasha's own ends, but horridly
tyrannised over, and the people dreadfully oppressed." "But they are a
barbarous people, and must be ruled with severity, are they not?" "True,
sire, barbarous, yet his system of Government must militate against his
own wishes; for example, he would fain contend with your manufactures in
the market, yet he will not allow the manufacturer to work for himself,
and do his best to get the best price, but will have the article made
for his own sale, paying only so much a day for his labour." "Perhaps,"
said the King, "in Egypt the people are slaves, but in Europe, Kings are
the only slaves. In England and Sweden, your King and I myself are the
only slaves. Eh? is it not so?"
'"If your Majesty will use any other word than slave, I shall be happy
to agree."
'"What word can I use?" he said. "It is true, I am the only slave in
Sweden. Now, Captain Yorke, do you suppose that Egypt could be governed
by a representative government?"
'My answer was immediate, "Impossible, sire."
'"There, Count Welterdick, do you hear that?" Turning to the courtiers
and Lord Bloomfield, he ejaculated with considerable force, "There,
there, you are right, sir--you are right!" During all this conversation
the King seemed considerably excited. The Diet had just met and things
had not gone there so as to please him. After a few more commonplace
observations he said, "Good evening. The Queen wishes to see you below,
go to her, and dine with me before you leave us."'
CHAPTER VI
GREEK INDEPENDENCE. 1829-1831
In letters written from Stockholm to his father and brother in the
autumn of 1828, Captain Yorke expresses very urgently his desire to find
himself again on active service. 'I see the Lord High Admiral is out,'
he wrote to Sir Joseph in September of that year, 'and whoever comes in,
pray try and get me to the Mediterranean if it is possible.' A month
later his brother, the Rev. Henry Yorke, is reminded of the same wish.
'Since the Russians have blockaded the Dardanelles and old Melville has
again taken up the cudgels, I do not know what to think, and I anxiously
await a line from England. Employment is what I most wish, and now more
than ever, for England will be at war ere long. I trust in God my
friends will stir for me.'
Captain Yorke's anticipation of a war in which England should be
involved was not fulfilled, but the chafing at a life of inaction by the
ardent sailor which appears so clearly in his letters was soon relieved
by his appointment to the command of the brig _Alligator_ in
November or December of 1828.
After some short service in home waters, during which he visited the
Orkneys, Captain Yorke was ordered to take the _Alligator_ to the
Mediterranean station, where it doubtless occurred to the authorities
that the energy and ability he had shown when in command of the
_Alacrity_ in Greek waters a few years earlier would be of service
in the new circumstances which had arisen in that part of the world. The
Greek War of Independence, which was in full progress when Captain Yorke
was engaged in suppressing the piracy of which it was a chief cause in
1823-26, was now drawing to a close. In 1827 Great Britain, France, and
Russia were all united in securing the independence of the country,
which was recognised by a treaty between the three Powers in that year,
and in January following Count Capo d'Istria was elected President of
the new republic. There remained, however, the difficulty of extracting
the same acknowledgment from the Sultan, and from his powerful and
practically independent vassal, Mehemet Ali Pacha of Egypt, whose aid he
had invoked, and whose son Ibrahim held much of the revolted country.
But in 1828 the Allies at last came to an arrangement with Mehemet, and
by a convention concluded by Sir Edward Codrington, that potentate
agreed to evacuate the Morea and to deliver all captives. There then
remained the difficult work of fixing boundaries, of taking over such
parts of the country as were occupied by the Turkish and Egyptian
forces, and of reconciling the inhabitants of those portions of the
Hellenic territory which had not been allowed by the Powers to attain
their independence to a continuance of the Turkish rule. Of these the
island of Crete with its heroic Spakiotes, who had never acknowledged
the Sultan as their sovereign, was perhaps the most troublesome and
difficult. There remained also the incidental suppression of the piracy
which still continued. This duty, as before, fell mainly to the share of
Captain Yorke in the _Alligator_.
From a journal among the Hardwicke MSS. at the British Museum, I am able
to trace my father in that service from September 1, 1830, onwards. He
was then ordered to visit Volo, Salonica, and the neighbourhood, 'owing
to the reports of piracies lately committed, and to express all manner
of good will to all parties excepting such pirates, whom I am ordered to
destroy should I fall in with them.' On his arrival at Napoli at the end
of August he found the admirals of France and Russia and the
Commissioners for settling the boundaries of the new republic. 'The work
goes slowly on,' he records; 'Russia makes difficulties and throws
obstacles in the way.' He reports that Capo d'Istria was generally
unpopular, an opinion which was confirmed by his assassination only a
year later. He found the islands of the Archipelago much dissatisfied
with the result of their rebellion, many of them apparently preferring
to remain under the Turk; others with a grievance because they had not
been included in the transfer; all of them intensely jealous of each
other. 'The islands are particularly dissatisfied,' he says. 'Their
situation is much changed. Under the Turk the islander was freer and was
rich and had great trade; now, ruined by the war, he has lost his ships
and his commerce.' On September 3 he sails along the coast of Negropont,
about to be evacuated by the Turks, and hears of piracies committed by
them in leaving that country. 'It is not to be supposed,' he says, 'that
these reckless ruffians would desist from insulting Greek boats and
vessels when they fall in with them.' Going on to Volo, the Aga of that
town assured him that no piracies had taken place recently in the
district, and 'that a small boat might now go in safety to
Constantinople,' but of this the captain evidently had his doubts. On
the 6th he fell in with the _Meteor_, Captain Copeland, and
anchored with her near Zituni, between Negropont and the coast of
Thessaly. His impression of this part of the world is of interest.
'In this part of Thessaly,' he says, 'an English ship had never been
before seen to anchor. I was greeted by the natives. The Greek
population are armed, and the number of Turks in the surrounding
district does not exceed fifteen. Opposite to us is the pass of
Thermopylae, of which pass there is now no remains, the sea having
receded and a considerable plain of alluvial soil now exists where the
Pass must have been. The part of Thessaly opposite the Negropont is the
ancient Myseria and the first scene of the memorable Argonautic
Expedition. Volo was Iolcos, from which Jason embarked his band of
adventurers. Pelion is seen from the gulf.'
While lying near Zituni, Captain Yorke received news of a pirate named
Macri Georgio, who two days before had plundered a schooner, and was
apparently at large in two boats with sixty armed ruffians in the Gulf
of Salonica. He immediately set sail for Cape Palliouri, anchored his
brig by lantern light just round that point on September 11, and at
moonrise led an expedition of five boats with sixty men and three days'
provisions in search of the pirate. There followed many interviews with
the Agas of different districts, who gave him much conflicting evidence
about the doings of Macri Georgio, but with no result, and the
_Alligator_ was finally brought to an anchor at Salonica, where he
prosecuted further inquiries. Salonica, which to-day promises to become
a bone of contention among some of the Powers of Europe, he found 'a
clean town, containing about 70,000 inhabitants. The walls are in the
Turkish style of fortification and without a ditch; the city stands on
an inclined plain gently sloping to the sea, the sea wall is flanked by
two towers at either end. The surrounding country is plain with
mountains rising at the back.' He already noticed a great change in the
attitude of the Turks, owing to the long struggle they had sustained
with the Greeks and with Russia during the late war.
'As it is, the empire is weakened, and the Turks know not what to make
of it. They say the Sultan is a Giaour. The Turks, too, seem to have
lost all their former pride, the lower orders are afraid, and the upper
classes are quite disaffected. The change has been most wonderful, nor
is it quite possible to reconcile to oneself how it has been brought
about. The Koran is no longer the law of the land, and therefore you can
hardly say they are any longer Turks. In Salonica this day, an
independent Greek was seen beating an armed Turk in the streets.'
From Salonica Captain Yorke, hearing of another clue, started in search
of the elusive Macri Georgio, whom he thought he had at last located in
the Peneus. So there is another expedition in the boats with sixty men
and a twelve-miles pull to Platamona. At a village, Karitza, they hear
of an atrocity of the pirates, who had burned a boat and killed all the
crew, leaving one poor fellow only, dead on the beach with his right arm
missing, as witness to the outrage. So the little force bivouacs on the
beach, and at 4.30 next morning chase and fire on some men whom they see
hauling a boat over a sandbank into the river Peneus, with others
retreating into the forest. There followed another chase up the river
with the lighter boats, which after rowing up stream as far as they
would float found only the small boat seen the day before, abandoned and
with no one in sight. In these expeditions the name of Lieutenant Hart
is frequently mentioned by my father. When in later years Captain Yorke
succeeded to the earldom of Hardwicke, he remembered this gentleman,
found him a place as agent of his estates, and had in him a second
right-hand for many years at Wimpole.
On October 30, 1830, Captain Yorke had taken the _Alligator_ to
Karabusa, and as from that point onward his journal is of great
interest, I print it in his own words. It shows, I think, the qualities
of firmness and energy which have appeared so fully in all that he did,
as well as diplomatic talents of a high order in circumstances of some
difficulty. His orders were to take over Karabusa from the insurgents
and hold it pending the settlement. There is a gap in the journal of
some six months at the end of the year 1830, and on the 2nd of June 1831
he records leaving the _Alligator_ for England. In nothing that he
wrote does his love of the sea and of his profession appear so
convincingly as in the touching words in which he records leaving his
crew and his ship. These require no comment, and I set them out as he
left them, together with some reflections on the home voyage which help
to display his character, and some remarks upon the steamer in which he
reached England, which have a peculiar interest in showing the
difficulties of the early days of steam navigation.
'Oct. 13, 1830.--Arrived and moored to the shore at Karabusa (off Cape
Busa in Crete). I am sent here to take possession of the fortress from
the Greeks, and to hold it in the name of the Allies until I am ordered
to surrender it to the Turks. It is an extraordinary rock very high and
difficult of access on the western side. Its face to the sea is
perpendicular. The Venetians fortified this height, and it is a perfect
Gibraltar. A small garrison could defend it as long as the necessaries
of life remained within. The anchorage is bad, the bottom being rocky;
but it is a perfect harbour, being open to view only to the west and
here a breakwater of rock runs across--on this breakwater the
_Cambria_ was lost. I communicate on my arrival with Mons. Le Ray
of the brig _Grenadier_ and Captain Maturkin of the brig
_Achilles_, my colleagues for France and Russia.
'Oct. 15.--Arrived at Karabusa and desired to see me three Candiotes
(Spakiote chiefs) professing to be a deputation from the Cretans
requesting to know what we meant to do with Karabusa; speaking of their
forlorn condition, of the Turks being about to break the armistice, and
praying me to give protection to those who wished to fly to Karabusa. In
reply I said that my power was limited, that I had my orders and they
were, to receive the Island of Karabusa from the Greeks, and to hold it
in the name of the Allies until I received orders to surrender it to the
Turks. _Voilà tout!_ After this I said, "I now may speak my own
private opinion and give my advice. That is that Candia belongs _in
toto_ to the Turks, and you had better submit." I used all the
arguments I was master of to induce them so to do, and said that on
their heads would rest the blood that might be spilt by deceiving the
people, and inducing them to resist; that the Pacha of Egypt had made a
proclamation, the most gracious. They said they had never seen it, but
on producing a copy of it we found they were well acquainted therewith.
Sent for the Russian and French captains to give their opinion and
advice, which precisely tallied with mine. Mons. Le Ray was for
requesting the Turk to extend his armistice, which expired to-day and
give more time for the surrender of arms, but I differed with him on
this point, for you "must be cruel to be kind," and in prolonging the
time of their submission you prolong hope, the Greek will after such
time is expired only ask for more.
'Three chiefs Chrisaphopulo and Anagnosti and another whose name I did
not know are the same who made the attempt to retake the island sixteen
days ago.
'They are pirates and were then in Crete and had much to do in Karabusa
formerly; I expect that the proclamation of Mohammed Ali has been
prevented reaching the ears of the Spakiotes by them.
'Oct. 16.--Arrived here a secretary of a Greek chief in Candia and tried
by intrigue to gain what he thought would turn to his advantage, the
opinion of the Russian captain as to our future intentions and
proceedings here: he tried to persuade him to give them some ammunition
&c. &c. He expressed his abhorrence and hatred of the English, saying
that in Candia all said we had sold the island to the Turks and had
undone them. He declared that the Greeks had not yet lost all hope of
gaining Karabusa but when they had they would carry their women and
children to Spakia.
'Yesterday received news from Canea the Egyptians have established a
good police in the town and two councils have been established, one
Greek and the other Turk. Also, a proclamation of Mustapha Pacha, most
affectionate in its language, offering protection to those who
surrendered and denouncing vengeance on those who still held their arms.
'Oct. 20.--During the night a brisk fire of musketry began, about half-
past one; went to quarters, went on shore with marines. At daylight took
seven prisoners of which Chrisaphopulo was one, two of the others were
Candiote captains.
'I consider that as there were about 100 [Footnote: Proved afterwards to
have been 800.] men on the opposite side that it was an excursion made
by them during a dark and tempestuous night to reconnoitre.
Chrisaphopulo came to the house of Apostolides and said I had come with
ten men, on which the said Apostolides sends a corporal to inform the
garrison; after which every stone they saw was a man. Query: if
Chrisaphopulo had said I came with 100 what would he have done? To-
morrow we mean to quarter the prisoners. I think that D'Aubigny has
surrendered Karabusa and not his lieutenants.
'Chrisaphopulo presses me to receive petitions of the inhabitants. He
when alone with me said the Candiotes would fain be in the service of
the English. I think this will follow, that he will offer to give
Karabusa to the English and assist them to defend it if I will protect
their families.
'It is necessary that something should be done for the Greeks at
Karabusa, also, that the President should do something for those Greek
families who are about to leave Greece.
'Oct. 22.--Canaris interfered with the commandant of the garrison in the
affair of Wednesday night. He came out here to-day and I met him,
Captain Maturkin, and M. D'Aubigny. I said I had nothing to do with this
affair, as the Greek flag was flying on the fortress, that what had
passed was purely a Greek affair, but that should they wish me to assent
to the examination of the prisoners I should be most happy. Canaris
wished that I and Maturkin would not remain in the room; we consequently
went away, after expressing a desire to have a report of the decision,
as it must be a matter of great interest to me.
'They were allowed to depart with their arms. From all I have been able
to make out it must have been an attack which was intended but which
failed owing to their not getting over quick enough. They had 150 men on
the other side. These seven got over in a row boat, passed my sentry on
the beach running, a few minutes after the firing began from the
fortress the _Alligator_ was at quarters with her ports lit up, and
a rocket was thrown from the ship. All this showed that there was no
hope of a surprise, the others consequently went back.
'The next morning, thinking that their chiefs were slain or taken, they
upbraided each other, quarrelled and fought; many were killed and
wounded; among the former two captains, one of whom was a man that was
tried at Malta for piracy but escaped. I told those that came over that
if I caught them again here, they would be shot.
'Oct. 27.--Left the ship (on the information that the Pacha was about to
march) in the gig with a great chief, for Kesamos; on my arrival was
received by all the chiefs on the beach, and conducted with my companion
(Simpson) to Castelli (a small fortress about a musket shot from the
sea, the interior of which is a perfect ruin), where I was ushered into
a room up a ladder and followed by the chiefs, and the armed population
of the place, who quietly began plying me with questions not one of
which I understood, until a Greek of Milo appeared who spoke a little
English. Various were the questions asked: "Might they fire on the
Turks"; "could I get for them more time"; "why do the Turks make war on
us"; "might they hoist the English colours?" A great deal of excitement
was visible among this _canaille_ of a population and I was in
considerable apprehension of consequences, particularly as there were
present three or four of the captains whom I had ordered to be shot if
they put foot in Karabusa. At length after much detention, terms were
procured and I was permitted to depart saying that I would do my
possible to stop the march of the Turks for a few days. I left Castelli
as I had entered it under a salute of three guns. In five hours we
reached Gonia, a monastery situated on the coast of the Gulf of Canea
where we were most hospitably entertained, good fare and good beds; our
party was very talkative on Greek affairs. There were among the party
the Spakiote chiefs Vanilikeli and Chrisophopulos.
'The next morning we proceeded, and as it was raining heavily we were
obliged to stop for two hours in a ruined house. Here in a few minutes
little streams became torrents carrying before them trees and lands, in
four hours we reach the Greek lines. The country we passed through was
level and rich in oil and wine; yesterday the country was rugged and
mountainous. When we advanced from the Greek lines across the neutral
ground towards the Turkish lines, considerable anxiety was apparent in
the Turkish advanced post; we were about twenty horsemen, the chiefs
well mounted and armed to the teeth, and took post on a level rising
ground, where we dismounted, and lit our pipes as a preliminary to
conversation. The Turkish vedettes now advanced to about musket shot,
when I mounted my horse and rode over to them, desiring to be taken to
Mustapha Pacha; a young Greek chief named Leuhouthi accompanied me. We
were soon joined by Hafir Aga, a stout good-natured Turk who, after
giving us a good luncheon, accompanied us on our journey to Canea where
in about three hours we arrived sending a courier to the camp. In one
hour more found myself in the tent of Mustapha Pacha, and was addressed
with "_Asseyez-vous je vous prie_" by Osman Bey. After having
conversed on the affairs of Karabusa, at which the Turk complained
bitterly of our policy in keeping his men from landing, I requested him
to stay his march against the Greeks for a few days as my crew at
Karabusa was weak and I feared his first movement would be a signal for
a second attack; but, as I expected a reinforcement of French, he might
then march as we should be efficient for the defence of Karabusa. I saw
at once this would not do and next morning again tried my hook, but the
fish would not bite; when on the point of marching, three Greeks were
brought into the tent with the information that the Greeks had made a
display of the three flags of England, France and Russia.
'I immediately said that the Pacha could not with propriety march
against those flags until I had in person visited the position and had
ascertained how the case stood. The Pacha gave me a horse and throwing
his own cloak over my shoulders (for it rained hard) I started off with
my Greek friend and a few Turkish guards whom I requested might return,
as I wished to go alone, my mission being perfectly pacific. In about
eight hours I reached Cambus (? Kampos), a prodigiously strong position
in the mountains, and on approaching afar off I beheld the three Greek
flags flying on the pinnacle of the highest mountain in sight. The pass
to the position of Cambus is most narrow and difficult, and then at the
summit it is a plateau of fine soil with large trees and gardens. It is
a most beautiful spot and well worth fighting for. I was soon ushered
into an assembly of the chiefs who were Spakiotes, and Mons. Resière was
there also. This Mons. Resière was originally a physician of Canea; born
in Crete and having received a good education and speaking European
languages, he was considered by the President of Greece as a fit man to
govern Crete. He now wishes to keep up the shadow of that power which he
once had, and has established a council, at Milopotamos in Crete, of
which he is president, for the government of the Greeks and arrangement
of the future plans of operation. In quietly conversing with Resière I
found by his own confession that the object was to gain time, and he
beseeched me to use my endeavours for that purpose. To be sure comments
may be made of the conduct of the allies towards the Candiote Greeks
this year, for the sale of property does not expire until February and
the enemy has been permitted to march against the Greeks; their olives
are ripe and they wish time to gather their crop and reap the advantages
of it, for though the Greeks love liberty they love money better. As
matters were I had used my endeavours for that purpose and without
success. I now spoke publicly, and the captains and troops were
assembled in a large room. I desired the flags of the three nations to
be immediately surrendered to me. There was now a long silence, during
which time the captains eyed one another, apparently to read in the
countenance of each what was to be done. At length the headmost and best
speaker (his words coming out like drops of water from an exhausted
supply) "You may send and take away that of your nation, but the others
we will not give up." I replied I had made a demand and required an
answer; after much consideration they gave one in the negative. I on
this made a verbal protest against the colours of the allies being
hoisted in opposition to the Governor and departed. On my journey over
the mountains, it rained hard, and enveloped as I was in the cloak or
mantle of the Pacha, I feared I should be taken for a Turk and shot at,
or that my neck would be broken in the difficult passes of the
mountains; but in this case the excellent animal I rode served me most
faithfully and never made a blunder. Oh Maria [Footnote: His
stepsister.]! and ye lovers of horseflesh, how you would have praised
and petted this animal had you ridden him; pitch dark on my return,
nearly perpendicular flights of stone and not a false step! Excellent
beast, your master the Pacha knows your value. I got back about 10 P.M.
wet through nearly--the Pacha's cloak served me well though. The tent of
Osman Bey received me and we found some excellent rum to season my
sherbet with. The next day about one o'clock we started on horse-back to
attack the strong position of Gambus, two regiments of regulars, 1000
each, had gone on in the morning. My object in going with the Turks was
a mixed one, curiosity and hope of doing some good in preventing
bloodshed. But there was no need for any personage of that humane
disposition, the Greeks themselves were so full of humanity that they
decamped bag, baggage, and colours a quarter of an hour before the
leading Albanians entered the place of Cambus. I shall only remark that
it stood on the top of a mountain; only to be reached by the most narrow
and difficult passes, and had the Greeks intended to fight at all, they
never could have had a better opportunity.
'The day after I left Canea in a small boat I had hired to take me to
Karabusa. It was a fine calm morning, but when we had gone about two
miles along shore a very heavy gale came on, our sails were blown away
and with great difficulty we reached Cape Spada, rowing for two hours
within fifty yards of the shore, and could not reach it. We lay in a
level with a rocky headland this night with but little to eat. The next
day we tried to get round Cape Spada but could not; the wind then
shifted to the northward and blew a hard gale. We were now wrecked among
the breakers at the bottom of the bay of Gonia. Thank God I reached the
dry land and was well taken care of at the monastery. There I found
Chrisophopulos and Vanilikeli, who escorted me to Castelli and from
thence to Karabusa.
'December 12.--At Canea. Find the Greeks here well contented with the
Turks. No taxes or impositions get laid on, in fact at present the
Greeks are better off than the Turks. The Spakiotes have not all
submitted. Three Spakiotes taken prisoners with their arms are made
Primates of their respective villages and members of the Council.
'December 13.--Left the ship in the cutter, in company with Signor
Capogropo and Mons. Corporal. Landed at Celivez, a surf on the beach,
all got wet, it was _sauve qui peut_ and we left our cloaks behind
us, which to people on the point of bivouacking for the night was not
really pleasant. But Signor Capogropo, though eighty-two years of age,
seemed to make so light of the matter that it was out of the question to
complain. Here we found horses sent for us to the camp, where I arrived
about ten o'clock having passed through a rich and beautiful country to
the village which, like all in Candia, gives a good idea of the ravages
of civil war. Here I found the Pacha and Osman Bey had established their
head-quarters. I was treated like a Pacha, boys attended to wait on me
with pipes, coffee, a barber, &c. I made my toilet in the morning
attended by seven or eight servants. Nothing can be better than the
manner in which these chiefs are conducting affairs in this country.
'June 2, 1831.--Left Malta for England, left my ship in Malta harbour in
the hands of new officers. Poor _Alligator_, I did not know I had
so much of the love of ships, no not ships, I knew that, but of men, in
me. I could have kissed every man jack of them to death--and have cried
over every blue jacket on parting, and my dear Mids, they I believed
were surprised; they did not think I cared so much about them till I
took leave of them.
'My loss is great. God's Will be done. God only knows whether I shall
return to my ship again, but I think I have love enough for her to make
it no difficult task on my part.
'Nine o'clock at night, blowing strong from the N.W. course in the
dirtiest steamboat I ever was in, nevertheless she wears a pendant.
'June 23.--Foul wind--cold dark day--making little progress, that is 100
miles a day. What a change in seamen's distances, 100 miles a day, right
in the wind's eye, and call that doing ill. What would Benbow say if one
could tell him that? I will tell you, "You lubberly dog, you lie."
'Nevertheless I go fast towards home or--God knows what! What part in
the play am I to act, I wish my mind was made up on this cursed Reform
question. It will be carried, but I should like to do what I think right
and honourable towards myself, that is act and vote as I really think.
We must become republican England as well as republican France (damn
France, she is the root of all evil and the branch of no good). It
matters little how; whether by Reform which will produce national
bankruptcy, or by a starving population which will produce rebellion and
civil war. Reform certainly means No taxes and cheap bread. Have been
reading Moore's Byron. Poor Byron, quite what I believe him to be in
many things and more than I believe him to be in others. I saw him at
Missolonghi.
'June 6.--This day six years I was made a Post Captain, had my poor
father lived to-day he would have completed his sixty-third year. Strong
winds and contrary--directly in our teeth. Nevertheless we make good
more than four miles per hour. Yesterday hove to under the lee of
Gibraltar all day. I finished Byron's Memoirs by T. Moore. Many
sentences in his latter letters from Missolonghi which he word for word
said to me when I saw him there. Our passengers are a gentleman in the
government of Corfu and a young officer of the _Britannia_ said to
be dying of a consumption--eats like the devil--very obstinate--will
do as he pleases, seems determined to do what is quite right--send the
doctor to the devil. Learn that a horse power in steaming is 32,000 lbs.
'June 9.--Fell in with the _St. Vincent_ bearing the Flag of E.A.
Sir H. Hotham on his way to relieve Sir P. Malcolm. Received letters
from my uncles, &c. &c. Melancholy enough and politically disagreeable.
Shall rejoin my dear _Alligator_ again. Nothing can be more kind
than the conduct of the Admiralty. Allow ship to come home if I please,
&c. &c.
'Steam boilers leak. Put fires out, lose seven hours--obliged to empty
boilers--the Devil and all! At least the men here are devils incarnate--
two of them entered the boilers and drove rivets with the thermometer
160 in there.
'Sir H. Hotham wrote me a kind note in answer to my request to allow
Hart to bring the ship home after me.
'June 20.--At sea hove to off the coast of Portugal in the steam packet.
Sailed from Gibraltar (the 2nd time having put back once in consequence
of the coals being bad Welsh). On the 15th called at Cadiz. On the 16th
went on shore, Consul B--y pompous, &c. Daughters, music, painting, &c.
William the Conqueror, &c. &c. Last night the Jew groaned heavily in his
sleep, woke him--he was dreaming of being robbed of his money.
'June 23.--Put into Vigo Bay for coals and left it in the evening of the
24th. Beautiful Bay, fresh day; St. John's market a beautiful sight, if
fine women constituted that. The steamboat all day crowded with
strangers. Heard that Don Pedros had left Brazil and been received in
London.
'June 30.--Arrived in sight of Falmouth and anchored in 30 fm. having
burnt the guts and bulwarks to bring her thus far. Went to town the next
day by mail.'
CHAPTER VII
COURT DUTIES AND POLITICS. 1831-1847
On the voyage home from the Mediterranean in the steamship
_Meteor_, which is described in the journal I have quoted in the
last chapter, my father received the sad news of the death of Sir Joseph
Sydney Yorke, an event to which he makes no allusion in the journal.
Admiral Sir Henry Hotham, who had just been appointed to the command of
the Mediterranean station, and had sailed in the _St. Vincent_ from
Portsmouth, was the bearer of a last letter written by Sir Joseph to his
son on the 3rd of April 1831. The _St. Vincent_ met the
_Meteor_ at sea, and Sir Henry, in handing the letter to Captain
Yorke, had also to announce Sir Joseph's death, which occurred only two
days after he had finished the letter. This letter was found among my
father's papers, and I set it out at length; it is quite typical of
others which display the affection which existed between father and son,
and it shows very convincingly the success which attended Captain
Yorke's career in the Mediterranean. The circumstances of the accident
in which Sir Joseph lost his life appear, so far as they can be known,
in a note to Sir Joseph's letter written by my brother John, the late
Earl of Hardwicke. [Footnote: He died from influenza, March 1909.] From
this it will be seen that Sir Joseph was returning from a visit to the
St. Vincent, which he had made in order to hand his letter to Sir Henry
Hotham, when he met his death. It appears also from the annotation by my
father that Sir Henry sailed without hearing of the accident, and only
learned of Sir Joseph's death by subsequently reading a notice of it in
Galignani's _Messenger_.
* * * * *
14 NEW BURLINGTON STREET, LONDON:
April 2, 1831.
'MY DEAREST CHARLES,
'Your last note to me enclosing your long recital of occurrences in
Candia, addressed to your brother Henry, was duly received about a month
ago, and has made us all equally happy and highly interested in your
fortunate and successful mission. I proceeded to the Admiralty as you
desired, and looked over the whole of the correspondence there, and I
was much struck with the encomiums passed on you by my friend Sir Philip
Malcolm, and of the coincidence, of the Admiralty minute and all the
observations made by that chief, on your conduct. It runs thus,
"acquaint Sir P. M. that their Lordships entirely concur with him in the
opinion he has formed of the conduct of Capt. Yorke during his service
at Karabusa." I see by the _United Service Journal_, that you
sailed for Smyrna on the 8th of January, two days after your letter to
me, and that you were at that port on the 18th, of course this
acknowledgement of your correspondence will go by the Admiralty bag, but
I doubt whether I shall save the packet. It will however be conveyed by
your new Chief, Sir Henry Hotham, who is very desirous to render you all
attention, for in a note I had from him, about a Middy I asked him to
take with him in the _St. Vincent_, he says, "had I been able I
would have fulfilled your wishes with much pleasure in this instance, as
I shall have the pleasure in doing in regard to the captain of the
_Alligator_, and if you have anything to send to him I will take
the charge of it with pleasure." Thus you see, my dear Charles, that Sir
Henry Hotham will be as much interested about you as any of his
predecessors if you desire it, which I am sure you will.
'You may indeed say, or rather exclaim, What changes! The chances now
are that our order in the State (to make use of Lord Grey's words about
his own order), instead of being Lords of the Admiralty will be hewers
of wood and drawers of water, that is, if the Reform Bill passes in its
present shape. For it cannot be denied that it must give a
preponderating bias to that class, namely the £10 householder, which are
by far the most numerous, active, and republican class, who by living in
towns, can be collected for any political purpose at a moment's notice;
who are shopkeepers, citizens, manufacturers, possessing great
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