Dio's Rome, Vol VI.
by
Cassius Dio
Part 4 out of 4
14 ¶ Hannibal either as a favor to Fabius, on the ground that he was an
advantage to them or perhaps to create a prejudice against him, did not
ravage any of his possessions. Accordingly, when an exchange of captives
was made between the Romans and Carthaginians with the proviso that any
number in excess on either side should be ransomed, and as the Romans
were unwilling to ransom their men with money from the public treasury,
Fabius sold the farms and paid their ransom. Therefore they did not
depose him but they gave equal power to his master of the horse, so that
both held their commands on a like footing. Fabius harbored no wrath
against either the citizens or Rufus: he excused them for an act
prompted by human nature and was for contenting himself if in any way
they might survive. He desired the preservation and victory of the
commonwealth rather than an individual reputation, and continued to
believe that excellence depends not on decrees but on each man's spirit,
and that a man is better or worse not as a result of any ordinance but
as a result of his own wisdom or ignorance.
Rufus, however, who had not shown the right spirit in the first place
was now more than ever puffed up and could not contain himself because
he had obtained through his insubordination the further prize of equal
authority with the dictator. And so he kept asking for the right to hold
sole sway a day at a time, or for several days alternately. But Fabius,
in the fear that he might work some harm if he should get possession of
the undivided power, would not consent to either plan of his, but
divided the army in such a way that they each, like the consuls, had a
separate force. And immediately Rufus encamped apart, in order that he
might give a practical illustration of the fact that he held sway in his
own right and not subject to the dictator. (Valesius, p. 597. Zonaras,
8, 26.)
15. ¶ It is customary for men who are ruled to concur in opinion easily.
Especially often do they join forces when the object is to slander men
of good reputation, for the reason that it is their nature to help in
augmenting any power just come to light but to bring low what has
already obtained preeminence. And though one can not immediately measure
one's self with men who surpass one through ampler resources, growth in
an unexpected quarter brings hope of a like good fortune to others that
dwell in obscurity. [Footnote: This may come from a speech of M.
Terentius Varro in favor of equalizing the powers of dictator and of
master-of-horse.](Mai, p. 194.) 16. ¶ Rufus, who obtained equal
authority with the dictator, after a defeat by the Carthaginians altered
his attitude (for disasters chasten somehow those who are not completely
fools) and voluntarily gave up his leadership. And for this all praised
him loudly. He was not held worthy of censure because he had failed to
recognize at first what was fitting, but was commended for not
hesitating to change his mind. They deemed it an act of good fortune for
a man to choose right at the start a proper course of conduct, but they
thoroughly approved the course of one, who, having learned from
practical experience the better way, was not ashamed to face squarely
about. From this episode, too, it was clearly shown how much one man
differs from another and true excellence from the reputation therefor.
What had been taken from Fabius by jealousy and prejudice of the
citizens, he received back with good-will and even at the request of his
colleague. (Mai, p. 194. Zonaras, 8, 26.) 17. ¶ The same man when about
to retire from office sent for the consuls, surrendered his army to
them, and advised them in addition very fully regarding all the details
of what must be done. The safety of the city stood higher in his
estimation than a reputation for being the only successful commander,
and expecting that if they followed their own bent they would probably
meet with failure, but if they heeded his counsel they would meet with a
favorable outcome, he preferred to look to the second contingency for
praise. And the consuls were not unduly bold but acted on the suggestion
of Fabius, deeming it better not to accomplish any important result than
to be ruined; hence they remained where they were throughout the entire
period of their command. (Mai, p. 195. Zonaras, 8, 26.)
18. For the Iapygians and Apulians dwell around the Ionic Gulf. Of the
Apulians the tribes according to Dio are the Peuketii Pediculi, Daunii,
Tarentini. There is also Cannae, the "plain of Diomed," near Daunian
Apulia. Messapia was called also Iapygia, later Salentia, and then
Calabria. Argyrippa, a Diomedian city, was renamed Arpi by the
Apulians. (Isaac Tzetzes on Lycophron, 603 and 852. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 1.)
[Sidenote: B.C. 216 (_a.u._ 538)] 19. Later he was arrayed against the
Romans at Cannae, when the Roman generals were Paulus and Terentius. Now
Cannae is a level district of Argyrippa, where Diomed founded the city
Argyrippa, that is to say "Argos the Horse-City" in the tongue of the
Greeks. And this plain comes to belong later to the Daunii (of the
Iapygians), then to the Salantii, and now to those that all call by the
name Calauri. It is also the boundary between the Calauri and
Longibardi, where the great war burst upon them. (Tzetzes, Hist., 1,
757-767. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 1.)
20. ¶ With regard to divination and astronomy Dio says: "I, however, can
not form any opinion either about these events or about others that are
foretold by divination. For what does foreshowing avail, if a thing
shall certainly come to pass, and if there could be no averting of it
either by human devices or by divine providence? Accordingly, let each
man look at these matters in what way he pleases." (Mai, p. 195. Cp.
Zonaras, 9, 1.)
21. ¶ The commanders were Paulus and Terentius, men not of similar
temperament, but differing alike in family and in character. The former
was a patrician, possessed of the graces of education, and esteemed
safety before haste, being restrained partly, it might be said, as a
result of the censure he had received for his former conduct in office.
Hence he was not inclined to audacity, but was considering how he might
keep from getting into trouble again rather than how he might achieve
success by some desperate venture. Terentius, however, had been brought
up among the rabble, was practiced in vulgar bravado, and so displayed
lack of prudence in nearly all respects; for instance, he promised
himself general direction of the war, kept constantly annoying the
patricians, and thought that he alone should have the leadership in view
of the quiet behavior of his colleague. Now they both reached the camp
at a most opportune time: Hannibal had no longer any provender; Spain
was in turmoil; the affection of the allies was being alienated from
him: and if they had waited for even the briefest possible period, they
would have conquered without trouble. As matters went, however, the
heedlessness of Terentius and the submissiveness of Paulus, who always
desired the proper course but assented to his colleague in most
points--so sure is gentleness to be overcome by audacity,--compassed
their defeat. (Mai, p. 196. Zonaras, 9, 1.)
22. ¶ In the melee of the war not even the boldest possessed a hope so
buoyant as to rise above the fear that arose from its uncertainty. The
surer they felt of conquering the more did they tremble for fear they
might in some way come to grief. Those who are ignorant of a matter by
reason of their very lack of perception are not awaiting anything
terrible, but the boldness derived from calculation [lacuna] (Six pages
are lacking.) (Mai, p. 196.)
23. At the time when burst this frightful war, a terrific earthquake
occurred, so that mountains were cleft asunder and showers of great
stones poured down from heaven. But they, fighting vigorously, perceived
none of these things. At last so great a multitude of Roman warriors
fell that Hannibal, the general, in sending to Sicily the finger-rings
of the generals and the other men of repute filled many bushel and peck
measures--so great a multitude that the noble, foremost Roman women ran
lamenting to the temples in Rome and with the hairs of their heads
cleansed the statues there;--and later had intercourse with both slaves
and barbarians (because the Roman land had been utterly impoverished of
men), to the end that their race might not be every whit extirpated.
Rome at that time, after the utter loss of all her citizens, stood
inglorious through many day-coursing cycles. Her old men sitting at her
outer gates bewailed the disaster most grievous to be borne and asked
ever and anon the passers-by whether any one perchance were left alive.
(Tzetzes, Hist. 1, 767-785. (Cp. Fragm. LVI, 19, which precedes this.)
Cp. Zonaras, 9, 1.)
24. ¶ Scipio, on learning that some of the Romans were prepared to
abandon Rome, and indeed all Italy, because they felt it was destined to
fall into the hands of the Carthaginians, yet found a way to restrain
them. Sword in hand he sprang suddenly into the room where they were
conferring, and after himself swearing to take all proper measures both
of word and act he made them also devote themselves by oath to utter
destruction, should they fail to keep their pledges to him. Later these
men reached a harmonious decision and wrote to the consul that they were
safe enough. He, however, did not at once write or despatch a messenger
to Rome; on reaching Canusium he set in order affairs at that place,
sent to the regions in proximity garrisons sufficient for immediate
needs, and repulsed a cavalry attack upon the city. Altogether, he
displayed neither dejection nor terror, but with an unbending spirit,
as if no serious evil had befallen them, he both planned and executed
all measures of immediate benefit. (Valesius, p. 598. Zonaras, 9, 2.)
25. Hannibal took possession of the Nucerini under an agreement that
each man should leave the city carrying one change of clothing. As soon,
however, as he was master of the situation he shut the senators into
bath-houses and suffocated them, and in the case of the others, although
he had granted them permission to go away where they pleased, he cut
down many of them even on the road. Still, this course was of no profit
to him, for the rest became afraid that they might suffer a similar
fate, and so would not come to terms with him and resisted as long as
they could hold out. (Valesius, p. 598. Zonaras, 9, 2.)
26. ¶ Marcellus showed great bravery, moderation, and justice. His
demands on his subjects were not all rigorous or harsh, nor was he
careful to see that they also should do what was needful. Those of them
who committed any errors he pardoned humanely and, furthermore, was not
angry if they failed to be like him. (Valesius, p. 601.)
27. ¶ When many citizens of Nola were dreading the men captured at Cannae
and later released by Hannibal, because they thought that such persons
favored the invader's cause, and when they were even desirous of putting
them to death, he opposed it. Furthermore, he concealed from this time
on the suspicion that he felt toward them, and treated them in such a
way that they chose his side by preference, and became extremely useful
both to their native land and to the Romans. (Valesius, p. 601. Cp.
Zonaras, 9, 2.)
28. ¶ The same Marcellus when he perceived that one of the Lucanian
cavalrymen was in love with a woman permitted him to keep her in the
camp, because he was a most excellent fighter: this in spite of the
fact that he had forbidden any women to enter the ramparts. (Valesius,
p. 601.)
29. ¶ He pursued the same course with the people of Acerrae as he had
with those of Nucreia, except that he cast the senators into wells and
not into bath-houses. (Valesius, p. 601. Zonaras, 9, 2.)
30. ¶ Fabius got back some of the men captured in former battles by
exchanging man for man, while others he made a compact to ransom with
money. When, however, the senate failed to confirm the expenditure,
because it did not approve of their ransoming, he offered for sale, as I
have said, [Footnote: Cp. section 14 (first paragraph) of this fragment.]
his own farms and from the proceeds of them furnished the ransom for the
men. (Valesius, p. 601.)
31. Archimedes, the well-known inventor, was by birth a Syracusan. Now
this old geometrician, who had passed through seventy-five seasons, had
built many powerful engines, and by the triple pulley, with the aid of
the left hand alone, could launch a merchant ship of fifty thousand
medimni burden. And when Marcellus once, the Roman general, assaulted
Syracuse by land and sea, this man first by his engines drew up some
merchantmen, and lifting them up against the wall of Syracuse dropped
them again and sent them every one to the bottom, crews and all. Again,
as Marcellus removed his ships a little distance, the old man gave all
the Syracusans the power to lift stones of a wagon's size, and letting
them go one by one to sink the ships. When Marcellus withdrew a bow
shot thence, the old man manufactured a kind of hexagonal mirror, and at
an interval proportionate to the size of the mirror he set similar small
mirrors with four edges, moving by links and by a kind of hinge, and
made the glass the center of the rays of the sun,--its noontide ray,
whether in summer or in the dead of winter. So after that when the beams
were reflected into this, a terrible kindling of flame arose upon the
ships, and he reduced them to ashes a bowshot off. Thus by his
contrivances did the old man vanquish Marcellus.
He used to say, moreover, in Dorian, the Syracusan dialect: "Give me
where to stand, and with a lever I will move the whole earth."
This man, when (according to Diodorus) this Syracuse surrendered herself
entire to Marcellus, or (according to Dio) was pillaged by the Romans
during an all-night festival to Artemis that the citizens were
celebrating, was killed by a certain Roman in the following fashion.--He
was bent over, drawing some geometrical figure, and some Roman, coming
upon him, made him his prisoner and began to drag him away: but he, with
all his attention fixed just then upon his figure, not knowing who it
was that pulled him said to the man: "Stand aside, fellow, from my
figure." But as the other kept on dragging, he turned, and recognizing
him as a Roman cried out: "Let some one give me one of my machines." The
Roman in terror immediately killed him, an unsound weak old man, but
marvelous through his works. Marcellus straightaway mourned on learning
this, buried him brilliantly in his ancestral tomb, assisted by the
noblest citizens and all the Romans, and the man's murderer, I trow, he
slew with an axe. Dio and Diodorus have written the story. (Tzetzes,
Hist. 2, 103-149. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 4.)
32. Proculus sings of having forged fire-producing mirrors and of having
hung them from the wall opposite the enemy's ships. Then when the rays
of the sun fell upon these, fire was struck out of them that consumed
the naval force of the opponents and the ships themselves,--a device
which Dio relates Archimedes hit upon long ago, at the time when the
Romans were besieging Syracuse. (Zonaras, 14, 3.)
33. Though such a disaster at that time had overwhelmed Rome, Hannibal
neglected to reduce the town, and occupied in triumphs, drinking bouts
and luxurious living appeared sluggish in the enterprise, until at
length a Roman army was collected for the Romans.
[Sidenote: B.C. 211 (_a.u._ 543)] Then was he hindered in three-fold
manner when he set out for Rome. For of a sudden from the clear sky a
most violent hail poured down, and a spreading darkness kept him from
his journey. (Tzetzes, Hist. 1, 786-792. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 6.)
34. Dio in his Roman History 15: "For as a result of their position from
very early times and their pristine friendship for the Romans, they
would not endure to be punished, but the Campanians undertook to accuse
Flaccus and the Syracusans Marcellus. And they were condemned in the
assembly." (Suidas, s. v. [Greek: 'edkaiothaesan'].)
35. Dio in 15th Book: "For fear the Syracusans, in despair of
assistance, commit some act of rebellion." (Bekker, Anecdota, p. 119,
121. Zonaras, 9, 6.)
36. ¶ The Romans had made propositions to Hannibal looking to a return
of the prisoners on both sides, but did not accomplish the exchange
although they sent, Carthalo to them for this very purpose. For when
they would not receive him, as an enemy, within the walls, he refused to
hold any conversation with them, but immediately turned back in anger.
(Ursinus, p. 379. Zonaras, 9, 6.)
37. ¶ Scipio the praetor, who saved his wounded father, surpassed in
natural excellence, was renowned for his education, and possessed great
force both of mind and also of language, whenever the latter was
necessary. These qualities he displayed conspicuously in his acts, so
that he seemed to be high-minded and disposed to do great deeds not for
the sake of an empty boast but as the result of a steadfast tendency.
For these reasons and because he scrupulously paid honors to the
heavenly powers, he was elected. He had never had charge of any public
or private enterprise before he ascended the Capitol and spent some time
there. On this account also he acquired the reputation of having sprung
from Jupiter, who had taken the form of a serpent on the occasion of
intercourse with his mother. [Footnote: Compare the story about Augustus
(Volume III, page 3 of this translation).] And by this tradition he
inspired many with a kind of hope in him. (Valesius, p.601. Zonaras, 9,
7.)
[Sidenote: B.C. 210 (_a.u._ 544)] 38. ¶ Scipio, although he did not
receive the title of legal commander from those by whom he was elected,
nevertheless made the army his friend, roused the men from their
undisciplined state and drilled them, and brought them out of the terror
with which their misfortunes had filled them. As for Marcius, [Footnote:
This is L. Marcius, a knight, who at the death of Publius and Gnaeus
Scipio in Spain was chosen commander by the soldiers.] Scipio did not,
as most men would have done, regard him as unfit because he had acquired
popularity, but both in word and deed always showed him respect. He was
the sort of man to wish to make his way not by slandering and
overthrowing his neighbor, but by his native excellence. And it was this
most of all that helped him to conciliate the soldiers. (Valesius,
p.602.)
[Sidenote: B.C. 209 (_a.u._ 545)] 39. ¶ When a mutiny of the soldiers
took place, Scipio distributed many gifts to the soldiers and designated
many also for the public treasury. Some of the captives he appointed to
service in the general fleet and all the hostages he gave back freely to
their relatives. For this reason many towns and many princes, among them
Indibilis and Mandonius of the Ilergetes, came over to his side. The
Celtiberian race, the largest and strongest of those in that region, he
gained in the following way. He had taken among the captives a maiden
distinguished for her beauty and it was supposed, on general principles,
that he would fall in love with her: and when he learned that she was
betrothed to Allucius, one of the Celtiberian magistrates, he
voluntarily sent for him and delivered the girl to him along with the
ransom her kinsfolk had brought. By this deed he attached to his cause
both them and the rest of the nation. (Valesius, p.602. Zonaras, 9, 8.)
40. ¶ Scipio was clever in strategy, agreeable in society, terrifying to
his opponents, and humane to such as yielded. Furthermore, through his
father's and his uncle's reputation he was thoroughly able to inspire
confidence in his projects, because he was thought to have acquired his
fame by hereditary excellence and not fortuitously. At this time the
swiftness of his victory, the fact that Hasdrubal had retreated into the
interior, and especially the recollection that he had predicted, whether
through divine inspiration or by some chance information, that he would
encamp in the enemy's country,--a prediction now fulfilled,--caused all
to honor him as superior to themselves, while the Spaniards actually
named him Great King. (Valesius, p. 605. Zonaras, 9, 8.)
41. ¶ The king of the Spaniards, taken captive by Scipio, chose to
follow the Roman cause, surrendered his own sovereignty, and stood ready
to furnish hostages. Scipio, though he accepted the man's alliance, said
there was no need of hostages, for he possessed the necessary pledge in
his own arms. [Footnote: Probably spurious (Melber).] (Mai, p. 545.)
42. Dio in 16: "You all deserve to die: however, I shall not put you all
to death, but I shall execute only a few whom I have already arrested;
the rest I shall release." (Suidas, s. v. [Greek: edikaiothaesan].
Zonaras, 9, 10.)
43. Later Hannibal incurred the jealousy of the Sicilians, and when he
fell in need of grain, as the islanders did not send it, the former
noble conqueror, now by famine conquered, was put to flight by Scipio
the Roman, and to the Sicilians became part cause of their utter, dire
destruction. (Tzetzes, Hist. 1, 793-797.)
44. Thus these authorities in regard to the Gymnesian islands. Dio
Cocceianus, however, says they are near the Iberus river and near the
European Pillars of Hercules,--which islands the Greeks and Romans alike
call the Gymnesian, but the Spaniards Valerian or Healthful Islands.
(Isaac Tzetzes on Lycophron, 633. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 10.)
45. ¶ Masinissa was in general among the most prominent men and was
wont to accomplish warlike deeds, whether by planning or by force, in
the best manner, and gained the foremost place in the confidence not
only of the men of his own race (and these are most distrustful as a
rule) but of those who greatly prided themselves upon their sagacity.
(Valesius, p. 605. Zonaras, 9, 11.)
46. ¶ Masinissa became mightily enamoured of Sophonis, [Footnote:
The name appears as Sophoniba in Livy (XXX, 12).] who possessed
conspicuous beauty,--that symmetry of body and bloom of youth which
is characteristic of the prime of life,--and had also been trained
in a liberal literary and musical education. She was of attractive
manners, coy and altogether so lovable that the mere sight of her or
even the sound of her voice vanquished every one, however devoid of
affection he might be. (Valesius, p. 605. Zonaras, 9, 11.)
47[lacuna]. However he also wished to take revenge on him. For having
incurred suspicion beforehand he took to flight, and on arriving at
Libya inflicted many injuries by himself and many with Roman aid upon
Syphax and the Carthaginians. Scipio, when he had won over the whole
territory south of the Pyrenees, partly by force, partly by treaty,
equipped himself for the journey to Libya, as he had received orders to
do. This business, too, had now been entrusted to him in spite of much
opposition, and he was instructed to join Syphax. Certainly he would
have accomplished something worthy of his aspirations: he would have
either surrounded Carthage with his troops and have captured the place
or he would have drawn Hannibal from as he later did, had not the Romans
at home through jealousy of him and through fear stood in his way. They
reflected that youth without exception always reaches out after greater
results and good fortune is often insatiate of success, and thought that
it would be very difficult for a youthful spirit [lacuna] through
self-confidence [lacuna] [lacuna] it would be of advantage not to treat
him according to his power and fame but to look to their own liberty and
safety, they dismissed him; in other words, the man that they themselves
had put in charge of affairs when they stood in need of him they now of
their own motion removed because he had become too great for the public
safety. They were no longer anxious to conduct a destructive warfare
through his agency against the Carthaginians, but simply to escape
training up for themselves a self-chosen tyrant. So they sent two of the
praetors to relieve him and called him home. Also they did not vote him a
triumph, because he was campaigning as an individual and had been
appointed to no legal command, but they allowed him to sacrifice a
hundred white oxen upon the Capitol, to celebrate a festival, and to
canvass for the consulship of the second year following. For the
elections for the next year had recently been held.
[Sidenote: B.C. 207 (_a.u._ 547)] At this same period Sulpicius, too,
with Attalus captured Oreus by treachery and Opus by main force. Philip
although in Demetrias was unable to check their encroachments speedily
because the AEtolians had seized the passes in advance. At last,
however, he did arrive on the scene and finding Attalus disposing of the
spoil from Opus (for this had fallen to his lot and that from Oreus to
the Romans) he hurled him back to his ships. Attalus, accordingly, for
this reason and also because Prusias, king of Bithynia, had invaded his
country and was devastating it, hastily sailed away homewards.
Philip, however, far from being elated at this success, even wished to
conclude a truce with the Romans and especially because Ptolemy, too,
was sending ambassadors from Egypt and trying to reconcile them. After
some preliminary discussion [lacuna] he no longer requested peace, but
[lacuna] drew the AEtolians away from the Roman alliance by some [lacuna]
and made them friends.
Nothing worthy of remembrance, however, was done either by him or by any
others either then or in the following year when Lucius Veturius and
Caecilius Metellus became consuls: this notwithstanding the fact that
many signs of ill-omen to the Romans were reported. For example, a
hermaphrodite lamb was born, and a swarm of [lacuna] was seen, down the
doors of the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter two serpents glided, both
the doors and the altar in the temple of Neptune ran with copious sweat,
in Antium bloody ears were seen by some reapers, elsewhere a woman
having horns appeared and many thunderbolts [lacuna] into temples
[lacuna] Paris Fragment (10th Century MS.) (See Haase, Rh. Mus., 1839,
p.458, ff. Zonaras 9, 11.)
[Sidenote: B.C. 205 (_a.u._ 549)]48. ¶ Licinius Crassus, by reason of
his geniality and beauty and wealth (which gained for him the name of
Wealthy) and because he was a high priest, was to stay in Italy without
casting lots for the privilege. (Valesius, p. 605. Zonaras, 9, 11.)
49. ¶ The Pythian god commanded the Romans to entrust to the best of the
citizens the conveyance to the city of the goddess from Pessinus, and
they accordingly honored Publius Scipio, a son of Gnaeus who died in
Spain, above all others by their first preference. The reason was that
he was in general [lacuna] and was deemed both pious and just. He at
this time, accompanied by the most prominent women, conducted the
goddess to Rome and to the Palatine. (Valesius, p. 606.)
50. ¶ The Romans on learning of the actions of the Locrians, thinking it
had come about through contempt of Scipio, were displeased, and under
the influence of anger immediately made plans to end his leadership and
to recall him for trial. They were also indignant because he adopted
Greek manners, wore his toga thrown back over his shoulder, and
contended in the palaestra. Furthermore it was said he gave over to the
soldiers the property of the allies to plunder, and he was suspected of
delaying the voyage to Carthage purposely, in order that he might hold
office for a longer time; but it was principally at the instigation of
men who all along had been jealous of him that they wished to summon
him. Still, this proposition was not carried out because of the great
favor, based on their hopes of him, which the mass of the people felt
for him. (Valesius, p. 606. Zonaras, 9, 11.)
51 [lacuna]. they stopped and pitched a camp in a suitable place and
fenced it all about with palisades, as they had brought in stakes for
this very purpose. It had just been finished when a great serpent came
gliding along beside it on the road leading to Carthage, so that by this
portent, Scipio, owing to the tradition about his father, was
encouraged, and devastated the country and assaulted the cities with
greater boldness. Some of the latter he did succeed in capturing; and
the Carthaginians not yet [lacuna] prepared remained still, and Syphax
was by profession their friend, but, as a matter of fact, he held aloof
from the action; by urging Scipio to come to terms with them he showed
that he was unwilling that either side should conquer the other and at
the same time become his master; on the contrary he desired them to
oppose each other as vigorously as possible but to be at peace with him.
Consequently, as Scipio was harrying the country, Hanno the cavalry
commander (he was a son of Hasdrubal) [lacuna] the [lacuna] was
persuaded on the part of Masinissa [lacuna] to the Carthaginians
[lacuna] warlike [lacuna] was believed, and, therefore, Scipio, sending
forward some horsemen on the advice of Masinissa [lacuna] laid an ambush
in a suitable spot where they were destined [lacuna] making an onset to
simulate flight. Against [lacuna] those wishing to pursue them. This
also took place. The Carthaginians attacked them, and when after a
little by agreement they turned, followed after at full speed while
Masinissa with his accompanying cavalry lagged behind and got in the
rear of the pursuers, and Scipio appearing from ambush went to meet
them: thus they were cut off and overwhelmed with weapons on both sides
and many were killed and captured [lacuna] and also Hanno. On learning
this, Hasdrubal arrested the mother of Masinissa. And those captives
were exchanged, one for the other.
Now Syphax, being well aware that Masinissa would war against him no
less than against the Carthaginians and fearing that he might find
himself bereft of allies if they suffered any harm through his desertion
of their cause, renounced his pretended friendship for the Romans and
attached himself openly to the Carthaginians. He failed to render the
wholehearted assistance, however, to the point of actually resisting the
Romans, and the latter overran the country with impunity, carrying off
much plunder and recovering many prisoners from Italy who had previously
been sent to Libya by Hannibal; consequently they despised their foes
and began a campaign against Utica. When Syphax and Hasdrubal saw this,
they so feared for the safety of the place that they no longer remained
passive; and their approach caused the Romans to abandon the siege,
since they did not dare to contend against two forces at the same time.
Subsequently the invaders went into winter quarters where they were,
getting a part of their provisions from the immediate neighborhood and
sending for a part from Sicily and Sardinia; for the ships that carried
the spoils to Sicily could also bring them food supplies.
In Italy no great results were accomplished in the war against Hannibal.
Publius Sempronius in a small engagement was vanquished by Hannibal, but
later overcame the latter in turn: Livius and Nero, having become
censors, announced to those Latins who had abandoned the joint
expedition and had been designated to furnish a double quota of
soldiers, that a census of persons taxable should be taken; this they
did in order that others, too, might contribute money, and they made
salt, which up to that time had been free of tax, taxable. This measure
was for no other purpose than to satisfy Livius, who designed it, thus
requiting the citizens for their vote of condemnation; and indeed, he
received a nickname from it; after this he was called Salinator.
[Footnote: Salinator = "salt-dealer."] This was one act that caused
these censors to become notorious; another was that they deprived each
other of their horses and made each other aerarii [Footnote: AErarius--a
citizen of the lowest class, who paid only a poll-tax and had no right
to vote.] [lacuna] according to the [lacuna] (Paris fragment (p. 460).
Zonaras, 9, 12.)
[Sidenote: B.C. 203 (_a.u._ 551)] 52. ¶ Scipio captured a Carthaginian
vessel but released it, inflicting no injury when they feigned to have
been coming on an embassy to him. He knew that this pretext was invented
to secure the safety of the captives, but preferred avoiding the
possibility of being touched by the breath of slander to the retention
of the ship. Also, when Syphax at that time was still endeavoring to
reconcile them on the terms that Scipio should sail from Libya and
Hannibal from Italy, he received his proposition not because he trusted
him, but to the end that he might ruin him. (Valesius, p. 606. Zonaras,
9, 12.)
53. ¶ The Romans came bringing to Scipio along with much other property
Syphax himself. And the commander would not consent to see him remain
bound in chains, but calling to mind his entertainment at the other's
court and reflecting on human misfortunes, on the fact that his captive
had been king over no inconsiderable power and had shown commendable
zeal in his behalf, and that nevertheless he beheld him in so pitiable a
plight,--Scipio leaped from his chair, loosed him, embraced him, and
treated him with great consideration. (Valesius, p. 606. Zonaras, 9,
13.)
54. ¶ The Carthaginians made propositions to Scipio through heralds, and
of the demands made upon them by him there was none that did not promise
to satisfy, although they never intended to carry out their agreement;
they did, to be sure, give him money at once and gave back all the
prisoners, but in regard to the other matters they sent envoys to Rome.
The Romans would not receive them at that time, declaring that it was a
tradition in the State not to negotiate a peace with any parties while
their armies were in Italy. Later when Hannibal and Mago had embarked,
they granted the envoys an audience and fell into a dispute among
themselves, being of two minds. At last, however, they voted the peace
on the terms that Scipio had arranged. (Ursinus, p. 380. Zonaras, 9,
13.)
55. ¶ The Carthaginians attacked Scipio both by land and by sea. Scipio,
vexed at this, made a complaint, but they returned no proper answer to
the envoys and moreover actually plotted against them when they sailed
back; and had not by chance a wind sprung up and aided them, they would
have been captured or would have perished. On this account Scipio,
although at this time the commissioners arrived with peace for the men
of Carthage, refused any longer to make it. (Ursinus, p. 380. Zonaras,
9, 13.)
56. Nearly all who conduct a military expedition,--or many, at any
rate,--perform voluntarily many acts which would not be required of
them. They look askance at their instructions as something forced upon
them, but are delighted with the projects of their own minds because
they feel themselves so far independent. (Valesius, p. 609.)
57. Dio in Book 17: "He suddenly halted in his running." (Bekker,
Anecd., p. 140, 23. Zonaras, 9, 14.)
58. Dio in _Roman History_ 17: "In general the fortunate party is
inclined to audacity and the unfortunate to moderate behavior, and
accordingly, the timid party is wont to show temperance and the
audacious intemperance. This was to be noted to an especial degree in
that case." [Footnote: This may conceivably relate to Masinissa's
marrying Sophoniba without authorization.] (Suidas s. v. [Greek: host
hephipan])
59. Dio in Roman History 17: "And a report about them of same such
nature as follows was made public." (Suidas and Etymologicum Magnum and
others s. v. [Greek: hedemhothe].)
60. [Greek: henthymixhomenoi] = _calculating_. So Dio in Book 17, Roman
History. (Suidas or Etym. in Cramer. Anecd., Paris, Vol. IV, p. 169, 8.
Zonaras, Lex., p. 750.)
61. [Greek: diathithemi] ("arrange") for [Greek: diaprhattomai]
("accomplish"), with the accusative in Dio, Book 18: "And culling all
the best flowers of philosophy." (Bekker, Anecd., p. 133, 29.) [This is
from two glosses, and there is confusion caused by gaps.--Ed.]
[Sidenote: B.C. 201 (_a.u. 553_)]62. [The Carthaginians made overtures
for peace to Scipio. The terms agreed upon were, that they should give
hostages, should return the captives and deserters they were holding
(whether of the Romans or of the allies), should surrender all the
elephants and the triremes (save ten), and for the future possess
neither elephants nor ships, should withdraw from all territory of
Masinissa that they were holding and restore to him the country and the
cities that were properly in his domain, that they should not hold
levies, nor use mercenaries, nor make war upon any one contrary to the
advice and consent of the Romans. (Ursinus, p. 380. Zonaras, 9, 14.)
63. ¶ It seemed to Cornelius [Footnote: _Cu. Cornelius Lentulus_.] the
consul, as well as to many other Romans, that Carthage ought to be
destroyed, and he was wont to say that it was impossible, while that
city existed, for them to be free from fear. (Ursinus, p. 381. Cp.
Zonaras, 9, 14.)
64. In the popular assembly, however, [lacuna] all unanimously voted for
peace. [_About three obscure lines (fragmentary) follow_.]
[Sidenote: B.C. 201 (_a.u._ 553)] And of the elephants the larger number
were carried off to Rome, and the rest were presented to Masinissa.
[lacuna] of Carthaginians. And they themselves, immediately after the
ratification of the peace, abandoned Italy, and the Romans, Libya. The
Carthaginians who sent commissioners to Rome were allowed by the Romans
to contribute for the benefit of the captives severally related to them;
and about two hundred of them were sent back without ransoms to Scipio
[lacuna] after the treaty [lacuna] and friendship [lacuna] confirmed;
and they granted peace [lacuna] [Two fragmentary lines.]
Scipio accordingly attained great prominence by these deeds, but
Hannibal was even brought to trial by his own people; he was accused of
having refused to capture Rome when he was able to do so, and of having
appropriated the plunder in Italy. He was not, however, convicted, but
was shortly after entrusted with the highest office in Carthage [lacuna]
[One fragmentary line.] (Paris Fragment, p. 462. Zonaras, 9, 14. Livy,
30:42, 43, 45.) [Frag. LVII]
1[lacuna]. Marcus [lacuna] sent to Philip by the generals [lacuna] from
them either [lacuna] was successful; embassy [lacuna] of Philip and
[lacuna] and some [lacuna] which he himself [lacuna] had sent to the
Carthaginians [lacuna] not at all peace [lacuna] having vanquished
[lacuna] enemies by the [lacuna] rendered them of no less importance in
reputation. (Paris Fragment, p. 463. Cp. Zonaras, 9. 15 = Livy 30:42.)
[Frag. LVII]
2. I found the Dardanians to be a race dwelling above the Illyrians and
Macedonians. And the city of Dardanus is there. (Isaac Tzetzes on
Lycophron, 1128. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 14.)
[Sidenote: B.C. 200 (_a.u._ 554)]3. And they [Footnote: I.e., the Romans
and the Macedonians.]delayed for several days, not meeting in battle
array but conducting skirmishes and sallies of the light-armed troops
and the horse. The Romans, for their part, were eager to join battle
with all speed: their force was a strong one, they had little provision,
and consequently would often go up to the foe's palisade. Philip, on the
other hand, was weaker in point of armed followers, but his supply of
provisions was better than theirs because his own country was close by;
so he waited, expecting that they would become exhausted without a
conflict, and if he had possessed self-control he certainly would have
accomplished something. As it was, he acquired a contempt for the
Romans, thinking that they feared him because they had transferred their
camp to a certain spot from which they could get food better: he
thereupon attacked them unexpectedly while they were engaged in
plundering and managed to kill a few. Galba on perceiving this made a
sortie from the camp, fell upon him while off his guard, and slew many
more in return. Philip, in view of his defeat and the further fact that
he was wounded, no longer held his position but after a truce of some
days for the taking up and burial of the corpses withdrew the first part
of the night. Galba, however, did not follow him up; he was short of
provisions, he did not know the country, and particularly he was
ignorant of his adversary's strength; he was also afraid that if he
advanced inconsiderately he might come to grief. For these reasons he
was unwilling to proceed farther, but retired to Apollonia.
During this same time Apustius with the Rhodians and with Attalus
cruised about and subjugated many of the islands [lacuna] (Paris
Fragment, p. 464. Zonaras, 9, 15. Cp. Livy, 31:21 ff.)
4. The Insubres were thrown into confusion. For Hamilcar, a
Carthaginian, who had made a campaign with Mago and remained secretly in
those regions, after a term of quiet, during which he was satisfied
merely to elude discovery, as soon as the Macedonian war broke out,
caused the Gauls to revolt from the Romans; then in company with the
rebels he made an expedition against the Ligurians and won over some of
them. Later they had a battle with the praetor Lucius Furius, were
defeated, and sent envoys asking peace. This the Ligurians obtained;
then others [lacuna] [Five fragmentary lines.] (Paris Fragment, p. 465.
Zonaras, 9, 15.)
5[lacuna]. he thought he ought to be granted a triumph, and many
arguments were presented on both sides. Some, especially in view of the
malignity of Aurelius, eagerly furthered his cause and magnified his
victory, using many illustrations. Others declared he had contended with
the help of the consular army and had no individual and independent
appointment, and furthermore they even demanded an accounting from him
because he had not carried out his instructions. However, he won his
point. And he in that place [lacuna] before Aurelius [lacuna] Vermis
[lacuna] from the [lacuna] (Paris Fragment, p. 465. Cp. Livy, 31:47 ff.)
[Frag. LVIII]
[Sidenote: B.C. 197 (_a.u._ 557)] ¶ Philip after his defeat sent heralds
to Flamininus. The latter, however eagerly he coveted Macedonia and
desired the fullest results from his good fortune of the moment,
nevertheless made a truce. The cause lay in the fear that, if Philip
were out of the way, the Greeks might recover their ancient spirit and
no longer pay them court, that the AEtolians, already filled with great
boasting because they had contributed the largest share to the victory,
might become more vexatious to them, and that Antiochus might, as was
reported, come to Europe and form an alliance with Philip. (Ursinus, p.
381. Zonaras, 9, 16.)
[Frag. LIX]
[Sidenote: B.C. 192 (_a.u._ 562)] 1. ¶ Antiochus and his generals were
ruined beforehand; for by his general indolence and his passion for a
certain girl he had drifted into luxurious living and had at the same
time rendered the rest unfit for warfare. (Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9,
19.)
[Sidenote: B.C. 190 (_a.u._ 564)] 2. ¶ Seleucus [Footnote: Probably an
error of the excerptor, for Antiochus himself.] the son of Antiochus
captured the son of Africanus, who was sailing across from Greece, and
had given him the kindest treatment. Although his father many times
requested the privilege of ransoming him, his captor refused, yet did
him no harm: on the contrary, he showed him every honor and finally,
though he failed of securing peace, released him without ransom.
(Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9, 20.)
[Frag. LX]
[Sidenote: B.C. 189 (_a.u._ 565)] ¶ Many were jealous of the Scipios
because the two brothers of excellent stock and trained in virtue had
accomplished all that has been related and had secured such titles. That
these victors could not be charged with wrongdoing is made plain by my
former statements and was shown still more conclusively on the occasion
of the confiscation of the property of Asiaticus,--which was found to
consist merely of his original inheritance,--or again by the retirement
of Africanus to Liternum and the security that he enjoyed there to the
end of his life. At first he did appear in court, [Footnote: Political
enemies of P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus summoned him to court on
trumped-up charges.] thinking that he would be saved by the genuineness
of his good behavior. (Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9, 20.)
[Frag. LXI]
¶ The Romans, when they had had a taste of Asiatic luxury and had
spent some time in the possessions of the vanquished amid the
abundance of spoils and the license granted by success in arms,
rapidly came to emulate their prodigality and ere long to trample
under foot their ancestral traditions. Thus this terrible influence,
arising from that source, fell also upon the city. (Valesius, p. 609.)
[Frag. LXII]
¶ Gracchus was thoroughly a man of the people and a very fluent public
speaker, but his disposition was very different from Cato's. Although
he had an enmity of long standing against the Scipios, he would not
endure what was taking place but spoke in defence of Africanus, who
was accused while absent, and exerted himself to prevent any smirch
from attaching to that leader; and he prevented the imprisonment of
Asiaticus. Consequently the Scipios, too, relinquished their hatred of
him and made a family alliance, Africanus bestowing upon him his own
daughter. (Valesius, p. 610.)
[Frag. LXIII]
[Sidenote: B.C. 187 (_a.u._ 567)] ¶ Some youths who had insulted the
Carthaginian envoys that had come to Rome were sent to Carthage and
delivered up to the people; they received no injury, however, at the
hands of the citizens and were released. (Ursinus, p. 381.)
[Frag. LXIV]
[Sidenote: B.C. 183 (_a.u._ 571)] ¶ He himself [i.e. Hannibal] died by
drinking poison near Bithynia, in a certain place called Libyssa by
name; though he thought to die in Libyssa his own proper country. For an
oracle had once been written down for Hannibal to the following effect:
"A Libyssan clod shall hide the form of Hannibal." Later the Roman
Emperor Severus, being of Libyan birth, interred in a tomb of white
marble this man, the general Hannibal. (Tzetzes. Hist. 1, 798-805. Cp.
Zonaras, 9, 21.)
[Frag. LXV]
[Sidenote: B.C. 169 (_a.u._ 585)] 1. ¶ Perseus hoped to eject the Romans
from Greece completely, but through his excessive and inopportune
parsimony and the consequent contempt of his allies he became weak once
more. When Roman influence was declining slightly and his own was
increasing, he was filled with scorn and thought he had no further need
of his allies, but believed that either they would assist him free of
cost or he could prevail by himself. Hence he paid neither Eumenes nor
Gentius the money that he had promised, thinking that they must have
reasons of their own strong enough to insure hostility towards the
Romans. These princes, therefore, and the Thrasians--they, too, were not
receiving their full pay--became indifferent; and Perseus fell into such
depths of despair again as actually to sue for peace. (Valesius, p. 610.
Zonaras, 9, 22.)
2. ¶ Perseus sued for peace at the hands of the Romans, and would have
obtained it but for the presence in his embassy of the Rhodians, who
joined it through fear that a rival to the Romans might be annihilated.
Their language had none of the moderation which petitioners should
employ, and they talked as if they were not so much asking peace for
Perseus as bestowing it, and adopted a generally haughty tone: finally
they threatened those who should be responsible for their failing to
come to a satisfactory agreement by saying that they would fight on the
opposite side. They had previously been somewhat under the ban of Roman
suspicion, but after this many more hard things were said of them and
they prevented Perseus from obtaining peace. (Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras,
9, 22.)
[Sidenote: B.C. 168 (_a.u._ 586)]3. ¶ When Perseus was in the temple at
Samothrace, a demand was made upon him for the surrender of one Evander,
of Cretan stock, a most faithful follower who had assisted him in many
schemes against the Romans and had helped to concoct the plot carried
out at Delphi against Eumenes. The prince, fearing that he might declare
all the intrigues to which he had been privy, did not deliver him but
secretly slew him and spread abroad the report that he had made way with
himself in advance. The associates of Perseus, fearing his treachery
and blood-guiltiness, then began to desert his standard. (Valesius, p.
610. Zonaras, 9, 23.)
4. ¶ Perseus allowed himself [Footnote: Cp. Livy, XLV, 6.] to be found,
and upon his being brought to Amphipolis Paulus accorded him no harsh
treatment by deed or word, but on the contrary made way for him when he
approached, entertained him in various ways and had him sit at his
table, keeping him, meanwhile, although a prisoner, unconfined and
showing him every courtesy. (Valesius, p. 613. Zonaras, 9, 23.)
[Frag. LXVI]
¶ Paulus was not only good at generalship but most inaccessible to
bribes. Of this the following is proof. Though he had at that time
entered for a second term upon the consulship and had gained possession
of untold spoils, he continued to live in so great indigence that when
he died the dowry was with difficulty paid back to his wife. Such was
the nature of the man and such were his deeds. The only thing regarded
as a blemish that attaches to his character is his turning over the
possessions [of the Epirots?] to his soldiers for pillage: for the rest,
he showed himself a man not devoid of charm and temperate in good
fortune, who was seen to be extremely lucky and at the same time full of
wise counsel in dealing with the enemy. As an illustration: he was not
cowardly or heedless in waging war against Perseus, but afterward did
not assume a pompous or boastful air toward him. (Valesius, p. 613.
Zonaras, 9, 24.)
[Frag. LXVII]
1. ¶ The Rhodians, who formerly had possessed a vast amount of
self-esteem, thinking that they, too, ranked as conquerors of Philip and
Antiochus, and were stronger than the Romans, fell into such depths of
terror as to despatch an ambassador to Antiochus, king of Syria, and
summon Popilius, in whose presence they condemned all those opposed to
the Roman policy and then sent such as were arrested to punishment.
(Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras, 9, 24.)
2. ¶ The same persons, though they had often sent envoys to them, as
frequently as they wanted anything, now ceased to bring to their
attention any of the former enterprises, but mentioned only those cases
which they could cite pertaining to services once rendered which might
be useful in diverting Roman ill-will. They were especially anxious at
this time to secure the title of Roman allies. Previously they had
refused to accept it. They had wished to inspire some fear in
Rome,--for, not being bound to friendship by any oath, they had power to
transfer their allegiance at any time,--and furthermore to be courted by
such states as from time to time might be engaged in war with that city.
But now they were looking to confirm the favor of the Romans and to the
consequent honor that was sure to be accorded to them by others.
(Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras, 9, 24.)
[Frag. LXVIII]
¶ Prusias himself entered the senate-house at Rome and covered the
threshold with kisses. The senators he termed gods, and worshiped them.
Thus, then, he obtained an abundance of pity, though he had fought
against Attalus contrary to the Roman decision. It was said that at
home, too, whenever their envoys came to him, he worshiped them, calling
himself a freedman of the people, and often he would put on a slave's
cap. (Ursinus, p. 383. Zonaras, 9, 24.)
[Frag. LXIX]
[Sidenote: B.C. 149 (_a.u._ 605)] ¶ Scipio Africanus excelled in
planning out at leisure the requisite course, but excelled also in
discovering at a moment's notice what needed to be done, and knew how to
employ either method on the proper occasion. The duties that lay before
him he reviewed boldly but accomplished their fulfillment as if with
timidity. Therefore by his fearless detailed investigation he obtained
accurate knowledge of the fitting action in every emergency, and by his
good judgment in doubtful cases met these emergencies safely.
Consequently, if he was ever brought face to face with some need that
admitted of no deliberation,--as is wont to happen in the contradictions
of warfare and the turns of fortune--not even then did he miss the
proper course. Through accustoming himself to regard no happening as
unreasonable he was not unprepared for the assault of sudden events,
but through his incessant activity was able to meet the unexpected as if
he had forseen it long before. As a result he showed himself daring in
matters where he felt he was right, and ready to run risks where he felt
bold. In bodily frame he was strong as the best of the soldiers. This
led to one of his most remarkable characteristics: he would devise
movements that looked advantageous as if he were merely going to command
others, and at the time of action would execute them as if they had been
ordered by others. Besides not swerving from the ordinary paths of
rectitude, he kept faith scrupulously not only with the citizens and his
acquaintances, but with foreign and most hostile nations. This, too,
brought many individuals as well as many cities to his standard. He
never spoke or acted without due consideration or through anger or fear,
but as a result of the certainty of his calculations he was ready for
all chances: he had thought out practically all human possibilities; he
never did anything unexpected, but deliberated every matter beforehand,
according to its nature. Thus he perceived very easily the right course
to follow even before there was any necessity, and pursued it with
firmness.
These are the reasons, or chiefly these--I should mention also his
moderation and amiability--that he alone of men escaped the envy of his
peers, or of any one else. He chose to make himself like to his
inferiors, not better than his equals, weaker than greater men, and so
passed beyond the power of jealousy, which harasses only the noblest
men. (Valesius, p. 613. Zonaras, 9, 27.)
[Frag. LXX]
[Sidenote: B.C. 148 (_a.u._ 606)] Dio in Book 21: "Phameas, despairing
of the Carthaginian cause" [lacuna] (Bekker, Anecd. p. 124, 9a. Zonaras,
9, 27.)
[Frag. LXXI]
What age limit, pray, is imposed upon those who from their very boyhood
set their faces toward obtaining a right state of mind? What number of
years has been settled upon with reference to the fulfillment of duties?
Is it not true that all who enjoy an excellent nature and good fortune
both think and do in all things what is right from the very beginning,
whereas those who at this age of their life have little sense would
never subsequently grow more prudent, even if they should pass through
many years? A man may continue to improve upon his former condition as
he advances in age, but not one would turn out wise from being foolish,
or sensible from being silly. Do not, therefore, put the young into a
state of dejection through the idea that they are actually condemned to
a state of inability to perform their duties. On the contrary, you ought
to urge them to practice zealously the performance of all that they are
required to do, and to look for both honors and offices even before they
reach old age. By this course you will render their elders better,
too,--first, by confronting them with many competitors, and next by
making clear that you are going to establish not length of years but
innate excellence as the test in conferring positions of command upon
any citizens, even more than you do in the case of ordinary benefits.
[Footnote: These words would appear to be taken from the speech before
the senate of some such person as a tribune of the plebs, and to relate
either to the consulship of Scipio AEmilianus (B.C. 148) or to the
Spanish appointment of Scipio Africanus (B.C. 211), preferably the
former.] (Mai, p. 547, and also Excerpts from a Florentine MS. of John
of Antioch's _Parallela_. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 29.)
Back to Full Books
|