Hellenica
by
Xenophon
Part 6 out of 7
from the day when Alexander, having imprisoned his own favourite--who
was a fair young stripling--when his wife supplicated him to release
the boy, brought him forth and stabbed him in the throat. Others say
it originated through his sending to Thebes and seeking the hand of
the wife of Jason in marriage, because his own wife bore him no
children. These are the various causes assigned to explain the treason
of his wife against him. Of the brothers who executed it, the eldest,
Tisiphonus, in virtue of his seniority accepted, and up to the date of
this history[34] succeeded in holding, the government.
[30] See above, VI. i. 2 foll.
[31] See Dem. "c. Aristocr." 120; Diod. xv. 60 foll.
[32] B.C. 359 or 358.
[33] The woman's name was Thebe. See Diod. xvi. 14; Cicero, "de
Inven." II. xlix. 144; "de Div." I. xxv. 52; "de Off." II. vii.
25; Ovid, "Ibis," iii. 21 foll.
[34] Or, "portion of my work;" lit. "argument," {logos}. See
{Kuprianos, Peri ton 'Ell}: p. 111.
V
The above is a sketch of Thessalian affairs, including the incidents
connected with Jason, and those subsequent to his death, down to the
government of Tisiphonus. I now return to the point at which we
digressed.
B.C. 371. Archidamus, after the relief of the army defeated at
Leuctra, had led back the united forces. When he was gone, the
Athenians, impressed by the fact that the Peloponessians still felt
under an obligation to follow the Lacedaemonians to the field, whilst
Sparta herself was by no means as yet reduced to a condition
resembling that to which she had reduced Athens, sent invitations to
those states which cared to participate in the peace authorised by the
great king.[1] A congress met, and they passed a resolution in
conjunction with those who wished to make common cause with them to
bind themselves by oath as follows: "I will abide by the treaty terms
as conveyed in the king's rescript, as also by the decrees of the
Athenians and the allies. If any one marches against any city among
those which have accepted this oath, I will render assistance to that
city with all my strength." The oath gave general satisfaction, the
Eleians alone gainsaying its terms and protesting that it was not
right to make either the Marganians or the Scilluntians or the
Triphylians independent, since these cities belonged to them, and were
a part of Elis.[2] The Athenians, however, and the others passed the
decree in the precise language of the king's rescript: that all
states--great and small alike--were to be independent; and they sent
out administrators of the oath, and enjoined upon them to administer
it to the highest authorities in each state. This oath they all, with
the exception of the Eleians, swore to.
[1] I.e. in B.C. 387, the peace "of" Antalcidas. See Grote, "H. G." x.
274.
[2] See Busolt, op. cit. p. 186.
B.C. 371-370. As an immediate consequence of this agreement, the
Mantineans, on the assumption that they were now absolutely
independent, met in a body and passed a decree to make Mantinea into a
single state and to fortify the town.[3] The proceeding was not
overlooked by the Lacedaemonians, who thought it would be hard if this
were done without their consent. Accordingly they despatched Agesilaus
as ambassador to the Mantineans, choosing him as the recognised
ancestral friend of that people. When the ambassador arrived, however,
the chief magistrates had no inclination to summon a meeting of the
commons to listen to him, but urged him to make a statement of his
wishes to themselves. He, on his side, was ready to undertake for
himself and in their interests that, if they would at present desist
from their fortification work, he would bring it about that the
defensive walls should be built with the sanction of Lacedaemon and
without cost. Their answer was, that it was impossible to hold back,
since a decree had been passed by the whole state of Mantinea to build
at once. Whereupon Agesilaus went off in high dudgeon; though as to
sending troops to stop them,[4] the idea seemed impracticable, as the
peace was based upon the principle of autonomy. Meanwhile the
Mantineans received help from several of the Arcadian states in the
building of their walls; and the Eleians contributed actually three
talents[5] of silver to cover the expense of their construction. And
here leaving the Mantineans thus engaged, we will turn to the men of
Tegea.
[3] For the restoration of Mantinea, see Freeman, "Fed. Gov." iv. p.
198; Grote, "H. G." x. 283 foll.
[4] See above, V. ii. 1, sub anno B.C. 386.
[5] = 731 pounds: 5 shillings. See Busolt, op. cit. p. 199.
There were in Tegea two political parties. The one was the party of
Callibius and Proxenus, who were for drawing together the whole
Arcadian population in a confederacy,[6] in which all measures carried
in the common assembly should be held valid for the individual
component states. The programme of the other (Stasippus's) party was
to leave Tegea undisturbed and in the enjoyment of the old national
laws. Perpetually defeated in the Sacred College,[7] the party of
Callibius and Proxenus were persuaded that if only the commons met
they would gain an easy victory by an appeal to the multitude; and in
this faith they proceeded to march out the citizen soldiers.[8] At
sight of this Stasippus and his friends on their side armed in
opposition, and proved not inferior in numbers. The result was a
collision and battle, in which Proxenus and some few others with him
were slain and the rest put to flight; though the conquerors did not
pursue, for Stasippus was a man who did not care to stain his hands
with the blood of his fellow-citizens.[9]
[6] Although the historian does not recount the foundation of
Megalopolis (see Pausanias and Diodorus), the mention of the
common assembly of the League {en to koino} in this passage and,
still more, of the Ten Thousand (below, "Hell." VII. i. 38),
implies it. See Freeman, op. cit. iv. 197 foll.; Grote, "H. G." x.
306 foll., ii. 599; "Dict. of Geog." "Megalopolis." As to the date
of its foundation Pausanias (VIII. xxvii. 8) says "a few months
after the battle of Leuctra," before midsummer B.C. 370; Diodorus
(xv. 72) says B.C. 368. The great city was not built in a day.
Messene, according to Paus. IV. xxvii. 5, was founded between the
midsummers of B.C. 370 and B.C. 369.
[7] Lit. "in the Thearoi." For the Theari, see Thuc. v. 47, Arnold's
note; and "C. I. G." 1756 foll.; and for the revolution at Tegea
here recounted, see Grote, "H. G." x. 285 foll.
[8] Or, "they mustered under arms."
[9] Or, "opposed to a wholesale slaughter of the citizens."
Callibius and his friends had retired under the fortification walls
and gates facing Mantinea; but, as their opponents made no further
attempts against them, they here collected together and remained
quiet. Some while ago they had sent messages to the Mantineans
demanding assistance, but now they were ready to discuss terms of
reconciliation with the party of Stasippus. Presently they saw the
Mantineans advancing; whereupon some of them sprang to the walls, and
began calling to them to bring succour with all speed. With shouts
they urged upon them to make haste, whilst others threw open wide the
gates to them. Stasippus and his party, perceiving what was happening,
poured out by the gates leading to Pallantium,[10] and, outspeeding
their pursuers, succeeded in reaching the temple of Artemis, where
they found shelter, and, shutting to the doors, kept quiet. Following
close upon their heels, however, their foes scaled the temple, tore
off the roof, and began striking them down with the tiles. They,
recognising that there was no choice, called upon their assailants to
desist, and undertook to come forth. Then their opponents, capturing
them like birds in a fowler's hand, bound them with chains, threw them
on to the prisoner's van,[11] and led them off to Tegea. Here with the
Mantineans they sentenced and put them to death.
[10] Pallantium, one of the most ancient towns of Arcadia, in the
Maenalia (Paus. VIII. xliv. 5; Livy, i. 5), situated somewhat
south of the modern Tripolitza (see "Dict. of Anc. Geog."); like
Asea and Eutaea it helped to found Megalopolis (Paus. VIII. xxvii.
3, where for {'Iasaia} read {'Asea}); below, VII. v. 5; Busolt,
op. cit. p. 125.
[11] For the sequel of the matter, see above, "Hell." VI. iv. 18;
Busolt, op. cit. p. 134.
The outcome of these proceedings was the banishment to Lacedaemon of
the Tegeans who formed the party of Stasippus, numbering eight
hundred; but as a sequel to what had taken place, the Lacedaemonians
determined that they were bound by their oaths to aid the banished
Tegeans and to avenge the slain. With this purpose they marched
against the Mantineans, on the ground that they had violated their
oaths in marching against Tegea with an armed force. The ephors called
out the ban and the state commanded Agesilaus to head the expedition.
Meanwhile most of the Arcadian contingents were mustering at Asea.[12]
The Orchomenians not only refused to take part in the Arcadian league,
on account of their personal hatred to Mantinea, but had actually
welcomed within their city a mercenary force under Polytropus, which
had been collected at Corinth. The Mantineans themselves were forced
to stay at home to keep an eye on these. The men of Heraea and Lepreum
made common cause with the Lacedaemonians in a campaign against
Mantinea.
[12] Asea is placed by Leake ("Travels in Morea," i. 84; iii. 34) near
Frangovrysi, a little south of Pallantium.
Heraea, the most important town of Arcadia in the Cynuria, near
Elis, on the high road to Olympia, and commanding other main
roads. See Leake, "Peloponnesiaca," p. 1 foll.; "Morea," ii. 91.
Lepreum, chief town of the Triphylia (Herod. iv. 148, ix. 28;
Thuc. v. 31; above, III. ii. 25; Paus. V. v. 3; Polyb. iv. 77
foll.; Strab. viii. 345), near modern Strovitzi; Leake, "Morea,"
i. 56; Dodwell, "Tour," ii. 347.
Eutaea is placed by Leake between Asea and Pallantium at Barbitza
("Morea," iii. 31); but see Grote, "H. G." x. 288.
Finding the frontier sacrifices favourable, Agesilaus began his march
at once upon Arcadia. He began by occupying the border city of Eutaea,
where he found the old men, women, and children dwelling in their
houses, while the rest of the population of a military age were off to
join the Arcadian league. In spite of this he did not stir a finger
unjustly against the city, but suffered the inhabitants to continue in
their homes undisturbed. The troops took all they needed, and paid for
it in return; if any pillage had occurred on his first entrance into
the town, the property was hunted up and restored by the Spartan king.
Whilst awaiting the arrival of Polytropus's mercenaries, he amused
himself by repairing such portions of their walls as necessity
demanded.
Meanwhile the Mantineans had taken the field against Orchomenus; but
from the walls of that city the invaders had some difficulty in
retiring, and lost some of their men. On their retreat they found
themselves in Elymia;[13] here the heavy infantry of the Orchomenians
ceased to follow them; but Polytropus and his troops continued to
assail their rear with much audacity. At this conjuncture, seeing at a
glance that either they must beat back the foe or suffer their own men
to be shot down, the Mantineans turned right about and met the
assailant in a hand-to-hand encounter. Polytropus fell fighting on
that battlefield; and of the rest who took to flight, many would have
shared his fate, but for the opportune arrival of the Phliasian
cavalry, who swooped round to the conqueror's rear and checked him in
his pursuit.[14]
[13] Elymia, mentioned only by Xenophon, must have been on the
confines of the Mantinice and Orchomenus, probably at Levidhi.--
Leake, "Morea," iii. 75; "Peloponn." p. 229.
[14] See "Cyrop." VII. i. 36.
Content with this achievement, the Mantineans retired homewards; while
Agesilaus, to whom the news was brought, no longer expecting that the
Orchomenian mercenaries could effect a junction with himself,
determined to advance without further delay.[15] On the first day he
encamped for the evening meal in the open country of Tegea, and the
day following crossed into Mantinean territory. Here he encamped under
the westward-facing[16] mountains of Mantinea, and employed himself in
ravaging the country district and sacking the farmsteads; while the
troops of the Arcadians who were mustered in Asea stole by night into
Tegea. The next day Agesilaus shifted his position, encamping about
two miles'[17] distance from Mantinea; and the Arcadians, issuing from
Tegea and clinging to the mountains between Mantinea and that city,
appeared with large bodies of heavy infantry, wishing to effect a
junction with the Mantineans. The Argives, it is true, supported them,
but they were not in full force. And here counsellors were to be found
who urged on Agesilaus to attack these troops separately; but fearing
lest, in proportion as he pressed on to engage them, the Mantineans
might issue from the city behind and attack him on flank and rear, he
decided it was best to let the two bodies coalesce, and then, if they
would accept battle, to engage them on an open and fair field.
[15] See "Ages." ii. 23.
[16] See Leake, "Morea," iii. 73.
[17] Lit. "twenty stades."
And so ere long the Arcadians had effected their object and were
united with the Mantineans. The next incident was the sudden
apparition at break of day, as Agesilaus was sacrificing in front of
the camp, of a body of troops. These proved to be the light infantry
from Orchomenus, who in company with the Phliasian cavalry had during
the night made their way across past the town of Mantinea; and so
caused the mass of the army to rush to their ranks, and Agesilaus
himself to retire within the lines. Presently, however, the newcomers
were recognised as friends; and as the sacrifices were favourable,
Agesilaus led his army forward a stage farther after breakfast. As the
shades of evening descended he encamped unobserved within the fold of
the hills behind the Mantinean territory, with mountains in close
proximity all round.[18]
[18] Lit. "within the hindmost bosom of the Mantinice." In reference
to the position, Leake ("Morea," iii. 75) says: "The northern bay
[of the Mantinic plain between Mantinea and the Argon] corresponds
better by its proximity to Mantinea; by Mount Alesium it was
equally hidden from the city, while its small dimensions, and the
nearness of the encumbent mountains, rendered it a more hazardous
position to an army under the circumstances of that of Agesilaus"
[than had he encamped in the Argon itself]. For the Argon (or
Inert Plain), see Leake, ib. 54 foll.
On the next morning, as day broke, he sacrificed in front of the army;
and observing a mustering of men from the city of Mantinea on the
hills which overhung the rear of his army, he decided that he must
lead his troops out of the hollow by the quickest route. But he feared
lest, if he himself led off, the enemy might fall upon his rear. In
this dilemma he kept quiet; presenting a hostile front to the enemy,
he sent orders to his rear to face about to the right,[19] and so
getting into line behind his main body, to move forward upon him; and
in this way he at once extricated his troops from their cramped
position and kept continually adding to the weight and solidity of his
line. As soon as the phalanx was doubled in depth he emerged upon the
level ground, with his heavy infantry battalions in this order, and
then again extended his line until his troops were once more nine or
ten shields deep. But the Mantineans were no longer so ready to come
out. The arguments of the Eleians who had lent them their co-operation
had prevailed: that it was better not to engage until the arrival of
the Thebans. The Thebans, it was certain, would soon be with them; for
had they not borrowed ten talents[20] from Elis in order to be able to
send aid? The Arcadians with this information before them kept quiet
inside Mantinea. On his side Agesilaus was anxious to lead off his
troops, seeing it was midwinter; but, to avoid seeming to hurry his
departure out of fear, he preferred to remain three days longer and no
great distance from Mantinea. On the fourth day, after an early
morning meal, the retreat commenced. His intention was to encamp on
the same ground which he had made his starting-point on leaving
Eutaea. But as none of the Arcadians appeared, he marched with all
speed and reached Eutaea itself, although very late, that day; being
anxious to lead off his troops without catching a glimpse of the
enemy's watch-fires, so as to silence the tongues of any one
pretending that he withdrew in flight. His main object was in fact
achieved. To some extent he had recovered the state from its late
despondency, since he had invaded Arcadia and ravaged the country
without any one caring to offer him battle. But, once arrived on
Laconian soil, he dismissed the Spartan troops to their homes and
disbanded the provincials[21] to their several cities.
[19] See "Anab." IV. iii. 29; "Pol. Lac." xi. 10.
[20] 2,437 pounds: 10 shillings. See Busult, op. cit. p. 199.
[21] Lit. "perioeci"; and below, SS. 25, 32.
B.C. 370-369. The Arcadians, now that Agesilaus had retired, realising
that he had disbanded his troops, while they themselves were fully
mustered, marched upon Heraea, the citizens of which town had not only
refused to join the Arcadian league, but had joined the Lacedaemonians
in their invasion of Arcadia. For this reason they entered the
country, burning the homesteads and cutting down the fruit-trees.
Meanwhile news came of the arrival of the Theban reinforcements at
Mantinea, on the strength of which they left Heraea and hastened to
fraternise[22] with their Theban friends. When they were met together,
the Thebans, on their side, were well content with the posture of
affairs: they had duly brought their succour, and no enemy was any
longer to be discovered in the country; so they made preparations to
return home. But the Arcadians, Argives and Eleians were eager in
urging them to lead the united forces forthwith into Laconia: they
dwelt proudly on their own numbers, extolling above measure the
armament of Thebes. And, indeed, the Boeotians one and all were
resolute in their military manouvres and devotion to arms,[23]
exulting in the victory of Leuctra. In the wake of Thebes followed the
Phocians, who were now their subjects, Euboeans from all the townships
of the island, both sections of the Locrians, the Acarnanians,[24] and
the men of Heraclea and of Melis; while their force was further
swelled by Thessalian cavalry and light infantry. With the full
consciousness of facts like these, and further justifying their appeal
by dwelling on the desolate condition of Lacedaemon, deserted by her
troops, they entreated them not to turn back without invading the
territory of Laconia. But the Thebans, albeit they listened to their
prayers, urged arguments on the other side. In the first place,
Laconia was by all accounts most difficult to invade; and their belief
was that garrisons were posted at all the points most easily
approached. (As a matter of fact, Ischolaus was posted at Oeum in the
Sciritid, with a garrison of neodamodes and about four hundred of the
youngest of the Tegean exiles; and there was a second outpost on
Leuctrum above the Maleatid.[25]) Again it occurred to the Thebans
that the Lacedaemonian forces, though disbanded, would not take long
to muster, and once collected they would fight nowhere better than on
their own native soil. Putting all these considerations together, they
were not by any means impatient to march upon Lacedaemon. A strong
counter-impulse, however, was presently given by the arrival of
messengers from Caryae, giving positive information as to the
defenceless condition of the country, and offering to act as guides
themselves; they were ready to lose their lives if they were convicted
of perfidy. A further impulse in the same direction was given by the
presence of some of the provincials,[26] with invitations and promises
of revolt, if only they would appear in the country. These people
further stated that even at the present moment, on a summons of the
Spartans proper, the provincials did not care to render them
assistance. With all these arguments and persuasions echoing from all
sides, the Thebans at last yielded, and invaded. They chose the Caryan
route themselves, while the Arcadians entered by Oeum in the
Sciritid.[27]
[22] Or, "effect a junction with."
[23] Or, "in practising gymnastics about the place of arms." See "Pol.
Lac." xii. 5.
[24] See "Hell." IV. vii. 1; "Ages." ii. 20. For a sketch of the
relations of Acarnania to Athens and Sparta, see Hicks, No. 83, p.
150; and above, "Hell." V. iv. 64.
[25] Leuctrum, a fortress of the district Aegytis on the confines of
Arcadia and Laconia ("in the direction of Mount Lycaeum," Thuc. v.
54). See Leake, "Morea," ii. 322; also "Peloponn." p. 248, in
which place he corrects his former view as to the situation of
Leuctrum and the Maleatid.
Oeum or Ium, the chief town of the Sciritis, probably stood in the
Klisura or series of narrow passes through the watershed of the
mountains forming the natural boundary between Laconia and Arcadia
(in the direct line north from Sparta to Tegea), "Dict. of Anc.
Geog." s.v. Leake says ("Morea," iii. 19, 30 foll.) near the
modern village of Kolina; Baedeker ("Greece," p. 269) says perhaps
at Palaeogoulas.
Caryae. This frontier town was apparently (near Arachova) on the
road from Thyrea (in the direction of the Argolid) to Sparta
(Thuc. v. 55; Paus. III. x. 7; Livy, xxxiv. 26, but see Leake,
"Morea," iii. 30; "Peloponn." p. 342).
Sellasia, probably rightly placed "half an hour above Vourlia"
(Baedeker, "Greece," p. 269). The famous battle of Sellasia, in
the spring of B.C. 221, in which the united Macedonians under
Antigonus and the Achaeans finally broke the power of Sparta, was
fought in the little valley where the stream Gorgylus joins the
river Oenus and the Khan of Krevatas now stands. For a plan, see
"Dict. of Anc. Geog." s.v.
[26] "Perioeci."
[27] Diodorus (xv. 64) gives more details; he makes the invaders
converge upon Sellasia by four separate routes. See Leake,
"Morea," iii. 29 foll.
By all accounts Ischolaus made a mistake in not advancing to meet them
on the difficult ground above Oeum. Had he done so, not a man, it is
believed, would have scaled the passes there. But for the present,
wishing to turn the help of the men of Oeum to good account, he waited
down in the village; and so the invading Arcadians scaled the heights
in a body. At this crisis Ischolaus and his men, as long as they
fought face to face with their foes, held the superiority; but,
presently, when the enemy, from rear and flank, and even from the
dwelling-houses up which they scaled, rained blows and missiles upon
them, then and there Ischolaus met his end, and every man besides,
save only one or two who, failing to be recognised, effected their
escape.
After these achievements the Arcadians marched to join the Thebans at
Caryae, and the Thebans, hearing what wonders the Arcadians had
performed, commenced their descent with far greater confidence. Their
first exploit was to burn and ravage the district of Sellasia, but
finding themselves ere long in the flat land within the sacred
enclosure of Apollo, they encamped for the night, and the next day
continued their march along the Eurotas. When they came to the bridge
they made no attempt to cross it to attack the city, for they caught
sight of the heavy infantry in the temple of Alea[28] ready to meet
them. So, keeping the Eurotas on their right, they tramped along,
burning and pillaging homesteads stocked with numerous stores. The
feelings of the citizens may well be imagined. The women who had never
set eyes upon a foe[29] could scarcely contain themselves as they
beheld the cloud of smoke. The Spartan warriors, inhabiting a city
without fortifications, posted at intervals, here one and there
another, were in truth what they appeared to be--the veriest handful.
And these kept watch and ward. The authorities passed a resolution to
announce to the helots that whosoever among them chose to take arms
and join a regiment should have his freedom guaranteed to him by
solemn pledges in return for assistance in the common war.[30] More
than six thousand helots, it is said, enrolled themselves, so that a
new terror was excited by the very incorporation of these men, whose
numbers seemed to be excessive. But when it was found that the
mercenaries from Orchomenus remained faithful, and reinforcements came
to Lacedaemon from Phlius, Corinth, Epidaurus, and Pellene, and some
other states, the dread of these new levies was speedily diminished.
[28] See Pausanias, III. xix. 7.
[29] See Plutarch, "Ages." xxxi. 3 (Clough, vol. iv. p. 38); Aristot.
"Pol." ii. 9-10.
[30] See below, VII. ii. 2.
The enemy in his advance came to Amyclae.[31] Here he crossed the
Eurotas. The Thebans wherever they encamped at once formed a stockade
of the fruit-trees they had felled, as thickly piled as possible, and
so kept ever on their guard. The Arcadians did nothing of the sort.
They left their camping-ground and took themselves off to attack the
homesteads and loot. On the third or fourth day after their arrival
the cavalry advanced, squadron by squadron, as far as the
racecourse,[32] within the sacred enclosure of Gaiaochos. These
consisted of the entire Theban cavalry and the Eleians, with as many
of the Phocian or Thessalian or Locrian cavalry as were present. The
cavalry of the Lacedaemonians, looking a mere handful, were drawn up
to meet them. They had posted an ambuscade chosen from their heavy
infantry, the younger men, about three hundred in number, in the house
of the Tyndarids[33]; and while the cavalry charged, out rushed the
three hundred at the same instant at full pace. The enemy did not wait
to receive the double charge, but swerved, and at sight of that many
also of the infantry took to headlong flight. But the pursuers
presently paused; the Theban army remained motionless; and both
parties returned to their camps. And now the hope, the confidence
strengthened that an attack upon the city itself would never come; nor
did it. The invading army broke up from their ground, and marched off
on the road to Helos and Gytheum.[34] The unwalled cities were
consigned to the flames, but Gytheum, where the Lacedaemonians had
their naval arsenal, was subjected to assault for three days. Certain
of the provincials[35] also joined in this attack, and shared the
campaign with the Thebans and their friends.
[31] For this ancient (Achaean) town, see Paus. III. ii. 6; Polyb. v.
19. It lay only twenty stades (a little more than two miles) from
the city of Sparta.
[32] Or, "hippodrome." See Paus. III. ii. 6.
[33] Paus. III. xvi. 2.
[34] See Baedeker's "Greece," p. 279. Was Gytheum taken? See Grote,
"H. G." x. 305; Curt. "H. G." Eng. trans. iv. 431.
[35] "Perioeci." See above, III. iii. 6; VI. v. 25; below, VII. ii. 2;
Grote, "H. G." x. 301. It is a pity that the historian should
hurry us off to Athens just at this point. The style here is
suggestive of notes ({upomnemata}) unexpanded.
The news of these proceedings set the Athenians deeply pondering what
they ought to do concerning the Lacedaemonians, and they held an
assembly in accordance with a resolution of the senate. It chanced
that the ambassadors of the Lacedaemonians and the allies still
faithful to Lacedaemon were present. The Lacedaemonian ambassadors
were Aracus, Ocyllus, Pharax, Etymocles, and Olontheus, and from the
nature of the case they all used, roughly speaking, similar arguments.
They reminded the Athenians how they had often in old days stood
happily together, shoulder to shoulder, in more than one great crisis.
They (the Lacedaemonians), on their side, had helped to expel the
tyrant from Athens, and the Athenians, when Lacedaemon was besieged by
the Messenians, had heartly leant her a helping hand.[36] Then they
fell to enumerating all the blessings that marked the season when the
two states shared a common policy, hinting how in common they had
warred against the barbarians, and more boldly recalling how the
Athenians with the full consent and advice of the Lacedaemonians were
chosen by united Hellas leaders of the common navy[37] and guardians
of all the common treasure, while they themselves were selected by all
the Hellenes as confessedly the rightful leaders on land; and this
also not without the full consent and concurrence of the Athenians.
[36] In reference (1) to the expulsion of the Peisistratidae (Herod.
v. 64); (2) the "third" Messenian war (Thuc. i. 102).
[37] See "Revenues," v. 6.
One of the speakers ventured on a remark somewhat to this strain: "If
you and we, sirs, can only agree, there is hope to-day that the old
saying may be fulfilled, and Thebes be 'taken and tithed.'"[38] The
Athenians, however, were not in the humour to listen to that style of
argument. A sort of suppressed murmur ran through the assembly which
seemed to say, "That language may be well enough now; but when they
were well off they pressed hard enough on us." But of all the pleas
put forward by the Lacedaemonians, the weightiest appeared to be this:
that when they had reduced the Athenians by war, and the Thebans
wished to wipe Athens off the face of the earth, they (the
Lacedaemonians) themselves had opposed the measure.[39] If that was
the argument of most weight, the reasoning which was the most commonly
urged was to the effect that "the solemn oaths necessitated the aid
demanded. Sparta had done no wrong to justify this invasion on the
part of the Arcadians and their allies. All she had done was to assist
the men of Tegea when[40] the Mantineans had marched against that
township contrary to their solemn oaths." Again, for the second time,
at these expressions a confused din ran through the assembly, half the
audience maintaining that the Mantineans were justified in supporting
Proxenus and his friends, who were put to death by the party with
Stasippus; the other half that they were wrong in bringing an armed
force against the men of Tegea.
[38] Or, "the Thebans be decimated"; for the phrase see above, "Hell."
VI. iii. 20.
[39] See "Hell." II. ii. 19; and "Hell." III. v. 8.
[40] Lit. "because," {oti}.
Whilst these distinctions were being drawn by the assembly itself,
Cleiteles the Corinthian got up and spoke as follows: "I daresay, men
of Athens, there is a double answer to the question, Who began the
wrongdoing? But take the case of ourselves. Since peace began, no one
can accuse us either of wantonly attacking any city, or of seizing the
wealth of any, or of ravaging a foreign territory. In spite of which
the Thebans have come into our country and cut down our fruit-treees,
burnt to the ground our houses, filched and torn to pieces our cattle
and our goods. How then, I put it to you, will you not be acting
contrary to your solemn oaths if you refuse your aid to us, who are so
manifestly the victims of wrongdoings? Yes; and when I say solemn
oaths, I speak of oaths and undertakings which you yourselves took
great pains to exact from all of us." At that point a murmur of
applause greeted Cleiteles, the Athenians feeling the truth and
justice of the speaker's language.
He sat down, and then Procles of Phlius got up and spoke as follows:
"What would happen, men of Athens, if the Lacedaemonians were well out
of the way? The answer to that question is obvious. You would be the
first object of Theban invasion. Clearly; for they must feel that you
and you alone stand in the path between them and empire over Hellas.
If this be so, I do not consider that you are more supporting
Lacedaemon by a campaign in her behalf than you are helping
yourselves. For imagine the Thebans, your own sworn foes and next-door
neighbours, masters of Hellas! You will find it a painful and onerous
exchange indeed for the distant antagonism of Sparta. As a mere matter
of self-interest, now is the time to help yourselves, while you may
still reckon upon allies, instead of waiting until they are lost, and
you are forced to fight a life-and-death battle with the Thebans
single-handed. But the fear suggests itself, that should the
Lacedaemonians escape now, they will live to cause you trouble at some
future date. Lay this maxim to heart, then, that it is not the
potential greatness of those we benefit, but of those we injure, which
causes apprehension. And this other also, that it behoves individuals
and states alike so to better their position[41] while yet in the
zenith of their strength that, in the day of weakness, when it comes,
they may find some succour and support in what their former labours
have achieved.[42] To you now, at this time, a heaven-sent opportunity
is presented. In return for assistance to the Lacedaemonians in their
need, you may win their sincere, unhesitating friendship for all time.
Yes, I say it deliberately, for the acceptance of these benefits at
your hands will not be in the presence of one or two chance witnesses.
The all-seeing gods, in whose sight to-morrow is even as to-day, will
be cognisant of these things. The knowledge of them will be jointly
attested by allies and enemies; nay, by Hellenes and barbarians alike,
since to not one of them is what we are doing a matter of unconcern.
If, then, in the presence of these witnesses, the Lacedaemonians
should prove base towards you, no one will ever again be eager in
their cause. But our hope, our expectation should rather be that they
will prove themselves good men and not base; since they beyond all
others would seem persistently to have cherished a high endeavour,
reaching forth after true praise, and holding aloof from ugly deeds.
[41] Lit. "to acquire some good."
[42] Or, "for what," etc.
"But there are further considerations which it were well you should
lay to heart. If danger were ever again to visit Hellas from the
barbarian world outside, in whom would you place your confidence if
not in the Lacedaemonians? Whom would you choose to stand at your
right hand in battle if not these, whose soldiers at Thermopylae to a
man preferred to fall at their posts rather than save their lives by
giving the barbarian free passage into Hellas? Is it not right, then,
considering for what thing's sake they dislayed that bravery in your
companionship, considering also the good hope there is that they will
prove the like again--is it not just that you and we should lend them
all countenance and goodwill? Nay, even for us their allies' sake, who
are present, it would be worth your while to manifest this goodwill.
Need you be assured that precisely those who continue faithful to them
in their misfortunes would in like manner be ashamed not to requite
you with gratitude? And if we seem to be but small states, who are
willing to share their dangers with them, lay to heart that there is a
speedy cure for this defect: with the accession of your city the
reproach that, in spite of all our assistance, we are but small
cities, will cease to be.
"For my part, men of Athens, I have hitherto on hearsay admired and
envied this great state, whither, I was told, every one who was
wronged or stood in terror of aught needed only to betake himself and
he would obtain assistance. To-day I no longer hear, I am present
myself and see these famous citizens of Lacedaemon here, and by their
side their trustiest friends, who have come to you, and ask you in
their day of need to give them help. I see Thebans also, the same who
in days bygone failed to persuade the Lacedaemonians to reduce you to
absolute slavery,[43] to-day asking you to suffer those who saved you
to be destroyed.
[43] See "Hell." II. ii. 19; III. v. 8, in reference to B.C. 405.
"That was a great deed and of fair renown, attributed in old story to
your ancestors, that they did not suffer those Argives who died on the
Cadmeia[44] to lie unburied; but a fairer wreath of glory would you
weave for your own brows if you suffer not these still living
Lacedaemonians to be trampled under the heel of insolence and
destroyed. Fair, also, was that achievement when you stayed the
insolence of Eurystheus and saved the sons of Heracles;[45] but fairer
still than that will your deed be if you rescue from destruction, not
the primal authors[46] merely, but the whole city which they founded;
fairest of all, if because yesterday the Lacedaemonians won you your
preservation by a vote which cost them nothing, you to-day shall bring
them help with arms, and at the price of peril. It is a proud day for
some of us to stand here and give what aid we can in pleading for
asistance to brave men. What, then, must you feel, who in very deed
are able to render that assistance! How generous on your parts, who
have been so often the friends and foes of Lacedaemon, to forget the
injury and remember only the good they have done! How noble of you to
repay, not for yourelves only, but for the sake of Hellas, the debt
due to those who proved themselves good men and true in her behalf!"
[44] In reference to the Seven against Thebes, see Herod. IX. xxvii.
4; Isoc. "Paneg." 55.
[45] Herod. IX. xxvii. 3; see Isoc. "Paneg." 56. "The greatness of
Sparta was founded by the succour which Athens lent to the
Heraklid invaders of the Peloponnese--a recollection which ought
to restrain Sparta from injuring or claiming to rule Athens.
Argos, Thebes, Sparta were in early times, as they are now, the
foremost cities of Hellas; but Athens was the greatest of them all
--the avenger of Argos, the chastiser of Thebes, the patron of
those who founded Sparta."--Jebb, "Att. Or." ii. 154.
[46] Plut. "Lyc." vi.
After these speeches the Athenians deliberated, and though there was
opposition, the arguments of gainsayers[47] fell upon deaf ears. The
assembly finally passed a decree to send assistance to Lacedaemon in
force, and they chose Iphicrates general. Then followed the
preliminary sacrifices, and then the general's order to his troops to
take the evening meal in the grove of the Academy.[48] But the general
himself, it is said, was in no hurry to leave the city; many were
found at their posts before him. Presently, however, he put himself at
the head of his troops, and the men followed cheerily, in firm
persuasion that he was about to lead them to some noble exploit. On
arrival at Corinth he frittered away some days, and there was a
momentary outburst of discontent at so much waste of precious time;
but as soon as he led the troops out of Corinth there was an obvious
rebound. The men responded to all orders with enthusiasm, heartily
following their general's lead, and attacking whatever fortified place
he might confront them with.
[47] As to the anti-Laconian or Boeotian party at Athens, see Curtius,
"H. G." vol. v. ch. ii. (Eng. tr.)
[48] See Baedeker, "Greece," p. 103.
And now reverting to the hostile forces on Laconian territory, we find
that the Arcadians, Argives, and Eleians had retired in large numbers.
They had every inducement so to do since their homes bordered on
Laconia; and off they went, driving or carrying whatever they had
looted. The Thebans and the rest were no less anxious to get out of
the country, though for other reasons, partly because the army was
melting away under their eyes day by day, partly because the
necessities of life were growing daily scantier, so much had been
either fairly eaten up and pillaged or else recklessly squandered and
reduced to ashes. Besides this, it was winter; so that on every ground
there was a general desire by this time to get away home.
As son as the enemy began his retreat from Laconian soil, Iphicrates
imitated his movement, and began leading back his troops out of
Arcadia into Corinthia. Iphicrates exhibited much good generalship, no
doubt, with which I have no sort of fault to find. But it is not so
with that final feature of the campaign to which we are now come. Here
I find his strategy either meaningless in intent or inadequate in
execution. He made an attempt to keep guard at Oneion, in order to
prevent the Boeotians making their way out homewards; but left
meanwhile far the best passage through Cenchreae unguarded. Again,
when he wished to discover whether or not the Thebans had passed
Oneion, he sent out on a reconnaissance the whole of the Athenian and
Corinthian cavalry; whereas, for the object in view, the eyes of a
small detachment would have been as useful as a whole regiment;[49]
and when it came to falling back, clearly the smaller number had a
better chance of hitting on a traversable road, and so effecting the
desired movement quietly. But the height of folly seems to have been
reached when he threw into the path of the enemy a large body of
troops which were still too weak to cope with him. As a matter of
fact, this body of cavalry, owing to their very numbers, could not
help covering a large space of ground; and when it became necessary to
retire, had to cling to a series of difficult positions in succession,
so that they lost not fewer than twenty horsemen.[50] It was thus the
Thebans effected their object and retired from Peloponnese.
[49] See "Hipparch." viii. 10 foll.
[50] See Diod. xv. 63; Plut. "Pelop." 24.
BOOK VII
I
B.C. 369. In the following year[1] plenipotentiary ambassadors[2] from
the Lacedaemonians and their allies arrived at Athens to consider and
take counsel in what way the alliance between Athens and Lacedaemon
might be best cemented. It was urged by many speakers, foreigners and
Athenians also, that the alliance ought to be based on the principle
of absolute equality,[3] "share and share alike," when Procles of
Phlius put forward the following argument:
[1] I.e. the official year from spring to spring. See Peter, "Chron.
Table" 95, note 215; see Grote, "H. G." x. 346, note 1.
[2] See Hicks, 89.
[3] For the phrase {epi toi isois kai omoiois}, implying "share and
share alike," see Thuc. i. 145, etc.
"Since you have already decided, men of Athens, that it is good to
secure the friendship of Lacedaemon, the point, as it appears to me,
which you ought now to consider is, by what means this friendship may
be made to last as long as possible. The probability is, that we shall
hold together best by making a treaty which shall suit the best
interests of both parties. On most points we have, I believe, a
tolerable unanimity, but there remains the question of leadership. The
preliminary decree of your senate anticipates a division of the
hegemony, crediting you with the chief maritime power, Lacedaemon with
the chief power on land; and to me, personally, I confess, that seems
a division not more established by human invention than preordained by
some divine naturalness or happy fortune. For, in the first place, you
have a geographical position pre-eminently adapted for naval
supremacy; most of the states to whom the sea is important are massed
round your own, and all of these are inferior to you in strength.
Besides, you have harbours and roadsteads, without which it is not
possible to turn a naval power to account. Again, you have many ships
of war. To extend your naval empire is a traditional policy; all the
arts and sciences connected with these matters you possess as home
products, and, what is more, in skill and experience of nautical
affairs you are far ahead of the rest of the world. The majority of
you derive your livelihood from the sea, or things connected with it;
so that in the very act of minding your own affairs you are training
yourselves to enter the lists of naval combat.[4] Again, no other
power in the world can send out a larger collective fleet, and that is
no insignificant point in reference to the question of leadership. The
nucleus of strength first gained becomes a rallying-point, round which
the rest of the world will gladly congregate. Furthermore, your good
fortune in this department must be looked upon as a definite gift of
God: for, consider among the numberless great sea-fights which you
have fought how few you have lost, how many you have won. It is only
rational, then, that your allies should much prefer to share this
particular risk with you. Indeed, to show you how natural and vital to
you is this maritime study, the following reflection may serve. For
several years the Lacedaemonians, when at war with you in old days,
dominated your territory, but they made no progress towards destroying
you. At last God granted them one day to push forward their dominion
on the sea, and then in an instant you completely succumbed to
them.[5] Is it not self-evident that your safety altogether depends
upon the sea? The sea is your natural element--your birthright; it
would be base indeed to entrust the hegemony of it to the
Lacedaemonians, and the more so, since, as they themselves admit, they
are far less acquained with this business than yourselves; and,
secondly, your risk in naval battles would not be for equal stakes--
theirs involving only the loss of the men on board their ships, but
yours, that of your children and your wives and the entire state.
[4] See "Pol. Ath." i. 19 foll.
[5] See "Hell." II. i.
"And if this is a fair statement of your position, turn, now, and
consider that of the Lacedaemonians. The first point to notice is,
that they are an inland power; as long as they are dominant on land it
does not matter how much they are cut off from the sea--they can carry
on existence happily enough. This they so fully recognise, that from
boyhood they devote themselves to training for a soldier's life. The
keystone of this training is obedience to command,[6] and in this they
hold the same pre-eminence on land which you hold on the sea. Just as
you with your fleets, so they on land can, at a moment's notice, put
the largest army in the field; and with the like consequence, that
their allies, as is only rational, attach themselves to them with
undying courage.[7] Further, God has granted them to enjoy on land a
like good fortune to that vouchsafed to you on sea. Among all the many
contests they have entered into, it is surprising in how few they have
failed, in how many they have been successful. The same unflagging
attention which you pay to maritime affairs is required from them on
land, and, as the facts of history reveal, it is no less indispensable
to them. Thus, although you were at war with them for several years
and gained many a naval victory over them, you never advanced a step
nearer to reducing them. But once worsted on land, in an instant they
were confronted with a danger affecting the very lives of child and
wife, and vital to the interests of the entire state. We may very well
understand, then, the strangeness, not to say monstrosity, in their
eyes, of surrendering to others the military leadership on land, in
matters which they have made their special study for so long and with
such eminent success. I end where I began. I agree absolutely with the
preliminary decrees of your own senate, which I consider the solution
most advantageous to both parties. My prayer[8] is that you may be
guided in your deliberations to that conclusion which is best for each
and all of us."
[6] Or, "the spirit of discipline." See "Mem." III. v. 16; IV. iv. 15;
Thuc. ii. 39; "Pol. Lac." viii.
[7] Or, "with unlimited confidence."
[8] See above, "Hell." VI. i. 13, {kai su prattois ta kratista}, "and
so may the best fortune attend you!"--if that reading and
rendering be adopted.
Such were the words of the orator, and the sentiments of his speech
were vehemently applauded by the Athenians no less than by the
Lacedaemonians who were present. Then Cephisodotus[9] stepped forward
and addressed the assembly. He said, "Men of Athens, do you not see
how you are being deluded? Lend me your ears, and I will prove it to
you in a moment. There is no doubt about your leadership by sea: it is
already secured. But suppose the Lacedaemonians in alliance with you:
it is plain they will send you admirals and captains, and possibly
marines, of Laconian breed; but who will the sailors be? Helots
obviously, or mercenaries of some sort. These are the folk over whom
you will exercise your leadership. Reverse the case. The
Lacedaemonians have issued a general order summoning you to join them
in the field; it is plain again, you will be sending your heavy
infantry and your cavalry. You see what follows. You have invented a
pretty machine, by which they become leders of your very selves, and
you become the leaders either of their slaves or of the dregs of their
state. I should like to put a question to the Lacedaemonian Timocrates
seated yonder. Did you not say just now, Sir, that you came to make an
alliance on terms of absolute equality, 'share and share alike'?
Answer me." "I did say so." "Well, then, here is a plan by which you
get the perfection of equality. I cannot conceive of anything more
fair and impartial than that 'turn and turn about' each of us should
command the navy, each the army; whereby whatever advantage there may
be in maritime or military command we may each of us share."
[9] See above, "Hell." VI. iii. 2; Hicks, 87.
These arguments were successful. The Athenians were converted, and
passed a decree vesting the command in either state[10] for periods of
five days alternately.
[10] See "Revenues," v. 7.
B.C. 369.[11] The campaign was commenced by both Athenians and
Lacedaemonians with their allies, marching upon Corinth, where it was
resolved to keep watch and ward over Oneion jointly. On the advance of
the Thebans and their allies the troops were drawn out to defend the
pass. They were posted in detachments at different points, the most
assailable of which was assigned to the Lacedaemonians and the men of
Pellene.[12]
[11] See Grote, "H. G." x. 349 foll.; al. B.C. 368.
[12] "During the wars of Epameinondas Pellene adhered firmly to her
Spartan policy, at a time when other cities were, to say the
least, less strenuous in the Spartan cause."--Freeman, "Hist. Fed.
Gov." p. 241. Afterwards Pellene is found temporarily on the
Theban side ("Hell." VII. ii. 11).
The Thebans and their allies, finding themselves within three or four
miles[13] of the troops guarding the pass, encamped in the flat ground
below; but presently, after a careful calculation of the time it would
take to start and reach the goal in the gloaming, they advanced
against the Lacedaemonian outposts. In spite of the difficulty they
timed their movements to a nicety, and fell upon the Lacedaemonians
and Pellenians just at the interval when the night pickets were
turning in and the men were leaving their shakedowns and retiring for
necessary purposes.[14] This was the instant for the Thebans to fling
themselves upon them; they plied their weapons with good effect, blow
upon blow. Order was pitted against disorder, preparation against
disarray. When, however, those who escaped from the thick of the
business had retired to the nearest rising ground, the Lacedaemonian
polemarch, who might have taken as many heavy, or light, infantry of
the allies as he wanted, and thus have held the position (no bad one,
since it enabled him to get his supplies safely enough from
Cenchreae), failed to do so. On the contrary, and in spite of the
great perplexity of the Thebans as to how they were to get down from
the high level facing Sicyon or else retire the way they came, the
Spartan general made a truce, which in the opinion of the majority,
seemed more in favour of the Thebans than himself, and so he withdrew
his division and fell back.
[13] Lit. "thirty stades."
[14] Or, "intent on their personal concerns." See "Hell." II. iv. 6;
"Hipparch." vii. 12.
The Thebans were now free to descend without hindrance, which they
did; and, effecting a junction with their allies the Arcadians,
Argives, and Eleians, at once attacked[15] Sicyon and Pellene, and,
marching on Epidaurus, laid waste the whole territory of that people.
Returning from that exploit with a consummate disdain for all their
opponents, when they found themselves near the city of Corinth they
advanced at the double against the gate facing towards Phlius;
intending if they found it open to rush in. However, a body of light
troops sallied out of the city to the rescue, and met the advance of
the Theban picked corps[16] not one hundred and fifty yards[17] from
the walls. Mounting on the monuments and commanding eminences, with
volleys of sling stones and arrows they laid low a pretty large number
in the van of the attack, and routing them, gave chase for three or
four furlongs'[18] distance. After this incident the Corinthians
dragged the corpses of the slain to the wall, and finally gave them up
under a flag of truce, erecting a trophy to record the victory. As a
result of this occurrence the allies of the Lacedaemonians took fresh
heart.
[15] And took (apparently); see below; Diod. xv. 69.
[16] See "Anab." III. iv. 43; and above, "Hell." V. iii. 23.
[17] Lit. "four plethra."
[18] LIt. "three or four stades."
At the date of the above transactions the Lacedeamonians were cheered
by the arrival of a naval reinforcement from Dionysius, consisting of
more than twenty warships, which conveyed a body of Celts and Iberians
and about fifty cavalry. The day following, the Thebans and the rest
of the allies, posted, at intervals, in battle order, and completely
filling the flat land down to the sea on one side, and up to the
knolls on the other which form the buttresses of the city, proceeded
to destroy everything precious they could lay their hands on in the
plain. The Athenian and Corinthian cavalry, eyeing the strength,
physical and numerical, of their antagonists, kept at a safe distance
from their armament. But the little body of cavalry lately arrived
from Dionysius spread out in a long thin line, and one at one point
and one at another galloped along the front, discharging their
missiles as they dashed forward, and when the enemy rushed against
them, retired, and again wheeling about, showered another volley. Even
while so engaged they would dismount from their horses and take
breath; and if their foemen galloped up while they were so dismounted,
in an instant they had leapt on their horses' backs and were in full
retreat. Or if, again, a party pursued them some distance from the
main body, as soon as they turned to retire, they would press upon
them, and discharging volleys of missiles, made terrible work, forcing
the whole army to advance and retire, merely to keep pace with the
movements of fifty horsemen.
B.C. 369-368. After this the Thebans remained only a few more days and
then turned back homewards; and the rest likewise to their several
homes. Thereupon the troops sent by Dionysius attacked Sicyon.
Engaging the Sicyonians in the flat country, they defeated them,
killing about seventy men and capturing by assault the fortres of
Derae.[19] After these achievements this first reinforcement from
Dionysius re-embarked and set sail for Syracuse.
[19] "East of Sicyon was Epieiceia (see above, "Hell." IV. ii. 14, iv.
13) on the river Nemea. In the same direction was the fortress
Derae." ("Dict. Anct. Geog." "Topography of Sicyonia"), al. Gerae.
So Leake ("Morea," iii. 376), who conjectures that this fortress
was in the maritime plain.
Up to this time the Thebans and all the states which had revolted from
Lacedaemon had acted together in perfect harmony, and were content to
campaign under the leadership of Thebes; but now a certain
Lycomedes,[20] a Mantinean, broke the spell. Inferior in birth and
position to none, while in wealth superior, he was for the rest a man
of high ambition. This man was able to inspire the Arcadians with high
thoughts by reminding them that to Arcadians alone the Peloponnese was
in a literal sense a fatherland; since they and they alone were the
indigenous inhabitants of its sacred soil, and the Arcadian stock the
largest among the Hellenic tribes--a good stock, moreover, and of
incomparable physique. And then he set himself to panegyrise them as
the bravest of the brave, adducing as evidence, if evidence were
needed, the patent fact, that every one in need of help invariably
turned to the Arcadians.[21] Never in old days had the Lacedaemonians
yet invaded Athens without the Arcadians. "If then," he added, "you
are wise, you will be somewhat chary of following at the beck and call
of anybody, or it will be the old story again. As when you marched in
the train of Sparta you only enhanced her power, so to-day, if you
follow Theban guidance without thought or purpose instead of claiming
a division of the headship, you will speedily find, perhaps, in her
only a second edition of Lacedaemon."[22]
[20] For the plan of an Arcadian Federation and the part played by
Lycomedes, its true author, "who certainly merits thereby a high
place among the statesmen of Greece," see Freeman, "Hist. Fed.
Gov." ch. iv. p. 199 foll.
[21] For this claim on the part of the Arcadians, see "Anab." VI. ii.
10 foll.
[22] Or, "Lacedaemonians under another name."
These words uttered in the ears of the Arcadians were sufficient to
puff them up with pride. They were lavish in their love of Lycomedes,
and thought there was no one his equal. He became their hero; he had
only to give his orders, and they appointed their magistrates[23] at
his bidding. But, indeed, a series of brilliant exploits entitled the
Arcadians to magnify themselves. The first of these arose out of an
invasion of Epidaurus by the Argives, which seemed likely to end in
their finding their escape barred by Chabrias and his foreign brigade
with the Athenians and Corinthians. Only, at the critical moment the
Arcadians came to the rescue and extricated the Argives, who were
closely besieged, and this in spite not only of the enemy, but of the
savage nature of the ground itself. Again they marched on Asine[24] in
Laconian territory, and defeated the Lacedaemonian garrison, putting
the polemarch Geranor, who was a Spartan, to the sword, and sacking
the suburbs of the town. Indeed, whenever or wherever they had a mind
to send an invading force, neither night nor wintry weather, nor
length of road nor mountain barrier could stay their march. So that at
this date they regarded their prowess as invincible.[25] The Thebans,
it will be understood, could not but feel a touch of jealousy at these
pretensions, and their former friendship to the Arcadians lost its
ardour. With the Eleians, indeed, matters were worse. The revelation
came to them when they demanded back from the Arcadians certain
cities[26] of which the Lacedaemonians had deprived them. They
discovered that their views were held of no account, but that the
Triphylians and the rest who had revolted from them were to be made
much of, because they claimed to be Arcadians.[27] Hence, as
contrasted with the Thebans, the Eleians cherished feelings towards
their late friends which were positively hostile.
[23] {arkhontas}, see below, "Hell." VII. iv. 33. The formal title of
these Federal magistrates may or may not have been {arkhontes};
Freeman, "H. F. G." 203, note 6.
[24] See Grote, "H. G." x. 356.
[25] Or, "regarded themselves as the very perfection of soldiery."
[26] In reference to "Hell." III. ii. 25 foll., see Freeman, op. cit.
p. 201, and below, "Hell." VII. iv. 12 (B.C. 365); Busolt, op.
cit. p. 186 foll., in reference to Lasion.
[27] Busolt, p. 150.
B.C. 368. Self-esteem amounting to arrogance--such was the spirit
which animated each section of the allies, when a new phase was
introduced by the arrival of Philiscus[28] of Abydos on an embassy
from Ariobarzanes[29] with large sums of money. This agent's first
step was to assemble a congress of Thebans, allies, and Lacedaemonians
at Delphi to treat of peace. On their arrival, without attempting to
communicate or take counsel with the god as to how peace might be re-
established, they fell to deliberating unassisted; and when the
Thebans refused to acquiesce in the dependency of Messene[30] upon
Lacedaemon, Philiscus set about collecting a large foreign brigade to
side with Lacedaemon and to prosecute the war.
[28] See Hicks, 84, p. 152; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. 51; Grote, "H. G."
x. 357; Curtius, "H. G." (Eng. tr.) iv. 458; Diod. xv. 90.
[29] See above, V. i. 28; "Ages." ii. 26.
[30] See Hicks, 86.
Whilst these matters were still pending, the second reinforcements
from Dionysius[31] arrived. There was a difference of opinion as to
where the troops should be employed, the Athenians insisting that they
ought to march into Thessaly to oppose the Thebans, the Lacedaemonians
being in favour of Laconia; and among the allies this latter opinion
carried the day. The reinforcement from Dionysius accordingly sailed
round to Laconia, where Archidamus incorporated them with the state
troops and opened the campaign. Caryae he took by storm, and put every
one captured to the sword, and from this point marching straight upon
the Parrhasians of Arcadia, he set about ravaging the country along
with his Syracusan supporters.
[31] See above, SS. 20, 22, p. 191 foll. The date is B.C. 368
according to Grote, "H. G." x. 362 foll.; al. B.C. 367.
Presently when the Arcadians and Argives arrived with succours, he
retreated and encamped on the knolls above Medea.[32] While he was
there, Cissidas, the officer in charge of the reinforcement from
Dionysius, made the announcement that the period for his stay abroad
had elapsed; and the words were no sooner out of his lips than off he
set on the road to Sparta. The march itself, however, was not effected
without delays, for he was met and cut off by a body of Messenians at
a narrow pass, and was forced in these straits to send to Archidamus
and beg for assistance, which the latter tendered. When they had got
as far as the bend[33] on the road to Eutresia, there were the
Arcadians and Argives advancing upon Laconia and apparently intending,
like the Messenians, to shut the Spartan off from the homeward road.
[32] Or, "Melea," or "Malea." E. Curtius conjectures {Meleas} for
{Medeas} of the MSS., and probably the place referred to is the
township of Malea in the Aegytis (Pausan. VIII. xxvii. 4); see
above, "Hell." VI. v. 24, "the Maleatid." See Dind. "Hist. Gr.,"
Ox. MDCCCLIII., note ad loc.; Curtius, "H. G." iv. 459; Grote, "H.
G." x. 362.
[33] Or, "the resting-place"; cf. mod. "Khan." L. and S. cf. Arist.
"Frogs," 113. "Medea," below, is probably "Malea," (see last
note).
Archidamus, debouching upon a flat space of ground where the roads to
Eutresia and Medea converge, drew up his troops and offered battle.
When happened then is thus told:--He passed in front of the regiments
and addressed them in terms of encouragement thus: "Fellow-citizens,
the day has come which calls upon us to prove ourselves brave men and
look the world in the face with level eyes.[34] Now are we to deliver
to those who come after us our fatherland intact as we received it
from our fathers; now will we cease hanging our heads in shame before
our children and wives, our old men and our foreign friends, in sight
of whom in days of old we shone forth conspicuous beyond all other
Hellenes."
[34] See Plut. "Ages." 53 (Clough, vol. iv. p. 41).
The words were scarcely uttered (so runs the tale), when out of the
clear sky came lightnings and thunderings,[35] with propitious
manifestation to him; and it so happened that on his right wing there
stood a sacred enclosure and a statue of Heracles, his great ancestor.
As the result of all these things, so deep a strength and courage came
into the hearts of his soldiers, as they tell, that the generals had
hard work to restrain their men as they pushed forward to the front.
Presently, when Archidamus led the advance, a few only of the enemy
cared to await them at the spear's point, and were slain; the mass of
them fled, and fleeing fell. Many were cut down by the cavalry, many
by the Celts. When the battle ceased and a trophy had been erected,
the Spartan at once despatched home Demoteles, the herald, with the
news. He had to announce not only the greatness of the victory, but
the startling fact that, while the enemy's dead were numerous, not one
single Lacedaemonian had been slain.[36] Those in Sparta to whom the
news was brought, as says the story, when they heard it, one and all,
beginning with Agesilaus, and, after him, the elders and the ephors,
wept for joy--so close akin are tears to joy and pain alike. There
were others hardly less pleased than the Lacedaemonians themselves at
the misfortune which had overtaken the Arcadians: these were the
Thebans and Eleians--so offensive to them had the boastful behaviour
of these men become.
[35] See Xen. "Apolog." 12; Homer, "Il." ii. 353; "Od." xx. 113 foll.
[36] According to Diod. xv. 72, ten thousand of the enemy fell.
The problem perpetually working in the minds of the Thebans was how
they were to compass the headship of Hellas; and they persuaded
themselves that, if they sent an embassy to the King of Persia, they
could not but gain some advantage by his help. Accordingly they did
not delay, but called together the allies, on the plea that Euthycles
the Lacedaemonian was already at the Persian court. The commissioners
sent up were, on the part of the Thebans, Pelopidas;[37] on the part
of the Arcadians, Antiochus, the pancratiast; and on that of the
Eleians, Archidamus. There was also an Argive in attendance. The
Athenians on their side, getting wind of the matter, sent up two
commissioners, Timagoras and Leon.
[37] See Plut. "Pelop." 30 (Clough, vol. ii. p. 230). For the date see
Grote, "H. G." x. 365, 379; Curtius, "H. G." iv. 460.
When they arrived at the Persian court the influence of Pelopidas was
preponderant with the Persian. He could point out that, besides the
fact that the Thebans alone among all the Hellenes had fought on the
king's side at Plataeae,[38] they had never subsequently engaged in
military service against the Persians; nay, the very ground of
Lacedaemonian hostility to them was that they had refused to march
against the Persian king with Agesilaus,[39] and would not even suffer
him to sacrifice to Artemis at Aulis (where Agamemnon sacrificed
before he set sail for Asia and captured Troy). In addition, there
were two things which contributed to raise the prestige of Thebes, and
redounded to the honour of Pelopidas. These were the victory of the
Thebans at Leuctra, and the indisputable fact that they had invaded
and laid waste the territory of Laconia. Pelopidas went on to point
out that the Argives and Arcadians had lately been defeated in battle
by the Lacedaemonians, when his own countrymen were not there to
assist. The Athenian Timagoras supported all these statements of the
Theban by independent testimony, and stood second in honour after
Pelopidas.
[38] See Thuc. iii. 58, 59, 60.
[39] See above, "Hell." III. iv. 3; Lincke, "Zur. Xen. Krit." p. 315.
At this point of the proceedings Pelopidas was asked by the king, what
special clause he desired inserted in the royal rescript. He replied
as follows: "Messene to be independent of Lacedaemon, and the
Athenians to lay up their ships of war. Should either power refuse
compliance in these respects, such refusal to be a casus belli; and
any state refusing to take part in the military proceedings
consequent, to be herself the first object of attack." These clauses
were drawn up and read to the ambassadors, when Leon, in the hearing
of the king, exclaimed: "Upon my word! Athenians, it strikes me it is
high time you looked for some other friend than the great king." The
secretary reported the comment of the Athenian envoy, and produced
presently an altered copy of the document, with a clause inserted: "If
the Athenians have any better and juster views to propound, let them
come to the Persian court and explain them."[40]
[40] See Grote, "H. G." x. 402; and "Ages." viii. 3.
Thus the ambassadors returned each to his own home and were variously
received. Timagoras, on the indictment of Leon, who proved that his
fellow-commissioner not only refused to lodge with him at the king's
court, but in every way played into the hands of Pelopidas, was put to
death. Of the other joint commissioners, the Eleian, Archidamus, was
loud in his praises of the king and his policy, because he had shown a
preference to Elis over the Arcadians; while for a converse reason,
because the Arcadian league was slighted, Antiochus not only refused
to accept any gift, but brought back as his report to the general
assembly of the Ten Thousand,[41] that the king appeared to have a
large army of confectioners and pastry-cooks, butlers and doorkeepers;
but as for men capable of doing battle with Hellenes, he had looked
carefully, and could not discover any. Besides all which, even the
report of his wealth seemed to him, he said, bombastic nonsense. "Why,
the golden plane-tree that is so belauded is not big enough to furnish
shade to a single grasshopper."[42]
[41] See above, VI. v. 6; Freeman, "Hist. Fed. Gov." 202; Demosth. "F.
L." 220, etc.
[42] Or, "the golden plane-tree they romance about would not suffice
to," etc.
At Thebes a conference of the states had been convened to listen to
the great king's letter. The Persian who bore the missive merely
pointed to the royal seal, and read the document; whereupon the
Thebans invited all, who wished to be their friends, to take an oath
to what they had just heard, as binding on the king and on themselves.
To which the ambassadors from the states replied that they had been
sent to listen to a report, not to take oaths; if oaths were wanted,
they recommended the Thebans to send ambassadors to the several
states. The Arcadian Lycomedes, moreover, added that the congress
ought not to be held at Thebes at all, but at the seat of war,
wherever that might be. This remark brought down the wrath of the
Thebans on the speaker; they exclaimed that he was bent on breaking up
the alliance. Whereupon the Arcadian refused to take a seat in the
congress at all, and got up and betook himself off there and then,
accompanied by all the Arcadian envoys. Since, therefore, the
assembled representatives refused to take the oaths at Thebes, the
Thebans sent to the different states, one by one in turn, urging each
to undertake solemnly to act in accordance with the great king's
rescript. They were persuaded that no individual state would venture
to quarrel with themselves and the Persian monarch at once. As a
matter of fact, however, when they arrived at Corinth--which was the
first stated visted--the Corinthians stood out and gave as their
answer, that they had no desire for any common oath or undertaking
with the king. The rest of the states followed suit, giving answers of
a similar tenor, so that this striving after empire on the part of
Pelopidas and the Thebans melted like a cloud-castle into air.
B.C. 367.[43] But Epaminondas was bent on one more effort. With a view
to forcing the Arcadians and the rest of the allies to pay better heed
to Thebes, he desired first to secure the adhesion of the Achaeans,
and decided to march an army into Achaea. Accordingly, he persuaded
the Argive Peisias, who was at the head of military affairs in Argos,
to seize and occupy Oneion in advance. Persias, having ascertained
that only a sorry guard was maintained over Oneion by Naucles, the
general commanding the Lacedaemonian foreign brigade, and by
Timomachus the Athenian, under cover of night seized and occupied with
two thousand heavy infantry the rising ground above Cenchreae, taking
with him provisions for seven days. Within the interval the Thebans
arrived and surmounted the pass of Oneion; whereupon the allied troops
with Epaminondas at their head, advanced into Achaea. The result of
the campaign was that the better classes of Achaea gave in their
adhesion to him; and on his personal authority Epaminondas insisted
that there should be no driving of the aristocrats into exile, nor any
modification of the constitution. He was content to take a pledge of
fealty from the Achaeans to this effect: "Verily and indeed we will be
your allies, and follow whithersoever the Thebans lead."[44]
[43] B.C. 367, according to Grote, "H. G." x. 365, note 1; al. B.C.
366.
[44] See Freeman, "Hist. Fed. Gov." p. 241: "We read of local
oligarchies (in the several cities of Achaia) which Epameinondas
found and left in possession, but which the home government of
Thebes thought good to expel, and to substitute democracies under
the protection of Theban harmosts. This policy did not answer, as
the large bodies of exiles thus formed contrived to recover the
cities, and to bring them to a far more decided Spartan
partisanship than before."
So he departed home. The Arcadians, however, and the partisans of the
opposite faction in Thebes were ready with an indictment against him:
"Epaminondas," they said, "had merely swept and garnished Achaea for
the Lacedaemonians, and then gone off." The Thebans accordingly
resolved to send governors[45] into the states of Achaea; and those
officers on arrival joined with the commonalty and drove out the
better folk, and set up democracies throughout Achaea. On their side,
these exiles coalesced, and, marching upon each separate state in
turn, for they were pretty numerous, speedily won their restoration
and dominated the states. As the party thus reinstated no longer
steered a middle course, but went heart and soul into an alliance with
Lacedaemon, the Arcadians found themselves between the upper and the
nether millstone--that is to say, the Lacedaemonians and the Achaeans.
[45] Lit. "harmosts."
At Sicyon, hitherto,[46] the constitution was based on the ancient
laws; but at this date Euphron (who during the Lacedaemonian days had
been the greatest man in Sicyon, and whose ambition it was to hold a
like pre-eminence under their opponents) addressed himself to the
Argives and Arcadians as follows: "If the wealthiest classes should
ever come into power in Sicyon, without a doubt the city would take
the first opportunity of readopting a Laconian policy; whereas, if a
democracy be set up," he added, "you may rest assured Sicyon will hold
fast by you. All I ask you is to stand by me; I will do the rest. It
is I who will call a meeting of the people; and by that selfsame act I
shall give you a pledge of my good faith and present you with a state
firm in its alliance. All this, be assured," he added, "I do because,
like yourselves, I have long ill brooked the pride of Lacedaemon, and
shall be glad to escape the yoke of bondage."
[46] See Grote, "H. G." x. 379.
These proposals found favour with the Arcadians and the Argives, who
gladly gave the assistance demanded. Euphron straightway, in the
market-place, in the presence of the two powers concerned,[47]
proceeded to convene the Demos, as if there were to be a new
constitution, based on the principle of equality.[48] When the
convention met, he bade them appoint generals: they might choose whom
they liked. Whereupon they elected Euphron himself, Hippodamus,
Cleander, Acrisius, and Lysander. When these matters were arranged he
appointed Adeas, his own son, over the foreign brigade, in place of
the former commander, Lysimenes, whom he removed. His next step was
promptly to secure the fidelity of the foreign mercenaries by various
acts of kindness, and to attach others; and he spared neither the
public nor the sacred moneys for this object. He had, to aid him,
further, the property of all the citizens whom he exiled on the ground
of Laconism, and of this without scruple he in every case availed
himself. As for his colleagues in office, some he treacherously put to
death, others he exiled, by which means he got everything under his
own power, and was now a tyrant without disguise. The method by which
he got the allies to connive at his doings was twofold. Partly he
worked on them by pecuniary aid, partly by the readiness with which he
lent the support of his foreign troops on any campaign to which they
might invite him.
[47] Lit. "the Argives and the Arcadians."
[48] Lit. "on fair and equal terms." See Thuc. v. 79.
II
B.C. 366. Matters had so far progressed that the Argives had already
fortified the Trikaranon above the Heraion as an outpost to threaten
Phlius, while the Sicyonians were engaged in fortifying Thyamia[1] on
their frontier; and between the two the Phliasians were severely
pinched. They began to suffer from dearth of necessaries; but, in
spite of all, remained unshaken in their alliance. It is the habit of
historians, I know, to record with admiration each noble achievement
of the larger powers, but to me it seems a still more worthy task to
bring to light the great exploits of even a little state found
faithful in the performance of fair deeds.
[1] "Thyamia is placed by Ross on the lofty hill of Spiria, the
northern prolongation of Tricaranum, between the villages Stimanga
and Skrapani."--"Dict. Anct. Geog." "Phlius."
B.C. 370-369. Now these Phliasians were friends of Lacedaemon while at
the zenith of her power. After her disaster on the field of Leuctra,
when many of the Perioeci, and the helots to a man, revolted; when,
more than that, the allies, save only quite a few, forsook her;[2] and
when united Hellas, so to speak, was marching on her--these Phliasians
remained stanch in their allegiance; and, in spite of the hostility of
the most powerful states of the Peloponnese, to wit the Arcardians and
the Argives, they insisted on coming to her aid. It fell to their lot
to cross into Prasiae as the rearguard of the reinforcements, which
consisted of the men of Corinth, of Epidaurus and of Troezen, of
Hermione, Halieis, and Sicyon and Pellene, in the days before any of
these had revolted.[3] Not even when the commander of the foreign
brigade, picking up the divisions already across, left them behind and
was gone--not even so did they flinch or turn back, but hired a guide
from Prasiae, and though the enemy was massed round Amyclae, slipped
through his ranks, as best they could, and so reached Sparta. It was
then that the Lacedaemonians, besides other honours conferred upon
them, sent them an ox as a gift of hospitality.
[2] See above, "VI." v. 29.
[3] See "Hell." VII. i. 18.
B.C. 369. Later on, when the enemy had retired from Laconia, the
Argives, ill brooking so much zeal for Lacedaemon on the part of
Phlius, marched in full force against the little state, and fell to
ravaging their territory. Even then they remained undaunted; and when
the enemy turned to retire, destroying all that he could lay hands
upon, out dashed the cavalry of the Phliasians and dogged his retreat.
And notwithstanding that the Argive's rear consisted of the whole of
his cavalry, with some companies of infantry to support them, they
attacked him, sixty in number, and routed his whole rearguard. They
slew, indeed, but a few of them; but, having so slain that handful,
they paused and erected a trophy in full sight of the Argive army with
as little concern as if they had cut down their enemies to a man.
Once again the Lacedaemonians and their allies were guarding
Oneion,[4] and the Thebans were threatening to scale the pass. The
Arcadians and Eleians[5] were moving forwards through Nemea to effect
a junction with the Thebans, when a hint was conveyed to them by some
Phliasian exiles, "Only show yourselves before Phlius and the town is
yours." An agreement was made, and in the dead of night a party
consisting of the exiles themselves and others with them, about six
hundred in number, planted themselves close under the walls with
scaling-ladders. Presently the scouts from the Trikaranon signalled to
the city that the enemy was advancing. The citizens were all
attention; their eyes fixed upon their scouts. Meanwhile the traitors
within were likewise signalling to those seated under lee of the walls
"to scale"; and these, scaling up, seized the arms of the guards,
which they found abandoned, and fell to pursuing the day sentinels,
ten in number (one out of each squad of five being always left on day
duty).[6] One of these was put to the sword as he lay asleep, and a
second as he was escaping to the Heraion; but the other eight day-
pickets leapt down the wall on the side towards the city, one after
another. The scaling party now found themselves in undisputed
possession of the citadel. But the shouting had reached the city
below: the citizens rallied to the rescue; and the enemy began by
sallying forth from the citadel, and did battle in the forefront of
the gate leading down to the city. By and by, being strongly
beleaguered by the ever-increasing reinforcements of the citizens,
they retired, falling back upon the citadel; and the citizens along
with the enemy forced their way in. The centre of the citadel was
speedily deserted; for the enemy scaled the walls and towers, and
showered blows and missiles upon the citizens below. These defended
themselves from the ground, or pressed the encounter home by climbing
the ladders which led to the walls. Once masters of certain towers on
this side and the other of the invaders, the citizens came to close
quarters with them with reckless desperation. The invaders, pushed and
pommelled by dint of such audacity and hard hitting, were cooped up
like sheep into narrower and narrower space. But at that critical
moment the Arcadians and the Argives were circling round the city, and
had begun to dig through the walls of the citadel from its upper
side.[7] Of the citizens inside some were beating down their
assailants on the wall;[8] others, those of them who were climbing up
from outside and were still on the scaling-ladders, whilst a third set
were delivering battle against those who had mounted the towers. These
last had found fire in the men's quarters, and were engaged in setting
the towers and all ablaze, bringing up sheaves of corn and grass--an
ample harvesting, as luck would have it, garnered off the citadel
itself. Thereupon the occupants of the towers, in terror of the
flames, leapt down one by one, while those on the walls, under the
blows of the defenders, tumbled off with similar expedition; and as
soon as they had once begun to yield, the whole citadel, in almost
less time than it takes to tell, was cleared of the enemy. In an
instant out dashed the cavalry, and the enemy, seeing them, beat a
hasty retreat, leaving behind scaling-ladders and dead, besides some
comrades hopelessly maimed. In fact, the enemy, what between those who
were slain inside and those who leapt from the walls, lost not less
than eighty men. And now it was a goodly sight to see the brave men
grasp one another by the hand and pledge each other on their
preservation, whilst the women brought them drink and cried for joy.
Not one there present but in very sooth was overcome by laughter mixed
with tears.[9]
[4] B.C. 369? al. B.C. 368. See above, "Hell." VII. i. 15; Grote, "H.
G." x. 346.
[5] See above, "Hell." VII. i. 18, and below, S. 8.
[6] Or, "one member of both the squads of five was left behind"--i.e.
two out of the ten could not keep up with the rest in their
flight, and were taken and killed; one indeed had not started, but
was killed in sleep.
[7] Or, "downwards" (L. and S.); or, "in front," "von vorn" (Buchs).
[8] Reading, {tous eti toi teikhous}. See Otto Keller for various
emendations of the passage.
[9] In true Homeric fashion, as Pollux (ii. 64) observes. See Homer,
"Il." vi. 484. See above, VII. i. 32; "Cyrop." VII. v. 32;
"Hiero," iii. 5; "Sym." ii. 24; "Antony and Cleopatra," III. ii.
43.
Next year also[10] Phlius was invaded by the Argives and all the
Arcadians. The reason of this perpetually-renewed attack on Phlius is
not far to seek: partly it was the result of spleen, partly the little
township stood midway between them, and they cherished the hope that
through want of the necessaries of life they would bring it over.
During this invasion the cavalry and the picked troop of the
Phliasians, assisted by some Athenian knights, made another famous
charge at the crossing of the river.[11] They made it so hot for the
enemy that for the rest of that day he was forced to retire under the
mountain ridges, and to hold aloof as if afraid to trample down the
corn-crops of a friendly people on the flat below.
[10] B.C. 368 (or 367).
[11] The Asopus.
Again another time[12] the Theban commander in Sicyon marched out
against Phlius, taking with him the garrison under his personal
command, with the Sicyonians and Pellenians (for at the date of the
incident these states followed in the wake of Thebes). Euphron was
there also with his mercenaries, about two thousand in number, to
share the fortunes of the field. The mass of the troops began their
descent on the Heraion by the Trikaranon, intending to ravage the flat
bottom below. At the gate leading to Corinth the Theban general left
his Sicyonians and Pellenians on the height, to prevent the Phliasians
getting behind him at this point and so over the heads of his troops
as they lay at the Heraion beneath.[13] As soon as the citizens of
Phlius found that hostile troops were advancing on their corn-land,
out dashed the cavalry with the chosen band of the Phliasians and gave
battle, not suffering the enemy to penetrate into the plain. The best
part of the day was spent in taking long shots at one another on that
field; Euphron pushing his attack down to the point where cavalry
could operate, the citizens retaliating as far as the Heraion.
Presently the time to withdraw had come, and the enemy began to
retire, following the circle of the Trikaranon; the short cut to reach
the Pellenians being barred by the ravine which runs in front of the
walls. The Phliasians escorted their retreating foes a little way up
the steep, and then turning off dashed along the road beside the
walls, making for the Pellenians and those with them; whereupon the
Theban, perceiving the haste of the Phliasians, began racing with his
infantry to outspeed them and bring succour to the Pellenians. The
cavalry, however, arrived first and fell to attacking the Pellenians,
who received and withstood the shock, and the cavalry drew back. A
second time they charged, and were supported by some infantry
detachments, which had now come up. It ended in a hand-to-hand fight;
and eventually the enemy gave way. On the field lay dead some
Sicyonians, and of the Pellenians many a good man. In record of the
feat the Phliasians began to raise a trophy, as well they might; and
loud and clear the paean rang. As to the Theban and Euphron, they and
all their men stood by and stared at the proceedings, like men who had
raced to see a sight. After all was over the one party retired to
Sicyon and the other withdrew into their city.
[12] B.C. 367 (or 366).
[13] Lit. "above the Heraion" (where his main body lay).
That too was another noble exploit of the Phliasians, when they took
the Pellenian Proxenus prisoner and, although suffering from scarcity
at the time, sent him back without a ransom. "As generous as brave,"
such is their well-earned title who were capable of such performance.
The heroic resolution with which these men maintained their loyalty to
their friends is manifest. When excluded from the fruits of their own
soil, they contrived to live, partly by helping themselves from the
enemy's territory, partly by purchasing from Corinth, though to reach
that market they must run the gauntlet of a thousand risks; and having
reached it their troubles began afresh. There were difficulties in
providing the requisite sum, difficulties in arranging with the
purveyors, and it was barely possible to find sureties for the very
beasts which should carry home their marketing. They had reached the
depth of despair, and were absolutely at a loss what to do, when they
arranged with Chares to escort their convoy. Once safe inside Phlius,
they begged him to help them to convey their useless and sick folk to
Pellene.[14] These they left at that place; and after making purchases
and packing as many beasts of burthen as they could, they set off to
return in the night, not in ignorance that they would be laid in wait
for by the enemy, but persuaded that the want of provisions was a
worse evil than mere fighting.
[14] What is the date of this incident? See above, "Hell." VII. ii. 3;
below VII. iv. 17.
The men of Phlius pushed forward with Chares; presently they stumbled
on the enemy and at once grappled to their work. Pressing hard on the
foe, they called cheerily to one another, and shouted at the same time
to Chares to bring up his aid. In short, the victory was theirs; and
the enemy was driven off the road; and so they got themselves and
their supplies safely home. The long night-watching superinduced sleep
which lasted well into the next day. But Chares was no sooner out of
bed then he was accosted by the cavalry and the pick of the heavy
infantry with the following appeal: "Chares, to-day you have it in
your power to perform the noblest deed of arms. The Sicyonians are
fortifying an outpost on our borders, they have plenty of stone-masons
but a mere handful of hoplites. We the knights of Phlius and we the
flower of our infantry force will lead the way; and you shall follow
after with your mercenaries. Perhaps when you appear on the scene you
will find the whole thing finished, or perhaps your coming will send
the enemy flying, as happened at Pellene. If you do not like the sound
of these proposals, sacrifice and take counsel of the gods. Our belief
is that the gods will bid you yet more emphatically than we to take
this step. Only this, Chares, you must well consider, that if you do
take it you will have established an outpost on the enemy's frontier;
you will have saved from perdition a friendly city; you will win
eternal glory in your own fatherland; and among friends and foes alike
no name will be heralded with louder praise than that of Chares."
Chares was persuaded, and proceeded to offer sacrifice. Meanwhile the
Phliasian cavalry were donning their breastplates and bridling their
horses, and the heavy infantry made every preparation for the march.
Then they took their arms, fell into line, and tramped off to the
place of sacrifice. Chares with the soothsayer stepped forward to meet
them, announcing that the victims were favourable. "Only wait for us,"
they exclaimed; "we will sally forth with you at once." The heralds'
cry "To arms!" was sounded, and with a zeal which was almost
miraculous the mercenaries themselves rushed out. As soon as Chares
began the march, the Phliasian cavalry and infantry got in front of
him. At first they led off at a smart pace; presently they began to
bowl[15] along more quickly, and finally the cavalry were tearing over
the ground might and main, whilst the infantry, at the greatest pace
compatible with keeping their ranks, tore after them; and behind them,
again, came Chares zealously following up in their rear. There only
remained a brief interval of daylight before the sun went down, and
they came upon the enemy in the fortress, some washing, some cooking a
savoury meal, others kneading their bread, others making their beds.
These, when they saw the vehemence of the attack, at once, in utter
panic, took to flight, leaving behind all their provisions for the
brave fellows who took their place. They, as their reward, made a fine
supper off these stores and others which had come from home, pouring
out libations for their good fortune and chanting the battle-hymn;
after which they posted pickets for the night and slumbered well. The
messenger with the news of their success at Thyamia arrived at Corinth
in the night. The citizens of that state with hearty friendship at
once ordered out by herald all the oxen and beasts of burthen, which
they loaded with food and brought to Phlius; and all the while the
fortress was building day by day these convoys of food were duly
despatched.
[15] See "Anab." VII. iii. 46.
III
But on this topic enough, perhaps, has been said to demonstrate the
loyalty of the men of Phlius to their friends, their bravery in war,
and, lastly, their steadfastness in maintaining their alliance in
spite of famine.
B.C. 367-366. It seems to have been somewhere about this date that
Aeneas the Stymphalian,[1] who had become general of the Arcadians,
finding that the state of affairs in Sicyon was intolerable, marched
up with his army into the acropolis. Here he summoned a meeting of the
Sicyonian aristocrats already within the walls, and sent to fetch
those others who had been banished without a decree of the people.[2]
Euphron, taking fright at these proceedings, fled for safety to the
harbour-town of Sicyon. Hither he summoned Pasimelus from Corinth, and
by his instrumentality handed over the harbour to the Lacedaemonians.
Once more reappearing in his old character, he began to pose as an
ally of Sparta. He asserted that his fidelity to Lacedaemon had never
been interrupted; for when the votes were given in the city whether
Sicyon should give up her allegiance to Lacedaemon, "I, with one or
two others," said he, "voted against the measure; but afterwards these
people betrayed me, and in my desire to avenge myself on them I set up
a democracy. At present all traitors to yourselves are banished--I
have seen to that. If only I could get the power into my own hands, I
would go over to you, city and all, at once. All that I can do at
present, I have done; I have surrendered to you this harbour." That
was what Euphron said to his audience there, but of the many who heard
his words, how many really believed his words is by no means evident.
However, since I have begun the story of Euphron, I desire to bring it
to its close.
[1] Is this man the famous writer {o taktikos}, a portion of whose
works, the "Treatise on Siege Operations," has been preserved
[recently re-edited by Arnold Hug--"Commentarius Poliorceticus,"
Lips. Trubner, 1884]? So Casaubon supposed. Cf. "Com. Pol." 27,
where the writer mentions {paneia} as the Arcadian term for
"panics." Readers of the "Anabasis" will recollect the tragic end
of another Aeneas, also of Stymphalus, an Arcadian officer. On the
official title {strategos} (general), Freeman ("Hist. Fed. Gov."
204) notes that "at the head of the whole League there seems to
have been, as in so many other cases, a single Federal general."
Cf. Diod. xv. 62.
[2] See above, VII. i. 46.
Faction and party strife ran high in Sicyon between the better classes
and the people, when Euphron, getting a body of foreign troops from
Athens, once more obtained his restoration. The city, with the help of
the commons, he was master of, but the Theban governor held the
citadel. Euphron, perceiving that he would never be able to dominate
the state whilst the Thebans held the acropolis, collected money and
set off to Thebes, intending to persuade the Thebans to expel the
aristocrats and once again to hand over the city to himself. But the
former exiles, having got wind of this journey of his, and of the
whole intrigue, set off themselves to Thebes in front of him.[3] When,
however, they saw the terms of intimacy on which he associated with
the Theban authorities, in terror of his succeeding in his mission
some of them staked their lives on the attempt and stabbed Euphron in
the Cadmeia, where the magistrates and senate were seated. The
magistrates, indeed, could not but indict the perpetrators of the deed
before the senate, and spoke as follows:
[3] Or, "on an opposition journey."
"Fellow-citizens, it is our duty to arraign these murderers of
Euphron, the men before you, on the capital charge. Mankind may be
said to fall into two classes: there are the wise and temperate,[4]
who are incapable of any wrong and unhallowed deed; and there are the
base, the bad, who do indeed such things, but try to escape the notice
of their fellows. The men before you are exceptional. They have so far
exceeded all the rest of men in audacity and foul villiany that, in
the very presence of the magistrates and of yourselves, who alone have
the power of life and death, they have taken the law into their own
hands,[5] and have slain this man. But they stand now before the bar
of justice, and they must needs pay the extreme penalty; for, if you
spare them, what visitor will have courage to approach the city? Nay,
what will become of the city itself, if license is to be given to any
one who chooses to murder those who come here, before they have even
explained the object of their visit? It is our part, then, to
prosecute these men as arch-villains and miscreants, whose contempt
for law and justice is only matched by the supreme indifference with
which they treat this city. It is your part, now that you have heard
the charges, to impose upon them that penalty which seems to be the
measure of their guilt."
[4] Lit. "the sound of soul."
[5] Or, "they have been judge and jury both, and executioners to
boot."
Such were the words of the magistrates. Among the men thus accused,
all save one denied immediate participation in the act. It was not
their hands that had dealt the blow. This one not only confessed the
deed, but made a defence in words somewhat as follows:
"As to treating you with indifference, men of Thebes, that is not
possible for a man who knows that with you lies the power to deal with
him as you list. Ask rather on what I based my confidence when I slew
the man; and be well assured that, in the first place, I based it on
the conviction that I was doing right; next, that your verdict will
also be right and just. I knew assuredly how you dealt with Archias[6]
and Hypates and that company whom you detected in conduct similar to
that of Euphron: you did not stay for formal voting, but at the first
opportunity within your reach you guided the sword of vengeance,
believing that by the verdict of mankind a sentence of death had
already been passed against the conspicuously profane person, the
manifest traitor, and him who lays to his hand to become a tyrant.
See, then, what follows. Euphron was liable on each of these several
counts: he was a conspicuously profane person, who took into his
keeping temples rich in votive offerings of gold and silver, and swept
them bare of their sacred treasures; he was an arrant traitor--for
what treason could be more manifest than Euphron's? First he was the
bosom friend of Lacedaemon, but presently chose you in their stead;
and, after exchange of solemn pledges between yourselves and him, once
more turned round and played the traitor to you, and delivered up the
harbour to your enemies. Lastly, he was most undisguisedly a tyrant,
who made not free men only, but free fellow-citizens his slaves; who
put to death, or drove into exile, or robbed of their wealth and
property, not malefactors, note you, but the mere victims of his whim
and fancy; and these were ever the better folk. Once again restored by
the help of your sworn foes and antagonists, the Athenians, to his
native town of Sicyon, the first thing he did was to take up arms
against the governor from Thebes; but, finding himself powerless to
drive him from the acropolis, he collected money and betook himself
hither. Now, if it were proved that he had mustered armed bands to
attack you, I venture to say, you would have thanked me that I slew
him. What then, when he came furnished with vile moneys, to corrupt
you therewith, to bribe you to make him once more lord and master of
the state? How shall I, who dealt justice upon him, justly suffer
death at your hands? For to be worsted in arms implies injury
certainly, but of the body only: the defeated man is not proved to be
dishonest by his loss of victory. But he who is corrupted by filthy
lucre, contrary to the standard of what is best,[7] is at once injured
and involved in shame.
[6] See above, V. iv. 2.
[7] Or, as we should say, "in violation of conscience."
"Now if he had been your friend, however much he was my national foe,
I do confess it had been scarce honourable of me to have stabbed him
to death in your presence: but why, I should like to ask, should the
man who betrayed you be less your enemy than mine? 'Ah, but,' I hear
some one retort, 'he came of his own accord.' I presume, sir, you mean
that had he chanced to be slain by somebody at a distance from your
state, that somebody would have won your praise; but now, on the
ground that he came back here to work mischief on the top of mischief,
'he had the right to live'![8] In what part of Hellas, tell me, sir,
do Hellenes keep a truce with traitors, double-dyed deserters, and
tyrants? Moreover, I must remind you that you passed a resolution--if
I mistake not, it stands recorded in your parliamentary minutes--that
'renegades are liable to be apprehended[9] in any of the allied
cities.' Now, here is a renegade restoring himself without any common
decree of the allied states: will any one tell me on what ground this
person did not deserve to die? What I maintain, sirs, is that if you
put me to death, by so doing you will be aiding and abetting your
bitterest foe; while, by a verdict sanctioning the justice of my
conduct, you will prove your willingness to protect the interests not
of yourselves only, but of the whole body of your allies."
[8] Or, "he was wrongfully slain."
[9] For this right of extradition see Plut. "Lys." xxvii.
The Thebans on hearing these pleadings decided that Euphron had only
suffered the fate which he deserved. His own countrymen, however,
conveyed away the body with the honours due to a brave and good man,
and buried him in the market-place, where they still pay pious
reverence to his memory as "a founder of the state." So strictly, it
would seem, do the mass of mankind confine the term brave and good to
those who are the benefactors of themselves.
IV
B.C. 366. And so ends the history of Euphron. I return to the point
reached at the commencement of this digression.[1] The Phliasians were
still fortifying Thyamia, and Chares was still with them, when
Oropus[2] was seized by the banished citizens of that place. The
Athenians in consequence despatched an expedition in full force to the
point of danger, and recalled Chares from Thyamia; whereupon the
Sicyonians and the Arcadians seized the opportunity to recapture the
harbour of Sicyon. Meanwhile the Athenians, forced to act single-
handed, with none of their allies to assist them, retired from Oropus,
leaving that town in the hands of the Thebans as a deposit till the
case at issue could be formally adjudicated.
[1] See above, VII. ii. 23; iii. 3; Diod. xv. 76.
[2] See Thuc. viii. 60.
Now Lycomedes[3] had discovered that the Athenians were harbouring a
grievance against her allies, as follows:--They felt it hard that,
while Athens was put to vast trouble on their account, yet in her need
not a man among them stepped forward to render help. Accordingly he
persuaded the assembly of Ten Thousand to open negotiations with
Athens for the purpose of forming an alliance.[4] At first some of the
Athenians were vexed that they, being friends of Lacedaemon, should
become allied to her opponents; but on further reflection they
discovered it was no less desirable for the Lacedaemonians than for
themselves that the Arcadians should become independent of Thebes.
That being so, they were quite ready to accept an Arcadian alliance.
Lycomedes himself was still engaged on this transaction when, taking
his departure from Athens, he died, in a manner which looked like
divine intervention.
[3] See above, VII. i. 23.
[4] This proves that "the Ten Thousand made war and peace in the name
of all Arkadia"; cf. "Hell." VII. i. 38; Diod. xv. 59. "They
received and listened to the ambassadors of other Greek states";
Demosth. "F. L." 220. "They regulated and paid the standing army
of the Federation"; "Hell." VII. iv. 22, 23; Diod. xv. 62. "They
sat in judgment on political offenders against the collective
majority of the Arkadian League"; "Hell." VII. iv. 33; Freeman,
"Hist. Fed. Gov." 203, note 1.
Out of the many vessels at his service he had chosen the one he liked
best, and by the terms of contract was entitled to land at any point
he might desire; but for some reason, selected the exact spot where a
body of Mantinean exiles lay. Thus he died; but the alliance on which
he had set his heart was already consummated.
Now an argument was advanced by Demotion[5] in the Assembly of Athens,
approving highly of the friendship with the Arcadians, which to his
mind was an excellent thing, but arguing that the generals should be
instructed to see that Corinth was kept safe for the Athenian people.
The Corinthians, hearing this, lost no time in despatching garrisons
of their own large enough to take the place of the Athenian garrisons
at any point where they might have them, with orders to these latter
to retire: "We have no further need of foreign garrisons," they said.
The garrisons did as they were bid.
[5] Of Demotion nothing more, I think, is known. Grote ("H. G." x.
397) says: "The public debates of the Athenian assembly were not
favourable to the success of a scheme like that proposed by
Demotion, to which secrecy was indispensable. Compare another
scheme" (the attempted surprise of Mitylene, B.C. 428), "divulged
in like manner, in Thuc. iii. 3."
As soon as the Athenian garrison troops were met together in the city
of Corinth, the Corinthian authorities caused proclamation to be made
inviting all Athenians who felt themselves wronged to enter their
names and cases upon a list, and they would recover their dues. While
things were in this state, Chares arrived at Cenchreae with a fleet.
Learning what had been done, he told them that he had heard there were
designs against the state of Corinth, and had come to render
assistance. The authorities, while thanking him politely for his zeal,
were not any the more ready to admit the vessels into the harbour, but
bade him sail away; and after rendering justice to the infantry
troops, they sent them away likewise. Thus the Athenians were quit of
Corinth. To the Arcadians, to be sure, they were forced by the terms
of their alliance to send an auxiliary force of cavalry, "in case of
any foreign attack upon Arcadia." At the same time they were careful
not to set foot on Laconian soil for the purposes of war.
The Corinthians had begun to realise on how slender a thread their
political existence hung. They were overmastered by land still as
ever, with the further difficulty of Athenian hostility, or quasi-
hostility, now added. They resolved to collect bodies of mercenary
troops, both infantry and horse. At the head of these they were able
at once to guard their state and to inflict much injury on their
neighbouring foes. To Thebes, indeed, they sent ambassadors to
ascertain whether they would have any prospect of peace if they came
to seek it. The Thebans bade them come: "Peace they should have."
Whereupon the Corinthians asked that they might be allowed to visit
their allies; in making peace they would like to share it with those
who cared for it, and would leave those who preferred war to war. This
course also the Thebans sanctioned; and so the Corinthians came to
Lacedaemon and said:
"Men of Lacedaemon, we, your friends, are here to present a petition,
and on this wise. If you can discover any safety for us whilst we
persist in warlike courses, we beg that you will show it us; but if
you recognise the hopelessness of our affairs, we would, in that case,
proffer this alternative: if peace is alike conducive to your
interests, we beg that you would join us in making peace, since there
is no one with whom we would more gladly share our safety than with
you; if, on the other hand, you are persuaded that war is more to your
interest, permit us at any rate to make peace for ourselves. So saved
to-day, perhaps we may live to help you in days to come; whereas, if
to-day we be destroyed, plainly we shall never at any time be
serviceable again."
The Lacedaemonians, on hearing these proposals, counselled the
Corinthians to arrange a peace on their own account; and as for the
rest of their allies, they permitted any who did not care to continue
the war along with them to take a respite and recruit themselves. "As
for ourselves," they said, "we will go on fighting and accept whatever
Heaven has in store for us,"--adding, "never will we submit to be
deprived of our territory of Messene, which we received as an heirloom
from our fathers."[6]
[6] See Isocr. "Or." vi. "Archidamos," S. 70; Jebb, "Att. Or." ii.
193.
Satisfied with this answer, the Corinthians set off to Thebes in quest
of peace. The Thebans, indeed, asked them to agree on oath, not to
peace only but an alliance; to which they answered: "An alliance
meant, not peace, but merely an exchange of war. If they liked, they
were ready there and then," they repeated, "to establish a just and
equitable peace." And the Thebans, admiring the manner in which,
albeit in danger, they refused to undertake war against their
benefactors, conceded to them and the Phliasians and the rest who came
with them to Thebes, peace on the principle that each should hold
their own territory. On these terms the oaths were taken.
Thereupon the Phliasians, in obedience to the compact, at once retired
from Thyamia; but the Argives, who had taken the oath of peace on
precisely the same terms, finding that they were unable to procure the
continuance of the Phliasian exiles in the Trikaranon as a point held
within the limits of Argos,[7] took over and garrisoned the place,
asserting now that this land was theirs--land which only a little
while before they were ravaging as hostile territory. Further, they
refused to submit the case to arbitration in answer to the challenge
of the Phliasians.
[7] Or, "as a post held by them within the territory of the state."
The passage is perhaps corrupt.
It was nearly at the same date that the son of Dionysius[8] (his
father, Dionysius the first, being already dead) sent a reinforcement
to Lacedaemon of twelve triremes under Timocrates, who on his arrival
helped the Lacedaemonians to recover Sellasia, and after that exploit
sailed away home.
[8] Concerning Dionysius the first, see above, VII. i. 20 foll. 28.
B.C. 366-365. Not long after this the Eleians seized Lasion,[9] a
place which in old days was theirs, but at present was attached to the
Arcadian league. The Arcadians did not make light of the matter, but
immediately summoned their troops and rallied to the rescue. Counter-
reliefs came also on the side of Elis--their Three Hundred, and again
their Four Hundred.[10] The Eleians lay encamped during the day face
to face with the invader, but on a somewhat more level position. The
Arcadians were thereby induced under cover of night to mount on to the
summit of the hill overhanging the Eleians, and at day-dawn they began
their descent upon the enemy. The Eleians soon caught sight of the
enemy advancing from the vantage ground above them, many times their
number; but a sense of shame forbade retreat at such a distance.
Presently they came to close quarters; there was a hand-to-hand
encounter; the Eleians turned and fled; and in retiring down the
difficult ground lost many men and many arms.
[9] See above, VII. i. 26; Freeman, "Hist. Fed. Gov." p. 201.
[10] From the sequel it would appear that the former were a picked
corps of infantry and the latter of cavalry. See Thuc. ii. 25;
Busolt, op. cit. p. 175 foll.
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