History of PhoeniciaPart 8 out of 9[54] Perrot et Chipiez, l.s.c. [55] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, appendix, p. 408. [56] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 685, No. 485. [57] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 102. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 675, No. 483. [58] So Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 332, and Mr. Murray, of the British Museum, ibid., appendix, pp. 401, 402. [59] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 693-695. [60] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pp. 394, 402, and pl. xlii. fig. 4. [61] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 698. [62] Ibid. p. 676, No. 484; p. 691, No. 496; and p. 697, No. 505. [63] Ibid. p. 730. [64] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 282, and pl. xxx. [65] Ibid. [66] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 866-868. Compare Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pl. x. [67] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pp. 335, 336, and pls. iv. and xxx.; Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 831, 862, 863, &c. [68] Di Cesnola, l.s.c.; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 864. [69] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pl. xx. [70] Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 15, 66-68, 70; Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 203. [71] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 870, 871. [72] Ibid. p. 867, No. 633. [73] Ibid. iv. 94. [74] Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 94, No. 91. [75] Ibid. p. 67, No. 53. [76] Ibid. iii. 862, No. 629. [77] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. p. 863. [78] De Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 336. [79] See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 133, Nos. 80, 81. [80] Di Cesnola, p. 335. [81] See Ezek. xxvii. 12; Strab. iii. 2, § 8. [82] Plutarch, /Vit. Alex. Magni/, § 32. [83] Ceccaldi, /Monumens Antiques de Cyprus/, p. 138; Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 282; Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 874. [84] Plutarch, /Vit. Demetrii/, § 21. [85] Hom. /Il./ xi. 19-28. [86] 2 Chron. ii. 14. Iron, in the shape of nails and rings, has been found in several graves in Phœnicia Proper, where the coffin seems to have been of wood (Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 866). [87] Strab. iii. 5, § 11. [88] Ezek. xxvii. 12. [89] See Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iv. 80. [90] Ibid. iii. 815, No. 568. [91] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 427, and pl. lx. fig. 1; Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 177, No. 123. IX SHIPS, NAVIGATION, AND COMMERCE [1] Plin. /H. N./ vii. 56. [2] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 517, No. 352. [3] Layard, /Nineveh and its Remains/, ii. 383. [4] Compare the practice of the Egyptians (Rosellini, /Monumenti Storici/, pl. cxxxi.) [5] See Mionnet, /Déscript. de Médailles/, vol. vii. pl. lxi. fig. 1; Gesenius, /Ling. Scripturæque Phœn. Monumenta/, pl. 36, fig. G; Layard, /Nineveh and its Remains/, ii. 378. [6] Layard, /Monuments of Nineveh/, first series, pl. 71; /Nineveh and its Remains/, l.s.c. [7] So Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 34. [8] See Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pl. xlv. [9] Herod. iii. 136. [10] In later times there must have been more sails than one, since Xenophon describes a Phœnician merchant ship as sailing by means of a quantity of rigging, which implies /several/ sails (Xen. /Œconom./ § 8). [11] Scylax. /Periplus/, § 112. [12] Thucyd. i. 13. [13] Herod. l.s.c. [14] See Herod. vii. 89-94. [15] Ibid. vii. 44. [16] Ibid. vii. 100. [17] Xen. /Œconom./ § 8, pp. 11-16 (Ed. Schneider). [18] Herodotus (iii. 37) says they were at the prow of the ship; but Suidas (ad voc.) and Hesychius (ad voc.) place them at the stern. Perhaps there was no fixed rule. [19] The {pataikoi} of the Greeks probably representes the Hebrew {...}, which is from {...}, "insculpere," and is applied in Scripture to "carved work" of any kind. (See 1 Kings vi. 29; Ps. lxxiv. 6; &c.) Some, however, derive the word from the Egyptian name Phthah, or Ptah. (See Kenrick, /Phœnicia/, p. 235.) [20] Manilius, i. 304-308. [21] Strab. /Geograph./ xv. [22] Tarshish (Tartessus) was on the Atlantic coast, outside the Straits. [23] Ezek. xxvii. [24] Signified by one of its chief cities, Haran (now Harran). [25] Signified by "the house of Togarmarh" (verse 14). [26] Ionia, Cyprus, and Hellas are the Greek correspondents of Javan, Chittim, and Elishah, Chittim representing Citium, the capital of Cyprus. [27] Spain is intended by "Tarshish" (verse 12) == Tartessus, which was a name given by the Phœnicians to the tract upon the lower Bætis (Guadalquivir). [28] See the /Speaker's Commentary/, ad loc. [29] Strab. xv. 3, § 22. [30] Minnith appears as an Ammonite city in the history of Jephthah (Judg. xi. 33). [31] Herod. ii. 37, 182; iii. 47. [32] See Rawlinson's /Herodotus/, ii. 157; /History of Ancient Egypt/, i. 509; Rosellini, /Mon. Civili/, pls. 107-109. [33] See Herod. iii. 107; /History of Ancient Egypt/, ii. 222-224. [34] That these were Arabian products appears from Herod. iii. 111, 112. They may be included in the "chief of all spices," which Tyre obtained from the merchants of Sheba and Raamah (Ezek. xxvii. 22). [35] Arabia has no ebony trees, and can never have produced elephants. [36] See Ezek. xxvii. 23, 24. Canneh and Chilmad were probably Babylonian towns. [37] Upper Mesopotamia is indicated by one of its chief cities, Haran (Ezek. xxvii. 23). [38] Ezek. xxvii. 6. Many objects in ivory have been found in Cyprus. [39] Ibid. verse 7. The /Murex brandaris/ is still abundant on the coast of Attica, and off the island of Salamis (Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 881). [40] Strab. iii. 2, § 8-12; Diod. Sic. v. 36; Plin. /H. N./ iii. 3. [41] See Gen. xxxvii. 28. [42] Isaiah xxi. 13. [43] Ibid. lx. 6. [44] Ibid. verses 6, 7. [45] Heeren, /Asiatic Nations/, ii. 93, 100, 101. [46] 1 Kings v. 11; 2 Chr. ii. 10. [47] Ezek. xxvii. 17. [48] Ezra iii. 7. [49] Acts xii. 20. [50] 2 Chron. l.s.c.; Ezra l.s.c.; Ezek. xxvii. 6, 17. [51] Ezek. l.s.c. [52] Gen. xxxvii. 28. [53] Strab. xvi. 2, § 41. [54] Ezek. xxvii. 18. [55] Strab. xv. 3, § 22. [56] So Heeren (/As. Nat./ ii. 118). But there is a Helbon a little to the north of Damascus, which is more probably intended. [57] Ibid. [58] See Amos, iii. 12, where some translate "the children of Israel that dwell in Samaria in the corner of a bed, and upon a damask couch." [59] Ezek. xxvii. 16. [60] The Hebrew terms for Syria {...} and Edom {...} are constantly confounded by the copyists, and we must generally look to the context to determine which is the true reading. [61] Herod. i. 1. [62] Ibid. ii. 112. [63] Ch. xxvii. 7. [64] Egyptian pottery, scarabs, seals, figures of gods, and amulets, are common on most Phœnician sites. The Sidonian sarcophagi, including that of Esmunazar, are of an Egyptian stone. [65] Herod. iii. 5, 6. [66] Ibid. iii. 107; Strab. xvi. 4, § 19; Diod. Sic. ii. 49. [67] Theophrast. /Hist. Plant./ ix. 4. [68] Wilkinson, in the author's /Herodotus/, iii. 497, note 6; Heeren, /As. Nat./ ii. 95. [69] Is. lx. 7; Her. xlix. 29. [70] Ezek. xxvii. 21. [71] Ezek. xxvii. 20. [72] Ex. xxvi. 7; xxxvi. 14. [73] Ezek. xxvii. 15, 19-22. [74] See Heeren, /Asiatic Nations/, ii. 96. [75] Ibid. pp. 99, 100. [76] Gerrha, Sanaa, and Mariaba were flourishing towns in Strabo's time, and probably during several centuries earlier. [77] Ezek. xxvii. 23, 24. [78] Herod. i. 1. [79] See Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pls. xxxi.-xxxiii.; A. Di Cesnola, /Salaminia/, ch. xii.; Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 636-639. [80] Layard, /Monuments of Nineveh/, 2nd series, pls. 57-67; /Nineveh and Babylon/, pp. 183-187. [81] Ezek. xxvii. 23. [82] So Heeren translates (/As. Nat./ ii. 123). [83] Ezek. xxvii. 14. [84] Strab. xi. 14, § 9:--{'Estin ippobotos sphodra e khora}. [85] Ibid. [86] 1 Kings i. 33; Esth. viii. 10, 14. [87] Ezek. xxvii. 13. [88] Xen. /Anab./ iv. 1, § 6. [89] Hom. /Od./ xv. 415-484; Herod. i. 1. [90] Joel iii. 6. [91] Ezek. xxvii. 13. [92] Herod. v. 5. [93] Herod. ii. 32. [94] Ibid. iv. 183. [95] Ibid. [96] Ibid. iv. 181-184. Compare Heeren, /African Nations/, ii. pp. 202-235. [97] No doubt some of these may have been imparted by the Cyprians themselves, and others introduced by the Egyptians when they held Cyprus; but they are too numerous to be accounted for sufficiently unless by a continuous Phœnician importation. [98] Especially Etruria, which was advanced in civilisation and the arts, while Rome was barely emerging from barbarism. [99] 2 Chron. ii. 14. [100] Dennis, /Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria/, ii. 204, 514; Gerhard, /Etruskische Spiegel/, passim. [101] Schliemann, /Mycenæ/, Pls. 357-519. [102] Ezek. xxvii. 12; Plin. /H. N./ xxxiv. 16; &c. [103] Strabo, iii. 5, § 11. [104] Ibid. In Roman times the pigs of tin were brought to the Isle of Wight by the natives, thence transported across the Channel, and conveyed through Gaul to the mouth of the Rhône (Diod. Sic. v. 22). [105] Heeren, /Asiatic Nations/, ii. 80. [106] Hom. /Od./ xv. 460. Some doubt, however, if amber is here intended. [107] Scylax, /Periplus/, § 112. [108] Herod. iv. 196. [109] These forests (spoken of by Diodorus, v. 19) have now to a great extent been cleared away, though some patches still remain, especially in the more western islands of the group. The most remarkable of the trees is the /Pinus canariensis/. [110] Pliny, /H. N./ vi. 32, sub fin. [111] Pliny, l.s.c. The breed is now extinct. [112] The savagery of the ancient inhabitants of the mainland is strongly marked in the narrative of Hanno (/Periplus/, passim). [113] As Heeren (/As. Nat./ ii. 71, 75, 239). [114] Ezek. xxvii. 15, 20, 23. [115] See 1 Kings x. 22; 2 Chr. ix. 21. [116] 1 Kings ix. 26, 27. [117] Ibid. x. 11; 2 Chr. ix. 10. [118] Gen. x. 29. Compare Twistleton, in Dr. Smith's /Dictionary of the Bible/, vol. ii. ad voc. OPHIR. [119] Ps. lxxii. 15; Ezek. xxvii. 22; Strab. xvi. 4, § 18; Diod. Sic. ii. 50. [120] Ezel. l.s.c.; Strab. xvi. 4, § 20. [121] There are no sufficient data for determining what tree is intended by the almug or algum tree. The theory which identifies it with the "sandal-wood" of India has respectable authority in its favour, but cannot rise beyond the rank of a conjecture. [122] If Scylax of Cadyanda could sail, in the reign of Darius Hystaspis, from the mouth of the Indus to the Gulf of Suez (Herod. iv. 44), there could have been no great difficulty in the Phœnicians accomplishing the same voyage in the opposite direction some centuries earlier. X MINING [1] Diod. Sic. v. 35, § 2. [2] Brugsch, /History of Egypt/, i. 65; Birch, /Ancient Egypt/, p. 65. [3] Deut. viii. 7-9. [4] Plin. /H. N./ xxxiv. 2:--"In Cypro proma æris inventio." The story went, that Cinryas, the Paphian king, who gave Agamemnon his breastplate of steel, gold, and tin (Hom. /Il./ xii. 25), invented the manufacture of copper, and also invented the tongs, the hammer, the lever, and the anvil (Plin. /H. N./ vii. 56, § 195). [5] Strab. xiv. 6, § 5; Steph. Byz. ad voc. {Tamasos}. [6] See the /Dictionary of Gk. and Rom. Geography/, i. 729. [7] Ross, /Inselnreise/, iv. 157, 161. [8] Plin. /H. N./ l.s.c. [9] Herod. vi. 47. [10] Plin. /H. N./ vi. 56; Strab. xiv. 5, § 28. [11] See the description of Thasos in the /Géographie Universelle/, i. 142. [12] Herod. vii. 112; Aristot. /De Ausc. Mir./ § 42; Thuc. iv. 105; Diod. Sic. xvi. 8; App. /Bell. Civ./ iv. 105; Justin, viii. 3; Plin. /H. N./ vii. 56, &c. [13] Col. Leake speaks of /one/ silver mine as still being worked (/Northern Greece/, iii. 161). [14] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iv. 99. [15] Ibid. p. 100, note. [16] Plin. /H. N./ xxxiii. 4, § 21. [17] Ibid. xxxiii. 4, § 23. [18] Diod. Sic. v. 35, § 1. [19] Plin. /H. N./ xxxiii. 6, § 31. [20] Ibid. § 96. [21] Strab. iii. 2, § 8; Diod. Sic. v. 36, § 2. [22] Ap. Strab. iii. 2, § 9. Compare Diod. Sic. v. 38, § 4. [23] Strab. l.s.c. [24] Plin. /H. N./ xxxiv. 16, § 156. [25] Plin. /H. N./ xxxiv. 16, § 158 and § 165. [26] Polyb. xxxiv. 5, § 11; Plin. /H. N./ xxxiv. 16, § 158. [27] Plin. xxxiv. 18, § 173. [28] Ibid. § 159. [29] Ibid. xxxiv. 17, § 164. [30] Quicksilver is still among the products of the Spanish mines, where its presence is noted by Pliny (/H. N./ xxxiii. 6, § 99). [31] Diod. Sic. v. 36, § 2. [32] Ibid. {Kai plagias kai skolias diaduseis poikilos metallourgountes}. [33] Pliny says "flint," but this can scarcely have been the material. (See Plin. /H. N./ xxxiii. 4, § 71.) [34] Ibid. § 70. [35] Ibid. § 73. [36] Diod. Sic. v. 37, § 3. [37] Diod. Sic. v. 37, § 3. Compare Strab. iii. 2, § 9. [38] Plin. /H. N./ xxxiii. 4, § 69. [39] Ibid. [40] Kenrick, /Phœnicia/, p. 263. [41] Diod. Soc. v. 38, § 1. [42] Kenrick thinks that the Carthaginians "introduced the practice of working the mines by slave labour" (/Phœnicia/, l.s.c.); but to me the probability appears to be the other way. [43] See Wilkinson, in the author's /Herodotus/, ii. 504. [44] Herod. iii. 96. XI RELIGION [1] Renan, /Histoire des Langues Sémitiques/, p. 5. [2] Ithobal, father of Jezebel, was High Priest of Ashtoreth (Menand. Ephes. Fr. 1). Amastarte, the mother of Esmunazar II. (/Records of the Past/, ix. 113) was priestess of the same deity. [3] As figures of Melkarth, or Esmun, or dedications to Baal, as lord of the particular city issuing it. [4] Herod. iii. 37. [5] For the fragments of the work which remain, see the /Fragmenta Historicum Græcorum/ of C. Müller, iii. 561-571. Its value has been much disputed, but seems to the present writer only slight. [6] Compare Max Müller, /Science of Religion/, p. 177 et seqq. [7] Gen. xiv. 18-22. [8] Philo Bybl. Fr. 1, § 5. [9] /Records of the Past/, iv. 109, 113. [10] Gen. vi. 5. [11] Ps. cxxxix. 2. [12] Max Müller, /Chips from a German Workshop/, i. 28. [13] Philo Bybl. Fr. 1, § 5. Compare the /Corpus Ins. Semit./ vol. i. p. 29. [14] See Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, pl. xxxii.; Gesenius, /Linguæ Scripturæque Phœniciæ Monumenta/, Tab. xxi. [15] 2 Kings xxiii. 5. Compare verse 11. [16] Gesenius, /Monumenta Phœnicia/, p. 96. [17] Ibid. pp. 276-278. [18] See Döllinger's /Judenthum und Heidenthum/, i. 425; E. T. [19] Döllinger, /Judenthum und Heidenthum/, i. 425, E. T. Compare Gesenius, /Mon. Phœn./ Tab. xxiii. [20] Herod. ii. 44; Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 77. [21] Judg. ii. 11; iii. 7; x. 6, &c. [22] 2 Kings i. 2. [23] Strab. iii. 5, § 5. [24] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iv. 113. [25] 2 Kings iii. 2. [26] See the representation in Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 73. [27] Döllinger, /Judenthum und Heidenthum/, i. 427. [28] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 77. [29] Gen. xiv. 5. [30] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 419, 450, 555, &c. [31] Ibid. p. 554. [32] Curtius, in the /Archäologische Zeitung/ for 1869, p. 63. [33] Kenrick, /Phœnicia/, p. 303. [34] Menand. Ephes. Fr. 1. [35] See Philo Bybl. Fe. ii. 8, § 14; {'Ilon ton kai Kronon}. Damascius ap. Phot. /Bibl./ p. 1050. [36] Philo. Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, § 17. [37] Diod. Sic. xx. 14. [38] Philo Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, § 25. [39] Ibid. Fr. iv. [40] Ibid. Fr. ii. 8, § 14-19. [41] /Karth/ or /Kartha/, is probably the root of Carthage, Carthagena, Carteia, &c., as Kiriath is of Kiriathaim, Kiriath- arba, Kiriath-arim, &c. [42] Melicertes is the son of Demaroüs and the grandson of Uranus; Baal-samin is a god who stands alone, "without father, without mother, without descent." [43] See Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 567, 577, 578; Gesenius, /Mon. Phœn./ Tab. xxxvii. I. [44] Herod. ii. 44. [45] Ibid. [46] Strab. iii. 5, § 4-6. [47] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 575. [48] Ibid. p. 574. [49] Strab. iii. 5, § 5. [50] Sil. Ital. iii. 18-20. [51] Ibid. iii. 21-27. [52] 1 Sam. v. 2-5; 1 Mac. x. 18. [53] Philo Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, § 14. [54] Ibid. § 20. [55] Layard, /Ninev. and Bab./ p. 343; Kenrick, /Phœnicia/, p. 323. [56] See 2 Sam. viii. 3, and 1 Kings xv. 18, where the names Hadad- ezer and Ben-hadad suggest at any rate the worship of Hadad. [57] Macrob. /Saturnalia/, i. 23. [58] So Macrobius, l.s.c. Compare the representations of the Egyptian Sun-God, Aten, in the sculpures of Amenhotep IV. (See the /Story of Egypt/, in G. Putnam's Series, p. 225.) [59] The /h/ in "Hadad" is /he/ ({...}), but in /chad/ it is /heth/ ({...}). The derivation also leaves the reduplication of the /daleth/ unaccounted for. [60] Philo Bybl. Fr. ii. 24, § 1. [61] Zech. xii. 11. [62] 1 Kings i. 18; 2 Kings v. 18. [63] Kenrick, /Phœnicia/, p. 311. [64] Ezek. viii. 14. [65] The Adonis myth is most completely set forth by the Pseudo- Lucian, /De Dea Syra/, § 6-8. [66] Philo Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, § 11. [67] Ibid. [68] "King of Righteousness" and "Lord of Righteousness" are the interpretations usually given; but "Zedek is my King" and "Zedek is my Lord" would be at least equally admissible. [69] Berytus was under the protection of the Cabeiri generally (Philo Bybl. ii. 8, § 25) and of Esmun in particular. Kenrick says that he had a temple there (/Phœnicia, p. 327). [70] Cyprian inscriptions contain the names of Bar-Esmun, Abd-Esmun, and Esmun-nathan; Sidonian ones those of two Esmun-azars. Esmun's temple at Carthage was celebrated (Strab. xvii. 14; Appian, viii. 130). His worship in Sardinia is shown by votive offerings (Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 308). [71] Ap. Phot. /Bibliothec./ Cod. ccxlii. p. 1074. [72] Pausan. viii. 23. [73] The name /Astresmunim/, "herb of Esmun," given by Dioscorides (iv. 71) to the /solanum/, which was regarded as having medicinal qualities, is the nearest approach to a proof that the Phœnicians themselves connected Esmun with the healing art. [74] Philo Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, § 11. [75] Herod. ii. 51; Kenrick, /Egypt/, Appendix, pp. 264-287. [76] Philo Bybl. l.s.c. [77] Herod. iii. 37; Suidas ad voc. {pataikos}; Hesych. ad voc. {Kabeiroi}. [78] Strab. x. 3, § 7. [79] Gen. ix. 22; x. 6. Compare the author's /Herodotus/, iv. 239-241. [80] Herod. iii. 37. [81] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 65, 78, &c. [82] Gesenius, /Mon. Phœn./ Tab. xxxix. [83] Berger, /La Phénicie/, p. 24; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 70. [84] Pausan. ix. 12; Nonnus, /Dionysiac./ v. 70; Steph. Byz. ad voc. {'Ogkaiai}; Hesych. ad voc. {'Ogka}; Scholiast. ad Pind. /Ol./ ii. &c. [85] As Stephen and Hesychius. [86] Philo Bybl. Fr. ii. § 24. [87] The "Oncæan" gate at Thebes is said to have taken its name from her. [88] Gesen. /Mon. Phœn. p. 113. [89] Ibid. pp. 168-177. [90] Prosper, /Op./ iii. 38; Augustine, /De Civ. Dei/, ii. 3. [91] Gesen. /Mon. Ph./ Tab. ix. [92] Ibid. p. 168. [93] Apul. /Metamorph./ xi. 257. [94] Gesen. /Mon. Ph./ Tab. xvi. [95] Ibid. pp. 115-118. [96] See the author's /History of Ancient Egypt/, i. 400. [97] See the Fragments of Philo Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, § 19. [98] Ibid. § 25. [99] See Sir H. Rawlinson's /Essay on the Religion of the Babylonians and Assyrians/, in the author's /Herodotus/, i. 658. [100] So Gesenius, /Mon. Phœn./ p. 402; Kenrick, /Phœnicia/, p. 301, and others. [101] There seems also to have been a tendency to increase the number of the gods by additions, of which the foreign origin is, at any rate, "not proven." Among the deities brought into notice by the later Phœnicians are--1. Zephon, an equivalent of the Egyptian Typhon, but probably a god of Phœnician origin (Ex. xiv. 2); 2. Sad or Tsad, sometimes apparently called Tsadam; 3. Sakon or Askun, a name which forms perhaps the first element in Sanchon- iathon (= Sakon-yithan); 4. Elat, a goddess, a female form of El, perhaps equivalent to the Arabian Alitta (Herod. i. 131) or Alilat (ibid. iii. 8); 5. 'Aziz, a god who was perhaps common to the Phœnicians with the Syrians, since Azizus is said to have been "the Syrian Mars;" and 6. Pa'am {...}, a god otherwise unknown. (See the /Corpus Inscr. Semit./ i. 122, 129, 132, 133, 144, 161, 197, 333, 404, &c.) [102] Gesenius, /Mon. Phœn./ pp. 96, 110, &c.; /Corpus Ins. Semit./ Fasc. ii. pp. 154, 155. [103] Ibid. p. 99 and Tab. xl. A. [104] Steph. Byz. ad voc. {'Amathous}. [105] Lucian, /De Dea Syra/, § 7. [106] Plut. /De Is. et Osir./ § 15, 16; Steph. Byz. l.s.c.; Gesen. /Mon. Phœn./ pp. 96, 110. [107] Gesen. /Mon. Phœn./ Tab. xxi. [108] Ibid. pp. 168, 174, 175, 177. [109] Ibid. Tab. xxi. [110] Ibid. pp. 197, 202, 205. [111] Ibid. Tab. xxi. and Tab. xxiii. [112] Lucian, /De Dea Syria/, § 54. [113] Clermont-Ganneau, in the /Journal Asiatique/, Série vii. vol. xi. 232, 444. [114] Lucian, § 42. [115] Ibid. Compare the 450 prophets of Baal at Samaria (1 Kings xviii. 19). [116] Lucian, l.s.c. [117] Ibid. Lucian's direct testimony is conined to Hierapolis, but his whole account seems to imply the closest possible connection between the Syrian and Phœnician religious usages. [118] Lucian, § 49. [119] Lucian, § 50: {'Aeidousi enthea kai ira asmata}. [120] Gesenius, /Scripturæ Linguæque Phœniciæ Monumenta/, Tab. 6, 9, 10, &c.; /Corp. Ins. Semit./ Tab. ix. 52; xxii. 116, 117; xxiii. 115 A, &c. [121] Gesen. Tab. 15, 16, 17, 21, &c.; /Corp. Ins. Semit./ Tab. xliii. 187, 240; liv. 352, 365, 367, 369, &c. [122] /Revue Archéologique/, 2me Série, xxxvii. 323. [123] Jarchi on Jerem. vii. 31. [124] Diod. Sic. xx. 14. [125] 2 Kings iii. 27; xvi. 3; xxi. 6; Micah vi. 7. [126] Plutarch, /De Superstitione/, § 13. [127] Döllinger, /Judenthum und Heidenthum/, i. 427, E. T. [128] /Judenthum und Heidenthum/, book vi. § 4 (i. 428, 429 of N. Darnell's translation). [129] Herod. i. 199; Strab. xvi. 1058; Baruch vi. 43. [130] /De Dea Syra/, § 6. [131] /Judenthum und Heidenthum/, l.s.c. p. 429; Engl. Trans. [132] Euseb. /Vit. Constantin. Magni/, iii. 55, § 3. [133] See 1 Kings xiv. 24; xv. 12; xxii. 46; 2 Kings xxiii. 7. [134] Lucian, /De Dea Syra/, § 50-52; /Corp. Ins. Semit./ vol. i. Fasc. 1, p. 92; Liv. xxix. 10, 14; xxxvi. 36; Juv. vi. 512; Ov. /Fast./ iv. 237; Mart. /Ep./ iii. 31; xi. 74; Plin. /H. N./ v. 32; xi. 49; xxxv. 13; Propert. ii. 18, l. 15; Herodian, § 11. [135] Lucian, § 51. [136] Ibid. § 50. [137] Döllinger, /Judenthum und Heidenthum/ (i. 431; Engl. Tr.). Compare Senec. /De Vita Beata/, § 27; Lact. § 121. [138] Liban. /Opera/, xi. 456, 555; cxi. 333. [139] Compare Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l'Art/, iii. 210, 232, 233, 236; Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pp. 66, 67, &c. In the anthropoeid sarcophagi, a hole is generally bored from the cavity of the ear right through the entire thickness of the stone, in order, apparently, that the corpse might hear the prayers addressed to it (Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 139). [140] One of Esmunazar's curses on those who should disturb his remains is a prayer that they may not be "held in honour among the Manes" (/Corps. Ins. Semit./ vol. i. Fasc. 1, p. 9). A funereal inscription translated by Gesenius (/Mon. Phœn./ p. 147) ends with the words, "After rain the sun shines forth." [141] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 139. [142] Job iii. 11-19. [143] The compilers of the /Corpus Ins. Smit./ edit 256 of these, and then stop, fearing to weary the reader (i. 449). [144] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 325. [145] Ibid. p. 146. [146] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pp. 306-334. XII DRESS, ORNAMENTS, AND SOCIAL HABITS [1] See also Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 233; Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 405, 447, 515, &c. [2] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 428, 527, 531, 533, 534, &c. [3] Ibid. pp. 527, 545; Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 145. [4] Perrot et Chipiez, p. 538. [5] Ibid. pp. 539, 547; Di Cesnola, pp. 143, 145, 149, 151, &c. [6] Di Cesnola, pp. 141, 145, 149, 151, 153, 240, 344. [7] Ibid. pp. 141, 143, 149; Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 511, 513, 531, &c. [8] Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 519, 523, &c. [9] Ibid. pp. 531, 533; Di Cesnola, pp. 129, 131, &c. [10] Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 527, 533, 539; Di Cesnola, pp. 129, 145, 154. [11] Di Cesnola, p. 306. [12] Ibid. Pls. xlvi. and xlvii.; Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 205, 643, 837. [13] Di Cesnola, p. 132. [14] Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 64, 450, 555, 557; Di Cesnola, Pls vi. and xv.; also p. 275. [15] Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 431. [16] Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 202, 451, 554. [17] Ibid. pp. 473, 549; Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 230. [18] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 549. [19] Ibid. pp. 189, 549, 565. [20] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, 141, 190, 230. [21] Ibid. pp. 141, 191. [22] Ibid. p. 141. [23] Is. iii. 18-23. [24] Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 257, 450, 542, 563, 824. [25] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pl. xxiii.; Perrot et Chipiez, /Histoire de l'Art/, iii. 819, A. [26] Di Cesnola, pl. xxii.; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 819, B. [27] Di Cesnola, p. 315. [28] See plate x. in Perrot et Chipiez, iii. opp. p. 824. [29] Ibid. pp. 826, 827. [30] Compare Di Cesnola, pl. xxv.; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 826. [31] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 826. [32] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 311. [33] Ibid. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, p. 832. [34] These bracelets are in Paris, in the collection of M. de Clercq (Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 832). [35] Ibid. [36] This bracelet is in silver, but the head of the lion has been gilded. It is now in the British Museum. [37] Perrot et Chipiez, p. 836; No. 604. [38] Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pp. 311, 312. [39] Ibid. p. 312. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, p. 835. [40] Perrot et Chipiez, l.s.c. (No. 603.) [41] Perrot et Chipiez, p. 818: "Il y a dans les formes de ces boucles d'orielles une étonnante variété." [42] See his /Cyprus/, pl. xxv., and compare Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 819, fig. D. [43] Perrot et Chipiez, p. 821; No. 577. [44] Ibid. Nos. 578, 579. [45] Di Cesnola, pl. xxvi. [46] Perrot et Chipiez, p. 823. [47] See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 822; No. 582. [48] Ibid. pp. 821, 822. Compare Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, p. 297, and pl. xxvii. [49] Perrot et Chipiez, p. 823. [50] Di Cesnola, p. 310; Perrot et Chipiez, p. 818; No. 574. [51] Perrot et Chipiez, p. 818; No. 575. [52] Di Cesnola, pl. xxviii. [53] Ibid. pl. xxi. [54] Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 830, 831. [55] Perrot et Chipiez, p. 831; No. 595. [56] Di Csnola, p. 316. [57] Ibid. pl. xxi (opp. p. 312). [58] Ibid. pl. xxx. [59] Ibid. pl. ix. [60] Compare Di Cesnola, p. 149. [61] Ibid. pl. x. [62] Ibid. p. 77; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 783. [63] Di Cesnola, p. 149. [64] Ibid. pl. xiv. [65] Ibid. pl. x. [66] See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 769, 771, 789. [67] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 798. [68] C. W. King, in Di Cesnola's /Cyprus/, pp. 363, 364. [69] Mr. King says of it: "No piece of antique worked agate hitherto known equals in magnitude and curiosity the ornament discovered among the bronze and iron articles of the treasure. It is a sphere about six inches in diameter, black irregularly veined with white, having the exterior vertically scored with incised lines, imitating, as it were, the gadroons of a melon" (ibid. p. 363). [70] Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, Pls. xii. xiii.; Di Cesnola, /Cyprus/, pls. iv. and xxx.; and pp. 335, 336. [71] Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 846-853. [72] 1 Kings xxii. 39. XIII PHŒNICIAN WRITING, LANGUAGE, AND LITERATURE [1] This follows from the fact that the Greeks, who tell us that they got their letters from the Phœnicians, gave them names only slightly modified from the Hebrew. [2] See Dr. Ginsburg's /Moabite Stone/, published in 1870. [3] See /Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund/ for October 1881, pp. 285-287. [4] /Corp. Ins. Semit./ i. 224-226. [5] Herod. v. 58; Diod. Sic. v. 24; Plin. /H. N./ v. 12; vii. 56; Tacit. /Ann./ xi. 14; Euseb. /Chron. Can./ i. 13; &c. [6] Capt. Conder, in the /Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund/, Jan. 1889, p. 17. [7] /Encycl. Britann./ i. 600 and 606. [8] Conder, in /Quarterly Statement/, &c. l.s.c. [9] See Gesenius, /Mon. Phœn./ Tab. 19 and 20. [10] See the /Corpus Ins. Semit./ i. 3, 30, 73, &c.; Gesenius, /Mon. Phœn./ Tab. 29-33. [11] See on this entire subject Gesenius, /Scripturæ Linguæque Phœniciæ Monumenta/, pp. 437-445; Movers, article on /Phœnizien/ in the /Cyclopädie/ of Ersch and Gruber; Renan, /Histoire des Langues Sémitiques/, pp. 189-192. [12] Renan, /Histoire/, &c., p. 186. [13] Philo Byblius, Fr. i. [14] Philo Byblius, Fr. ii. § 5-8. [15] Ibid. Fr. v. [16] /The Voyage of Hanno translated, and accompanied with the Greek Text/, by Thomas Falconer, M.A., London, 1797. [17] Quoted by Falconer in his second "Dissertation," p. 67. [18] See the /Histoire des Langues Sémitiques/ (p. 186):--"Les monuments épigraphiques viennent heureusement combler en partie cette lacune." [19] See the /Corpus Inscr. Semit./ i. 13. [20] /Corpus Inscr. Semit./ i. 20. [21] /Story of Phœnicia/, p. 269. [22] On the age of Jehavmelek, see M. Renan's remarks in the /Corpus Inscriptionum Semit./ i. 8. [23] Ibid. p. 3. [24] I have followed the translation of M. Renan (/Corp. Ins. Semit./ i. 8). [25] See the /Corpus Inscr. Semit./ i. 226-236. [26] See the /Corp. Inscr. Sem./ i. 30-32. [27] Gesenius, /Script. Linguæque Phœn. Monumenta/, p. 177. [28] Ibid. p. 96. [29] See the /Corpus Inscr. Semit./ i. 36-39. [30] Ibid. pp. 110-112. [31] Ibid. p. 69. [32] Ibid. p. 76. [33] See the /Corpus Inscr. Semit./ pp. 67, 68. [34] Gesenius, /Scripturæ Linguæque Phœn. Mon./ p. 144. [35] Ibid. p. 147. [36] Ibid. p. 187. [37] See the fragments of Dius and Menander, who followed the Tyrian historians (Joseph. /Contr. Ap./ i. 18). [38] Ap. Strab. xvii. 2, § 22. [39] Ibid. [40] See Sallust, /Bell. Jugurth./ § 17; Cic. /De Orat./ i. 58; Amm. Marc. xxii. 15; Solin. /Polyhist./ § 34. [41] Columella, xii. 4. [42] Ibid. i. 1, § 6. [43] Plin. /H. N./ xviii. 3. [44] As Antipater and Apollonius, Stoic philosophers of Tyre (Strab. l.s.c.), Boëthus and Diodotus, Peripatetics, of Sidon (ibid.), Philo of Byblus, Hermippus of Berytus, and others. XIV POLITICAL HISTORY [1] Gen. x. 15-18. [2] "Canaanite" is used in a much wider sence, including all the Syrian nations between the coast line and the desert. [3] Mark vii. 26. [4] Ezra iii. 7. [5] 1 Kings v. 18 (marginal rendering). [6] Ezek. xxvii. 11. [7] Gen. x. 17, 18. [8] Judg. i. 31. [9] Brugsch, /Hist. of Egypt/, i. 222, et seq. [10] See /Records of the Past/, ii. 110, 111. [11] Josh. xi. 8; xix. 28. [12] Judg. xviii. 7, 8. [13] Ibid. i. 31. [14] Ramantha (Laodicea) in later times claimed the rank of "Metropolis," which implied a supremacy over other cities; but the real chief power of the north was Aradus. [15] Hom. /Il./ xxiii. 743. [16] Ibid. 743-748. [17] Hom. /Od./ iv. 613-619. [18] Ibid. xv. 460 (Worsley's translation). [19] Hom. /Il./ vi. 290-295 (Sotheby's translation). [20] Scylax, /Periplus/, § 104. [21] Cl. Julius, quoted by Stephen of Byzantium, ad voc. {DOROS}. [22] Justin, /Hist. Philipp./ xviii. 3. [23] Strab. xvi. ii. § 13. [24] Appian, /De Rebus Punicus/, § 1, &c. [25] Gesenius, /Mon. Phœn./ p. 267. [26] The Sidonian vessel which carries off Eumæus quits the Sicilian haven after sunset, and continues its voyage night and day without stopping--{'Exemar men onos pleomen nuktas te kai e mar} (Hom. /Od./ xv. 471-476). [27] Strabo, xvi. 2, § 24. [28] Ibid. [29] Manilius, i. 304-309. [30] Herod. i. 1. [31] See Hom. /Odyss./ xv. 455. [32] Herod. l.s.c. [33] Hom. /Odyss./ xv. 403-484. [34] Strabo, xvi. 2, § 14. [35] We find hereditary monarchy among the Hittites (/Records of the Past/, iv. 28), at Tyre (Menand. ap. Joseph. /Contr. Ap./ i. 18), in Moab (/Records/, xi. 167), in Judah and Israel, in Syria (2 Kings, xiii. 24), in Ammon (2 Sam. x. 1), &c. [36] 1 Sam. viii. 20. [37] When kings are priests, it is noted as exceptional. (See Menand. l.s.c.; /Inscription of Tabnit/, line 1.) [38] Judg. x. 12. [39] Kenrick, /Phœnicia/, p. 343. [40] Josh. xix. 29. [41] /Records of the Past/, ii. 111. [42] Justin, /Hist. Phil./ xviii. 3. [43] Claudian, /Bell. Gild./ l. 120. [44] Solinus, /Polyhist./ § 29; Plin. /H. N./ v. 76. [45] Herod. i. 1 ({nautiliai makrai}). [46] Maspero, /Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient/, p. 321. [47] See the fragments of Philo Byblius, passim. [48] Euseb. /Præp. Ev/. x. 9, § 12. [49] Tatian, /Adv. Græc./ § 58. [50] Cinyras and Belus are both connected with Cyprus as kings. The Assyrians found kings there in all the cities (G. Smith, /Eponym Canon./ p. 139). So the Persians (Herod. v. 104-110). [51] Dius, Fr. 2; Menand. Fr. 1. [52] Justin (xviii. 3) is scarcely an exception. [53] See the fragments of Dius and Menander above cited. [54] 1 Chr. xiv. 1. [55] 2 Sam. vii. 2. [56] 1 Chr. xxii. 4. [57] 1 Kings v. 1. [58] Joseph, /Ant. Jud./ viii. 2, § 6; 1 Kings, l.s.c. [59] Ibid. viii. 2, § 8. [60] See Joseph. /Ant. Jud./ viii. 2, § 7, and compare the letters with their Hebrew counterparts in 1 Kings v. 3-6 and 7-9. [61] 1 Kings v. 10-12. [62] Ezek. xxvii. 17; Acts xii. 20. [63] Menander, Fr. 1. [64] 1 Kings v. 15, 18; 2 Chr. ii. 18. [65] 1 Kings v. 17, 18. [66] Ibid. vi. 18, 29. [67] Ibid. verses 23-28. [68] Ibid. verse 35. [69] 2 Chron. iii. 14. [70] Ibid. ii. 14. [71] 1 Kings vii. 13. [72] 1 Kings vii. 14; 2 Chron. ii. 14. [73] 1 Kings vii. 46. [74] Menander, Fr. 1; Dius, Fr. 2; Philostrat. /Vit. Apoll./ v. 5; Sil. Ital. /Bell. Pun./ iii. 14, 22, 30. [75] 1 Kings vii. 15-22. [76] Ibid. verses 27-37. [77] Ibid. vi. 38. [78] Ibid. vii. 1. Compare ix. 10. [79] Stanley, /Lectures on the Jewish Church/, ii. 165-167. [80] See the Fragment of Menander above quoted, where Hiram is said to have been fifty-three years old at his decease, and to have reigned thirty-four years. [81] Strabo, xvi. 2, § 23. [82] Menander, l.s.c. [83] So M. Renan, /Mission de Phénicie/, p. 369. [84] Herod. ii. 44. [85] Arrian, /Exped. Alex./ ii. 16, 24. [86] So M. Renan, after careful examination (/Mission/, l.s.c.). The earlier opinion placed the smaller island, with its Temple of Baal, towards the north (Kenrick, /Phœnicia/, p. 347). [87] Menander, l.s.c. [88] Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ ii. 23, sub fin. [89] Josh. xix. 27. [90] See Robinson, /Later Researches/, pp. 87, 88. [91] 1 Kings ix. 10-13. [92] Justin, /Dial. c. Tryph./ § 34. [93] Menand. ap. Clem. Alex. /Strom./ i. 386. [94] 1 Kings xi. 1. [95] Ibid. ix. 27. [96] See 1 Kings x. 22. The distinctness of this navy from the one which brought gold from Ophir has been maintained by Dean Stanley (/Lectures on the Jewish Church/, ii. 156) and the Rev. J. Hammond (/Pulpit Commentary/, Comment on 1 Kings, p. 213), as well as by the present writer (/Speaker's Commentary/, ii. pp. 545, 546). [97] Mela. iii. 1; Plin. /H. N./ iv. 22, § 115; Catull. xx. 30, &c. [98] See Plin. /H. N./ iii. 3; xxxiii. 6; Polyb. x. 10; Strab. iii. 2, § 3 and 10. [99] Herod. iv. 191; Plin. /H. N./ viii. 11. [100] Hanno, /Periplus/, p. 6. [101] Ibid. pp. 13, 14. [102] 1 Kings ix. 26. [103] 1 Kings x. 11. [104] The case is excellently stated in Mr. Twistleton's article on OPHIR in Dr. Smith's /Dictionry of the Bible/, vol. ii. [105] As /almug/ or /algum/ which is "the Hebraised form of a Deccan word for sandalwood" (Stanley, /Lectures/, ii. 157). [106] 1 Kings ix. 28. [107] /Contr. Ap./ i. 18. [108] Kenrick argues in favour of {Kitioi} (/Phœnicia/, p. 357). [109] See /Encycl. Britann./ ad voc. PHŒNICIA, xviii. 807. [110] Menander, Fr. 2. [111] Ibid. [112] 1 Kings xvi. 31. [113] The Assyrians probably found their way into Phœnicia through the gap in the mountain line between Bargylus and Lebanon. Botrys occupied a strong position between this gap and the southern Phœnician cities, Gebal, Sidon, and Tyre. [114] Menander, l.s.c. Aüza, which at a later date became Auzen, is mentioned by Tacitus (/Ann./ iv. 25) and Ptolemy (/Geograph. iv. 2). [115] The Greek /lamda/, {L}, readily passes into /delta/ {D}. Baal- azar is found as a Phœnician name in an inscription (/Corp. Ins. Semit./ i. 335, no. 256). [116] See Gesen. /Mon. Phœn./ p. 410. /Mattan/, "a gift," was the name borne by Athaliah's high priest of Baal (2 Kings xi. 18). It is found as an element in several Phœnician names, as Mattan-elim (/Corp. Ins. Semit./ i. 298, no. 194); Mattan-Baal (ibid. p. 309, no. 212), &c. [117] See Justin, /Hist. Phil./ xviii. 5. [118] Menander, Fr. 1. [119] Kenrick, /Phœnicia/, pp. 363-367. [120] /Contr. Ap./ i. 18. [121] /Ancient Monarchies/, ii. 84-89. [122] /Histoire Ancienne/, pp. 347, 348. [123] /Ancient Monarchies/, ii. 90-99. [124] /Ancient Monarchies/, ii. 102-106; /Eponym Canon/, pp. 108-114. [125] /Eponym Canon/, p. 112, l. 45. [126] Ibid. p. 108, l. 93. [127] Ibid. p. 115, l. 14. [128] Ibid. p. 120, ll. 33-35. [129] When Assyria became mistress of the Upper Syria, the Orontes valley, and the kingdom of Israel, she could have strangled the Phœnician land commerce at a moment's notice. [130] Is. xxiii. 2-8. [131] /Eponym Canon/, p. 64. [132] /Eponym Canon/, pp. 117-120. [133] Ibid. p. 123, ll. 1-5. [134] Ibid. p. 120, l. 28. [135] In B.C. 720. (See /Eponym Canon/, p. 126, ll. 33-35.) [136] Ezek. xxviii. 14. [137] Menander ap. Joseph. /Ant. Jud./ ix. 14, § 2; /Eponym Canon/, p. 131. [138] /Eponym Canon/, p. 132. [139] Menander, l.s.c. [140] Joseph, /Ant. Jud./ l.s.c. {'Epelthe polemon ten te Surian pasan kai Phoiniken}. [141] Ibid. [142] A slab of Sennacherib's represents the Assyrian army entering a city, probably Phœnician, at one end, while the inhabitants embark on board their ships at the other (Layard, /Monuments of Nineveh/, 1st series, pl. 71; /Nin. and its Remains/, ii. 384). [143] Menander, l.s.c. [144] Compare Perrot et Chipiez, /Hist. de l'Art/, iii. 357, and Lortet, /La Syrie d'aujourd'hui/, p. 128. [145] Menander, ut supra. [146] This folows from his taking refuge there when attacked by Sennacherib (/Eponym Canon/, p. 136). [147] Since Sennacherib calls him persistently "king of Sidon" (ibid. p. 131, l. 2; p. 135, ll. 13, 17), not king of Tyre. [148] It was the same army which lost 185,000 men by miracle in one night (2 Kings xix. 35). [149] 2 Kings xix. 23. [150] /Eponym Canon/, p. 134, l. 11. [151] /Records of the Past/, i. 35. [152] /Eponym Canon/, p. 132. [153] Ibid. [154] /Eponym Canon/, p. 132, l. 14; p. 136, ll. 14, 19. "Tubaal" is probably for Tob-baal, "Baal is good," like "Tabrimon" for Tob- Rimmon, "Rimmon is good" (1 Kings xv. 18), and "Tabeal" for Tob- El, "God is good" (Is. vii. 6). [155] /Eponym Canon/, p. 132, ll. 15, 16. [156] Ibid. ll. 19, 20. [157] From the fact that Abd-Milkut is king of Sidon at the accession of Esarhaddon (/Records of the Past/, iii. 111). [158] Abd-Melkarth is one of the commonest of Phœnician names. It occurs, either fully, or in the contracted form of Bod-Melkarth, scores of times in the inscriptions of Carthage. The meaning is "servant of Melkarth." [159] /Records of the Past/, iii. 112. [160] /Ancient Monarchies/, ii. 186. [161] /Rec. of the Past/, iii. 111, 112. [162] /Eponym Canon/ pp. 139, 140. [163] Ibid. p. 140, Extract xxxviii. ll. 1-3. [164] /Eponym Canon/, p. 140, Ext. xxxviii. ll. 4-9. [165] Ibid. p. 141, Ext. xl. [166] Ibid. p. 142, ll. 12, 13. [167] /Eponym Canon/, p. 142, l. 14. [168] See /Ancient Monarchies/ ii. 193. [169] Ibid. p. 195. [170] /Eponym Canon/, p. 143, Extr. xli. l. 3. [171] /Eponym Canon/, pp. 143, 144. Six names are lost between the eleventh line and the eighteenth. They may be supplied from the broken cylinder of Esarhaddon (/Records of the Past/, iii. 107, 108.) [172] /Eponym Canon/, pp. 144, 145, ll. 84-98. [173] Ibid. p. 139, l. 17. [174] /Records of the Past/, vol. i. p. 100. [175] /Records of the Past/, i. 66; ix. 41. [176] Ibid. iii. 67, ll. 116, 117. [177] Ibid. i. 67, 68. [178] See Judg. xix. 29; /Eponym Canon/, p. 132, l. 9. [179] /Eponym Canon/, pp. 149, 149. [180] /Eponym Canon/, p. 70. [181] Herod. i. 103. B.C. 633 was, according to Herodotus, the year of the accession of Cyaxares. His attack on Nineveh seems to have followed shortly after. [182] Herod. l.s.c. and iv. 1; Ezek. xxxviii. 2-16; Strabo, xi. 8, § 4; Diod. Sic. ii. 34, § 2-5. [183] /Ancient Monarchies/, ii. 221. [184] Stanley, /Lectures on the Jewish Church/, ii. 432, 433. [185] Herod. i. 105; Strabo, i. 3, 16; Justin, ii. 3. [186] Herod. l.s.c.; Hippocrat. /De Aëre, Aqua, et Locis/, vi. § 108. [187] Herod. i. 73. [188] Strabo, xi. 767; Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ iii. 8, § 4. [189] Polyb. v. 70, § 4. [190] /Ancient Monarchies/, ii. 228, note. [191] /Ancient Monarchies/, ii. 232. [192] Herod. ii. 157; and compare the author's /History of Ancient Egypt/, ii. 467, note 6. [193] Ezek. xxvii. 8. [194] Ibid. verse 11. [195] Ibid. verse 9. [196] Ibid. xxviii. 2-5. [197] Ezek. xxvii. 3-6, and 25. [198] See the author's /History of Ancient Egypt/, ii. 472, note 1. [199] Herod. ii. 159; 2 Kings xxiii. 29; 2 Chron. xxxv. 20-24. [200] Herod. ii. 157. [201] See Jer. xlvii. 1. Gaza, however, may not have been taken till the campaign of B.C. 608. [202] Herod. i. 105 raises the suspicion that Askelon, which was nearer Egypt than Ashdod, may have belonged to Psamatik I. [203] Ibid. ii. 159. [204] 2 Kings xxiii. 19; 2 Chron. xxxiv. 6. [205] /History of Ancient Egypt/, ii. 228. [206] Judg. iv. 15; v. 19. [207] 2 Chron. xxxv. 21. [208] See Jer. xlvi. 2. [209] Berosus, Fr. 1; 2 Kings xxiv. 7. [210] Herod. iv. 42. [211] Ibid. ii. 112. [212] Berosus, l.s.c. [213] Habakkuk, i. 6-10. [214] Jer. xlvi. 3, 4. [215] Ibid. verse 5. [216] Ibid. verse 6. [217] Jer. xlvi. 10. [218] Ibid. verse 16. [219] Ibid. verse 21. [220] Stanley, /Lectures on the Jewish Church/, ii. 455. [221] Ibid. [222] Berosus, l.s.c. The extreme haste of the return is indicated by the fact, which is noted, that Nebuchadnezzer himself, with a few light troops, took the short cut across the desert, while his army, with its prisoners, pursued the more usual route through the valley of the Orontes, by Aleppo to Carchemish, and then along the course of the Euphrates. [223] See /History of Ancient Egypt/, ii. 480. [224] Habak. i. 6. [225] Menander ap. Joseph. /Contr. Ap./ i. 21. [226] Ezek. xxvii. 8, 9, 11. [227] So Joseph. l.s.c. Mr. Kenrick disputes the date on account of Ezek. xxvi. 2, which he thinks must refer to the /final/ siege and capture of Jerusalem; but the reference may be to the breaking of the power of Judæa, either by Neco in B.C. 608 or by Nebuchadnezzar in B.C. 605. [228] 2 Kings xxiv. 2; 2 Chr. xxxvi. 6. [229] Ezek. xxviii. 21-23. [230] Menander, l.s.c. [231] Ezek. xxvi. 8-12. [232] Isaiah xliii. 14; Æschyl. /Pers./ l. 54. [233] As Kenrick (/Phœnicia/, p. 390). [234] See especially, ch. xxviii. 2, 12. [235] Ibid. verses 2-10, 17, 18. [236] Ezek. xxvii. 26. [237] Herod. vii. 44, 96, 100, 128. [238] Ibid. ii. 161; vii. 98; Ezra iii. 7. [239] Menander, Fr. 2. [240] Herod. ii. 182. [241] Ibid. i. 201-214; Ctesias, /Ex. Pers./ § 6-8. [242] Herod. i. 177; Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ iii. 27. [243] Herod. i. 201-214; Ctes. /Ex. Pers./ l.s.c. [244] Ezra i. 1-11. [245] Kenrick, /Phœnicia/, p. 393. [246] Herod. iii. 19, 34. [247] Ezra iii. 7. [248] Ezra iii. 7. [249] Herod. i. 153. [250] Ibid. ii. 177. [251] See Berosus, ap. Joseph. /Ant. Jud./ x. 11, § 1. [252] Hence the sacred writers speak of the Assyrians and Babylonians as "God's /northern/ army," "a people from the /north/ country." (Jer. i. 15; vi. 22; Ezek. xxvi. 7; Joel ii. 20, &c.) [253] See Herod. iii. 5. [254] Ibid. ii. 159. [255] Ibid. ii. 161. [256] Ibid. ii. 182. [257] Herod. ii. 150, 154; iii. 11. [258] Ibid. iii. 19. [259] Ibid. vii. 98; viii. 67, § 2; Diod. Sic. xvi. 42, § 2; xvii. 47, § 1; Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ ii. 13, 15, &c. [260] Herod. iii. 19. [261] Ezek. xxix. 10. [262] Herod. iii. 17. [263] Herod. iii. 19. [264] Ibid. [265] Kenrick, /Phœnicia/, p. 394. [266] Diod. Sic. xvi. 41. [267] Kenrick, p. 391, note 3. [268] Herod. iii. 91. [269] Diod. Sic. xvi. 41, § 2. [270] Herod. v. 52. [271] See the author's /Herodotus/, iv. 30, note 1. [272] Herod. vii. 28. [273] Ibid. iv. 166. [274] Herod. v. 37-104. [275] Phœnicia could furnish 300 triremes, Cyprus 150, Ionia at this time 283 (Herod. vi. 8), Æolis at least 70 (ibid.), Caria the same number (ib. vii. 93)--total, 873. Against these Darious could only have mustered 200 from Egypt (ib. vii. 89), 100 from Cilicia (ib. 91), 50 from Lycia (ib. 92), and 30 from Pamphylia (ib. 91)-- total, 380. [276] Herod. i. 28, 176; Appian, /Bell. Civ./ iv. 80. [277] Herod. iii. 14-16, 27-29, 37, &c. [278] Ibid. v. 108. [279] Ibid. [280] Ibid. v. 112. [281] See the author's /Herodotus/, i. 268, 269, 3rd ed. [282] Herod. vi. 9. [283] Ibid. ch. 6. [284] Herod. ch. 8. [285] Ibid. chs. 9-13. [286] The Lesbians and most of the Samians (Herod. v. 14). [287] Ibid. ch. 15. [288] Ibid. chs. 31-33. [289] Herod. v. 41. [290] Ibid. iii. 135-138. [291] Herod. vi. 43-45. [292] See the author's /Herodotus/, iii. 494, note 3. [293] The fleet which accomponied Mardonius lost nearly /three hundred/ vessels off Mount Athos (Herod. vi. 44), and therefore can scarcely have fallen much short of 500; that of Datis and Artaphernes is reckoned at 600 by Herodotus (vi. 95), at a thousand by Cicero (/Orat. in Verr./ ii. 1, § 18), and Valerius Maximus (i. 1). [294] So Herodotus (vi. 95). [295] Herod. vi. 118. [296] Herod. vii. 23. [297] Ibid. vii. 34-36. [298] Ibid. viii. 117. [299] Æschyl. /Pers./ l. 343; Herod. vii. 89. [300] Herod. vii. 89-95; Diod. Sic. xi. 3, § 7. [301] Herod. vii. 44. [302] Ibid. vii. 100, 128. [303] Ibid. viii. 85. [304] Ibid. viii. 17. [305] Diod. Sic. xi. 13, § 2: {'Aristeusai Phasi para men tois 'El-lesin 'Athnaious, para de, tois barbarois Sidonious}. [306] Herod. viii. 84; Æschyl. /Pers./ ll. 415-7. [307] Herod. viii. 86-90. [308] Ibid. ch. 90. [309] Ibid. ch. 90. [310] Diod. Sic. xi. 19, § 4. [311] Herod. ix. 96. [312] Diod. Sic. xi. 60, § 5, 6. [313] So Diodorus (xi. 62, § 3); but the mention of Cyprus in line 6 renders this somewhat doubtful. [314] Thucyd. i. 110. [315] See /Ancient Monarchies/, iii. 501. [316] See the /Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum/, i. 139-148. [317] Nos. 115, 116, 117, 119, 120. [318] Ibid. No. 118. [319] /Corp. Ins. Sem./ i. 132, 145. [320] Dionys. Halicarn. /De Orat. Antiq./ "Dinarch." § 10. [321] /Corp. Ins. Sem./ i. 145, No. 119. [322] See the /Corpus Inscriptionum Græcarum/, i. 126, No. 87. [323] Nefaheritis or Nefaa-ert. (See the author's /Story of Egypt/, pp. 385, 386, and compare /Ancient Monarchies/, iii. 481, 482.) [324] Isocrates, /Paneg./ and /Evag./; Theopompas, Fr. 111; Diod. Sic. xiv. 98; Ctesias, /Exc. Pers./ Fr. 29, § 63. [325] Diod. Sic. xv. 9, § 2. (See Grote's /Hist. of Greece/, x. 30, note 3.) [326] Diod. Sic. xv. 9, § 2. [327] Isocrates, /Paneg./ § 161; /Evag./ §§ 23, 62. [328] See Diod. Sic. xiv. 98; xv. 2; Ephorus Fr.; 134 Isocrates, /Evag./ §§ 75, 76. [329] Kenrick, /Phœnicia/, p. 405. [330] See /Ancient Monarchies/, iii. 504. [331] /Ancient Monarchies/, iii. 505, 506. [332] Diod. Sic. xv. 90, § 3. [333] Ibid. xv. 92, § 5. [334] Ibid. xvi. 41, § 1. [335] Diod. Sic. xvi. 42, § 2. [336] Ibid. xvi. 41, § 5. [337] Ibid. xvi. 32, § 2. [338] Ibid. § 5. [339] Ibid. xvi. 40, § 5, ad fin. [340] Ibid. xvi. 44, § 6, ad fin. [341] Diod. Sic. xvi. § 5. [342] Diodorus is our authority for all these facts (xvi. 45, § 1-6). [343] See the author's /Story of Egypt/, pp. 396-401. [344] Diod. Sic. xvi. 42, § 6; 46, § 3. [345] Scylax, /Periplus/, § 104. [346] Ibid. [347] See Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ ii. 13, sub fin.; 15, sub fin.; 30, sub init. [348] See /Encycl. Brit./ xviii. 809. [349] Quint. Curt. iv. 4; Justin, xi. 10. Diodorus by mistake makes Strato II. king of Tyre (xvii. 47, § 1). [350] Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ i. 1, § 2. [351] See Grote, /History of Greece/, xii. 102. [352] Ibid. pp. 29-51. [353] Diod. Sic. xvii. 7. [354] Four hundred were actually brought to the relief of Miletus a few weeks later (Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ i. 18, § 5). [355] Ibid. § 4. [356] Diod. Sic. xvii. 22; Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ i. 18-20. [357] Diod. Sic. xvii. 23-26; Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ i. 20-23. [358] Diod. Sic. xvii. 29, § 2; Arrian., /Exp. Alex./ ii. 1, § 1. [359] See the remarks of Mr. Grote (/History of Greece/, xii. 142, 143.) [360] Diod. Sic. xvii. 29, § 4. [361] Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ i. 20, § 1; Diod. Sic. i. 22, § 5. [362] Arrian, ii. 8-13. [363] Arrian, ii. 13, 87; Diod. Sic. xvii. 40, § 2. [364] As Ger-astartus, king of Aradus (Arrian, l.s.c.); Enylus, king of Byblus (ibid. ii. 20, § 1); and Azemileus, king of Tyre (ibid. ii. 15, ad fin.) [365] Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ ii. 13, ad fin. [366] Ibid. ii. 15, § 6. [367] Arrian, l.s.c. [368] Ibid. ii. 15, § 7; Q. Curt. iv. 2, § 3. [369] Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ ii. 16, ad fin.; Q. Curt. iv. 2, § 5; Justin, xi. 10. [370] Diod. Sic. xvii. 40, § 2. [371] See Diod. Sic. xv. 73, § 4; 77, § 4. [372] In point of fact, he only obtained, towards the fleet which he collected against Tyre, twenty-three vessels that were not either Cyprian or Phœnician (Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ ii. 20, § 2). [373] Herod. viii. 97. [374] Compare Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ ii. 15, § 7, with ii. 24, § 5. [375] Diod. Sic. xvii. 41, § 3. [376] Ibid. § 4. [377] Q. Curt. iv. § 20; Diod. Sic. xvii. 41, § 1, 2. [378] Diod. Sic. xvii. 40, § 5. [379] Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ ii. 18, § 3. [380] Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ ii. 18, § 3. [381] Diod. Sic. xvii. 42, § 1; Arrian, /Exp. Alex./ ii. 18, § 5. [382] Arrian, ii. 18, sub fin. [383] Ibid. ii. 19, § 1. [384] This seems to be Arrian's meaning, when he says, {ai keraiai periklastheisaiexekhean es to pur osa es exapsin tes phlogus pareskeuasmena en} (ii. 19, § 4). [385] Grote, /History of Greece/, xii. 185, 186.
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