History of Louisisana
by
Le Page Du Pratz
Part 1 out of 8
Produced by Stan Goodman and Distributed Proofreaders
THE HISTORY OF LOUISIANA,
OR OF THE WESTERN PARTS
OF VIRGINIA AND CAROLINA:
Containing a DESCRIPTION
of the Countries
that lie on both Sides
of the River Missisippi:
With an ACCOUNT of the
SETTLEMENTS,
INHABITANTS,
SOIL,
CLIMATE,
AND
PRODUCTS.
Translated from the FRENCH
Of M. LE PAGE Du PRATZ;
With some Notes and Observations
relating to our Colonies.
Foreword
Antoine Simon Le Page Du Pratz was a Dutchman, as his birth in Holland
about 1695 apparently proves. He died in 1775, just where available
records do not tell us, but the probabilities are that he died in
France, for it is said he entered the French Army, serving with the
Dragoons, and saw service in Germany. While there is some speculation
about all the foregoing, there can be no speculation about the
statement that on May 25, 1718 he left La Rochelle, France, in one of
three ships bound for a place called Louisiana.
For M. Le Page tells us about this in a three-volume work he wrote
called, Histoire de la Louisiane, recognized as the authority to be
consulted by all who have written on the early history of New Orleans
and the Louisiana province.
Le Page, who arrived in Louisiana August 25, 1718, three months after
leaving La Rochelle, spent four months at Dauphin Island before he and
his men made their way to Bayou St. John where he set up a plantation.
He had at last reached New Orleans, which he correctly states,
"existed only in name," and had to occupy an old lodge once used by an
Acolapissa Indian. The young settler, he was only about 23 at the
time, after arranging his shelter tells us: "A few days afterwards I
purchased from a neighbour a native female slave, so as to have a
woman to cook for us. My slave and I could not speak each other's
language; but I made myself understood by means of signs." This slave,
a girl of the Chitimacha tribe, remained with Le Page for years, and
one draws the inference that she was possessed of a vigorous
personality, and was not devoid of charm or bravery. Le Page writes
that when frightened by an alligator approaching his camp fire, he ran
to the lodge for his gun. However, the Indian girl calmly picked up a
stick and hammered the 'gator so lustily on its nose that it
retreated. As Le Page arrived with his gun, ready to shoot "the
monster," he tells us: "She began to smile, and said many things which
I did not comprehend, but she made me understand by signs, that there
was no occasion for a gun to kill such a beast."
It is unfortunate, for the purpose of sociological study, that this
Indian girl appears so infrequently in the many accounts Le Page has
left us in his highly interesting studies of early Louisiana and its
original inhabitants. He does not even tell us the Indian girl's name.
We are told that after living on the banks of Bayou St. John for about
two years, he left for the bluff lands of the Natchez country. His
Indian girl decided she would go with him, as she had relatives there.
Hearing of her plan, her old father offered to buy her back from Le
Page. The Chitimacha girl, however, refused to leave her master,
whereupon, the Indian father performed a rite of his tribe, which made
her the ward of the white man--a simple ceremony of joining hands.
Le Page spent eight years among the Natchez and what he wrote about
them--their lives, their customs, their ceremonials--has been
acknowledged to be the best and most accurate accounts we have of
these original inhabitants of Louisiana. He has left us, in his
splendid history, much information on the other Indian tribes of the
lower Mississippi River country.
Antoine Simon Le Page Du Pratz tells us he spent sixteen years in
Louisiana before returning to France in 1734. They were years well
spent--to judge by what he wrote.
As it was written and published in the French language, Le Page's
history proved in many instances to be a tantalizing casket of
historical treasure that could not be opened by those who had not
mastered French. The original edition, published in Paris in 1758, a
score of years after the author landed in New Orleans, was followed in
1763 by a two-volume edition in English, and eleven years later in
1774, by a one-volume edition in English, entitled: "The History of
Louisiana, or of the Western Parts of Virginia and Carolina." The
texts in the English editions are identical.
Fortunately, early historians who could not read the French edition,
were now able to read M. Le Page's accounts of his adventures in the
New World. Unfortunately, especially for present day historians, the
English editions have become increasingly rare--many libraries do not
have them on their shelves. Therefore, the present re-publication
fills a long-felt want.
The English translation, with its added matter, is reproduced exactly
as it was printed for T. Becket to be sold in his shop at the corner
of the Adelphi in the Strand, London, 1774. Errors of grammar and
spelling are not corrected. The only change is the modernizing of the
old _s_'s which look like _f_'s.
The present edition is really two works in one, for the English
translation did not include any of the original edition's many
illustrations. The London books did have two folding maps, one of the
Louisiana province, the other of the country about the mouths of the
Mississippi River. Not only are these maps reproduced in the present
work, but in addition, all the other illustrations, including the rare
map of New Orleans, appearing in the original French edition, are
included. These quaint engravings of the birds, the beasts, the
flowers, the shrubs, the trees, fish, the deer and buffalo hunts, and
the habits and customs of the Natchez Indians, add much to the value
of the present re-publication. I have captioned them with present-day
names of the flora and fauna.
STANLEY CLISBY ARTHUR.
(_Mr. Arthur is a naturalist, historian and writer, and
executive-director of the Louisiana State Museum.--J. S. W.
Harmanson, Publisher_.)
CONTENTS
Preface
BOOK I.
The Transactions of the French in Louisiana.
CHAP. I.
Of the first Discovery and Settlement of Louisiana
CHAP. II.
The Return of M. de St. Denis: His settling the Spaniards
at the Assinais. His second Journey to Mexico, and Return
from thence
CHAP. III.
Embarkation of eight hundred Men by the West-India Company
to Louisiana. Arrival and Stay at Cape Francois. Arrival
at the Isle Dauphine. Description of that Island
CHAP. IV.
The Author's Departure for his Grant. Description of the
Places he passed through, as far as New Orleans
CHAP. V.
The Author put in Possession of his Territory. His
Resolution to go and settle among the Natchez
CHAP. VI.
The Voyage of the Author to Biloxi. Description of that
Place. Settlement of Grants. The Author discovers two
Copper Mines. His Return to the Natchez
CHAP. VII.
First War with the Natchez. Cause of the War
CHAP. VIII.
The Governor surprized the Natchez with seven hundred
Men. Astonishing Cures performed by the Natives. The
Author sends upwards of three hundred Simples to the
Company
CHAP. IX.
French Settlements, or Posts. Post at Mobile. The Mouths
of the Missisippi. The Situation and Description of New
Orleans
CHAP. X.
The Voyages of the French to the Missouris, Canzas, and
Padoucas. The Settlements they in vain attempted to make
in those Countries; with a Description of an extraordinary
Phaenomenon
CHAP. XI.
The War with the Chitimachas. The Conspiracy of the Negroes
against the French. Their Execution
CHAP. XII.
The War of the Natchez. Massacre of the French in 1729.
Extirpation of the Natchez in 1730
CHAP. XIII.
The War with the Chicasaws. The first Expedition by the
River Mobile. The second by the River Missisippi. The War
with the Chactaws terminated by the Prudence of M. de
Vaudreuil
CHAP. XIV.
Reflections on what gives Occasion to Wars in Louisiana.
The Means of avoiding Wars in that Province, as also the
Manner of coming off with Advantage and little Expence in
them
CHAP. XV.
Pensacola taken by Surprize by the French. Retaken by the
Spaniards. Again retaken by the French, and demolished
BOOK II.
Of the Country and its Products.
CHAP. I.
Geographical Description of Louisiana. Its climate
Description of the Lower Louisiana, and the Mouths of the
Missisippi.
CHAP. II.
The Author's journey in Louisiana, from the Natchez to the
River St. Francis, and the Country of the Chicasaws
CHAP. III.
The Nature of the Lands of Louisiana. The Lands on the
Coast.
CHAP. IV.
Quality of the Lands above the Fork. A Quarry of Stone
for building. High Lands to the East: Their vast Fertility.
West Coast: West Lands: Saltpetre
CHAP. V.
Quality of the Lands of the Red River. Posts of
Nachitoches. A Silver Mine. Lands of the Black River
CHAP. VI.
A Brook of salt Water: Salt Lakes. Lands of the River
of the Arkansas. Red-veined Marble: Slate: Plaster.
Hunting the Buffalo. The dry Sand-banks in the Missisippi
CHAP. VII.
The Lands of the River St. Francis. Mine of Marameg, and
other Mines. A Lead Mine. A soft Stone, resembling
Porphyry. Lands of the Missouri. The Lands North of the
Wabache. The Lands of the Illinois. De La Mothe's Mine,
and other Mines
CHAP. VIII.
Of the Agriculture, or Manner of cultivating, ordering,
and manufacturing the Commodities that are proper
Articles of Commerce. Of the Culture of Maiz, Rice, and
other Fruits of the Country. Of the Silk Worm
CHAP. IX.
Of Indigo, Tobacco, Cotton, Wax, Hops, and Saffron
CHAP. X.
Of the Commerce that is, and may be carried on in
Louisiana. Of the Commodities which that Province
may furnish in Return for those of Europe. Of the
Commerce of Louisiana with the Isles
CHAP. XI.
Of the Commerce with the Spaniards. The Commodities
they bring to the Colony, if there is a Demand for
them. Of such as may be given in Return, and may suit
them. Reflections on the Commerce of this Province,
and the great Advantages which the State and
particular Persons may derive therefrom
Some Abstracts from the Historical Memoirs of Louisiana,
by M. Dumont.
I. Of Tobacco, with the Way of cultivating and curing it
II. Of the Way of making Indigo
III. Of Tar; the Way of making it; and of making it into
pitch
IV. Of the Mines of Louisiana
Extract from a late French Writer, concerning the Importance
of Louisiana to France
BOOK III.
The Natural History of Louisiana.
CHAP. I.
Of Corn and Pulse
CHAP. II.
Of the Fruit Trees of Louisiana
CHAP. III.
Of Forest Trees
CHAP. IV.
Of Shrubs and Excrescences
CHAP. V.
Of Creeping Plants
CHAP. VI.
Of the Quadrupedes
CHAP. VII.
Of Birds and flying Insects
CHAP. VIII.
Of Fishes and Shell-Fish
BOOK IV.
Of the Natives of Louisiana.
CHAP. I.
The Origin of the Americans
CHAP. II.
An Account of the several Nations of Louisiana
SECT. I.
Of the Nations inhabiting on the East of the Missisippi
SECT. II.
Of the Nations inhabiting on the West of the Missisippi
CHAP. III.
A Description of the Natives of Louisiana; of their
Manners and Customs, particularly those of the Natchez:
Of their Language, their Religion, Ceremonies, Rulers,
or Suns, Feasts, Marriages, &c
SECT. I.
A Description of the Natives; the different Employments
of the two Sexes; and their Manner of bringing up their
Children
SECT. II.
Of the Language, Government, Religion, Ceremonies, and
Feasts of the Natives
SECT. III.
Of their Marriages, and Distinction of Ranks
SECT. IV.
Of the Temples, Tombs, Burials, and other religious
Ceremonies of the People of Louisiana
SECT. V.
Of the Arts and Manufactures of the Natives
SECT. VI.
Of the Attire and Diversions of the Natives: Of their
Meals and Fastings
SECT. VII.
Of the Indian Art of War
CHAP. IV.
Of the Negroes of Louisiana
SECT. I.
Of the Choice of Negroes; of their Distempers, and the
Manner of curing them
SECT. II.
Of the Manner of governing the Negroes
INDEX
List of Illustrations
Indian in Summer Time
Indian in Winter Time
Indian Woman and Daughter
Plan of New Orleans, 1720
Beaver, Beaver lodge, Beaver dam
Indians of the North Leaving in the Winter with their
Families for a Hunt
Indigo
Cotton and Rice on the Stalk
Appalachean Beans. Sweet Potatoes
Watermelon
Pawpaw. Blue Whortle-berry
Sweet Gum or Liquid-Amber
Cypress
Magnolia
Sassafras
Myrtle Wax Tree. Vinegar Tree
Poplar ("Cotton Tree")
Black Oak
Linden or Bass Tree
Box Elder or Stink-wood Tree
Cassine or Yapon. Tooth-ache Tree or Prickly Ash
Passion Thorn or Honey Locust. Bearded Creeper
Palmetto
Bramble, Sarsaparilla
Rattlesnake Herb
Red Dye Plant. Flat Root
Panther or Catamount. Bison or Buffalo
Indian Deer Hunt
Wild Cat. Opossum. Skunk
Alligator. Rattle Snake. Green Snake
Pelican. Wood Stock
Flying Squirrel. Roseate Spoonbill. Snowy Heron
White Ibis. Tobacco Worm. Cock Roach
Cat Fish. Gar Fish. Spoonbill Catfish
Indian Buffalo Hunt on Foot
Dance of the Natchez Indians
Burial of the Stung Serpent
Bringing the Pipe of Peace
Torture of Prisoners. Plan of Fort
{i}
PREFACE
The History of Louisiana, which we here present to the public, was
wrote by a planter of sixteen years experience in that country, who
had likewise the advantage of being overseer or director of the public
plantations, both when they belonged to the company, and afterwards
when they fell to the crown; by which means he had the best
opportunities of knowing the nature of the soil and climate, and what
they produce, or what improvements they are likely to admit of; a
thing in which this nation is, without doubt, highly concerned and
interested. And when our author published this history in 1758, he had
likewise the advantage, not only of the accounts of F. Charlevoix, and
others, but of the Historical Memoirs of Louisiana, published at Paris
in 1753, by Mr. Dumont, an officer who resided two-and-twenty years in
the country, and was personally concerned and acquainted with many of
the transactions in it; from whom we have extracted some passages, to
render this account more complete.
But whatever opportunities our author had of gaining a knowledge of
his subject, it must be owned, that he made his accounts of it very
perplexed. By endeavoring to take in every thing, he descends to many
trifles; and by dwelling too long on a subject, he comes to render it
obscure, by being prolix in things which hardly relate to what he
treats of. He interrupts the thread of his discourse with private
anecdotes, long harangues, and tedious narrations, which have little
or no relation to the subject, and are of much less consequence to the
reader. The want of method and order throughout the whole work is
still more apparent; and that, joined to these digressions, renders
his accounts, however just and interesting, so tedious and irksome to
read, and at the same time so indistinct, that few seem to have reaped
the benefit of them. For these reasons it was necessary to methodize
the whole work; to abridge some parts of it; and to leave out many
things that appear to be trifling. This we have endeavored to do in
the translation, by reducing the whole work to four general heads or
books; and {ii} by bringing the several subjects treated of, the
accounts of which lie scattered up and down in different parts of the
original, under these their proper heads; so that the connection
between them, and the accounts of any one subject, may more easily
appear.
This, it is presumed, will appear to be a subject of no small
consequence and importance to this nation, especially at this time.
The countries here treated of, have not only by right always belonged
to Great-Britain, but part of them is now acknowledged to it by the
former usurpers: and it is to be hoped, that the nation may now reap
some advantages from those countries, on which it has expended so many
millions; which there is no more likely way to do, than by making them
better known in the first place, and by learning from the experience
of others, what they do or are likely to produce, that may turn to
account to the nation.
It has been generally suspected, that this nation has suffered much,
from the want of a due knowledge of her dominions in America, which we
should endeavor to prevent for the future. If that may be said of any
part of America, it certainly may of those countries, which have been
called by the French Louisiana. They have not only included under that
name all the western parts of Virginia and Carolina; and thereby
imagined, that they had, from this nominal title, a just right to
those antient dominions of the crown of Britain: but what is of worse
consequence perhaps, they have equally deceived and imposed upon many,
by the extravagant hopes and unreasonable expectations they had formed
to themselves, of the vast advantages they were to reap from those
countries, as soon as they had usurped them; which when they came to
be disappointed in, they ran from one extreme to another, and
condemned the country as good for nothing, because it did not answer
the extravagant hopes they had conceived of it; and we seem to be
misled by their prejudices, and to be drawn into mistakes by their
artifice or folly. Because the Missisippi scheme failed in 1719, every
other reasonable scheme of improving that country, and of reaping any
advantage from it, must do the same. It is to wipe off these
prejudices, that the following account of these countries, which
appears to be both {iii} just and reasonable, and agreeable to every
thing we know of America, may be the more necessary.
We have been long ago told by F. Charlevoix, from whence it is, that
many people have formed a contemptible opinion of this country that
lies on and about the Missisippi. They are misled, says he, by the
relations of some seafaring people, and others, who are no manner of
judges of such things, and have never seen any part of the country but
the coast side, about Mobile, and the mouths of the Mississippi; which
our author here tells us is as dismal to appearance, the only thing
those people are capable of judging of, as the interior parts of the
country, which they never saw, are delightful, fruitful, and inviting.
They tell us, besides, that the country is unhealthful; because there
happens to be a marsh at the mouth of the Missisippi, (and what river
is there without one?) which they imagine must be unhealthful, rather
than that they know it to be so; not considering, that all the coast
both of North and South America is the same; and not knowing, that the
whole continent, above this single part on the coast, is the most
likely, from its situation, and has been found by all the experience
that has been had of it, to be the most healthy part of all North
America in the same climates, as will abundantly appear from the
following and all other accounts.
To give a general view of those countries, we should consider them as
they are naturally divided into four parts; 1. The sea coast; 2. The
Lower Louisiana, or western part of Carolina; 3. The Upper Louisiana,
or western part of Virginia; and 4, the river Missisippi.
I. The sea coast is the same with all the rest of the coast of North
America to the southward of New York, and indeed from thence to Mexico,
as far as we are acquainted with it. It is all a low flat sandy beach,
and the soil for some twenty or thirty miles distance from the shore,
more or less, is all a _pine barren_, as it is called, or a sandy
desart; with few or no good ports or harbours on the coast, especially
in all those southern parts of America, from Chesapeak bay to Mexico.
But however barren this coast is in other respects, it is entirely
covered with tall pines, which afford great store of pitch, tar, and
turpentine. {iv} These pines likewise make good masts for ships; which I
have known to last for twenty odd years, when it is well known, that our
common masts of New England white pine will often decay in three or four
years. These masts were of that kind that is called the pitch pine, and
lightwood pine; of which I knew a ship built that ran for sixteen years,
when her planks of this pine were as sound and rather harder than at
first, although her oak timbers were rotten. The cypress, of which there
is such plenty in the swamps on this coast, is reckoned to be equally
serviceable, if not more so, both for masts (of which it would afford
the largest of any tree that we know), and for ship building. And ships
might be built of both these timbers for half the price perhaps of any
others, both on account of the vast plenty of them, and of their being
so easily worked.
In most parts of these coasts likewise, especially about the
Missisippi, there is great plenty of cedars and ever-green oaks; which
make the best ships of any that are built in North America. And we
suspect it is of these cedars and the American cypress, that the
Spaniards build their ships of war at the Havanna. Of these there is
the greatest plenty, immediately; to the westward of the mouth of the
Missisippi where "large vessels can go to the lake of the Chetimachas,
and nothing hinders them to go and cut the finest oaks in the world,
with which all that coast is covered;" [Footnote: _Charlevoix_ Hist. N.
France, Tom. III. p. 444.] which, moreover, is a sure sign of a very
good, instead of a bad soil; and accordingly we see the French have
settled their tobacco plantations thereabouts. It is not without
reason then, that our author tells us, the largest navies might be
built in that country at a very small expence.
From this it appears, that even the sea coast, barren as it is, from
which the whole country has been so much depreciated, is not without
its advantages, and those peculiarly adapted to a trading and maritime
nation. Had these sandy desarts indeed been in such a climate as
Canada, they would have been of as little value, as many would make
them here. It might be difficult indeed to settle colonies merely for
these or any other {v} productions of those poor lands: but to the
westward of the Missisippi, the coast is much more fruitful all along
the bay of Mexico; being watered with a great number of rivers, the
banks of which are very fertile, and are covered with forests of the
tallest oaks, &c. as far as to New Mexico, a thing not to be seen any
where else on these coasts. The coast alone will supply all the
products of North America, and is as convenient to navigation as any
part of it, without going nigh the Missisippi; so that it is with good
reason our author says, "That country promises great riches to such as
shall inhabit it, from the excellent quality of its lands," [Footnote:
See p. 163.] in such a climate.
These are the productions of the dry (we cannot call them high)
grounds: the swamps, with which this coast abounds, are still more
fruitful, and abundantly compensate the avidity and barrenness of the
soil around them. They bear rice in such plenty, especially the marsh
about New Orleans, "That the inhabitants reap the greatest advantage
from it, and reckon it the manna of the land." [Footnote: _Dumont_,
I. 15.] It was such marshes on the Nile, in the same climate, that were
the granary of the Roman empire. And from a few such marshes in
Carolina, not to be compared to those on the Missisippi, either in
extent or fertility, Britain receives at least two or three hundred
thousand pounds a year, and might vend twice that value of their
products.
But however barren or noxious these low lands on the sea coast may be,
they extend but a little way about the Missisippi, not above thirty or
forty miles in a straight line, on the east side of that river, and
about twice as far on the west side; in which last, the lands are, in
recompence, much more fruitful. To follow the course of the river
indeed, which runs very obliquely south-east and north-west, as well
as crooked, they reckon it eighty-two leagues from the mouth of the
river to the Cut-Point, where the high lands begin.
II. By the Lower Louisiana, our author means only the Delta of the
Missisippi, or the drowned lands made by the overflowing of the river.
But we may more properly give {vi} that appellation to the whole
country, from the low and flat sea coast above described, to the
mountains, which begin about the latitude 35 deg., a little above the
river St. Francis; that is, five degrees of latitude, or three hundred
and fifty statute miles from the coast; which they reckon to be six
hundred and sixty miles up the Missisippi. About that latitude a
continued ridge of mountains runs westward from the Apalachean
mountains nigh to the banks of the Missisippi, which are thereabouts
very high, at what we have called the Chicasaw Cliffs. Opposite to
these on the west side of the Missisippi, the country is mountainous,
and continues to be so here and there, as far as we have any accounts
of it, westward to the mountains of New Mexico; which run in a chain
of continued ridges from north to south, and are reckoned to divide
that country from Louisiana, about 900 miles west from the Missisippi.
This is one entire level champaign country; the part of which that
lies west of the Missisippi is 900 miles (of sixty to a degree) by
300, and contains 270,000 square miles, as much as both France and
Spain put together. This country lies in the latitude of those
fruitful regions of Barbary, Syria, Persia, India, and the middle of
China, and is alone sufficient to supply the world with all the
products of North America. It is very fertile in every thing, both in
lands and metals, by all the accounts we have of it; and is watered by
several large navigable rivers, that spread over the whole country
from the Missisippi to New Mexico; besides several smaller rivers on
the coast west of the Missisippi, that fall into the bay of Mexico; of
which we have no good accounts, if it be not that Mr. Coxe tells us of
one, the river of the Cenis, which, he says, "is broad, deep, and
navigable almost to its heads, which chiefly proceed from the ridge of
hills that separate this province from New Mexico," [Footnote:
Description of Carolina, p. 37] and runs through the rich and
fertile country on the coast above mentioned.
The western part of this country is more fertile, says our author,
than that on the east side of the Missisippi; in which part, however,
says he, the lands are very fertile, with a rich {vii} black mould
three feet deep in the hills, and much deeper in the bottoms, with a
strong clayey foundation. Reeds and canes even grow upon the hill
sides; which, with the oaks, walnuts, tulip-trees, &c. are a sure sign
of a good and rich soil. And all along the Missisippi on both sides,
Dumont tells, "The lands, which are all free from inundations, are
excellent for culture, particularly those about Baton Rouge,
Cut-Point, Arkansas, Natchez, and Yasous, which produce Indian corn,
tobacco, indigo, &c. and all kinds of provisions and esculent plants,
with little or no care or labour, and almost without culture; the soil
being in all those places a black mould of an excellent quality."
[Footnote: Memoires, I. 16.]
These accounts are confirmed by our own people, who were sent by the
government of Virginia in 1742, to view these the western parts of
that province; and although they only went down the Ohio and
Missisippi to New Orleans, they reported, that "they saw more good
land on the Missisippi, and its many large branches, than they judge
is in all the English colonies, as far as they are inhabited;" as
appears from the report of that government to the board of trade.
What makes this fertile country more eligible and valuable, is, that
it appears both from its situation, and from the experience the French
have had of it, [Footnote: See p. 120, 121.] to be by far the most
healthful of any in all these southern parts of North America; a thing
of the last consequence in settling colonies, especially in those
southern parts of America, which are in general very unhealthful. All
the sea coasts of our colonies, to the southward of Chesapeak bay, or
even of New-York, are low and flat, marshy and swampy, and very
unhealthful on that account and those on and about the bay of Mexico,
and in Florida, are withal excessively hot and intemperate, so that
white people are unfit for labour in them; by which all our southern
colonies, which alone promise to be of any great advantage to the
nation, are so thin of people, that we have but 25,000 white people in
all South Carolina. [Footnote: Description of South Carolina. by----,
p. 30.] But those lands on the Missisippi are, on {viii} the
contrary, high, dry, hilly, and in some places mountainous at no great
distance from the river, besides the ridges of the Apalachean
mountains above mentioned, that lie to the northward of them; which
must greatly refresh and cool the air all over the country, especially
in comparison of what it is on the low and flat, sandy and parched sea
coasts of our present colonies. These high lands begin immediately
above the Delta, or drowned lands, at the mouth of the Missisippi;
above which the banks of that river are from one hundred to two
hundred feet high, without any marshes about them; and continue such
for nine hundred miles to the river Ohio, especially on the east side
of the river. [Footnote: See p. 158]
Such a situation on rich and fertile lands in that climate, and on a
navigable river, must appear to be of the utmost consequence. It is only
from the rich lands on the river sides (which indeed are the only lands
that can generally be called rich in all countries, and especially in
North America), that this nation reaps any thing of value from all the
colonies it has in that part of the world. But "rich lands on river
sides in hot climates are extremely unhealthful," says a very good judge,
[Footnote: _Arbuthnot_ on Air. _App_.] and we have often found to our
cost. How ought we then to value such rich and healthful countries on
the Missisippi? As much surely as some would depreciate and vilify them.
It may be observed, that all the countries in America are only populous
in the inland parts, and generally at a distance from navigation; as the
sea coasts both of North and South America are generally low, damp,
excessively hot, and unhealthful; at least in all the southern parts,
from which alone we can expect any considerable returns. Instances of
this may be seen in the adjacent provinces of Mexico, New Mexico, Terra
Firma, Peru, Quito, etc. and far more in our southern colonies, which
never became populous, till the people removed to the inland parts, at a
distance from the sea. This we are in a manner prevented to do in our
colonies, by the mountains which surround us, and confine us to the
coast; whereas on the Missisippi the whole continent is open to them,
and they have, besides, this healthy {ix} situation on the lower parts
of that river, at a small distance from the sea.
If those things are duly considered, it will appear, that they who are
possessed of the Missisippi, will in time command that continent; and
that we shall be confined on the sea coasts of our colonies, to that
unhealthful situation, which many would persuade us is so much to be
dreaded on the Missisippi. It is by this means that we have so very few
people in all our southern colonies; and have not been able to get in
one hundred years above twenty-five thousand people in South Carolina;
when the French has not less than eighty or ninety thousand in Canada,
besides ten or twelve thousand on the Missisippi, to oppose to them. The
low and drowned lands, indeed, about the mouth of the Missisippi must no
doubt be more or less unhealthful; but they are far from being so very
pernicious as many represent them. The waters there are fresh, which we
know, by manifold experience in America, are much less prejudicial to
health than the offensive fetid marshes, that are to be found every
where else on the salt waters. Accordingly we are credibly informed,
that some of the inhabitants of New Orleans say, they never enjoyed
better health even in France; and for that reason they invite their
countrymen, in their letters to them, we are told, to come and partake
of the salutary benefits of that delightful country. The clearing,
draining, and cultivating of those low lands, must make a very great
change upon them, from the accounts we have had of them in their rude
and uncultivated state.
III. The Upper Louisiana we call that part of the continent, which
lies to the northward of the mountains above mentioned in latitude
35 deg.. This country is in many places hilly and mountainous for which
reason we cannot expect it to be so fertile as the plains below it.
But those hills on the west side of the Missisippi are generally
suspected to contain mines, as well as the mountains of New Mexico, of
which they are a continuation. But the fertile plains of Louisiana are
perhaps more valuable than all the mines of Mexico; which there would
be no doubt of, if they were duly cultivated. They will breed and
maintain ten times as many people, and supply them with {x} many more
necessaries, and articles of trade and navigation, than the richest
mines of Peru.
The most important place in this country, and perhaps in all North
America, is at the Forks of the Missisippi, where the Ohio falls into
that river; which, like another ocean, is the general receptacle of
all the rivers that water the interior parts of that vast continent.
Here those large and navigable rivers, the Ohio, river of the
Cherokees, Wabache, Illinois, Missouri, and Missisippi, besides many
others, which spread over that whole continent, from the Apalachean
mountains to the mountains of New Mexico, upwards of one thousand
miles, both north, south, east, and west, all meet together at this
spot; and that in the best climate, and one of the most fruitful
countries of any in all that part of the world, in the latitude 37 deg.,
the latitude of the Capes of Virginia, and of Santa Fe, the capital of
New Mexico. By that means there is a convenient navigation to this
place from our present settlements to New Mexico; and from all the
inland parts of North America, farther than we are acquainted with it:
and all the natives of that continent, those old friends and allies of
the French, have by that means a free and ready access to this place;
nigh to which the French formed a settlement, to secure their interest
on the frontiers of all our southern colonies. In short this place is
the centre of that vast continent, and of all the nations in it, and
seems to be intended by nature to command them both; for which reason
it ought no longer to be neglected by Britain. As soon as we pass the
Apalachean mountains, this seems to be the most proper place to settle
at; and was pitched upon for that purpose, by those who were the best
acquainted with those countries, and the proper places of making
settlements in them, of any we know. And if the settlements at this
place had been made, as they were proposed, about twenty years ago,
they might have prevented, or at least frustrated, the late attempts
to wrest that country, and the territories of the Ohio, out of the
hands of the English; and they may do the same again.
But many will tell us, that those inland parts of North America will
be of no use to Britain, on account of their distance {xi} from the
sea, and inconvenience to navigation. That indeed might be said of the
parts which lie immediately beyond the mountains, as the country of
the Cherokees, and Ohio Indians about Pitsburg, the only countries
thereabouts that we can extend our settlements to; which are so
inconvenient to navigation, that nothing can be brought from them
across the mountains, at least none of those gross commodities, which
are the staple of North America; and they are as inconvenient to have
any thing carried from them, nigh two thousand miles, down the river
Ohio, and then by the Missisippi. For that reason those countries,
which we look upon to be the most convenient, are the most
inconvenient to us of any, although they join upon our present
settlements. It is for these reasons, that the first settlements we
make beyond the mountains, that is, beyond those we are now possessed
of, should be upon the Missisippi, as we have said, convenient to the
navigation of that river; and in time those new settlements may come
to join to our present plantations; and we may by that means reap the
benefit of all those inland parts of North America, by means of the
navigation of the Missisippi, which will be secured by this post at
the Forks. If that is not done, we cannot see how any of those inland
parts of America, and the territories of the Ohio, which were the
great objects of the present war, can ever be of any use to Britain,
as the inhabitants of all those countries can otherwise have little or
no correspondence with it.
IV. This famous river, the Missisippi, is navigable upwards of two
thousand miles, to the falls of St. Anthony in latitude 45 deg., the only
fall we know in it, which is 16 degrees of latitude above its mouth;
and even above that fall, our author tells us, there is thirty fathom
of water in the river, with a proportionate breadth. About one
thousand miles from its mouth it receives the river Ohio, which is
navigable one thousand miles farther, some say one thousand five
hundred, nigh to its source, not far from Lake Ontario in New York; in
all which space there is but one fall or rapide in the Ohio, and that
navigable both up and down, at least in canoes. This fall is three
hundred miles from the Missisippi, and one thousand three hundred from
the sea, with five fathom of water up to {xii} it. The other large
branches of the Ohio, the river of the Cherokees, and the Wabache,
afford a like navigation, from lake Erie in the north to the Cherokees
in the south, and from thence to the bay of Mexico, by the Missisippi:
not to mention the great river Missouri, which runs to the north-west
parts of New Mexico, much farther than we have any good accounts of
that continent. From this it appears, that the Missouri affords the
most extensive navigation of any river we know; so that it may justly
be compared to an inland sea, which spreads over nine tenths of all
the continent of North America; all which the French pretended to lay
claim to, for no other reason but because they were possessed of a
paltry settlement at the mouth of this river.
If those things are considered, the importance of the navigation of
the Missisippi, and of a port at the mouth of it, will abundantly
appear. Whatever that navigation is, good or bad, it is the only one
for all the interior parts of North America, which are as large as a
great part of Europe; no part of which can be of any service to
Britain, without the navigation of the Missisippi, and settlements
upon it. It is not without reason then, that we say, whoever are
possessed of this river, and of the vast tracts of fertile lands upon
it, must in time command that continent, and the trade of it, as well
as all the natives in it, by the supplies which this navigation will
enable them to furnish those people. By those means, if the French, or
any others, are left in possession of the Missisippi, while we neglect
it, they must command all that continent beyond the Apalachean
mountains, and disturb our settlements much more than ever they did,
or were able to do; the very thing they engaged in this war to
accomplish, and we to prevent.
The Missisippi indeed is rapid for twelve hundred miles, as far as to
the Missouri, which makes it difficult to go up the river by water.
For that reason the French have been used to quit the Missisippi at
the river St. Francis, from which they have a nigher way to the Forks
of the Missisippi by land. But however difficult it may be to ascend
the river, it is, notwithstanding often done; and its rapidity
facilitates a descent upon it, and a ready conveyance for those gross
commodities, which {xiii} are the chief staple of North America, from
the most remote places of the continent above mentioned: and as for
lighter European goods, they are more easily carried by land, as our
Indian traders do, over great part of the continent, on their horses,
of which this country abounds with great plenty.
The worst part of the navigation, as well as of the country, is
reckoned to be at the mouth of the river; which, however, our author
tells us, is from seventeen to eighteen feet deep, and will admit
ships of five hundred tons, the largest generally used in the
plantation trade. And even this navigation might be easily mended, not
only by clearing the river of a narrow bar in the passes, which our
author, Charlevoix, and others, think might be easily done; but
likewise by means of a bay described by Mr. Coxe, from the actual
survey of his people, lying to the westward of the south pass of the
river; which, he says, has from twenty-five to six fathom water in it,
close to the shore, and not above a mile from the Missisippi, above
all the shoals and difficult passes in it, and where the river has one
hundred feet of water. By cutting through that one mile then, it would
appear that a port might be made there for ships of any burden; the
importance of which is evident, from its commanding all the inland
parts of North America on one side, and the pass from Mexico on the
other; so as to be preferable in these respects even to the Havanna;
not to mention that it is fresh water, and free from worms, which
destroy all the ships in those parts.
And as for the navigation from the Missisippi to Europe, our author
shews that voyage may be performed in six weeks; which is as short a
time as our ships generally take to go to and from our colonies. They
go to the Missisippi with the trade winds, and return with the
currents.
It would lead us beyond the bounds of a preface, to shew the many
advantages of those lands on the Missisippi to Britain, or the
necessity of possessing them. That would require a treatise by itself,
of which we can only give a few abstracts in this place. For this
purpose we should compare those lands with our present colonies; and
should be well informed of the quantity and condition of the lands we
already possess, before {xiv} we can form any just judgement of what
may be farther proper or requisite.
Our present possessions in North America between the sea and the
mountains appear, from many surveys and actual mensurations, as well
as from all the maps and other accounts we have of them, to be at a
medium about three degrees of longitude, or one hundred and forty
miles broad, in a straight line; and they extend from Georgia, in
latitude 32 deg., to the bay of Fundi, in latitude 45 deg. (which is much
farther both north and south, than the lands appear to be of any great
value); which makes 13 degrees difference of latitude, or 780 miles:
this length multiplied by the breadth 140, makes 109,200 square
miles., This is not above as much land as is contained in Britain and
Ireland; which, by Templeman's Survey, make 105,634 square miles.
Instead of being as large as a great part of Europe then, as we are
commonly told, all the lands we possess in North America, between the
sea and mountains, do not amount to much more than these two islands.
This appears farther, from the particular surveys of each of our
colonies, as well as from this general estimate of the whole.
Of these lands which we thus possess, both the northern and southern
parts are very poor and barren, and produce little or nothing, at
least for Britain. It is only in our middle plantations, Virginia,
Maryland, and Carolina, that the lands produce any staple commodity
for Britain, or that appear to be fit for that purpose. In short, it
is only the more rich and fertile lands on and about Chesapeak bay,
with a few swamps in Carolina, like the lands on the Missisippi, that
turn to any great account to this nation in all North America, or that
are ever likely to do it. This makes the quantity of lands that
produce any staple commodity for Britain in North America incredibly
small, and vastly less than what is commonly imagined. It is reckoned,
that there are more such lands in Virginia, than in all the rest of
our colonies; and yet it appeared from the public records, about
twenty-five years ago, that there was not above as much land patented
in that colony, which is at the same time the oldest of any in all
North America, than is in the county of Yorkshire, in England, to-wit,
{xv} 4684 square miles; although the country was then settled to the
mountains.
If we examine all our other colonies, there will appear to be as great
a scarcity and want of good lands in them, at least to answer the
great end of colonies, the making of a staple commodity for Britain.
In short, our colonies are already settled to the mountains, and have
no lands, either to extend their settlements, as they increase and
multiply; to keep up their plantations of staple commodities for
Britain; or to enlarge the British dominions by the number of
foreigners that remove to them; till they pass those mountains, and
settle on the Missisippi.
This scarcity of land in our colonies proceeds from the mountains,
with which they are surrounded, and by which they are confined to this
narrow tract, and a low vale, along the sea side. The breadth of the
continent from the Atlantic ocean to the Missisippi, appears to be
about 600 miles (of 60 to a degree) of which there is about 140 at a
medium, or 150 at most, that lies between the sea and mountains: and
there is such another, and rather more fertile tract of level and
improveable lands, about the same breadth, between the western parts
of those mountains and the Missisippi: so that the mountainous country
which lies between these two, is equal to them both, and makes one
half of all the lands between the Missisippi and Atlantic ocean; if we
except a small tract of a level champaign country upon the heads of
the Ohio, which is possessed by the Six Nations, and their dependents.
These mountainous and barren desarts, which lie immediately beyond our
present settlements, are not only unfit for culture themselves, and so
inconvenient to navigation, whether to the ocean, or to the
Missisippi, that little or no use can be made of them; but they
likewise preclude us from any access to those more fertile lands that
lie beyond them, which would otherwise have been occupied long ago,
but never can be settled, so at least as to turn to any account to
Britain, without the possession and navigation of the Missisippi;
which is, as it were, the sea of all the inland parts of North America
beyond the Apalachean mountains, without which those inland parts of
that continent can never turn to any account to this nation.
{xvi} It is this our situation in North America, that renders all that
continent beyond our present settlements of little or no use, at least
to Britain; and makes the possession of the Missisippi absolutely
necessary to reap the benefit of it. We possess but a fourth part of
the continent between that river and the ocean; and but a tenth part
of what lies east of Mexico; and can never enjoy any great advantages
from any more of it, till we settle on the Missisippi.
How necessary such settlements on the Missisippi may be, will farther
appear from what we possess on this side of it. The lands in North
America are in general but very poor or barren; and if any of them are
more fertile, the soil is light and shallow, and soon worn out with
culture. It is only the virgin fertility of fresh lands, such as those
on the Missisippi, that makes the lands in North America appear to be
fruitful, or that renders them of any great value to this nation. But
such lands in our colonies, that have hitherto produced their staple
commodities for Britain, are now exhausted and worn out, and we meet
with none such on this side of the Missisippi. But when their lands
are worn out, neither the value of their commodities, nor the
circumstances of the planters, will admit of manuring them, at least
to any great advantage to this nation.
The staple commodities of North America are so gross and bulky, and of
so small value, that it generally takes one half of them to pay the
freight and other charges in sending them to Britain; so that unless
our planters have some advantage in making them, such as cheap, rich,
and fresh lands, they never can make any; their returns to Britain are
then neglected, and the trade is gained by others who have these
advantages; such as those who may be possessed of the Missisippi, or
by the Germans, Russians, Turks, &c. who have plenty of lands, and
labour cheap: by which means they make more of our staple of North
America, tobacco, than we do ourselves; while we cannot make their
staple of hemp, flax, iron, pot-ash, &c. By that means our people are
obliged to interfere with their mother country, for want of the use of
those lands of which there is such plenty in North America, to produce
these commodities that are so much wanted from thence.
{xvii} The consequences of this may be much more prejudicial to this
nation, than is commonly apprehended. This trade of North America,
whatever may be the income from it, consists in those gross and bulky
commodities that are the chief and principal sources of navigation;
which maintain whole countries to make them, whole fleets to transport
them, and numbers of people to manufacture them at home; on which
accounts this trade is more profitable to a nation, than the mines of
Mexico or Peru. If we compare this with other branches of trade, as
the sugar trade, or even the fishery, it will appear to be by far the
most profitable to the nation, whatever those others may be to a few
individuals. We set a great value on the fishery, in which we do not
employ a third part of the seamen that we do in the plantation trade
of North America; and the same may be said of the sugar trade. The
tobacco trade alone employs more seamen in Britain, than either the
fishery, or sugar trade; [Footnote: By the best accounts we have, there
were 4000 seamen employed in the tobacco trade, in the year 1733, when
the inspection on tobacco passed into a law; and we may perhaps reckon
them now 4500, although some reckon them less.
By the same accounts, taken by the custom-house officers, it appeared,
that the number of British ships employed in all America, including
the fishery, were 1400, with 17,000 seamen; besides 9000 or 10,000
seamen belonging to North-America, who are all ready to enter into the
service of Britain on, any emergency or encouragement.
Of these there were but 4000 seamen employed in the fishery from
Britain; and about as many, or 3600, in the sugar trade.
The French, on the other hand, employ upwards of 20,000 seamen in the
fishery, and many more than we do in the sugar trade.
In short, the plantation trade of North America is to Britain, what
the fishery is to France, the great nursery of seamen, which may be
much improved. It is for this reason that we have always thought this
nation ought, for its safety, to enjoy an exclusive right to the one
or the other of these at least.] and brings in more money to the
nation than all the products of America perhaps put together.
But those gross commodities that afford these sources of navigation,
however valuable they may be to the public, and to this nation in
particular, are far from being so to individuals: they are cheap, and
of small value, either to make, or to trade {xviii} in them; and for
that reason they are neglected by private people, who never think of
making them, unless the public takes care to give them all due
encouragement, and to set them about those employments; for which
purpose good and proper lands, such as those on the Missisippi, are
absolutely necessary, without which nothing can be done.
The many advantages of such lands that produce a staple for Britain,
in North America, are not to be told. The whole interest of the nation
in those colonies depends upon them, if not the colonies themselves.
Such lands alone enable the colonies to take their manufactures and
other necessaries from Britain, to the mutual advantage of both. And
how necessary that may be will appear from the state of those colonies
in North America, which do not make, one with another, as much as is
sufficient to supply them only with the necessary article of
cloathing; not to mention the many other things they want and take
from Britain; and even how they pay for that is more than any man can
tell. In short, it would appear that our colonies in North America
cannot subsist much longer, if at all, in a state of dependence for
all their manufactures and other necessaries, unless they are provided
with other lands that may enable them to purchase them; and where they
will find any such lands, but upon the Missisippi, is more than we can
tell. When their lands are worn out, are poor and barren, or in an
improper climate or situation, or that they will produce nothing to
send to Britain, such lands can only be converted into corn and
pasture grounds; and the people in our colonies are thereby
necessarily obliged, for a bare subsistence, to interfere with
Britain, not only in manufactures, but in the very produce of their
lands.
By this we may perceive the absurdity of the popular outcry, that we
have already _land enough_, and more than we can make use of in North
America. They who may be of that opinion should shew us, where that
land is to be found, and what it will produce, that may turn to any
account to the nation. Those people derive their opinion from what
they see in Europe, where the quantity of land that we possess in
North America, will, no doubt, maintain a greater number of people
than we have there. But they should consider, that those people in
{xix} Europe are not maintained by the planting of a bare raw
commodity, with such immense charges upon it, but by farming,
manufactures, trade, and commerce; which they will soon reduce our
colonies to, who would confine them to their present settlements,
between the sea coast and the mountains that surround them.
Some of our colonies perhaps may imagine they cannot subsist without
these employments; which indeed would appear to be the case in their
present state: but that seems to be as contrary to their true
interest, as it is to their condition of British colonies. They have
neither skill, materials, nor any other conveniences to make
manufactures; whereas their lands require only culture to produce a
staple commodity, providing they are possessed of such as are fit for
that purpose. Manufactures are the produce of labour, which is both
scarce and dear among them; whereas lands are, or may, and should be
made, both cheap and in plenty; by which they may always reap much
greater profits from the one than the other. That is, moreover, a
certain pledge for the allegiance and dependance of the colonies; and
at the same time makes their dependance to become their interest. It
has been found by frequent experience, that the making of a staple
commodity for Britain, is more profitable than manufactures, providing
they have good lands to work.
It were to be wished indeed, that we could support our interest in
America, and those sources of navigation, by countries that were more
convenient to it, than those on the Missisippi. But that, we fear, is
not to be done, however it may be desired. We wish we could say as much
of the lands in Florida, and on the bay of Mexico, as of those on the
Missisippi: but they are not to be compared to these, by all accounts,
however convenient they may be in other respects to navigation. In all
those southern and maritime parts of that continent the lands are in
general but very poor and mean, being little more than _pine barrens_,
or _sandy desarts_. The climate is at the same time so intemperate, that
white people are in a great measure unfit for labour in it, as much as
they are in the islands; this obliges them to make use of slaves, which
are now become so dear, that it is to be doubted, whether all the
produce {xx} of those lands will enable the proprietors of them to
purchase slaves, or any other labourers; without which they can turn to
little or no account to the nation, and those countries can support but
very few people, if it were only to protect and defend them.
The most convenient part of those countries seems to be about Mobile
and Pensacola; which are, as it were, an entrepot between our present
settlements and the Missisippi, and safe station for our ships. But it
is a pity that the lands about them are the most barren, and the
climate the most intemperate, by all accounts, of any perhaps in all
America. [Footnote: See page 49, 111, &c. _Charlevoix_ Hist. N. France,
Tom. III. 484. _Laval, infra_, &c.] And our author tells us, the lands
are not much better even on the river of Mobile; which is but a very
inconsiderable one. But the great inconvenience of those countries
proceeds from the number of Indians in them; which will make it very
difficult to settle any profitable plantations among them, especially
in the inland parts that are more fertile; whereas the Missisippi is
free from Indians for 1000 miles. It was but in the year 1715, that
those Indians overran all the colony of Carolina, even to
Charles-Town; by which the French got possession of that country, and
of the Missisippi; both which they had just before, in June 1713,
dispossessed us of.
If we turn our eyes again to the lands in our northern colonies, it is
to be feared we can expect much less from them. There is an
inconvenience attending them, with regard to any improvements on them
for Britain, which is not to be remedied. The climate is so severe,
and the winters so long, that the people are obliged to spend that
time in providing the necessaries of life, which should be employed in
profitable colonies, on the making of some staple commodity, and
returns to Britain. They are obliged to feed their creatures for five
or six months in the year, which employs their time in summer, and
takes up the best of their lands, such as they are, which should
produce their staple commodities, to provide for themselves and their
stocks against winter. For that reason the people in all our northern
colonies are necessarily obliged to become farmers, {xxi} to make corn
and provisions, instead of planters, who make a staple commodity for
Britain; and thereby interfere with their mother country in the most
material and essential of all employments to a nation, agriculture.
In short, neither the soil nor climate will admit of any improvements
for Britain, in any of those northern colonies. If they would produce
any thing of that kind, it must be hemp; which never could be made in
them to any advantage, as appears from many trials of it in New
England. [Footnote: See _Douglas's_ Hist. N. America. _Elliot's_
Improvements on New England, &c.] The great dependance of those
northern colonies is upon the supplies of lumber and provisions which
they send to the islands. But as they increase and multiply, their
woods are cut down, lumber becomes scarce and dear, and the number of
people inhances the value of land, and of every thing it produces,
especially provisions.
If this is the case of those northern colonies on the sea coast, what
can we expect from the inland parts; in which the soil is not only
more barren, and the climate more severe, but they are, with all these
disadvantages, so inconvenient to navigation, both on account of their
distance, and of the many falls and currents in the river St.
Lawrence, that it is to be feared those inland parts of our northern
colonies will never produce any thing for Britain, more than a few
furrs; which they will do much better in the hands of the natives,
than in ours. These our northern colonies, however, are very populous,
and increase and multiply very fast. There are above a million of
people in them, who can make but very little upon their lands for
themselves, and still less for their mother country. For these reasons
it is presumed, it would be an advantage to them, as well as to the
whole nation, to remove their spare people, who want lands, to those
vacant lands in the southern parts of the continent, which turn to so
much greater account than any that they are possessed of. There they
may have the necessaries of life in the greatest plenty; their stocks
maintain themselves the whole year round, with little or no cost or
labour; "by which means many people have a thousand head {xxii} of
cattle, and for one man to have two hundred, is very common, with
other stock in proportion." [Footnote: Description of South Carolina, p.
68.] This enables them to bestow their whole labour, both in summer
and winter, on the making of some staple commodity for Britain,
getting lumber and provisions for the islands, &c. which both enriches
them and the whole nation. That is much better, surely, than to perish
in winter for want of cloathing, which they must do unless they make
it; and to excite those grudges and jealousies, which must ever
subsist between them and their mother country in their present state,
and grow so much the worse, the longer they continue in it.
The many advantages that would ensue from the peopling of those
southern parts of the continent from our northern colonies, are hardly
to be told. We might thereby people and secure those countries, and
reap the profits of them, without any loss of people; which are not to
be spared for that purpose in Britain, or any other of her dominions.
This is the great use and advantage that may be made of the expulsion
of the French from those northern parts of America. They have hitherto
obliged us to strengthen those northern colonies, and have confined
the people in them to towns and townships, in which their labour could
turn to no great account, either to themselves or to the nation, by
which we have, in a great measure, loss the labour of one half of the
people in our colonies. But as they are now free from any danger on
their borders, they may extend their settlements with safety, disperse
themselves on plantations, and cultivate those lands that may turn to
some account, both to them and to the whole nation. In short, they may
now make some staple commodity for Britain; on which the interest of
the colonies, and of the nation in them, chiefly depends; and which we
can never expect from those colonies in their present situation.
What those commodities are, that we might get from those southern
parts of North America, will appear from the following accounts; which
we have not room here to consider more particularly. We need only
mention hemp, flax, and silk, those great articles and necessary
materials of manufactures; for which alone this nation pays at least a
million and an half {xxiii} a-year, if not two millions, and could
never get them from all the colonies we have. Cotton and indigo are
equally useful. Not to mention copper, iron, potash, &c. which, with
hemp, flax, and silk, make the great balance of trade against the
nation, and drain it of its treasure; when we might have those
commodities from our colonies for manufactures, and both supply
ourselves and others with them. Wine, oil, raisins, and currants, &c.
those products of France and Spain, on which Britain expends so much
of her treasure, to enrich her enemies, might likewise be had from
those her own dominions. Britain might thereby cut off those resources
of her enemies; secure her colonies for the future; and prevent such
calamities of war, by cultivating those more laudable arts of peace:
which will be the more necessary, as these are the only advantages the
nation can expect, for the many millions that have been expended on
America.
_A Description of the Harbour of_ PENSACOLA.
As the harbour of Pensacola will appear to be a considerable
acquisition to Britain, it may be some satisfaction to give the
following account of it, from F. Laval, royal professor of
mathematics, and master of the marine academy at Toulon; who was sent
to Louisiana, on purpose to make observations, in 1719; and had the
accounts of the officers who took Pensacola at that time, and surveyed
the place.
"The colonies of Pensacola, and of Dauphin-Island, are at present on
the decline, the inhabitants having removed to settle at Mobile and
Biloxi, or at New-Orleans, where the lands are much better; for at the
first the soil is chiefly sand, mixed with little earth. The land,
however, is covered with woods of pines, firs, and oaks; which make
good trees, as well as at Ship-Island. The road of Pensacola is the
only good port thereabouts for large ships, and Ship-Island for small
ones, where vessels that draw from thirteen to fourteen feet water,
may ride in safety, under the island, in fifteen feet, and a good
holding ground; as well as in the other ports, which are all only open
roads, exposed to the south, and from west to east.
"Pensacola is in north-latitude 30 deg. 25'; and is the only road in the
bay of Mexico, in which ships can be safe from all {xxiv} winds. It is
land-locked on every side, and will hold a great number of ships,
which have very good anchorage in it, in a good holding ground of soft
sand, and from twenty-five to thirty-four feet of water. You will find
not less than twenty-one feet of water on the barr, which is at the
entrance into the road, providing you keep in the deepest part of the
channel. Before a ship enters the harbour, she should bring the fort
of Pensacola to bear between north and north 1/4 east, and keep that
course till she is west or west 1/4 south, from the fort on the island
of St. Rose, that is, till that fort bears east, and east 1/4 north.
Then she must bear away a little to the land on the west side, keeping
about mid-way between that and the island, to avoid a bank on this
last, which runs out to some distance west-north-west from the point
of the island.
"If there are any breakers on the ledge of rocks, which lie to the
westward of the barr, as often happens; if there is any wind, that may
serve for a mark to ships, which steer along that ledge, at the
distance of a good musket-shot, as they enter upon the barr; then keep
the course above mentioned. Sometimes the currents set very strong out
of the road, which you should take care of, less they should carry you
upon these rocks.
"As there is but half a foot rising (_levee_) on the barr of Pensacola,
every ship of war, if it be not in a storm, may depend upon nineteen
(perhaps twenty) feet of water, to go into the harbour, as there are
twenty-one feet on the barr. Ships that draw twenty feet must be towed
in. By this we see, that ships of sixty guns may go into this harbour:
and even seventy gun ships, the largest requisite in that country in
time of war, if they were built flat-bottomed, like the Dutch ships,
might pass every where in that harbour.
"In 1719 Pensacola was taken by Mr. Champmelin, in the Hercules man of
war, of sixty-four guns, but carried only fifty-six; in company with
the Mars, pierced for sixty guns, but had in only fifty-four; and the
Triton, pierced for fifty-four guns, but carried only fifty; with two
frigates of thirty-six and twenty guns. [Footnote: The admiral was on
board of the Hercules, which drew twenty-one feet of water, and there
were but twenty-two feet into the harbour in the highest tides; so
that they despaired of carrying in this ship. But an old Canadian,
named Crimeau, a man of experience, who was perfectly acquainted with
that coast, boasted of being able to do it, and succeeded; for which
he was the next year honoured with letters of noblesse. _Dumont_ (an
officer there at that time) 11.22.
But _Bellin_, from the charts of the admiralty, makes but twenty feet of
water on the barr of Pensacola. The difference may arise from the
tides, which are very irregular and uncertain on all that coast,
according to the winds; never rising above three feet, sometimes much
less. In twenty-four hours the tide ebbs in the harbour for eighteen
or nineteen hours, and flows five or six. _Laval_.]
{xxv} "This road is subject to one inconvenience; several rivers fall
into it, which occasion strong currents, and make boats or canoes, as
they pass backwards and forwards, apt to run a-ground; but as the
bottom is all sand, they are not apt to founder. On the other hand
there is a great advantage in this road; it is free from worms, which
never breed in fresh water, so that vessels are never worm-eaten in
it."
But F. Charlevoix seems to contradict this last circumstance: "The bay
of Pensacola would be a pretty good port, (says he) if the worms did
not eat the vessels in it, and if there was a little more water in the
entrance into it; for the Hercules, commanded by Mr. Champmelin,
touched upon it." It is not so certain then, that this harbour is
altogether free from worms; although it may not be so subject to them,
as other places in those climes, from the many small fresh water
rivers that fall into this bay, which may have been the occasion of
these accounts, that are seemingly contradictory.
In such a place ships might at least be preserved from worms, in all
likelihood, by paying their bottoms with aloes, or mixing it with
their other stuff. That has been found to prevent the biting of these
worms; and might be had in plenty on the spot. Many kinds of aloes
would grow on the barren sandy lands about Pensacola, and in Florida,
which is the proper soil for them; and would be a good improvement for
those lands, which will hardly bear any thing else to advantage,
whatever use is made of it.
Having room in this place, we may fill it up with an answer to a
common objection against Louisiana; which is, {xxvi} that this country
is never likely to turn to any account, because the French have made
so little of it.
But that objection, however common, will appear to proceed only from
the ignorance of those who make it. No country can produce any thing
without labourers; which, it is certain, the French have never had in
Louisiana, in any numbers at least, sufficient to make it turn to any
greater account than it has hitherto done. The reason of this appears
not to be owing to the country, but to their proceedings and
misconduct in it. Out of the many thousand people who were contracted
for by the grantees, to be sent to Louisiana in 1719, there were but
eight hundred sent, we see; and of these the greatest part were ruined
by their idle schemes, which made them and others abandon the country
entirely. The few again who remained in it were cut off by an Indian
massacre in 1729, which broke up the only promising settlements they
had in the country, those of the Natchez, and Yasous, which were never
afterwards reinstated. Instead of encouraging the colony in such
misfortunes, the minister, Cardinal Fleuri, either from a spirit of
oeconomy, or because it might be contrary to some other of his views,
withdrew his protection from it, gave up the public plantations, and
must thereby, no doubt, have very much discouraged others. By these
means they have had few or no people in Louisiana, but such as were
condemned to be sent to it for their crimes, women of ill fame,
deserted soldiers, insolvent debtors, and galley-slaves, _forcats_, as
they call them; "who, looking on the country only as a place of exile,
were disheartened at every thing in it; and had no regard for the
progress of a colony, of which they were only members by compulsion,
and neither knew nor considered its advantages to the state. It is
from such people that many have their accounts of this country; and
throw the blame of all miscarriages in it upon the country, when they
are only owing to the incapacity and negligence of those who were
instructed to settle it." [Footnote: _Charlevoix_ Hist. New France, Tom.
III. p. 447.]
{1}
THE HISTORY OF LOUISIANA
BOOK I.
_The Transactions of the_ French _in_ LOUISIANA.
CHAPTER I.
_Of the first Discovery and Settlement of_ LOUISIANA.
After the Spaniards came to have settlements on the Great Antilles, it
was not long before they attempted to make discoveries on the coasts
of the Gulf of Mexico. In 1520, Lucas Vasquez de Aillon landed on the
continent to the north of that Gulf, being favourably received by the
people of that country, who made him presents in gold, pearls, and
plated silver. This favourable reception made him return thither four
years after; but the natives having changed their friendly sentiments
towards him, killed two hundred of his men, and obliged him to retire.
In 1528, Pamphilo Nesunez [Footnote: Narvaez.] landed also on that
coast, receiving from the first nations he met in his way, presents
made in gold; which, by signs, they made him to understand, came from
the Apalachean mountains, in the country which at this day goes under
the name of Florida: and thither he attempted to go, undertaking a
hazardous journey of twenty-five days. In this march he was so often
attacked by the new people he continually discovered, and lost so many
of his men, as only to think of re-embarking with the few that were
left, {2} happy to have himself escaped the dangers which his
imprudence had exposed him to.
The relation published by the Historian of Dominico [Footnote:
Ferdinando.] Soto, who in 1539 landed in the Bay of St. Esprit, is so
romantic, and so constantly contradicted by all who have travelled
that country, that far from giving credit to it, we ought rather to
suppose his enterprize had no success; as no traces of it have
remained, any more than of those that went before. The inutility of
these attempts proved no manner of discouragement to the Spaniards.
After the discovery of Florida, it was with a jealous eye they saw the
French settle there in 1564, under Rene de Laudonniere, sent thither
by the Admiral de Coligni, where he built Fort Carolin; the ruins of
which are still to be seen above the Fort of Pensacola. [Footnote: This
intended settlement of Admiral Coligni was on the east coast of
Florida, about St. Augustin, instead of Pensacola. De Laet is of
opinion, that their Fort Carolin was the same with St. Augustin.]
There the Spaniards some time after attacked them, and forcing them to
capitulate, cruelly murdered them, without any regard had to the
treaty concluded between them. As France was at that time involved in
the calamities of a religious war, this act of barbarity had remained
unresented, had not a single man of Mont Marfan, named Dominique de
Gourges, attempted, in the name of the nation, to take vengeance
thereof. In 1567, having fitted out a vessel, and sailed for Florida,
he took three forts built by the Spaniards; and after killing many of
them in the several attacks he made, hanged the rest: and having
settled there a new post, [Footnote: He abandoned the country without
making any settlement; nor have the French ever had any settlement in
it from that day to this. See Laudonniere. Hakluyt, &c.] returned to
France. But the disorders of the state having prevented the
maintaining that post, the Spaniards soon after retook possession of
the country, where they remain to this day.
From that time the French seemed to have dropped all thoughts of that
coast, or of attempting any discoveries therein; when the wars in
Canada with the natives afforded them the {3} knowledge of the vast
country they are possessed of at this day. In one of these wars a
Recollet, or Franciscan Friar, name F. Hennepin, was taken and carried
to the Illinois. As he had some skill in surgery, he proved
serviceable to that people, and was also kindly treated by them: and
being at full liberty, he travelled over the country, following for a
considerable time the banks of the river St. Louis, or Missisipi,
without being able to proceed to its mouth. However, he failed not to
take possession of that country, in the name of Louis XIV., calling it
Louisiana. Providence having facilitated his return to Canada, he gave
the most advantageous account of all he had seen; and after his return
to France, drew up a relation thereof, dedicated to M. Colbert.
The account he gave of Louisiana failed not to produce its good
effects. Me de la Salle, equally famous for his misfortunes and his
courage, undertook to traverse these unknown countries quite to the
sea. In Jan. 1679 he set out from Quebec with a large detachment, and
being come among the Illinois, there built the first fort France ever
had in that country, calling it Crevecaeur; and there he left a good
garrison under the command of the Chevalier de Tonti. From thence he
went down the river St. Louis, quite to its mouth; which, as has been
said, is in the Gulf of Mexico; and having made observations, and
taken the elevation in the best manner he could, returned by the same
way to Quebec, from whence he passed over to France.
After giving the particulars of his journey to M. Colbert, that great
minister, who knew of what importance it was to the state to make sure
of so fine and extensive a country, scrupled not to allow him a ship and
a small frigate, in order to find out, by the way of the gulf of Mexico,
the mouth of the river St. Louis. He set sail in 1685: but his
observations, doubtless, not having had all the justness requisite,
after arriving in the gulf, he got beyond the river, and running too far
westward, entered the bay of St. Bernard: and some misunderstanding
happening between him and the officers of the vessels, he debarqued with
the men under his command, and having settled a post in that place,
undertook to go by land in quest of {4} the great river. But after a
march of several days, some of his people, irritated on account of the
fatigue he exposed them to, availing themselves of an opportunity, when
separated from the rest of his men, basely assassinated him. The
soldiers, though deprived of their commander, still continued their
route, and, after crossing many rivers, arrived at length at the
Arkansas, where they unexpectedly found a French post lately settled.
The Chevalier de Tonti was gone down from the fort of the Illinois,
quite to the mouth of the river, about the time he judged M. de la Salle
might have arrived by sea; and not finding him, was gone up again, in
order to return to his post. And in his way entering the river of the
Arkansas, quite to the village of that nation, with whom he made an
alliance, some of his people insisted, they might be allowed to settle
there; which was agreed to, he leaving ten of them in that place; and
this small cantonment maintained its ground, not only because from time
to time encreased by some Canadians, who came down this river; but above
all, because those who formed it had the prudent precaution to live in
peace with the natives, and treat as legitimate the children they had by
the daughters of the Arkansas, with whom they matched out of necessity.
The report of the pleasantness of Louisiana spreading through Canada,
many Frenchmen of that country repaired to settle there, dispersing
themselves at pleasure along the river St. Louis, especially towards
its mouth, and even in some islands on the coast, and on the river
Mobile, which lies nearer Canada. The facility of the commerce with
St. Domingo was, undoubtedly, what invited them to the neighbourbood
of the sea, though the interior parts of the country be in all
respects far preferable. However, these scattered settlements,
incapable to maintain their ground of themselves, and too distant to
be able to afford mutual assistance, neither warranted the possession
of this country, nor could they be called a taking of possession.
Louisiana remained in this neglected state, till M. d'Hiberville, Chef
d' Escadre, having discovered, in 1698, the mouths of the river St.
Louis, and being nominated Governor General of that vast country,
carried thither the first colony in 1699. As he was a native of
Canada, the colony almost entirely consisted of Canadians, among whom
M. de Luchereau, {5} uncle of Madam d'Hiberville, particularly
distinguished himself.
The settlement was made on the river Mobile, with all the facility
that could be wished; but its progress proved slow: for these first
inhabitants had no other advantage above the natives, as to the
necessaries of life, but what their own industry, joined to some rude
tools, to give the plainest forms to timbers, afforded them.
The war which Louis IV, had at that time to maintain, and the pressing
necessities of the state, continually engrossed the attention of the
ministry, nor allowed them time to think of Louisiana. What was then
thought most advisable, was to make a grant of it to some rich person;
who, finding it his interest to improve that country, would, at the
same time that he promoted his own interest, promote that of the
state. Louisiana was thus ceded to M. Crozat. And it is to be
presumed, had M. d'Hiberville lived longer, the colony would have made
considerable progress: but that illustrious sea-officer, whose
authority was considerable, dying at the Havannah, in 1701 (after
which this settlement was deserted) a long time must intervene before
a new Governor could arrive from France. The person pitched upon to
fill that post, was M. de la Motte Cadillac, who arrived in that
country in June 1713.
The colony had but a scanty measure of commodities, and money scarcer
yet: it was rather in a state of languor, than of vigorous activity,
in one of the finest countries in the world; because impossible for it
to do the laborious works, and make the first advances, always
requisite in the best lands.
The Spaniards, for a long time, considered Louisiana as a property
justly theirs, because it constitutes the greatest Part of Florida,
which they first discovered. The pains the French were at then to
settle there, roused their jealousy, to form the design of cramping
us, by settling at the Assinais, a nation not very distant from the
Nactchitoches, whither some Frenchmen had penetrated. There the
Spaniards met with no small difficulty to form that settlement, and
being at a loss how to accomplish it, one F. Ydalgo, a Franciscan
Friar, took it in his head to write to the French, to beg their
assistance in {6} settling a mission among the Assinais. He sent three
different copies of his letter hap-hazard three different ways to our
settlements, hoping one of them at least might fall into the hands of
the French.
Nor was he disappointed in his hope, one of them, from one post to
another, and from hand to hand, falling into the hands of M. de la
Motte. That General, incessantly taken up with the concerns of the
colony, and the means of relieving it, was not apprized of the designs
of the Spaniards in that letter; could only see therein a sure and
short method to remedy the present evils, by favouring the Spaniards,
and making a treaty of commerce with them, which might procure to the
colony what it was in want of, and what the Spaniards abounded with,
namely, horses, cattle, and money: He therefore communicated that
letter to M. de St. Denis, to whom he proposed to undertake a journey
by land to Mexico.
M. de St. Denis, for the fourteen years he was in Louisiana, had made
several excursions up and down the country; and having a general
knowledge of all the languages of the different nations which inhabit
it, gained the love and esteem of these people, so far as to be
acknowledged their Grand Chief.
This gentleman, in other respects a man of courage, prudence, and
resolution, was then the fittest person M. de la Motte could have
pitched upon, to put his design in execution.
How fatiguing soever the enterprize was, M. de St. Denis undertook it
with pleasure, and set out with twenty-five men. This small company
would have made some figure, had it continued entire; but some of them
dropped M. de St. Denis by the way, and many of them remained among
the Nactchitoches, to whose country he was come. He was therefore
obliged to set out from that place, accompanied only by ten men, with
whom he traversed upwards of an hundred and fifty leagues in a country
entirely depopulated, having on his route met with no nation, till he
came to the Presidio, or fortress of St. John Baptist, on the Rio
(river) del Norte, in New Mexico.
The Governor of this fort was Don Diego Raimond, an officer advanced
in years, who favourbly received M. de St. {7} Denis, on acquainting
him, that the motive to his journey was F. Ydalgo's letter, and that
he had orders to repair to Mexico. But as the Spaniards do not readily
allow strangers to travel through the countries of their dominion in
America, for fear the view of these fine countries should inspire
notions, the consequences of which might be greatly prejudicial to
them, D. Diego did not chuse to permit M. de St. Denis to continue his
route, without the previous consent of the Viceroy. It was therefore
necessary to dispatch a courier to Mexico, and to wait his return.
The courier, impatiently longed for, arrived at length, with the
permission granted by the Duke of Linarez, Viceroy of Mexico. Upon
which M. de St. Denis set out directly, and arrived at Mexico, June 5,
1715. The Viceroy had naturally an affection to France; M. de St.
Denis was therefore favourably received, saving some precautions,
which the Duke thought proper to take, not to give any disgust to some
officers of justice who were about him.
The affair was soon dispatched; the Duke of Linarez having promised to
make a treaty of commerce, as soon as the Spaniards should be settled
at the Assinais; which M. de St. Denis undertook to do, upon his
return to Louisiana.
CHAPTER II.
_The Return of M. de St. Denis: His settling the_ Spaniards _at the_
Assinais. _His Second Journey to_ Mexico, _and Return from thence_.
M. De St. Denis soon returned to the fort of St. John Baptist; after
which he resolved to form the caravan, which was to be settled at the
Assinais; at whose head M. de St. Denis put himself, and happily
conducted it to the place appointed. And then having, in quality of
Grand Chief, assembled the nation of the Assinais, he exhorted them to
receive and use the Spaniards well. The veneration which that people
had for him, made them submit to his will in all things; and thus the
promise he had made to the Duke of Linarez was faithfully fulfilled.
{8} The Assinais are fifty leagues distant from the Nactchitoches. The
Spaniards, finding themselves still at too great a distance from us,
availed themselves of that first settlement, in order to form a second
among the Adaies, a nation which is ten leagues from our post of the
Nactchitoches: whereby they confine us on the west within the
neighbourhood of the river St. Louis; and from that time it was not
their fault, that they had not cramped us to the north, as I shall
mention in its place.
To this anecdote of their history I shall, in a word or two, add that
of their settlement at Pensacola, on the coast of Florida, three
months after M. d'Hiberville had carried the first inhabitants to
Louisiana, that country having continued to be inhabited by Europeans,
ever since the garrison left there by Dominique de Gourges; which
either perished, or deserted, for want of being supported.[Footnote:
They returned to France. See p. 3.]
To return to M. de la Motte and M. de St. Denis: the former, ever
attentive to the project of having a treaty of commerce concluded with
the Spaniards, and pleased with the success of M. de St. Denis's
journey to Mexico, proposed his return thither again, not doubting but
the Duke of Linarez would be as good as his word, as the French had
already been. M. de St. Denis, ever ready to obey, accepted the
commission of his General. But this second journey was not to be
undertaken as the first; it was proper to carry some goods, in order
to execute that treaty, as soon as it should be concluded, and to
indemnify himself for the expences he was to be at. Though the
store-houses of M. Crozat were full, it was no easy matter to get the
goods. The factors refused to give any on credit; nay, refused M. de
la Motte's security; and there was no money to be had to pay them. The
Governor was therefore obliged to form a company of the most
responsible men of the colony: and to this company only the factors
determined to advance the goods. This expedient was far from being
agreeable to M. de St. Denis, who opened his mind to M. de la Motte on
that head, and told him, that some or all of his partners would
accompany the goods they had engaged to be security for; and that,
although it was absolutely necessary the effects should appear to be
his {9} property alone, they would not fail to discover they
themselves were the proprietors; which would be sufficient to cause
their confiscation, the commerce between the two nations not being
open. M. de la Motte saw the solidity of these reasons; but the
impossibility of acting otherwise constrained him to supersede them:
and, as M. de St. Denis had foreseen, it accordingly happened.
He set out from Mobile, August 13, 1716, escorted, as he all along
apprehended, by some of those concerned; and being come to the
Assinais, he there passed the winter. On the 19th of March, the year
following, setting out on his journey, he soon arrived at the Presidio
of St. John Baptist. M. de St. Denis declared these goods to be his
own property, in order to obviate their confiscation, which was
otherwise unavoidable; and wanted to shew some acts of bounty and
generosity, in order to gain the friendship of the Spaniards. But the
untractableness, the avarice, and indiscretion of the parties
concerned, broke through all his measures; and to prevent the entire
disconcerting of them, he hastened his departure for Mexico, where he
arrived May 14, 1717. The Duke of Linarez was yet there, but sick, and
on his death-bed. M. de St. Denis had, however, time to see him, who
knew him again: and that Nobleman took care to have him recommended to
the Viceroy his successor; namely, the Marquis of Balero, a man as
much against the French as the Duke was for them.
M. de St. Denis did not long solicit the Marquis of Balero for
concluding the treaty of commerce; he soon had other business to mind.
F. Olivarez, who, on the representation of P. Ydalgo, as a person of a
jealous, turbulent, and dangerous disposition, had been excluded from
the mission to the Assinais, being then at the court of the Viceroy,
saw with an evil eye the Person who had settled F. Ydalgo in that
mission, and resolved to be avenged on him for the vexation caused by
that disappointment. He joined himself to an officer, named Don Martin
de Alaron, a person peculiarly protected by the Marquis of Balero: and
they succeeded so well with that nobleman that in the time M. de St.
Denis least expected, he found himself arrested, and clapt in a
dungeon; from which he was not discharged {10} till December 20 of
this year, by an order of the Sovereign Council of Mexico, to which he
found means to present several petitions. The Viceroy, constrained to
enlarge him, allotted the town for his place of confinement.
The business of the treaty of commerce being now at an end, M. de St.
Denis's attention was only engaged how to make the most of the goods,
of which Don Diego Raymond had sent as large a quantity as he could,
to the town of Mexico; where they were seized by D. Martin de Alaron,
as contraband; he being one of the emissaries of his protector,
appointed to persecute such strangers as did not dearly purchase the
permission to sell their goods. M. de St. Denis could make only enough
of his pillaged and damaged effects just to defray certain expences of
suit, which, in a country that abounds with nothing else but gold and
silver, are enormous.
Our prisoner having nothing further to engross his attention in
Mexico, but the safety of his person, seriously bethought himself how
to secure it; as he had ever just grounds to apprehend some bad
treatment at the bands of his three avowed enemies. Having therefore
planned the means of his flight, on September 25, 1718, as the night
came on, he quitted Mexico, and placing himself in ambush at a certain
distance from the town, waited till his good fortune should afford the
means of travelling otherwise than on foot. About nine at night, a
horseman, well-mounted, cast up. To rush of a sudden upon him,
dismount him, mount his horse, turn the bridle, and set up a gallop,
was the work of a moment only for St. Denis. He rode on at a good pace
till day, then quitted the common road, to repose him: a precaution he
observed all along, till he came near to the Presidio of St. John
Baptist. From thence he continued his journey on foot; and at length,
on April 2, 1719, arrived at the French colony, where he found
considerable alterations.
From the departure of M. de St. Denis from Mexico, to his return
again, almost three years had elapsed. In that long time, the grant of
Louisiana was transferred from M. Crozat to the West India Company; M.
de la Motte Cadillac was dead, and M. de Biainville, brother to M.
d'Hiberville, succeeded as {11} governor general. The capital place of
the colony was no longer at Mobile, nor even at Old Biloxi, whither it
had been removed: New Orleans, now begun to be built, was become the
capital of the country, whither he repaired to give M. de Biainville
an account of his journey; after which he retired to his settlement.
The king afterwards conferred upon him the cross of St. Louis, in
acknowledgement and recompence of his services.
The West India Company, building great hopes of commerce on Louisiana,
made efforts to people that country, sufficient to accomplish their
end. Thither, for the first time, they sent, in 1718, a colony of
eight hundred: men some of which settled at New Orleans, others formed
the settlements of the Natchez. It was with this embarkation I passed
over to Louisiana.
CHAPTER III.
_Embarkation of eight hundred Men by the_ West India Company _to_
Louisiana. _Arrival and Stay at _Cape Francois. _Arrival at_ Isle
Dauphine. _Description of that Island_.
The embarkation was made at Rochelle on three different vessels, on
one of which I embarked. For the first days of our voyage we had the
wind contrary, but no high sea. On the eighth the wind turned more
favourable. I observed nothing interesting till we came to the Tropick
of Cancer, where the ceremony of baptizing was performed on those who
had never been a voyage: after passing the Tropick, the Commodore
steered too much to the south, our captain observed. In effect, after
several days sailing, we were obliged to bear off to the north: we
afterwards discovered the isle of St. Juan de Porto Rico, which
belongs to the Spaniards. Losing sight of that, we discovered the
island of St. Domingo; and a little after, as we bore on, we saw the
Grange, which is a rock, overtopping the steep coast, which is almost
perpendicular to the edge of the water. This rock, seen at a distance,
seems to have the figure of a grange, or barn. A few hours after we
{12} arrived at Cape Francois, distant from that rock only twelve
leagues.
We were two months in this passage to Cape Francois; both on account
of the contrary winds, we had on setting out, and of the calms, which
are frequent in those seas: our vessel, besides, being clumsy and
heavy, had some difficulty to keep up with the others; which, not to
leave us behind, carried only their four greater sails, while we had
out between seventeen and eighteen.
It is in those seas we meet with the Tradewinds; which though weak, a
great deal of way might be made, did they blow constantly, because
their course is from east to west without varying: storms are never
observed in these seas, but the calms often prove a great hindrance;
and then it is necessary to wait some days, till a _grain_, or squall,
brings back the wind: a _grain_ is a small spot seen in the air, which
spreads very fast, and forms a cloud, that gives a wind, which is
brisk at first, but not lasting, though enough to make way with.
Nothing besides remarkable is here seen, but the chace of the
_flying-fish_ by the Bonitas.
The Bonita is a fish, which is sometimes two feet long; extremely fond
of the _flying-fish_; which is the reason it always keeps to the places
where these fish are found: its flesh is extremely delicate and of a
good flavour.
The _flying-fish_ is of the length of a herring, but rounder. From its
sides, instead of fins, issue out two wings, each about four inches in
length, by two in breadth at the extremity; they fold together and
open out like a fan, and are round at the end; consisting of a very
fine membrane, pierced with a vast many little holes, which keep the
water, when the fish is out of it: in order to avoid the pursuit of
the Bonita, it darts into the air, spreads out its wings, goes
straight on, without being able to turn to the right or left; which is
the reason, that as soon as the toilets, or little sheets of water,
which fill up the small holes of its wings, are dried up, it falls
down again; and the same Bonita, which pursued it in the water, still
following it with his eye in the air, catches it when fallen into the
water; it sometimes falls on board ships. The Bonita, in his turn,
{13} becomes the prey of the seamen, by means of little puppets, in
the form of _flying-fish_, which it swallows, and by that means is
taken.
We stayed fifteen days at Cape Francois, to take in wood and water,
and to refresh. It is situate on the north part of the island of St.
Domingo, which part the French are in possession of, as the Spaniards
are of the other. The fruits and sweet-meats of the country are
excellent, but the meat good for nothing, hard, dry, and tough. This
country being scorched, grass is very scarce, and animals therein
languish and droop. Six weeks before our arrival, fifteen hundred
persons died of an epidemic distemper, called the Siam distemper.
We sailed from Cape Francois, with the same wind, and the finest
weather imaginable. We then passed between the islands of Tortuga and
St. Domingo, where we espied Port de Paix, which is over-against
Tortuga: we afterwards found ourselves between the extremities of St.
Domingo and Cuba which belongs to the Spaniards: we then steered along
the south coast of this last, leaving to the left Jamaica, and the
great and little Kayemans, which are subject to the English. We at
length quitted Cuba at Cape Anthony, steering for Louisiana a north
west course. We espied land in coming towards it, but so flat, though
distant but a league from us, that we had great difficulty to
distinguish it, though we had then but four fathom water. We put out
the boat to examine the land, which we found to be Candlemas island
(la Chandeleur.) We directly set sail for the island of Massacre,
since called Isle Dauphine, situated three leagues to the south of
that continent, which forms the Gulf of Mexico to the north, at about
27 deg. 35' North latitude, and 288 deg. of longitude. A little after we
discovered the Isle Dauphine, and cast anchor before the harbour, in
the road, because the harbour itself was choaked up. To make this
passage we took three months, and arrived only August 25th. We had a
prosperous voyage all along, and the more so, as no one died, or was
even dangerously ill the whole time, for which we caused _Te Deum_
solemnly to be sung.
We were then put on shore with all our effects. The company had
undertaken to transport us with our servants and {14} effects, at
their expence, and to lodge, maintain and convey us to our several
concessions, or grants.
This gulf abounds with delicious fish; as the _sarde_ (pilchard) red
fish, cod, sturgeon, ringed thornback, and many other sorts, the best
in their kind. The _sarde_ is a large fish; its flesh is delicate, and
of a fine flavour, the scales grey, and of a moderate size. The red
fish is so called, from its red scales, of the size of a crown piece.
The cod, fished for on this coast, is of the middling sort, and very
delicate. The thornback is the same as in France. Before we quit this
island, it will not, perhaps, be improper to mention some things about
it.
The Isle Massacre was so called by the first Frenchman who landed
there, because on the shore of this island they found a small rising
ground, or eminence, which appeared the more extraordinary in an
island altogether flat, and seemingly formed only by the sand, thrown
in by some high gusts of wind. As the whole coast of the gulf is very
flat, and along the continent lies a chain of such islands, which seem
to be mutually joined by their points, and to form a line parallel
with the continent, this small eminence appeared to them
extraordinary: it was more narrowly examined, and in different parts
thereof they found dead mens bones, just appearing above the little
earth that covered them. Then their curiosity led them to rake off the
earth in several places; but finding nothing underneath, but a heap of
bones, they cried out with horror, _Ah! what a Massacre!_ They
afterwards understood by the natives, who are at no great distance
off, that a nation adjoining to that island, being at war with another
much more powerful, was constrained to quit the continent, which is
only three leagues off, and to remove to this island, there to live in
peace the rest of their days; but that their enemies, justly confiding
in their superiority, pursued them to this their feeble retreat, and
entirely destroyed them; and after raising this inhuman trophy of
their victorious barbarity, retired again. I myself saw this fatal
monument, which made me imagine this unhappy nation must have been
even numerous toward its period, as only the bones of their warriors,
and aged men must have lain there, their custom being to make slaves
of their {15} young people. Such is the origin of the first name of
this island, which, on our arrival, was changed to that of Isle
Dauphine: an act of prudence, it should-seem, to discontinue an
appellation, so odious, of a place that was the cradle of the colony;
as Mobile was its birth-place.
This island is very flat, and all a white sand, as are all the others,
and the coast in like manner. Its length is about seven leagues from
east to west; its breadth a short league from south to north,
especially to the east, where the settlement was made, on account of
the harbour which was at the south end of the island, and choaked up
by a high sea, a little before our arrival: this east end runs to a
point. It is tolerably well stored with pine; but so dry and parched,
on account of its crystal sand, as that no greens or pulse can grow
therein, and beasts are pinched and hard put to it for sustenance.
In the mean time, M. de Biainville, commandant general for the company
in this colony, was gone to mark out the spot on which the capital was
to be built, namely, one of the banks of the river Missisippi, where
at present stands the city of New Orleans, so called in honour of the
duke of Orleans, then regent.
CHAPTER IV.
_The Author's Departure for his Grant. Description of the Places he
passed through, as far as_ New Orleans.
The time of my departure, so much wished for, came at length. I set
out with my hired servants, all my effects, and a letter for M.
Paillou, major general at New Orleans, who commanded there in the
absence of M. de Biainville. We coasted along the continent, and came
to lie in the mouth of the river of the Pasca-Ogoulas; so called,
because near its mouth, and to the east of a bay of the same name,
dwells a nation, called Pasca-Ogoulas, which denotes the Nation of
Bread. Here it may be remarked, that in the province of Louisiana, the
appellation of several people terminates in the word Ogoula, which
signifies _nation_; and that most of the rivers derive their names from
the nations which dwell on {16} their banks. We then passed in view of
Biloxi, where formerly was a petty nation of that name; then in view
of the bay of St. Louis, leaving to the left successively Isle
Dauphine, Isle a Corne, (Horne-island,) Isle aux Vaisseaux,
(Ship-island,) and Isle aux Chats, (Cat-island).
I have already described Isle Dauphine, let us now proceed to the
three following. Horn-island is very flat and tolerably wooded, about
six leagues in length, narrowed to a point to the west side. I know
not whether it was for this reason, or on account of the number of
horned cattle upon it, that it received this name; but it is certain,
that the first Canadians, who settled on Isle Dauphine, had put most
of their cattle, in great numbers, there; whereby they came to grow
rich even when they slept. These cattle not requiring any attendance,
or other care, in this island, came to multiply in such a manner, that
the owners made great profits of them on our arrival in the colony.
Proceeding still westward, we meet Ship-island; so called, because
there is a small harbour, in which vessels at different times have put
in for shelter. But as the island is distant four leagues from the
coast, and that this coast is so flat, that boats cannot approach
nearer than half a league, this harbour comes to be entirely useless.
This island may be about five leagues in length, and a large league in
breadth at the west point. Near that point to the north is the
harbour, facing the continent; towards the east end it may be half a
league in breadth: it is sufficiently wooded, and inhabited only by
rats, which swarm there.
At two leagues distance, going still westward, we meet Cat-island; so
called, because at the time it was discovered, great numbers of cats
were found upon it. This island is very small, not above half a league
in diameter. The forests are over-run with underwood: a circumstance
which, doubtless, determined M. de Biainville to put in some hogs to
breed; which multiplied to such numbers, that, in 1722, going to hunt
them, no other creatures were to be seen; and it was judged, that in
time they must have devoured each other. It was found they had
destroyed the cats.
{17} All these islands are very flat, and have the same bottom of
white sand; the woods, especially of the three first, consist of pine;
they are almost all at the same distance from the continent, the coast
of which is equally sandy.
After passing the bay of St. Louis, of which I have spoken, we enter
the two channels which lead to Lake Pontchartrain, called at present
the Lake St. Louis: of these channels, one is named the Great, the
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