History of Rome, Vol III
Titus Livius

Part 3 out of 11

names of persons principally concerned in the affair, in order that
proper persons might be employed to invite them to their homes, with
smiles and kind words; and that, when overpowered with wine, they
might be thrown into chains. They were not far distant from Carthage
when the intelligence, received from persons on the road, that the
whole army was going the following day with Marcus Silanus against
the Lacetanians, not only freed them from all the apprehensions which,
though they did not give utterance to them, sat heavy upon their
minds, but occasioned the greatest transport, because they would
thus have the general alone, and in their power, instead of being
themselves in his. They entered the city just at sun-set, and saw the
other army making every preparation for a march. Immediately on their
arrival they were greeted in terms feigned for the purpose, that
their arrival was looked upon by the general as a happy and seasonable
circumstance, for they had come when the other army was just on
the point of setting out. After which they proceeded to refresh
themselves. The authors of the mutiny, having been conveyed to their
lodgings by proper persons, were apprehended by the tribunes without
any disturbance, and thrown into chains. At the fourth watch the
baggage belonging to the army, which, as it was pretended, was
about to march, began to set out. As soon as it was light the troops
marched, but were stopped at the gate, and guards were sent round to
all the gates to prevent any one going out of the city. Then those who
had arrived the day before, having been summoned to an assembly, ran
in crowds into the forum to the tribunal of the general, with the
presumptuous purpose of intimidating him by their shouts. At the same
time that the general mounted the tribunal, the armed troops, which
had been brought back from the gates, spread themselves around the
rear of the unarmed assembly. Then all their insolence subsided; and,
as they afterwards confessed, nothing terrified them so much as the
unexpected vigour and hue of the general, whom they had supposed they
should see in a sickly state, and his countenance, which was such as
they declared that they did not remember to have ever seen it even in
battle. He sat silent for a short time till he was informed that the
instigators of the mutiny were brought into the forum, and that every
thing was now in readiness.

27. Then, a herald having obtained silence, he thus began: "I imagined
that language would never fail me in which to address my army; not
that I have ever accustomed myself to speaking rather than action,
but because, having been kept in a camp almost from my boyhood, I had
become familiar with the dispositions of soldiers. But I am at a loss
both for sentiments and expressions with which to address you, whom I
know not even by what name I ought to call. Can I call you countrymen,
who have revolted from your country? or soldiers, who have rejected
the command and authority of your general, and violated the solemn
obligation of your oath? Can I call you enemies? I recognise the
persons, faces, dress, and mien of fellow countrymen; but I perceive
the actions, expressions, intentions, and feelings of enemies. For
what have you wished and hoped for, but what the Ilergetians and
Lacetanians did. Yet they followed Mandonius and Indibilis, men of
royal rank, who were the leaders of their mad project; you conferred
the auspices and command upon the Umbrian, Atrius, and the Calenian,
Albius. Deny, soldiers, that you were all concerned in this measure,
or that you approved of it when taken. I shall willingly believe, when
you disclaim it, that it was the folly and madness of a few. For the
acts which have been committed are of such a nature, that, if the
whole army participated in them, they could not be expiated without
atonements of tremendous magnitude. Upon these points, like wounds, I
touch with reluctance; but unless touched and handled, they cannot be
cured. For my own part, I believed that, after the Carthaginians
were expelled from Spain, there was not a place in the whole province
where, or any persons to whom, my life was obnoxious; such was the
manner in which I had conducted myself, not only towards my allies,
but even towards my enemies. But lo, even in my own camp, so much was
I deceived in my opinion, the report of my death was not only readily
believed, but anxiously waited for. Not that I wish to implicate you
all in this enormity; for, be assured, if I supposed that the whole of
my army desired my death, I would here immediately expire before your
eyes; nor could I take any pleasure in a life which was odious to my
countrymen and my soldiers. But every multitude is in its nature like
the ocean; which, though in itself incapable of motion, is excited by
storms and winds. So, also, in yourselves there is calm and there are
storms; but the cause and origin of your fury is entirely attributable
to those who led you on; you have caught your madness by contagion.
Nay, even this day you do not appear to me to be aware to what a pitch
of phrensy you have proceeded; what a heinous crime you have dared
to commit against myself, your country, your parents, your children;
against the gods, the witnesses of your oath; against the auspices
under which you serve; against the laws of war, the discipline of your
ancestors, and the majesty of the highest authority. With regard to
myself, I say nothing. You may have believed the report of my death
rather inconsiderately than eagerly. Lastly, suppose me to be such a
man that it could not at all be a matter of astonishment that my army
should be weary of my command, yet what had your country deserved
of you, which you betrayed by making common cause with Mandonius and
Indibilis? What the Roman people, when, taking the command from the
tribunes appointed by their suffrages, you conferred it on private
men? When, not content even with having them for tribunes, you, a
Roman army, conferred the fasces of your general upon men who never
had a slave under their command? Albius and Atrius had their tents in
your general's pavilion. With them the trumpet sounded, from them the
word was taken, they sat upon the tribunal of Scipio, upon whom the
lictor attended, for them the crowd was cleared away as they moved
along, before them the fasces with the axes were carried. When showers
of stones descend, lightnings are darted from the heavens, and animals
give birth to monsters, you consider these things as prodigies. This
is a prodigy which can be expiated by no victims, by no supplications,
without the blood of those men who have dared to commit so great a

28. "Now, though villany is never guided by reason, yet so far as it
could exist in so nefarious a transaction, I would fain know what was
your design. Formerly, a legion which was sent to garrison Rhegium,
wickedly put to the sword the principal inhabitants and kept
possession of that opulent city through a space of ten years; on
account of which enormity the entire legion, consisting of four
thousand men, were beheaded in the forum at Rome. But they, in the
first place, did not put themselves under the direction of Atrius the
Umbrian, scarcely superior to a scullion, whose name even was ominous,
but of Decius Jubellius, a military tribune; nor did they unite
themselves with Pyrrhus, or with the Samnites or Lucanians, the
enemies of the Roman people. But you made common cause with Mandonius
and Indibilis, and intended also to have united your arms with them.
They intended to have held Rhegium as a lasting settlement, as
the Campanians held Capua, which they took from its ancient Tuscan
inhabitants; and as the Mamertines held Messana in Sicily, without any
design of commencing without provocation a war upon the Roman people
or their allies. Was it your purpose to hold Sucro as a place of
abode? where, had I, your general, left you on my departure after the
reduction of the province, you would have been justified in imploring
the interference of gods and men, because you could not return to your
wives and children. But suppose that you banished from your minds all
recollection of these, as you did of your country and myself; I would
wish to track the course of a wicked design, but not of one utterly
insane. While I was alive, and the rest of the army safe, with which
in one day I took Carthage, with which I routed, put to flight,
and expelled from Spain four generals and four armies of the
Carthaginians; did you, I say, who were only eight thousand men, all
of course of less worth than Albius and Atrius, to whom you subjected
yourselves, hope to wrest the province of Spain out of the hands of
the Roman people? I lay no stress upon my own name, I put it out of
the question. Let it be supposed that I have not been injured by you
in any respect beyond the ready credence of my death. What! if I were
dead, was the state to expire with me? was the empire of the Roman
people to fall with me? Jupiter, most good and great, would not have
permitted that the existence of the city, built under the auspices and
sanction of the gods to last for ever, should terminate with that of
this frail and perishable body. The Roman people have survived those
many and distinguished generals who were all cut off in one war;
Flaminius, Paulus, Gracchus, Posthumius Albinus, Marcus Marcellus,
Titus Quinctius Crispinus, Cneius Fulvius, my kinsmen the Scipios;
and will survive a thousand others who may perish, some by the sword,
others by disease; and would the Roman state have been buried with my
single corpse? You yourselves, here in Spain, when your two generals,
my father and my uncle, fell, chose Septimus Marcius as your general
to oppose the Carthaginians, exulting on account of their recent
victory. And thus I speak, on the supposition that Spain would have
been without a leader. Would Marcus Silanus, who was sent into the
province with the same power and the same command as myself, would
Lucius Scipio my brother, and Caius Laelius, lieutenant-generals, have
been wanting to avenge the majesty of the empire? Could the armies,
the generals themselves, their dignity or their cause, be compared
with one another? And even had you got the better of all these, would
you bear arms in conjunction with the Carthaginians against your
country, against your countrymen? Would you wish that Africa should
rule Italy, and Carthage the city of Rome? If so, for what offence on
the part of your country?

29. "An unjust sentence of condemnation, and a miserable and
undeserved banishment, formerly induced Coriolanus to go and fight
against his country; he was restrained, however, by private duty from
public parricide. What grief, what resentment instigated you? Was the
delay of your pay for a few days, during the illness of your general,
a reason of sufficient weight for you to declare war against your
country? to revolt from the Roman people and join the Ilergetians?
to leave no obligation, divine or human, unviolated? Without doubt,
soldiers, you were mad; nor was the disease which seized my frame more
violent than that with which your minds were affected. I shrink with
horror from the relation of what men believed, what they hoped and
wished. Let oblivion cover all these things if possible; if not,
however it be, let them be covered in silence. I must confess my
speech must have appeared to you severe and harsh, but how much more
harsh, think you, must your actions be than my words! Do you think it
reasonable that I should suffer all the acts which you have committed,
and that you should not bear with patience even to hear them
mentioned? But you shall not be reproached even with these things any
further. I could wish that you might as easily forget them as I shall.
Therefore, as far as relates to the general body of you, if you repent
of the error you have committed, I shall have received sufficient and
more than sufficient atonement for it. Albius the Calenian, and Atrius
the Umbrian, with the rest of the principal movers of this
impious mutiny, shall expiate with their blood the crime they have
perpetrated. To yourselves, if you have returned to a sound state
of mind, the sight of their punishment ought not only to be not
unpleasant, but even gratifying; for there are no persons to whom the
measures they have taken are more hostile and injurious than to
you." He had scarcely finished speaking, when, according to the plan
preconcerted, every object of terror was at once presented to their
eyes and ears. The troops, which had formed a circle round the
assembly, clashed their swords against their shields; the herald's
voice was heard citing by name the persons who had been condemned in
the council; the culprits were dragged naked into the midst of the
assembly, and at the same time all the apparatus for punishment was
brought forth. They were tied to the stake, scourged with rods, and
decapitated; while those who were present were so benumbed with fear,
that not only no expression of dissatisfaction at the severity of the
punishment, but not even a groan was heard. They were then all dragged
out, the place was cleared, and the men cited by name took the oath of
allegiance to Scipio before the military tribunes, each receiving
his full demand of pay as he answered to his name. Such was the
termination and result which the insurrection of the soldiers, which
began at Sucro, met with.

30. During the time of these transactions, Hanno, the
lieutenant-general of Mago, having been sent from Gades to the river
Baetis with a small body of Africans, by tempting the Spaniards with
money, armed as many as four thousand men; but afterwards, being
deprived of his camp by Lucius Marcius, and losing the principal part
of his troops in the confusion occasioned by its capture, and some
also in the flight, for the cavalry pursued them closely while they
were dispersed, he made his escape with a few attendants. During these
transactions on the river Baetis, Laelius in the mean time, sailing
out of the straits into the ocean, came with his fleet before Carteia,
a city situated on the coast of the ocean, where the sea begins
to expand itself, after being confined in a narrow strait. He had
entertained hopes of having Gades betrayed to him without a contest,
persons having come unsolicited into the Roman camp to make promises
to that effect, as has been before mentioned. The plot was discovered
before it was ripe, and all having been apprehended, were placed by
Mago in the hands of Adherbal the praetor, to be conveyed to Carthage.
Adherbal, having put the conspirators on board a quinquereme, sent
it in advance, because it sailed slower than a trireme, and followed
himself at a moderate distance with eight triremes. The quinquereme
was just entering the strait, when Laelius, who had himself also
sailed out of the harbour of Carteia in a quinquereme, followed by
seven triremes, bore down upon Adherbal and his triremes, feeling
assured that the trireme, when once caught in the rapid strait, would
not be able to return against the opposing current. The Carthaginian,
alarmed by the suddenness of the affair, hesitated for some little
time whether he should follow the trireme, or turn his prows against
the enemy. This very delay put it out of his power to decline an
action, for they were now within a weapon's cast, and the enemy were
bearing down upon him on all sides. The current also had rendered
it impossible to manage the ships. Nor was the action like a naval
engagement, inasmuch as it was in no respect subject to the control
of the will, nor afforded any opportunity for the exercise of skill
or method. The nature of the strait and the tide, which solely and
entirely governed the contest, carried the ships against those of
their own and the enemy's party indiscriminately, though striving in
a contrary direction; so that you might see one ship which was flying
whirled back by an eddy and driven against the victors, and another
which was engaged in pursuit, if it had fallen into an opposite
current, turning itself away as if for flight. And when actually
engaged, one ship while bearing down upon another with its beak
directed against it, assuming an oblique position itself, received a
stroke from the beak of the other; while another which lay with its
side exposed to the enemy, receiving a sudden impulse, was turned
round so as to present its prow. While the triremes were thus engaged
in a doubtful and uncertain contest, in which every thing was governed
by chance, the Roman quinquereme, whether being more manageable in
consequence of its weight, or by means of more banks of oars making
its way through the eddies, sunk two triremes, and swept off the oars
from one side of another, while sailing by it with great violence.
The rest too, had they come in its way, it would have disabled; but
Adherbal, with his remaining four ships, sailed over into Africa.

31. Laelius returned victorious into Carteia; and hearing there
what had occurred at Gades, that the plot had been discovered, the
conspirators sent to Carthage, and that the hopes which had brought
them there had been completely frustrated, he sent a message to
Lucius Marcius, to the effect that, unless they wished to waste time
uselessly in lying before Gades, they should return to the general;
and Marcius consenting to the proposal, they both returned to Carthage
a few days after. In consequence of their departure, Mago not only
obtained a temporary relief from the dangers which beset him on all
sides, both by sea and land, but also on hearing of the rebellion
of the Ilergetians, conceived hopes of recovering Spain, and sent
messengers to Carthage to the senate, who, at the same time that they
represented to them in exaggerated terms both the intestine dissension
in the Roman camp and the defection of their allies, might exhort them
to send succours by which the empire of Spain, which had been handed
down to them by their ancestors, might be regained. Mandonius and
Indibilis, retiring within their borders, remained quiet for a
little time, not knowing what course to take, till they knew what was
determined upon respecting the mutiny; but not distrusting that if
Scipio pardoned the error of his own countrymen, they also might
obtain the same. But when the severe punishment inflicted came to
be generally known, concluding that their offence also would be
considered as demanding a similar expiation, they again summoned their
countrymen to arms; and assembling the auxiliaries which had joined
them before, they crossed over into the Sedetanian territory, where
they had had a fixed camp at the beginning of the revolt, with twenty
thousand foot and two thousand five hundred horse.

32. Scipio having without difficulty regained the affection of his
soldiers, both by his punctuality in discharging the arrears of pay to
all, as well the guilty as the innocent, and particularly by the looks
and language of reconciliation towards all, before he quitted Carthage
summoned an assembly; and after inveighing at large against the
perfidy of the petty princes who were in rebellion, declared "that the
feelings with which he set out to take revenge for their villany were
widely different from those with which he lately corrected the error
committed by his countrymen. That on the latter occasion, he had with
groans and tears, as though he were cutting his own vitals, expiated
either the imprudence or the guilt of eight thousand men with the
heads of thirty; but now he was going to the destruction of the
Ilergetians with joyful and animated feelings: for they were neither
natives of the same soil, nor united with him by any bond of society.
The only connexion which did subsist between them, that of honour and
friendship, they had themselves severed by their wicked conduct." When
he looked at the troops which composed his army, besides that he saw
that they were all either of his own country, or allies and of the
Latin confederacy; he was also strongly affected by the circumstance,
that there was scarcely a soldier in it who was not brought out of
Italy into that country either by his uncle, Cneius Scipio, who was
the first of the Roman name who had come into that province, or by his
father when consul, or by himself. That they were all accustomed to
the name and auspices of the Scipios; that it was his wish to take
them home to their country to receive a well-earned triumph; and
that he hoped that they would support him when he put up for the
consulship, as if the honour sought were to be shared in common by
them all. With regard to the expedition which they were just going to
undertake, that the man who considered it as a war must be forgetful
of his own achievements. That, by Hercules, Mago, who had fled for
safety with a few ships beyond the limits of the world into an island
surrounded by the ocean, was a source of greater concern to him than
the Ilergetians; for in it there was both a Carthaginian general and a
Carthaginian army, whatever might be its numbers; while here were only
robbers and leaders of robbers, who, though they possessed sufficient
energy for ravaging the lands of their neighbours, burning their
houses, and carrying off their cattle, yet would have none at all in
a regular and pitched battle; and who would come to the encounter
relying more on the swiftness with which they can fly than on their
arms. "Accordingly," he said, "that he had thought it right to quell
the Ilergetians before he quitted the province, not because he saw
that any danger could arise from them, or that a war of greater
importance could grow out of these proceedings; but in the first
place, that a revolt of so heinous a character might not go
unpunished, and in the next place, that not a single enemy might be
said to be left in a province which had been subdued with such valour
and success. He bid them, therefore, follow him, with the assistance
of the gods, not so much to make war upon, for the contest was
not with an enemy who was upon an equality with them, but to take
vengeance on the basest of men."

33. After this harangue he dismissed them, with orders to get
themselves in readiness in every respect for marching the next day;
when, setting out, he arrived at the river Iberus in ten days. Then
crossing the river, he, on the fourth day, pitched his camp within
sight of the enemy. Before him was a plain enclosed on all sides by
mountains. Into the valley thus formed Scipio ordered some cattle,
taken chiefly from the lands of the enemy, to be driven, in order to
excite the rapacity of the barbarians, and then sent some light-armed
troops as a protection for them, directing Laelius to charge the enemy
from a place of concealment when they were engaged in skirmishing. A
mountain which projected conveniently concealed the ambuscade of the
cavalry, and the battle began without delay. The Spaniards, as soon
as they saw the cattle at a distance, rushed upon them, and the
light-armed troops attacked the Spaniards while occupied with their
booty. At first they annoyed each other with missiles; but afterwards,
having discharged their light weapons, which were calculated to
provoke rather than to decide the contest, they drew their swords,
and began to engage foot to foot. The fight between the infantry would
have been doubtful, but that the cavalry then came up, and not only,
charging them in front, trod down all before them, but some also,
riding round by the foot of the hill, presented themselves on their
rear, so that they might intercept the greater part of them; and
consequently the carnage was greater than usually takes place in light
and skirmishing engagements. The resentment of the barbarians was
rather inflamed by this adverse battle, than their spirits depressed.
Accordingly, that they might not appear cast down, they marched out
into the field the following day as soon as it was light. The valley,
which was confined, as has been before stated, would not contain all
their forces. About two-thirds of their foot and all their cavalry
came down to the engagement. The remainder of their infantry they
stationed on the declivity of the hill. Scipio, conceiving that the
confined nature of the ground would be in his favour, both because the
Roman troops were better adapted for fighting in a contracted space
than the Spanish, and also because the enemy had come down and formed
their line on ground which would not contain all their forces, applied
his mind to a new expedient. For he considered that he could not
himself cover his flanks with his cavalry, and that those of the enemy
which they had led out, together with their infantry, would be unable
to act. Accordingly he ordered Laelius to lead the cavalry round by
the hills as secretly as possible, and separate, as far as he could,
the fight between the cavalry from that between the infantry. He
himself drew up the whole body of his infantry against the enemy,
placing four cohorts in front, because he could not extend his line
further. He commenced the battle without delay, in order that the
contest itself might divert the attention of the enemy, and prevent
their observing the cavalry which were passing along the hills. Nor
were they aware that they had come round before they beard the noise
occasioned by the engagement of the cavalry in their rear. Thus there
were two battles; two lines of infantry and two bodies of horse being
engaged within the space occupied by the plain lengthwise; and that
because it was too narrow to admit of both descriptions of force being
engaged in the same lines. When the Spanish infantry could not assist
their cavalry, nor their cavalry the infantry, and the infantry, which
had rashly engaged in the plain, relying on the assistance of the
cavalry, were being cut to pieces, the cavalry themselves also, being
surrounded and unable to stand the shock of the enemy's infantry
in front, (for by this time their own infantry were completely
overthrown,) nor of the cavalry in their rear, after having formed
themselves into a circle and defended themselves for a long time,
their horses standing still, were all slain to a man. Nor did one
person, horse or foot, survive of those who were engaged in the
valley. The third part, which stood upon the hill rather to view the
contest in security than to take any part of it upon themselves, had
both time and space to fly; among whom the princes themselves also
fled, having escaped during the confusion, before the army was
entirely surrounded.

34. The same day, besides other booty, the camp of the Spaniards was
taken, together with about three thousand men. Of the Romans and their
allies as many as one thousand two hundred fell in that battle; more
than three thousand were wounded. The victory would have been less
bloody had the battle taken place in a plain more extended, and
affording facilities for flight. Indibilis, renouncing his purpose
of carrying on war, and considering that his safest reliance in his
present distress was on the tried honour and clemency of Scipio, sent
his brother Mandonius to him; who, falling prostrate before his knees,
ascribed his conduct to the fatal frenzy of those times, when, as it
were from the effects of some pestilential contagion, not only the
Ilergetians and Lacetanians, but even the Roman camp had been infected
with madness. He said that his own condition, and that of his brother
and the rest of his countrymen, was such, that either, if it seemed
good, they would give back their lives to him from whom they had
received them, or if preserved a second time, they would in return for
that favour devote their lives for ever to the service of him to whom
alone they were indebted for them. They before placed their reliance
on their cause, when they had not yet had experience of his clemency,
but now, on the contrary, placing no reliance on their cause, all
their hopes were centred in the mercy of the conqueror. It was a
custom with the Romans, observed from ancient times, not to exercise
any authority over others, as subject to them, in cases where they did
not enter into friendship with them by a league and on equal terms,
until they had surrendered all they possessed, sacred and profane;
until they had received hostages, taken their arms from them, and
placed garrisons in their cities. In the present instance, however,
Scipio, after inveighing at great length against Mandonius, who stood
before him, and Indibilis, who was absent, said "that they had justly
forfeited their lives by their wicked conduct, but that they should
be preserved by the kindness of himself and the Roman people. Further,
that he would neither take their arms from them, (which only served as
pledges to those who feared rebellion,) but would leave them the
free use of them, and their minds free from fear; nor would he take
vengeance on their unoffending hostages, but upon themselves, should
they revolt, not inflicting punishment upon a defenceless but an armed
enemy. That he gave them the liberty of choosing whether they would
have the Romans favourable to them or incensed against them, for they
had experienced them under both circumstances." Thus Mandonius was
allowed to depart, having only a pecuniary fine imposed upon him to
furnish the means of paying the troops. Scipio himself, having sent
Marcius in advance into the Farther Spain, and sent Silanus back to
Tarraco, waited a few days until the Ilergetians had paid the fine
imposed upon them; and then, setting out with some troops lightly
equipped, overtook Marcius when he was now drawing near to the ocean.

35. The negotiation which had some time before commenced respecting
Masinissa, was delayed from one cause after another; for the Numidian
was desirous by all means of conferring with Scipio in person, and of
touching his right hand in confirmation of their compact. This was the
cause of Scipio's undertaking at this time a journey of such a length,
and into so remote a quarter. Masinissa, when at Gades, received
information from Marcius of the approach of Scipio, and by pretending
that his horses were injured by being pent up in the island, and that
they not only caused a scarcity of every thing to the rest, but also
felt it themselves; moreover that his cavalry were beginning to lose
their energy for want of employment; he prevailed upon Mago to allow
him to cross over to the continent, to plunder the adjacent country
of Spain. Having passed over, he sent forward three chiefs of the
Numidians, to fix a time and place for the conference desiring that
two might be detained by Scipio as hostages. The third being sent back
to conduct Masinissa to the place to which he was directed to bring
him, they came to the conference with a few attendants. The Numidian
had long before been possessed with admiration of Scipio from the fame
of his exploits; and his imagination had pictured to him the idea of
a grand and magnificent person; but his veneration for him was still
greater when he appeared before him. For besides that his person,
naturally majestic in the highest degree, was rendered still more
so by his flowing hair, by his dress, which was not in a precise and
ornamental style, but truly masculine and soldier-like, and also by
his age, for he was then in full vigour of body, to which the bloom of
youth, renewed as it were after his late illness, had given additional
fulness and sleekness. The Numidian, who was in a manner thunderstruck
by the mere effect of the meeting, thanked him for having sent home
his brother's son. He affirmed, that from that time he had sought for
this opportunity, which being at length presented to him, by favour of
the immortal gods, he had not allowed to pass without seizing it. That
he desired to serve him and the Roman people in such a manner, as that
no one foreigner should have aided the Roman interest with greater
zeal than himself. Although he had long since wished it, he had not
been so able to effect it in Spain, a foreign and strange country; but
that it would be easy for him to do so in that country in which he had
been born and educated, under the hope of succeeding to his father's
throne. If, indeed, the Romans should send the same commander, Scipio,
into Africa, he entertained a well-grounded hope that Carthage would
continue to exist but a short time. Scipio saw and heard him with the
highest delight, both because he knew that he was the first man in all
the cavalry of the enemy, and because the youth himself exhibited in
his manner the strongest proof of a noble spirit. After mutual pledges
of faith, he set out on his return to Tarraco. Masinissa, having laid
waste the adjacent lands, with the permission of the Romans, that he
might not appear to have passed over into the continent to no purpose,
returned to Gades.

36. Mago, who despaired of success in Spain, of which he had
entertained hopes, from the confidence inspired first by the mutiny of
the soldiers, and afterwards by the defection of Indibilis, received a
message from Carthage, while preparing to cross over into Africa, that
the senate ordered him to carry over into Italy the fleet he had at
Gades; and hiring there as many as he could of the Gallic and Ligurian
youth, to form a junction with Hannibal, and not to suffer the war to
flag which had been begun with so much vigour and still more success.
For this object Mago not only received a supply of money from
Carthage, but himself also exacted as much as he could from the
inhabitants of Gades, plundering not only their treasury, but their
temples, and compelling them individually to bring contributions of
gold and silver, for the public service. As he sailed along the coast
of Spain, he landed his troops not far from New Carthage, and after
wasting the neighbouring lands, brought his fleet thence to the city.
Here, keeping his troops in the ships by day, he landed them by night,
and marched them to that part of the wall at which Carthage had been
captured by the Romans; for he had supposed both that the garrison
by which the city was occupied was not sufficiently strong for its
protection, and that some of the townsmen would act on the hope of
effecting a change. But messengers who came with the utmost haste
and alarm from the country, brought intelligence at once of the
devastation of the lands, the flight of the rustics, and the approach
of the enemy. Besides, the fleet had been observed during the day, and
it was evident that there was some object in choosing a station before
the city. Accordingly, the troops were kept drawn up and armed within
the gate which looks towards the lake and the sea. When the enemy,
rushing forward in a disorderly manner, with a crowd of seamen mingled
with soldiers, came up to the walls with more noise than strength;
the gate being suddenly thrown open, the Romans sallied forth with a
shout, and pursued the enemy, routed and put to flight at the first
onset and discharge of their weapons, all the way to the shore,
killing a great number of them; nor would one of them have survived
the battle and the flight, had not the ships, which had been brought
to the shore, afforded them a refuge in their dismay. Great alarm and
confusion also prevailed in the ships, occasioned by their drawing up
the ladders, lest the enemy should force their way in together with
their own men, and by cutting away their halsers and anchors that they
might not lose time in weighing them. Many, too, met with a miserable
death while endeavouring to swim to the ships, not knowing, in
consequence of the darkness, which way to direct their course, or what
to avoid. On the following day, after the fleet had fled back to the
ocean whence it had come, as many as eight hundred were slain between
the wall and the shore, and two thousand stand of arms were found.

37. Mago, on his return to Gades, not being allowed to enter the
place, brought his fleet to shore at Cimbis, a place not far distant
from Gades; whence he sent ambassadors with complaints of their having
closed their gates upon a friend and ally. While they endeavoured
to excuse themselves on the ground that it was done by a disorderly
assembly of their people, who were exasperated against them on account
of some acts of plunder which had been committed by the soldiers when
they were embarking, he enticed their suffetes, which is the name
of the chief magistracy among the Carthaginians, together with
their quaestor, to come to a conference; when he ordered them to be
lacerated with stripes and crucified. He then passed over with his
fleet to the island Pityusa, distant about a hundred miles from the
continent, and inhabited at that time by Carthaginians; on which
account the fleet was received in a friendly manner; and not only were
provisions liberally furnished, but also young men and arms were given
them to reinforce their fleet. Rendered confident by these supplies,
the Carthaginians crossed over to the Balearian islands, fifty miles
distant. The Balearian islands are two in number; one larger than the
other, and more powerful in men and arms; having also a harbour in
which, as it was now the latter end of autumn, he believed he might
winter conveniently. But here his fleet was opposed with as much
hostility as he would have met with had the Romans inhabited that
island. The only weapons they used at that time, and which they now
principally employ, were slings; nor is there an individual of any
other nation who possesses such a degree of excellence in the skilful
use of this weapon, as the Balearians universally possess over the
rest of the world. Such a quantity of stones, therefore, was poured
like the thickest hail on the fleet, when approaching the shore, that,
not daring to enter the harbour, they made off for the main. They
then passed over to the lesser Balearian island, which is of a fertile
soil, but not equally powerful in men and arms. Here, therefore, they
landed, and pitched a camp in a strong position above the harbour;
and having made themselves masters of the city and country without a
contest, they enlisted two thousand auxiliaries, which they sent to
Carthage, and then hauled their ships on shore for the winter. After
Mago had left the coast of the ocean, the people of Gades surrendered
to the Romans.

38. Such were the transactions in Spain under the conduct and auspices
of Publius Scipio. Scipio himself, having put Lucius Lentulus and
Lucius Manlius Acidinus in charge of the province, returned to Rome
with ten ships. Having obtained an audience of the senate without the
city, in the temple of Bellona, he gave an account of the services he
had performed in Spain; how often he had fought pitched battles, how
many towns he had taken by force from the enemy, and what nations he
had brought under the dominion of the Roman people. He stated that he
had gone into Spain against four generals, and four victorious armies,
but that he had not left a Carthaginian in that country. On account of
these services he rather tried his prospect of a triumph, than pressed
it pertinaciously; for it was quite clear, that no one had triumphed
up to that time for services performed, when not invested with a
magistracy. When the senate was dismissed he entered the city, and
carried before him into the treasury fourteen thousand three hundred
and forty-two pounds of silver, and a great quantity of coined silver.
Lucius Veturius Philo then held the assembly for the election
of consuls, when all the centuries, with the strongest marks of
attachment, named Publius Scipio as consul. Publius Licinius Crassus,
chief pontiff, was joined with him as his colleague. It is recorded,
that this election was attended by a greater number of persons than
any other during the war. People had come together from all quarters,
not only to give their votes, but also for the purpose of seeing
Publius Scipio. They ran in crowds, not only to his house, but also to
the Capitol; where he was engaged in offering a sacrifice of a
hundred oxen to Jupiter, which he had vowed in Spain, impressed with
a presentiment, that as Caius Lutatius had terminated the former Punic
war, so Publius Scipio would terminate the present; and that as he had
driven the Carthaginians out of every part of Spain, so he would
drive them out of Italy; and dooming Africa to him as his province, as
though the war in Italy were at an end. The assembly was then held
for the election of praetors. Two were elected who were then plebeian
aediles, namely, Spurius Lucretius and Cneius Octavius; and of private
persons, Cneius Servilius Caepio and Lucius Aemilius Papus.

In the fourteenth year of the Punic war, Publius Cornelius Scipio and
Publius Licinius Crassus entered on the consulship, when the provinces
assigned to the consuls were, to Scipio, Sicily, without drawing lots,
his colleague not opposing it, because the care of the sacred affairs
required the presence of the chief pontiff in Italy; to Crassus,
Bruttium. The provinces of the praetors were then put to the
determination of lots, when the city jurisdiction fell to Servilius;
Ariminum, for so they called Gaul, to Spurius Lucretius; Sicily to
Lucius Aemilius; Sardinia to Cneius Octavius. A senate was held in
the Capitol, when, on the motion of Publius Scipio, a decree was made,
that he should exhibit the games which he had vowed in Spain during
the mutiny of the soldiers, out of the money which he had himself
brought into the treasury.

39. He then introduced into the senate the Saguntine ambassadors,
the eldest of whom thus spoke: "Although there remains no degree of
suffering, conscript fathers, beyond what we have endured, in order
that we might keep our faith towards you to the last; yet such are
the benefits which we have received both from yourselves and your
generals, that we do not repent of the calamities to which we have
ourselves been exposed. On our account you undertook the war, and
having undertaken it, you have continued to carry it on for now the
fourteenth year with such inflexible perseverance, that frequently you
have both yourselves been reduced, and have brought the Carthaginians
to the last extremity. At a time when you had a war of such a
desperate character in Italy, and Hannibal as your antagonist, you
sent your consul with an army into Spain, to collect, as it were, the
remains of our wreck. Publius and Cneius Cornelius, from the time they
entered the province, never ceased from adopting such measures as were
favourable to us and detrimental to our enemies. First of all,
they restored to us our town; and, sending persons to collect our
countrymen, who were sold and dispersed throughout all Spain, restored
them from a state of slavery to freedom. When our circumstances, from
being wretched in the extreme, had nearly assumed a desirable state,
your generals Publius and Cneius Cornelius fell more to be lamented by
ourselves even than by you. Then truly we seemed to have been dragged
back from distant places to our ancient abode, to perish again, and
witness the second destruction of our country. Nor did it appear
that there was any need forsooth of a Carthaginian army or general
to effect our destruction; but that we might be annihilated by the
Turdulans, our most inveterate enemies, who had also been the cause of
our former overthrow. When suddenly, to our great surprise, you sent
us this Publius Scipio, in seeing whom declared consul, and in having
it in our power to carry word back to our countrymen that we have
seen it, for on him our hopes and safety entirely rest, we consider
ourselves the most fortunate of all the Saguntines. He, when he had
taken a great number of the cities of your enemies in Spain, on all
occasions separated the Saguntines out of the mass of captives, and
sent them back to their country; and lastly, by his arms he reduced to
so low a state Turdetania, which harboured such animosity against
us, that if that nation continued to flourish it was impossible that
Saguntum could stand, that it not only was not an object of fear to
us, but, and may I say it without incurring odium, not even to our
posterity. We see the city of those persons demolished, to gratify
whom Hannibal destroyed Saguntum. We receive tribute from their lands,
which is not more acceptable to us from the advantage we derive from
it than from revenge. In consideration of these benefits, than which
we could not hope or wish for greater from the immortal gods, the
senate and people of Saguntum have sent us ten ambassadors to you
to return their thanks; and at the same time to offer you their
congratulations on your having carried on your operations in Spain
and Italy so successfully of late years, that you have subdued by
your arms, and have gotten possession of Spain, not only as far as
the river Iberus, but also to where the ocean forms the limit of the
remotest regions of the world; while in Italy you have left nothing
to the Carthaginian except so much space as the rampart of his camp
encloses. We have been desired, not only to return thanks for these
blessings to Jove most good and great, the guardian deity of the
capitoline citadel, but also, if you should permit us, to carry into
the Capitol this present of a golden crown in token of victory. We
request that you would permit us so to do; and, if you think
proper, that you would, by your authority, perpetuate and ratify the
advantages which your generals have conferred upon us." The senate
replied to the Saguntines, "that the destruction and restoration of
Saguntum would form a monument to all the nations of the world of
social faith preserved on both sides. That, in restoring Saguntum, and
rescuing its citizens from slavery, their generals had acted properly,
regularly, and according to the wishes of the senate; and that,
whatever other acts of kindness they had done to them, were in
conformity with the wishes of the senate. That they gave them
permission to deposit their present in the Capitol." Orders were then
given to furnish the ambassadors with apartments and entertainment,
and that not less than ten thousand _asses_ should be given to each as
a present. After this, the rest of the embassies were introduced and
heard. On the request of the Saguntines that they might go and take
a view of Italy as far as they could with safety, they were furnished
with guides, and letters were sent to the several towns, requiring
them to entertain the Spaniards kindly. The senate then took into
consideration the state of public affairs, the levying troops, and the

40. It being generally reported that Africa, as a new province, was
destined for Publius Scipio without casting lots; and he himself, not
content with any moderate share of glory, asserting that he had been
declared consul, not only for prosecuting, but for finishing the war;
that that object could not be accomplished by any other means than
by his transporting an army into Africa; and himself openly declaring
that he would do it through the people if the senate opposed him; the
design by no means pleased the principal senators; and when the rest,
either through fear or a wish to ingratiate themselves with him, only
murmured, Quintus Fabius Maximus, being asked his opinion, thus spoke:
"I know, conscript fathers, that by many of you the question which is
this day agitated is considered as already determined; and that the
man who shall deliver his sentiments on the subject of making Africa a
province, as a new proposal, will speak to little purpose. But, in the
first place, I cannot see how it can be considered as determined,
that Africa shall be the province of the consul, that brave and active
officer, when neither the senate have voted nor the people ordered
that it should be constituted a province this year. In the next
place, if it is determined, I think the consul is to blame, who,
by pretending to consult the senate on a question already decided,
insults that body, and not the senator only who delivers his
sentiments in his place on the subject of deliberation. Now I am well
aware, that by disapproving of this excessive eagerness to pass over
into Africa, I subject myself to two imputations: one grounded on the
caution inherent in my disposition, which young men may if they
please call cowardice and sloth, so long as we have the consolation
to reflect, that though hitherto the measures of others have always
appeared on the first view of them the more plausible, mine on
experience have proved the sounder. The other imputation is that of
jealousy and envy towards the daily increasing glory of this most
valiant consul. But if neither my past life and character, nor a
dictatorship, together with five consulships, and so much glory
acquired, both in peace and war, that I am more likely to loathe it
than desire more, exempt me from such a suspicion, let my age at least
acquit me. For what rivalry can there exist between myself and a man
who is not equal in years even to my son? When I was dictator, when
as yet in the possession of full vigour, and engaged in a series of
affairs of the utmost magnitude, no one heard me, either in the senate
or in the popular assembly, express any reluctance to have the command
equally shared between myself and the master of the horse, at the
time when he was maligning me; a proposition which no one ever heard
mention of before. I chose to bring it about by actions rather than
by words, that he who was placed on the same footing with me in the
judgment of others, should soon by his own confession declare me his
superior. Much less, after having passed through these honours, would
I propose to myself to enter the lists of competition and rivalry with
a man in the very bloom of youth. And that, forsooth, in order that
Africa, if it shall have been denied to him, may be assigned as a
province to me, who am now weary of life, and not merely of active
employments. I must live and die with that share of glory which I have
already acquired. I prevented Hannibal from conquering, in order
that he might even be conquered by you, whose powers are now in full

41. "It is but fair, Publius Cornelius, that you should pardon me,
if I, who in my own case never preferred the honour of men to the
interest of the state, do not place even your fame before the public
good. Although, if there were either no war in Italy, or an enemy of
such a description that no glory could be acquired from conquering
him, the man who would retain you in Italy, though actuated by a
desire to promote the public good, might appear to wish to deprive
you of an opportunity of acquiring renown when he objected to your
removing the war. But since Hannibal is our antagonist, who is
besieging Italy for now the fourteenth year, with an army unimpaired,
will you have reason to be dissatisfied, Publius Cornelius, with the
glory you will acquire, if you in your consulate shall drive out of
Italy an enemy who has been the cause of so many deaths and so many
disasters to us, and if you should enjoy the distinction of having
terminated this, as Caius Lutatius did the former Punic war? Unless
either Hamilcar is a general more worthy of consideration than
Hannibal, or a war in Africa of more importance, or a victory there
greater and more glorious, (should it be our lot to be victorious
while you are consul,) than one here. Would you rather have drawn away
Hamilcar from Drepanum and Eryx than have expelled the Carthaginians
and Hannibal from Italy? Although you naturally prize more highly
the renown which you have acquired than that which you hope for, yet
surely you would not boast more of having freed Spain from war than of
having freed Italy. Hannibal is not as yet in such a state as that
the man who prefers another war would not appear to have feared rather
than to have despised him. Why then do you not apply yourself to
this, and carry the war in a straightforward manner to the place where
Hannibal is, rather than pursue that circuitous course, according to
which you expect that when you shall have crossed over into
Africa Hannibal will follow you thither? Do you seek to obtain the
distinguished honour of having finished the Punic war? After you have
defended your own possessions, for this is naturally the first object,
then proceed to attack those of others. Let there be peace in Italy
before war in Africa; and let us be free from fear ourselves before
we bring it upon others. If it is possible that both objects may be
accomplished under your conduct and auspices, having first conquered
Hannibal here, then go and lay siege to Carthage; but if one or other
of these conquests must be left for the succeeding consuls, the former
is both the greater and more glorious, and also the cause of the
second. For now indeed, besides that the treasury is not able to
maintain two different armies, one in Italy and one in Africa; besides
that we nave nothing left from which we may equip fleets or be able to
furnish provisions, who knows not how great danger would be incurred?
Publius Licinius will wage war in Italy, Publius Scipio in Africa.
What if, (an omen which may all the gods avert, and which my mind
shrinks back with alarm from mentioning,--but what has happened may
happen again,--) what I say, if Hannibal, having gained a victory,
should advance to the city? Shall we then at length send for you, our
consul, out of Africa, as we formerly sent for Quintus Fulvius from
Capua? What shall we say when we consider that in Africa also both
parties will be liable to the chances of war? Let your own house, your
father and your uncle, slain together with their armies within the
space of thirty days, after that, having spent several years in the
performance of the most important services, both by sea and land, they
had inspired foreign nations with the highest reverence for the name
of the Roman people and your family, be a warning to you. The day
would fail me were I disposed to enumerate the kings and generals
who have brought the most signal calamities upon themselves and their
armies by rashly passing into the territories of their enemies. The
Athenians, a state distinguished for prudence, leaving a war at home,
sent a great fleet into Sicily at the instance of a youth equally
enterprising and illustrious; but by one naval battle they reduced
their flourishing republic to a state of humiliation from which she
could never recover.

42. "But I am adducing foreign and too remote examples. That same
Africa, and Marcus Atilius, who was a signal example of both
extremes of fortune, may form a warning to us. Without doubt, Publius
Cornelius, when you shall have a view of Africa from the sea, the
reduction of your province of Spain will appear to you to have been a
mere matter of sport and pastime. For what similarity is there between
them? After sailing along the coast of Italy and Gaul to Emporiae
without any enemy to oppose you, you brought your fleet to land at
a city of our allies. There landing your soldiers, you marched them
through countries entirely secure from danger to Tarraco, to join the
allies and friends of the Roman people. After that, from Tarraco you
marched through places garrisoned by Roman troops. On the banks of the
Iberus were the armies of your father and your uncle, rendered still
more furious after the loss of their generals, even by the very
calamity they had suffered. The general, indeed, Lucius Marcius, had
been irregularly constituted and chosen for the time by the suffrages
of the soldiers; but had he been adorned with noble birth and the
regular gradation of preferment, he would have been equal to the most
distinguished generals, from his skill in every art of war. You then
laid siege to Carthage, quite at your leisure, not one of the three
Punic armies coming to the defence of their allies. The rest of your
achievements, nor do I wish to disparage them, are by no means to be
compared with what you will have to do in a war in Africa, where there
is not a single harbour open to receive our fleet, no part of the
country at peace with us, no state in alliance, no king in friendship
with us, no room in any part either to take up a position or to
advance. Whichever way you turn your eyes, all is hostility and
danger. Do you trust in the Numidians and Syphax? Let it suffice to
have trusted in them once. Temerity is not always successful, and the
fraudulent usually pave the way to confidence in small matters, that
when an advantageous opportunity occurs, they may deceive with great
gain. Your father and uncle were not cut off by the arms of their
enemies till they were duped by the treachery of their Celtiberian
allies; nor were you yourself exposed to so much danger from Mago
and Hasdrubal, the generals of your enemies, as from Indibilis and
Mandonius, whom you had received into friendship. Can you place any
confidence in Numidians after having experienced a defection in your
own soldiers? Syphax and Masinissa would rather that they themselves
should have the rule in Africa than the Carthaginians, but that the
Carthaginians should rather than any other state. At present emulation
and the various causes of dispute existing between them incite them
against each other, because the fear of any foreign enemy is remote.
But show them the Roman arms and a body of troops, natives of another
country, and they will run together as if to extinguish a common
conflagration. These same Carthaginians defended Spain in a different
manner from that in which they will defend the walls of their capital,
the temples of their gods, their altars, and their hearths; when their
terrified wives will attend them on the way to the battle, and
their little children will run to them. What, moreover, if the
Carthaginians, feeling sufficiently secure in the harmony subsisting
in Africa, in the attachment of the sovereigns in alliance with them,
and their own fortifications, should, when they see Italy deprived
of the support of yourself and your army, themselves assuming an
offensive attitude, either send a fresh army out of Africa into
Italy, or order Mago, who, it is certain, having passed over from the
Baleares, is now sailing along the coast of Liguria and the Alps, to
form a junction with Hannibal. Without doubt, we should be thrown into
the same state of alarm as we were lately, when Hasdrubal passed over
into Italy; that Hasdrubal, whom you, who are about to blockade, not
Carthage only, but all Africa with your army, allowed to slip out of
your hands into Italy. You will say that he was conquered by you.
For that very reason I should be less willing, not on account of the
commonwealth only, but of yourself, that, after having been defeated,
he should be allowed to march into Italy. Suffer us to ascribe to your
prudence all the successful events which have happened to you and
the empire of the Roman people, and to impute all those of an adverse
nature to the uncertain chances of war and to fortune. The more
meritorious and brave you are, so much the more do your country and
all Italy desire to retain you as their protector. You cannot even
yourself pretend to deny, that where Hannibal is, there is the head
and principal stress of the war, for you profess, that your motive
in crossing over into Africa is to draw Hannibal thither. Whether,
therefore, here or there, it is with Hannibal that you will have to
contend. Will you then, I pray, have more power in Africa and alone,
or here, with your own and your colleague's army united? Is not the
great difference which this makes proved to you even by the recent
precedent of Claudius and Livius, the consuls? What! will Hannibal,
who has now for a long time been unavailingly soliciting succours from
home, be rendered more powerful in men and arms when occupying the
remotest corner of the Bruttian territory, or when near to Carthage
and supported by all Africa? What sort of policy is that of yours, to
prefer fighting where your own forces will be diminished by one half,
and the enemy's greatly augmented, to encountering the enemy when
you will have two armies against one, and that wearied with so many
battles, and so protracted and laborious a service? Consider how far
this policy of yours corresponds with that of your parent. He, setting
out in his consulship for Spain, returned from his province into
Italy, that he might meet Hannibal on his descent from the Alps; while
you are going to leave Italy when Hannibal is there, not because you
consider such a course beneficial to the state, but because you think
it will redound to your own honour and glory; acting in the same
manner as you did when leaving your province and your army without the
sanction of a law, without a decree of the senate, you, a general
of the Roman people, intrusted to two ships the fortune of the
commonwealth and the majesty of the empire, which were then hazarded
in your person. In my estimation, conscript fathers, Publius Cornelius
was elected consul for the service of the state and of us, and not to
forward his own individual interest; and the armies were enlisted for
the protection of the city and of Italy, and not for the consuls,
like kings, to carry into whatever part of the world they please from
motives of vanity."

43. Fabius having made a strong impression on a large portion of the
senate, and especially those advanced in years, by this speech,
which was adapted to the occasion, and also by his authority and his
long-established reputation for prudence; and those who approved
of the counsel of this old man being more numerous than those who
commended the hot spirit of the young one; Scipio is reported thus
to have spoken: "Even Quintus Fabius himself has observed, conscript
fathers, in the commencement of his speech, that in the opinion he
gave a feeling of jealousy might be suspected. And though I dare
not myself charge so great a man with harbouring that feeling, yet,
whether it is owing to a defect in his language, or to the fact, that
suspicion has certainly not been removed. For he has so magnified his
own honours and the fame of his exploits, in order to do away with
the imputation of envy, that it would appear I am in danger of being
rivalled by every obscure person, but not by himself, because, as he
enjoys an eminence above every body else, an eminence to which I do
not dissemble that I also aspire, he is unwilling that I should be
placed upon a level with him. He has represented himself as an old
man, and as one who has gone through every gradation of honour, and me
as below the age even of his son; as if he supposed that the desire
of glory did not exceed the limits of human life, and as if its chief
part had not respect to memory and future ages. I am confident, that
it is usual with all the most exalted minds, to compare themselves,
not only with the illustrious men of the present, but of every age.
For my own part, I do not dissemble that I am desirous, not only to
attain to the share of glory which you possess, Quintus Fabius, but,
(and in saying it I mean no offence,) if I can, even to exceed it. Let
not such a feeling exist in your mind towards me, nor in mine towards
those who are my juniors, as that we should be unwilling that any of
our countrymen should attain to the same celebrity with ourselves; for
that would be a detriment, not to those only who may be the objects
of our envy, but to the state, and almost to the whole human race. He
mentioned what a great degree of danger I should incur, should I cross
over into Africa, so that he appeared solicitous on my account, and
not only for the state and the army. But whence has this concern for
me so suddenly sprung? When my father and uncle were slain; when their
two armies were cut up almost to a man; when Spain was lost; when four
armies of the Carthaginians and four generals kept possession of every
thing by terror and by arms; when a general was sought for to take the
command of that war, and no one came forward besides myself, no one
had the courage to declare himself a candidate; when the Roman people
had conferred the command upon me, though only twenty-four years of
age; why was it that no one at that time made any mention of my age,
of the strength of the enemy, of the difficulty of the war, and of the
recent destruction of my father and uncle? Has some greater disaster
been suffered in Africa now than had at that time befallen us
in Spain? Are there now larger armies in Africa, more and better
generals, than were then in Spain? Was my age then more mature for
conducting a war than now? Can a war with a Carthaginian enemy be
carried on with greater convenience in Spain than in Africa? After
having routed and put to flight four Carthaginian armies; after having
captured by force, or reduced to submission by fear, so many cities;
after having entirely subdued every thing as far as the ocean, so
many petty princes, so many savage nations; after having regained
possession of the whole of Spain, so that no trace of war remains,
it is an easy matter to make light of my services; just as easy as
it would be, should I return victorious from Africa, to make light of
those very circumstances which are now magnified in order that they
may appear formidable, for the purpose of detaining me here. He says
that there is no possibility of entering Africa; that there are no
ports open. He mentions that Marcus Atilius was taken prisoner in
Africa, as if Marcus Atilius had miscarried on his first access to
Africa. Nor does he recollect that the ports of Africa were open to
that very commander, unfortunate as he was; that he performed some
brilliant services during the first year, and continued undefeated
to the last, so far as related to the Carthaginian generals. You will
not, therefore, in the least deter me by that example of yours. If
that disaster had been sustained in the present, and not in the former
war, if lately, and not forty years ago, yet why would it be less
advisable for me to cross over into Africa after Regulus had been
made prisoner there, than into Spain after the Scipios had been slain
there? I should be reluctant to admit that the birth of Xanthippus
the Lacedaemonian was more fortunate for Carthage than mine for my
country. My confidence would be increased by the very circumstance,
that such important consequences depended upon the valour of one
man. But further, we must take warning by the Athenians, who
inconsiderately crossed over into Sicily, leaving a war in their own
country. Why, therefore, since you have leisure to relate Grecian
tales, do you not rather set before us the instance of Agathocles,
king of Syracuse, who, when Sicily was for a long time wasted by a
Punic war, by passing over into this same Africa, removed the war to
the country from whence it came.

44. "But what need is there of ancient and foreign examples to remind
us what sort of thing it is boldly to carry terror against an enemy,
and, removing the danger from oneself, to bring another into peril?
Can there be a stronger instance than Hannibal himself, or one more
to the point? It makes a great difference whether you devastate the
territories of another, or see your own destroyed by fire and sword.
He who brings danger upon another has more spirit than he who repels
it. Add to this, that the terror excited by unknown circumstances is
increased on that account. When you have entered the territory of an
enemy, you may have a near view of his advantages and disadvantages.
Hannibal did not expect that it would come to pass that so many of the
states in Italy would come over to him as did so after the defeat at
Cannae. How much less would any firmness or constancy be experienced
in Africa by the Carthaginians, who are themselves faithless allies,
oppressive and haughty masters! Besides, we, even when deserted by
our allies, stood firm in our own strength, the Roman soldiery. The
Carthaginians possess no native strength. The soldiers they have are
obtained by hire;--Africans and Numidians--people remarkable above
all others for the inconstancy of their attachments. Provided no
impediment arises here, you will hear at once that I have landed, and
that Africa is blazing with war; that Hannibal is preparing for his
departure from this country, and that Carthage is besieged. Expect
more frequent and more joyful despatches from Africa than you received
from Spain. The considerations on which I ground my anticipations are
the good fortune of the Roman people, the gods, the witnesses of the
treaty violated by the enemy, the kings Syphax and Masinissa; on whose
fidelity I will rely in such a manner as that I may be secure from
danger should they prove perfidious. Many things which are not now
apparent, at this distance, the war will develope; and it is the
part of a man, and a general, not to be wanting when fortune presents
itself, and to bend its events to his designs. I shall, Quintus
Fabius, have the opponent you assign me, Hannibal; but I shall rather
draw him after me than be kept here by him. I will compel him to fight
in his own country, and Carthage shall be the prize of victory rather
than the half-ruined forts of the Bruttians. With regard to providing
that the state sustain no injury in the mean time, while I am crossing
over, while I am landing my troops in Africa, while I am advancing
my camp to the walls of Carthage; be not too sure that it is not an
insult to Publius Licinius, the consul, a man of consummate valour,
who did not draw lots for so distant a province merely that, as he was
chief pontiff, he might not be absent from religious affairs, to
say that he is unable to do that, now that the power of Hannibal is
shaken, and in a manner shattered, which you Quintus Fabius, were
able to effect when he was flying victorious throughout all Italy.
By Hercules, even if the war would not be more speedily terminated by
adopting the plan I propose, yet it were consistent with the dignity
of the Roman people, and the high character they enjoy with foreign
kings and nations, to appear to have had spirit not only to defend
Italy, but also to carry hostilities into Africa; and that it should
not be supposed and spread abroad that no Roman general dared what
Hannibal had dared; that in the former Punic war, when the contest was
about Sicily, Africa should have been so often attacked by our fleets
and armies, and that now, when the contest is about Italy, Africa
should be left undisturbed. Let Italy, which has so long been
harassed, at length enjoy some repose; let Africa, in her turn,
be fired and devastated. Let the Roman camp overhang the gates of
Carthage rather than that we should again behold the rampart of the
enemy from our walls. Let Africa be the seat of the remainder of the
war. Let terror and flight, the devastation of lands, the defection of
allies, and all the other calamities of war which have fallen upon
us, through a period of fourteen years, be turned upon her. It is
sufficient for me to have spoken on those matters which relate to the
state, the war before us, and the provinces which form the subject of
deliberation. My discourse would be tedious and uninteresting to you
if, as Fabius has depreciated my services in Spain, I should also
in like manner endeavour, on the other hand, to turn his glory into
ridicule, and make the most of my own. I will do neither, conscript
fathers; and if in nothing else, though a young man, I shall certainly
have shown my superiority over this old man, in modesty and the
government of my tongue. Such has been my life, and such the services
I have performed, that I can gladly rest contented in silence with
that opinion which you have spontaneously conceived of me."

45. Scipio was heard less favourably, because, a report had been
spread that, if he did not prevail with the senate to have Africa
decreed to him as his province, he would immediately lay the matter
before the people. Therefore, Quintus Fulvius, who had been consul
four times, and censor, requested of the consul that he would openly
declare in the senate whether "he submitted to the fathers to decide
respecting the provinces; and whether he intended to abide by their
determination, or to put it to the people." Scipio having replied that
he would act as he thought for the interest of the state, Fulvius then
rejoined: "When I asked you the question I was not ignorant of what
answer you would give, or how you would act; for you plainly show that
you are rather sounding than consulting the senate; and, unless we
immediately decree to you the province you wish, have a bill ready
(to lay before the people). Therefore," said he, "I require of you,
tribunes of the people, to support me in refusing to give my opinion,
because, though my recommendation should be adopted, the consul is
not disposed to abide by it." An altercation then arose, the consul
asserting that it was unfair for the tribunes to interpose so as to
prevent any senator from living his opinion in his place on being
asked it. The tribunes came to the determination, "that if the consul
submit to the senate the question relating to the provinces, whatever
the senate decree we shall consider as final, nor will we allow a bill
to be proposed to the people on the subject. If he does not submit
it to them, we will support any one who shall refuse to deliver his
sentiments upon the matter." The consul requested the delay of a day
to confer with his colleague. The next day the decision was submitted
to the senate. The provinces were assigned in this manner: to one of
the consuls Sicily and thirty ships of war, which Caius Servilius had
commanded the former year; he was also permitted to cross over into
Africa if he conceived it to be for the advantage of the state. To the
other consul Bruttium and the war with Hannibal were assigned; with
either that army which Lucius Veturius or that which Quintus Caecilius
commanded. The two latter were to draw lots, and settle between
themselves which should act in Bruttium with the two legions which
the consul gave up; and he to whose lot that province fell, was to be
continued in command for a year. The other persons also, besides
the consuls and praetors, who were to take the command of armies and
provinces, were continued in command. It fell to the lot of Quintus
Caecilius to carry on the war against Hannibal in Bruttium, together
with the consul. The games of Scipio were then celebrated in the
presence of a great number of persons, and with the approbation of the
spectators. The deputies, Marcus Pomponius Matho and Quintus Catius,
sent to Delphi to convey a present out of the spoils taken from
Hasdrubal, carried with them a golden crown of two hundred pounds'
weight, and representations of the spoils made out of a thousand
pounds' weight of silver. Scipio, though he could not obtain leave
to levy troops, a point which he did not urge with great eagerness,
obtained leave to take with him such as volunteered their services;
and also, as he declared that the fleet would not be the occasion of
expense to the state, to receive what was furnished by the allies for
building fresh ships. First, the states of Etruria engaged to assist
the consuls to the utmost of their respective abilities. The people
of Caere furnished corn, and provisions of every description, for the
crews; the people of Populoni furnished iron; of Tarquinii, cloth
for sails; those of Volaterrae, planks for ships, and corn; those of
Arretium, thirty thousand shields, as many helmets; and of javelins,
Gallic darts, and long spears, they undertook to make up to the amount
of fifty thousand, an equal number of each description, together
with as many axes, mattocks, bills, buckets, and mills, as should be
sufficient for fifty men of war, with a hundred and twenty thousand
pecks of wheat; and to contribute to the support of the decurios and
rowers on the voyage. The people of Perusia, Clusium, and Rusella
furnished firs for building ships, and a great quantity of corn.
Scipio had firs out of the public woods. The states of Umbria, and,
besides them, the people of Nursia, Reate, and Amiternum, and
all those of the Sabine territory, promised soldiers. Many of the
Marsians, Pelignians, and Marrucinians volunteered to serve in the
fleet. The Cameritans, as they were joined with the Romans in league
on equal terms, sent an armed cohort of six hundred men. Having laid
the keels of thirty ships, twenty of which were quinqueremes, and ten
quadriremes, he prosecuted the work with such diligence, that, on the
forty-fifth day after the materials were taken from the woods, the
ships, being fully equipped and armed, were launched.

46. He set out into Sicily with thirty ships of war, with about seven
thousand volunteers on board. Publius Licinius came into Bruttium to
the two consular armies, of which he selected for himself that which
Lucius Veturius, the consul, had commanded. He allowed Metellus to
continue in the command of those legions which were before under him,
concluding that he could act more easily with the troops accustomed to
his command. The praetors also went to their different provinces. As
there was a scarcity of money to carry on the war, the quaestors were
ordered to sell a district of the Campanian territory extending from
the Grecian trench to the sea, with permission to receive information
as to what land belonged to a native Campanian, in order that it might
be put into the possession of the Roman people. The reward fixed
upon for the informer was a tenth part of the value of the lands so
discovered. Cneius Servilius, the city praetor, was also charged with
seeing that the Campanians dwelt where they were allowed, according to
the decree of the senate, and to punish such as dwelt anywhere else.
The same summer, Mago, son of Amilcar, setting out from the lesser of
the Balearian islands, where he had wintered, having put on board
his fleet a chosen body of young men, conveyed over into Italy twelve
thousand foot, and about two thousand horse, with about thirty ships
of war, and a great number of transports. By the suddenness of his
arrival he took Genoa, as there were no troops employed in protecting
the sea-coast. Thence he brought his fleet to shore, on the coast of
the Alpine Ligurians, to see if he could create any commotion there.
The Ingaunians, a tribe of the Ligurians, were at that juncture
engaged in war with the Epanterians, a people inhabiting the
mountains. The Carthaginian, therefore, having deposited his plunder
at Savo, an Alpine town, left ten ships of war for its protection. He
sent the rest to Carthage to guard the sea-coast, as it was reported
that Scipio intended to pass over thither; formed an alliance with
the Ingaunians, whose friendship he preferred; and commenced an attack
upon the mountaineers. His army increased daily, the Gauls flocking to
his standard from all sides, from the splendour of his fame. When the
senate received information of these things, by a letter from Spurius
Lucretius, they were filled with the most intense anxiety, lest the
joy they had experienced on the destruction of Hasdrubal and his army,
two years before, should be rendered vain by another war's springing
up in the same quarter, equal in magnitude, but under a new leader.
They therefore ordered Marcus Livius, proconsul, to march his army
of volunteer slaves out of Etruria to Ariminum, and gave in charge to
Cneius Servilius to issue orders, if he thought it necessary for the
safety of the state, that the city legions should be marched out under
the command of any person he thought proper. Marcus Valerius Laevinus
led those legions to Arretium. About the same time, as many as eighty
transports of the Carthaginians were captured, near Sardinia, by
Cneius Octavius, who had the government of that province. Caelius
states that they were laden with corn and provisions, sent for
Hannibal; Valerius, that they were conveying the plunder of Etruria,
and the Ligurian mountaineers who had been captured, to Carthage.
In Bruttium scarcely any thing was done this year worth recording.
A pestilence had attacked both Romans and Carthaginians with equal
violence; but the Carthaginian army, in addition to sickness, was
distressed by famine. Hannibal passed the summer near the temple
of Juno Lacinia, where he erected and dedicated an altar with an
inscription engraved in Punic and Greek characters, setting forth, in
pompous terms, the achievements he had performed.


_In Spain, Mandonius and Indibilis, reviving hostilities,
are finally subdued. Scipio goes over from Syracuse to Locri;
dislodges the Carthaginian general; repulses Hannibal, and
recovers that city. Peace made with Philip. The Idaean Mother
brought to Rome from Phrygia; received by Publius Scipio
Nasica, judged by the senate the best man in the state. Scipio
passes over into Africa. Syphax, having married a daughter of
Hasdrubal, renounces his alliance with Scipio. Masinissa, who
had been expelled his kingdom by Syphax, joins Scipio with two
hundred horsemen; they defeat a large army commanded by Hanno.
Hasdrubal and Syphax approach with a most numerous force.
Scipio raises the siege of Utica, and fortifies a post for the
winter. The consul Sempronius gets the better of Hannibal in a
battle near Croton. Dispute between Marcus Livius and Claudius
Nero, censors._

1. Scipio, after his arrival in Sicily, formed his volunteers into
cohorts and centuries. Of these he kept about his person three hundred
young men, in the bloom of their age and the prime of their strength,
unarmed, and not knowing for what purpose they were reserved, as they
were not included in the centuries, nor furnished with arms. He then
selected out of the number of the youth of all Sicily three hundred
horsemen, of the highest birth and fortune, who were to cross over
with him into Africa, appointing a day on which they were to present
themselves equipped and furnished with horses and arms. This severe
service, far from their native land, appeared to them likely to be
attended with many hardships, and great dangers, both by sea and land;
nor did that anxiety affect themselves alone, but also their parents
and relations. When the appointed day arrived, they exhibited their
arms and horses. Then Scipio observed, "that an intimation had been
conveyed to him that certain of the Sicilian horsemen felt a strong
aversion to that service, as being severe and arduous. If there were
any who entertained such a feeing, that he would rather they should
then confess it to him, than, complaining afterwards, prove themselves
slothful and useless soldiers to the state. He desired that they would
openly avow their sentiments, for that he would hear them with kindly
feeling." When one of the number took courage to declare, that if he
were allowed the uncontrolled exercise of his will he certainly would
not serve, Scipio replied to him thus: "Since then, young man, you
have not dissembled your sentiments, I will furnish a substitute for
you, to whom I request that you transfer your arms, your horse, and
other appliances of war; and, taking him hence immediately to
your house, train him, and take care that he is instructed in the
management of his horse and arms." The youth accepted the terms
joyfully, when Scipio delivered to him one of the three hundred whom
he kept unarmed. The rest, seeing the horseman thus discharged
without giving any offence to the general, began severally to
excuse themselves and receive substitutes. Thus Roman horsemen were
substituted for the three hundred Sicilian, without any expense to the
state. The Sicilians had the care of instructing and training them,
because the general had ordered that the man who should not do
so, should serve himself. It is said that this turned out to be an
admirable body of cavalry, and rendered effectual service to the state
in many engagements. Afterwards, inspecting the legions, he chose out
of them such soldiers as had served the greatest number of campaigns,
particularly those who had acted under Marcellus; for he considered
that they were formed under the best discipline, and also, from the
long time in which they were engaged in the siege of Syracuse, were
most skilled in the assault of towns: for his thoughts were now
occupied with no small object, but the destruction of Carthage. He
then distributed his army through the towns; ordered the Sicilian
states to furnish corn, sparing that which had been brought from
Italy; repaired his old ships, and sent Caius Laelius with them into
Africa to plunder. His new ships he hauled on shore at Panormus, that
they might be kept on land during the winter, as they had been hastily
built of unseasoned timber.

When every thing was got in readiness for the war he came to Syracuse,
which had hardly yet returned to a state of tranquillity, after the
violent commotions of the war. The Greeks, demanding restitution of
their property, which had been granted to them by the senate, from
certain persons of the Italian nation, who retained possession of it
in the same forcible manner in which they had seized it in the war,
Scipio, who deemed it of the first importance to preserve the
public faith, restored their property to the Syracusans, partly by
proclamation, and partly even by judgments pronounced against those
who pertinaciously retained their unjust acquisitions. This measure
was acceptable not only to the persons immediately concerned, but to
all the states of Sicily, and so much the more energetically did they
give aid in the war. During the same summer a very formidable war
sprang up in Spain, at the instance of Indibilis the Hergetian, from
no other cause than the contempt he conceived for the other generals,
in consequence of his admiration of Scipio. He considered "that he was
the only commander the Romans had left, the rest having been slain by
Hannibal. That they had, therefore, no other general whom they
could send into Spain after the Scipios were cut off there, and that
afterwards, when the war in Italy pressed upon them with increased
severity, he was recalled to oppose Hannibal. That, in addition to the
fact that the Romans had the names only of generals in Spain, their
old army had also been withdrawn thence. That all the troops they had
there were irresolute, as consisting of an undisciplined multitude of
recruits. That there would never again occur such an opportunity for
the liberation of Spain. That up to that time they had been the slaves
either of Carthaginians or Romans, and that not to one or the other in
turns, but sometimes to both together. That the Carthaginians had been
driven out by the Romans, and that the Romans might be driven out by
the Spaniards, if they would unite: so that Spain, for ever freed
from a foreign yoke, might return to her native customs and rites."
By these and other observations he stirred up not only his countrymen,
but the Ausetanians also, a neighbouring nation, as well as other
states bordering on his own and their country. Accordingly, within a
few days, thirty thousand foot and about four thousand horse assembled
in the Sedetanian territory, according to the orders which had been

2. On the other side, the Roman generals also, Lucius Lentulus and
Lucius Manlius Acidinus, lest by neglecting the first beginnings of
the war it should increase in violence, having united their armies,
and led their troops through the Ausetanian territory in a peaceable
manner, as though it had been the territory of friends instead of
enemies, came to the position of the enemy, and pitched their camp
at a distance of three miles from theirs. At first an unsuccessful
attempt was made, through ambassadors, to induce them to lay down
their arms; then the Spanish cavalry making a sudden attack on the
Roman foragers, a body of cavalry was sent to support them from the
Roman outposts, when a battle between the cavalry took place with no
memorable issue to either side. The next day, at sun-rise, the whole
force displayed their line, armed and drawn out for battle, at the
distance of about a mile from the Roman camp. The Ausetanians were in
the centre, the right wing was occupied by the Ilergetians, the left
by some inconsiderable states of Spain. Between the wings and the
centre they had left intervals of considerable extent, through which
they might send out their cavalry when occasion required. The Romans
also, drawing up their army in their usual manner, imitated the enemy
in respect only of leaving themselves also intervals between the
legions to afford passages for their cavalry. Lentulus, however,
concluding that the cavalry could be employed with advantage by those
only who should be the first to send them against the enemy's line,
thus broken by intervals, ordered Servius Cornelius, a military
tribune, to direct the cavalry to ride at full speed into the spaces
left in the enemy's line. Lentulus himself, as the battle between the
infantry was somewhat unfavourable in its commencement, waited only
until he had brought up from the reserve into the front line the
thirteenth legion to support the twelfth legion, which had been
posted in the left wing, against the Ilergetians, and which was giving
ground. And when the battle was thus placed on an equal footing in
that quarter, he came to Lucius Manlius, who was exhorting the troops
in the foremost line, and bringing up the reserves in such places as
circumstances required, and told him that all was safe in the left
wing, and that Cornelius Servius, who had been sent by him for that
purpose, would soon pour round the enemy a storm of cavalry. He had
scarcely uttered these words, when the Roman horse, riding into
the midst of the enemy, at once threw their line of infantry into
disorder, and closed up the passage by which the Spanish cavalry
were to advance. The Spaniards, therefore, giving up all thoughts of
fighting on horseback, dismounted and fought on foot. When the Roman
generals saw that the ranks of the enemy were in confusion, that they
were in a state of trepidation and dismay, their standards moving to
and fro, they exhorted and implored their men to charge them while
thus discomfited, and not allow them to form their line again.
So desperate was their charge that the barbarians could not have
withstood the shock, had not the prince Indibilis in person, together
with the discounted cavalry, opposed himself to the enemy before the
front rank of the infantry. There an obstinate contest continued for a
considerable time; but those who fought round the king, who continued
his resistance though almost expiring, and who was afterwards pinned
to the earth by a javelin, having at length fallen, overwhelmed with
darts, a general flight took place; and the number slain was the
greater because the horsemen were prevented from remounting, and
because the Romans pressed impetuously upon the discomfited troops;
nor did they give over until they had deprived the enemy of their
camp. On that day thirteen thousand Spaniards were slain, and about
eight hundred captured. Of the Romans and allies there fell a little
more than two hundred, and those principally in the left wing. Such
of the Spaniards as were beaten out of their camp, or had escaped from
the battle, at first dispersed themselves through the country, but
afterwards returned each to his own state.

3. They were then summoned to an assembly by Mandonius, at which,
after complaining bitterly of the losses they had sustained, and
upbraiding the instigators of the war, they resolved that ambassadors
should be sent with proposals to deliver up their arms and make a
surrender. These, laying the blame on Indibilis, the instigator of the
war, and the other chiefs, most of whom had fallen in the battle, and
offering to deliver up their arms and surrender themselves, received
for answer, that their surrender would be accepted on condition that
they delivered up alive Mandonius and the rest of the persons who had
fomented the war; but if they refused to comply, that armies should be
marched into the territories of the Ilergetians and Ausetanians, and
afterwards into those of the other states in succession. This answer
given to the ambassadors, was reported to the assembly, and
Mandonius and the other chiefs were there seized and delivered up
for punishment. Peace was restored to the states of Spain, which
were ordered to pay double taxes that year, and furnish corn for six
months, together with cloaks and gowns for the army; and hostages were
taken from about thirty of the states.

The tumult occasioned by the rebellion in Spain having been thus
excited and suppressed within the space of a few days, without any
great disturbance, the whole terror of the war was directed against
Africa. Caius Laelius having arrived at Hippo Regius by night, at
break of day led his soldiers and mariners in regular array to lay
waste the country. As all the inhabitants were living unguardedly, as
in a time of peace, great damage was done; and messengers, flying in
terror, filled Carthage with alarm, by reporting that the Roman fleet
and the general, Scipio, had arrived; for there was a rumour that
Scipio had already crossed over into Sicily. Not knowing accurately
how many ships they had seen, or how large a body of troops was
devastating the country, they, under the influence of fear, which
represented them as greater than they really were, exaggerated every
thing. Accordingly, at first, terror and dismay took possession of
their minds, but afterwards grief, when they reflected that their
circumstances had undergone so great a change; that they, who lately
as conquerors had an army before the walls of Rome, and, after having
laid prostrate so many armies of the enemy, had received the surrender
of all the states of Italy, either by force or choice, now, the
war having taken an unfavourable turn, were destined to behold the
devastation of Africa and the siege of Carthage, without any thing
like the resources to enable them to bear up against those calamities
which the Romans possessed. To the latter the Roman commons and
Latium afforded a supply of young men, which continually grew up more
vigorous and more numerous, in the room of so many armies destroyed,
while their own people, both those in the city and those in the
country, were unfit for military service; their troops consisted of
auxiliaries, procured by hire from the Africans, a faithless nation,
and veering about with every gale of fortune. Now too, with regard to
the kings, Syphax was alienated from them since his conference with
Scipio, and Masinissa, by an open defection, had become their most
determined enemy. Wherever they turned their eyes there was no hope,
no aid. Neither did Mago excite any commotion on the side of Gaul, nor
join his forces with those of Hannibal; while Hannibal himself was now
declining both in reputation and strength.

4. Their minds, which had fallen into these melancholy reflections in
consequence of the intelligence they had just received, were brought
back by their immediate fears to deliberate how to oppose the instant
danger. They resolved, that troops should be hastily levied both
in the city and in the country; that persons should be sent to hire
auxiliaries from the Africans; that the city should be fortified, corn
collected, weapons and arms prepared, and ships equipped and sent
to Hippo against the Roman fleet. But now, while engaged in these
matters, news at length arrived that it was Laelius, and not Scipio;
that the forces which he had brought over were only what were
sufficient for making predatory incursions into the country, and that
the principal stress of the war still lay in Sicily. Thus they were
enabled to take breath, and they began to send embassies to Syphax
and the other petty princes, for the purpose of strengthening their
alliances. To Philip also ambassadors were sent, to promise him two
hundred talents of silver, if he would cross over into Sicily or
Italy. Ambassadors were also sent into Italy to the two generals, to
desire them to keep Scipio at home by terrifying the enemy in
every way they could. To Mago, not only ambassadors were sent, but
twenty-five men of war, six thousand infantry, eight hundred horse,
and seven elephants, besides a large sum of money to be employed in
hiring auxiliaries, in order that, encouraged by these aids, he might
advance his army nearer to the city of Rome, and form a junction with
Hannibal. Such were the preparations and plans at Carthage. While
Laelius was employed in carrying off an immense quantity of booty
from the country, the inhabitants of which had no arms, and which was
destitute of forces, Masinissa, moved by the report of the arrival
of the Roman fleet, came to him attended by a small body of horse.
He complained that "Scipio had not acted with promptness in this
business, in that he had not already passed his army over into Africa,
while the Carthaginians were in consternation, and while Syphax was
entangled in wars with the neighbouring states, and in doubt and
uncertainty as to the course he should take; that if time was allowed
to Syphax to adjust his own affairs according to his mind, he would
not in any thing keep his faith with the Romans inviolate." He
requested that he would exhort and stimulate Scipio not to delay.
Though driven from his kingdom, he said he would join him with no
despicable force of foot and horse. Nor was it right, said he that
Laelius should continue in Africa, for he believed that a fleet had
set sail from Carthage, with which, in the absence of Scipio, it would
not be altogether safe to engage.

5. After this discourse Masinissa departed. Laelius, the next day,
sailed from Hippo with his ships loaded with booty, and returning to
Sicily, delivered to Scipio the injunctions of Masinissa. About the
same time the ships which were sent from Carthage to Mago touched
at the country between the Albingaunian Ligurians and Genoa. Mago
happened to be lying here with his fleet at this time. After hearing
the message of the ambassadors, directing him to collect as great a
number of troops as possible, he immediately held a council of the
Gauls and Ligurians, for a great number of both those nations were
there. He said that he was sent to restore them to liberty, and, as
they themselves might see, succours were sent him from home; but that
it depended upon them with how great forces and how large an army the
war for that purpose was to be carried on. That the Romans had two
armies in the field, one in Gaul and another in Etruria. That he was
well informed that Spurius Lucretius would form a junction with Marcus
Livius, and that they on their part must arm many thousands, in order
to cope with two Roman generals and two armies. The Gauls replied,
that they had the strongest possible inclination to this, but as
the Romans had one army within their borders, and another in the
neighbouring country of Etruria, almost within sight, if it should
be known that they had supported the Carthaginians with auxiliaries,
those would immediately invade their territories on both sides with
determined hostility. They requested that he would ask of the Gauls
such aids as they could afford in a covert manner. The purposes of the
Ligurians, they said, were unrestrained, because the Roman troops were
at a distance from their lands and cities; that it was fair that they
should arm their youth and take upon themselves a portion of the war.
The Ligurians did not dissent; they only requested the space of two
months to make their levies. Having dismissed the Gauls, Mago in the
mean time secretly hired soldiers through their country. Provisions
also of every description were sent to him privately by the Gallic
states. Marcus Livius led his army of volunteer slaves out of Etruria
into Gaul, and having joined Lucretius, prepared to meet Mago in case
he should move from Liguria nearer to the city; but intending, if the
Carthaginian should keep himself quiet under the angle formed by the
Alps, to remain himself also in the same quarter, near Ariminum, for
the protection of Italy.

6. After the return of Caius Laelius from Africa, though Scipio was
goaded on by the exhortations of Masinissa; and the soldiers, on
seeing the booty which was taken from the enemy's country landed from
the whole fleet, were inflamed with the strongest desire to cross over
as soon as possible; this important object was interrupted by one
of minor consideration, namely, that of regaining the town of Locri,
which at the time of the general defection of Italy had itself also
gone over to the Carthaginians. The hope of accomplishing this object
beamed forth from a very trifling circumstance. The war was carried on
in Bruttium rather in a predatory than a regular manner, the Numidians
having set the example, and the Bruttians falling in with that
practice, not more in consequence of their connexion with the
Carthaginians, than from their natural inclination. At last the Romans
also, who now took delight in plunder by a sort of infection, made
excursions into the lands of their enemies so far as their leaders
would permit it. Some Locrians who had gone out of the town, were
surrounded by them and carried off to Rhegium. Among the number of
the prisoners were certain artisans, who, as it happened, had been
accustomed to work for the Carthaginians in the city of Locri for
hire. They were recognised by some of the Locrian nobles, who having
been driven out by the opposite faction, which had delivered up Locri
to Hannibal, had retired to Rhegium; and having answered their other
questions relative to what was going on at home, questions which are
usually put by such as have been long absent, they gave them hopes
that, if ransomed and sent back, they might be able to deliver up the
citadel to them; for there they resided, and among the Carthaginians
they enjoyed unlimited confidence. Accordingly, as these nobles were
at once tormented with a longing for their country, and inflamed with
a desire to be revenged on their enemies, they immediately ransomed
the prisoners and sent them back, after having settled the plan of
operation, and agreed upon the signals which were to be given at a
distance and observed by them. They then went themselves to Scipio to
Syracuse, with whom some of the exiles were; and having, by relating
to him the promises made by the prisoners, inspired the consul with
hopes which seemed likely to be realized, Marcus Sergius and Publius
Matienus, military tribunes, were sent with them, and ordered to
lead three thousand soldiers from Rhegium to Locri. A letter was also
written to Quintus Pleminius, the propraetor, with directions that he
should assist in the business. The troops, setting out from Rhegium
and carrying with them ladders to suit the alleged height of the
citadel, about midnight gave a signal to those who were to betray it
from the place agreed upon. The latter were ready and on the watch,
and having themselves also lowered down ladders made for the purpose,
and received the Romans as they climbed up in several places at once,
an attack was made upon the Carthaginian sentinels, who were fast
asleep, as they were not afraid of any thing of the kind before any
noise was made. Their dying groans were the first sound that was
heard; then, awaking from their sleep, a sudden consternation and
confusion followed, the cause of the alarm being unknown. At length,
one rousing another, the fact became more certain, and now every one
shouted "To arms" with all his might; "that the enemy were in the
citadel and the sentinels slain;" and the Romans, who were far
inferior in numbers, would have been overpowered, had not a shout
raised by those who were outside of the citadel rendered it uncertain
whence the noise proceeded, while the terror of an alarm by night
magnified all fears, however groundless. The Carthaginians, therefore,
terrified and supposing that the citadel was already filled with
the enemy, gave up all thoughts of opposition and fled to the other
citadel; for there were two at no great distance from each other. The
townsmen held the city, which lay between the two fortresses, as the
prize of the victors. Slight engagements took place daily from the
two citadels. Quintus Pleminius commanded the Roman, Hamilcar the
Carthaginian garrison. They augmented their forces by calling in aids
from the neighbouring places. At last Hannibal himself came; nor would
the Romans have held out, had not the general body of the Locrians,
exasperated by the pride and rapacity of the Carthaginians, leaned
towards the Romans.

7. When Scipio received intelligence that the posture of affairs
at Locri had become more critical, and that Hannibal himself was
approaching, lest even the garrison might be exposed to danger; for
it was not an easy matter for it to retire thence; as soon as the
direction of the tide in the strait had changed, he let the ships
drive with the tide from Messana, having left his brother, Lucius
Scipio, in command there. Hannibal also sent a messenger in advance
from the river Butrotus, which is not far from the town of Locri, to
desire his party to attack the Romans and Locrians at break of day in
the most vigorous manner, while he on the opposite side assaulted the
town, which would be unprepared for such a measure, as every one
would have his attention occupied with the tumult created in the other
quarter. But when, as soon as it was light, he found that the battle
had commenced, he was unwilling to shut himself up in the citadel,
where, by his numbers, he would crowd that confined place; nor had
he brought with him scaling-ladders to enable him to mount the walls.
Having, however, had the baggage thrown together in a heap, and
displayed his line at a distance from the walls to intimidate the
enemy, while the scaling-ladders and other requisites for an assault
were preparing, he rode round the city with some Numidian horsemen, in
order to observe in what quarter the attack might be best made. Having
advanced towards the rampart, the person who happened to stand next
him was struck by a weapon from a scorpion; and, terrified at an
accident in which he had been exposed to so much danger, he retired,
gave directions for sounding a retreat, and fortified a camp out
of the reach of weapons. The Roman fleet from Messana came to Locri
several hours before night. The troops were all landed and had entered
the city before sun-set. The following day the fight began from the
citadel on the part of the Carthaginians, and Hannibal, having now
prepared ladders and all the other requisites for an assault, was
coming up to the walls; when, throwing open the gate, the Romans
suddenly sallied out upon him, Hannibal fearing nothing less than such
a step. They slew as many as two hundred in the attack, having taken
them by surprise. The rest Hannibal withdrew into the camp when he
found the consul was there; and having despatched a messenger to those
who were in the citadel, to desire them to take measures for their
own safety, he decamped by night. Those who were in the citadel also,
after throwing fire upon the buildings they occupied, in order that
the alarm thus occasioned might detain their enemy, went away with
a speed which resembled flight, and overtook the body of their army
before night.

8. Scipio, seeing that the citadel was abandoned by the enemy, and
their camp deserted, called the Locrians to an assembly and rebuked
them severely for their defection. He inflicted punishment on the
persons principally concerned, and gave their effects to the leaders
of the other party, in consideration of their extraordinary fidelity
to the Romans. As to the Locrians in general, he said that he would
neither grant them any thing, nor take any thing from them. They might
send ambassadors to Rome, and they should experience that treatment
which the senate thought proper to adopt. Of one thing, however, he
said he was confident, which was, that although they had deserved ill
at the hands of the Romans, they would be better off when subject to
them, though incensed against them, than they had been when in the
power of their friends the Carthaginians. Leaving Quintus Pleminius
lieutenant-general, and the garrison which had taken the citadel to
defend the city, the general himself crossed over to Messana with the
forces he had brought with him. The Locrians had been treated with
such insolence and cruelty by the Carthaginians since their revolt
from the Romans, that they were able to endure severities of an
ordinary kind not only with patience but almost willingness. But
indeed, so greatly did Pleminius surpass Hamilcar, who had commanded
the garrison, so greatly did the Roman soldiers in the garrison
surpass the Carthaginians in villany and rapacity, that it would
appear that they endeavoured to outdo each other, not in arms, but in
vices. None of all those things which render the power of a superior
hateful to the powerless was omitted towards the inhabitants, either
by the general or his soldiers. The most shocking insults were
committed against their own persons, their children, and their wives,
For their rapacity did not abstain from the spoliation even of
sacred things; and not only were other temples violated, but even
the treasures of Proserpine, which had never been touched through
all ages, excepting that they were said to have been carried away by
Pyrrhus, who restored the spoils, together with a costly offering in
expiation of his sacrilege. Therefore, as on the former occasion,
the royal ships, wrecked and shattered, brought nothing safe to land,
except the sacred money of the goddess, which they were carrying away;
so now also, that same money, by a different kind of calamity, cast a
spirit of madness upon all who were contaminated by this violation
of the temple, and turned them against each other with the fury of
enemies, general against general, and soldier against soldier.

9. Pleminius had the chief command; that part of the soldiers which he
had brought with him from Rhegium were under his own command, the rest
were under the command of the tribunes. One of Pleminius's men, while
running away with a silver cup which he had stolen from the house of
a townsman, the owners pursuing him, happened to meet Sergius and
Matienus, the military tribunes. The cup having been taken away from
him at the order of the tribunes, abuse and clamour ensued, and at
last a fight arose between the soldiers of Pleminius and those of the
tribunes; the numbers engaged and the tumult increasing at the same
time, as either party was joined by their friends who happened to come
up at the time. When the soldiers of Pleminius, who had been worsted,
had run to him in crowds, not without loud clamouring and indignant
feelings, showing their blood and wounds, and repeating the reproaches
which had been heaped upon him during the dispute, Pleminius, fired
with resentment, flung himself out of his house, ordered the tribunes
to be summoned and stripped, and the rods to be brought out.
During the time which was consumed in stripping them, for they made
resistance, and implored their men to aid them, on a sudden the
soldiers, flushed with their recent victory, ran together from every
quarter, as if there had been a shout to arms against enemies; and
when they saw the bodies of their tribunes now mangled with rods, then
indeed, suddenly inflamed with much, more ungovernable rage, without
respect, not only for the dignity of their commander, but of humanity,
they made an attack upon the lieutenant-general, having first
mutilated the lictors in a shocking manner; they then cruelly
lacerated the lieutenant-general himself, having cut him off from his
party and hemmed him in, and after mutilating his nose and ears
left him almost lifeless. Accounts of these occurrences arriving at
Messana, Scipio, a few days after, passing over to Locri in a ship
with six banks of oars, took cognizance of the cause of Pleminius and
the tribunes. Having acquitted Pleminius and left him in command of
the same place, and pronounced the tribunes guilty and thrown them
into chains, that they might be sent to Rome to the senate, he
returned to Messana, and thence to Syracuse. Pleminius, unable
to restrain his resentment, for he thought that the injury he had
sustained had been treated negligently and too lightly by Scipio, and
that no one could form an estimate of the punishment which ought to
be inflicted in such a case, except the man who had in his own person
felt its atrocity, ordered the tribunes to be dragged before him, and
after lacerating them with every punishment which the human body
could endure, put them to death; and not satisfied with the punishment
inflicted on them while alive, cast them out unburied. The like
cruelty he exercised towards the Locrian nobles, whom he heard had
gone to Scipio to complain of the injuries he had done them. The
horrid acts, prompted by lust and rapacity, which he had before
perpetrated upon his allies, he now multiplied from resentment; thus
bringing infamy and odium, not only upon himself, but upon the general

10. The time of the elections was now drawing near, when a letter from
the consul Publius Licinius arrived at Rome, stating that "he himself
and his army were afflicted with a severe sickness, nor could they
have stood their ground had not the malady attacked the enemy with the
same or even greater violence. Therefore, as he could not come
himself to the election, he would, with the approbation of the senate,
nominate Quintus Caecilius Metellus dictator, for the purpose of
holding the election. That it was for the interest of the state that
the army of Quintus Caecilius should be disbanded; for that it could
not be made any use of under present circumstances, for Hannibal had
now withdrawn his troops into winter quarters; and so violent was
the malady which had infected that camp, that unless it was speedily
broken up, there would not survive one man out of the whole army."
The senate left it to the consul to settle these matters, as he should
deem consistent with the interest of the state and his own honour.
The state was at this time suddenly occupied with a question of a
religious nature, in consequence of the discovery of a prediction
in the Sibylline books, which had been inspected on account of
there having been so many showers of stones this year. It ran thus:
"Whensoever a foreign enemy should bring war into the land of Italy,
he may be driven out of Italy and conquered, if the Idaean Mother
should be brought from Pessinus to Rome." This prophecy, discovered
by the decemviri, produced the greater impression upon the senate,
because ambassadors also, who had carried a present to Delphi, had
brought word back, that they had both obtained a favourable appearance
in sacrificing to the Pythian Apollo, and that a response was
delivered from the oracle, to the effect, that a much greater victory
than that from the spoils of which they now brought presents, awaited
the Roman people. They considered the presentiment which existed in
the mind of Publius Scipio, with regard to the termination of the
war, when he claimed Africa as his province, as corroborating the same
anticipation. In order, therefore, that they might the more speedily
put themselves in possession of victory, which was portended to them
by the fates, omens, and oracles, they began to think what method
could be adopted for conveying the goddess to Rome.

11. As yet the Roman people had none of the states of Asia in alliance
with them. Recollecting, however, that formerly Aesculapius, on
account of a sickness among the people, was fetched from Greece, which
was not then united with them by any treaty; recollecting, also, that
a friendship had already commenced between them and king Attalus, on
account of the war which they waged in common against Philip, and
that he would do whatever he could to oblige the Roman people, they
resolved to send, as ambassadors to him, Marcus Valerius Laevinus, who
had been twice consul, and had carried on operations in Greece; Marcus
Caecilius Metellus, who had been praetor; Servius Sulpicius Galba,
who had been aedile; and two who had been quaestors, Caius Tremellius
Flaccus and Marcus Valerius Falto. To these five quinqueremes were
assigned, in order that, in a manner suitable to the dignity of the
Roman people, they might visit those lands where it was important
to gain respect for the Roman name. The ambassadors, on their way
to Asia, having landed at Delphi, immediately approached the oracle,
inquiring what hopes the deity held out to themselves and the Roman
people, of accomplishing the business for which they had been sent
from home. It is said that the answer given was, "that they would
obtain what they were seeking by means of king Attalus. When they had
conveyed the goddess to Rome, they must take care that the best man at
Rome should receive her to his hospitality." They came to Pergamus to
the king, who received the ambassadors graciously, and conducted them
to Pessinus in Phrygia, and putting into their hands a sacred stone,
which the inhabitants said was the mother of the gods, bid them convey
it to Rome. Marcus Valerius Falto, who was sent in advance, brought
word that the goddess was on her way, and that the most virtuous man
in the state must be sought out, who might in due form receive and
entertain her. Quintus Caecilius Metellus was nominated dictator for
holding the elections, by the consul in Bruttium, and his army was
disbanded. Lucius Veturius Philo was made master of the horse. The
elections were held by the dictator; the consuls elected were Marcus
Cornelius Cethegus and Publius Sempronius Tuditanus, who was absent,
being engaged in his province of Greece. The praetors were then
elected: Titus Claudius Nero, Marcus Marcius Ralla, Lucius Scribonius
Libo, Marcus Pomponius Matho. On the conclusion of the elections, the
dictator abdicated his office. The Roman games were repeated thrice,
the plebeian seven times. The curule aediles were Cneius and Lucius
Cornelius Lentulus: Lucius had the province of Spain; he was elected
in his absence, and was absent while he filled the office. The
plebeian aediles were Titus Claudius Asellus and Marcus Junius Pennus.
Marcus Marcellus this year dedicated the temple of Virtue at the Porta
Capena, in the seventeenth year after it had been vowed by his father
during his first consulate at Clastidium in Gaul: also Marcus Aemilius
Regillus, flamen of Mars, died this year.

12. For the last two years the affairs of Greece had been neglected.
Accordingly, as the Aetolians were deserted by the Romans, on whom
alone they depended for assistance, Philip compelled them to sue for
and agree to a peace on whatever conditions he pleased. Had he not
exerted himself to the utmost in expediting this measure, he would
have been overpowered, while engaged in war with the Aetolians,
by Publius Sempronius, the proconsul, who had been sent to succeed
Sulpicius in the command, with ten thousand infantry and a thousand
horse, together with thirty-five ships of war, a force of no small
importance to bring to the assistance of allies. Ere the peace was
well concluded, news was brought to the king that the Romans had
arrived at Dyrrachium; that the Parthinians, and other bordering
nations, were up in arms on seeing hopes of effecting a change; and
that Dimallum was besieged. The Romans had turned their efforts to
that quarter instead of assisting the Aetolians, for which purpose
they had been sent, from resentment at the conduct of the Aetolians
for making peace with the king without their sanction, contrary to the
league. When Philip had received intelligence of these events, lest
any greater commotion should arise in the neighbouring nations and
states, he proceeded by forced marches to Apollonia, to which place
Sempronius had retired, having sent Laetorius, his lieutenant-general,
with a part of his forces and fifteen ships into Aetolia, to look into
the state of affairs, and, if he could, dissolve the peace. Philip
laid waste the lands of the Apollonians, and, advancing his troops to
the tower, offered the Romans battle. But seeing that they remained
quiet, only defending the walls, and not having sufficient confidence
in his strength to assault the town, being desirous also of making
peace with the Romans if possible, as he had with the Aetolians, or
at least a truce, he withdrew into his own dominions, without further
exciting their animosity by a fresh contest. During the same time
the Epirots, wearied by the long continuance of the war, having first
sounded the disposition of the Romans, sent ambassadors to Philip on
the subject of a common peace; affirming that they were well satisfied
that it might be arranged if he would come to a conference with
Publius Sempronius, the Roman general. They easily prevailed on him to
pass into Epirus, for neither were the king's own inclinations averse
from this measure. Phoenice is a city of Epirus; here Philip first
conferred with Aeropus Dardas and Philip, praetors of the Epirots, and
afterwards met Publius Sempronius. Amynander, king of the Athamanians,
and other magistrates of the Epirots and Acarnanians, were present at
the conference. The praetor Philip spoke first, and requested at once
of the king and the Roman general, that they would put an end to the
war, and grant this boon to the Epirots. Publius Sempronius proposed
as the conditions of the peace, that the Parthinians, and Dimallum,
and Bargulum, and Eugenium, should be under the dominion of the
Romans; that Atintania, if on sending ambassadors to Rome they could
prevail upon the senate to acquiesce, should be added to the dominions
of the Macedonian. The peace having been agreed upon on these
terms, Prusias king of Bithynia, the Achaeans, the Boeotians, the
Thessalians, the Acarnanians, and the Epirots, were included in
the treaty by the king; by the Romans, the Ilians, king Attalus,
Pleuratus, Nabis tyrant of the Lacedaemonians, the Eleans, the
Messenians, and Athenians. These conditions were committed to writing
and sealed; and a truce was agreed upon for two months, to allow time
for ambassadors being sent to Rome, that the people might order the
peace upon these terms. All the tribes agreed in ordering it, because
now that the operations of the war were removed into Africa, they were
desirous to be relieved for the present from all other wars. The peace
being concluded, Publius Sempronius took his departure for Rome, to
attend to the duties of his consulship.

13. To Publius Sempronius and Marcus Cornelius, the consuls in the
fifteenth year of the Punic war, the provinces assigned were, to
Cornelius, Etruria, with the old army; to Sempronius, Bruttium, with
directions to levy fresh legions. Of the praetors, to Marcus Marcius
fell the city jurisdiction; to Lucius Scribonius Libo, the foreign,
together with Gaul; to Marcus Pomponius Matho, Sicily; to Titus
Claudius Nero, Sardinia. Publius Scipio was continued in command
with the army and fleet which he had under him, as was also Publius
Licinius, with directions to occupy Bruttium with two legions, so long
as the consul should deem it for the advantage of the state that
he should continue in the province with command. Marcus Livius and
Spurius Lucretius were also continued in command, with the two legions
with which they had protected Gaul against Mago; also Cneius Octavius,
with orders that, after he had delivered up Sardinia and the legion
to Titus Claudius, he should, with forty ships of war, protect the
sea-coast within such limits as the senate should appoint. To Marcus
Pomponius, the praetor in Sicily, the troops which had fought at
Cannae, consisting of two legions, were assigned. It was decreed, that
Titus Quinctius and Caius Tubulus, propraetors, should occupy, the
former Tarentum, the latter Capua, as in the former year, each having
his old army. With respect to the command in Spain, it was submitted
to the people to decide on the two proconsuls to be sent into that
province. All the tribes agreed in ordering that the same persons,
namely, Lucius Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Manlius Acidinus, should,
as proconsuls, hold the command of those provinces as they had the
former year. The consuls set about making the levies, both to raise
new legions for Bruttium, and recruit the other armies; for so were
they directed by the senate.

14. Although Africa had not as yet been openly declared a province,
the senate keeping it a secret, I suppose, lest the Carthaginians
should get intelligence of it beforehand, nevertheless, the most
sanguine hopes were entertained in the city, that the enemy would be
vanquished that year in Africa, and that the termination of the Punic
war was at hand. This circumstance had filled the minds of the people
with superstitious notions, and they were strongly disposed to credit
and propagate accounts of prodigies, and for that reason more were
reported. It was said, "that two suns had been seen; that it had
become light for a time during the night; that at Setia a meteor had
been seen, extending from the east to the west; that at Tarracina a
gate, at Anagnia a gate and the wall in many places, had been struck
by lightning; that in the temple of Juno Sospita, at Lanuvium, a noise
had been heard, accompanied with a tremendous crash." There was a
supplication for one day for the purpose of expiating these, and
the nine days' sacred rite was celebrated on account of a shower of
stones. In addition to these cares, they had to deliberate about the
reception of the Idaean Mother; for besides that Marcus Valerius, one
of the ambassadors who had come before the rest, had brought word that
she would be in Italy forthwith a recent account had arrived that she
was at Tarracina. The senate was occupied with the determination of a
matter of no small importance, namely, who was the most virtuous man
in the state. Every one doubtless would wish for himself the victory
in this contest, rather than any office of command, or any honours,
which could be conferred by the suffrages either of the senate or the
people. Publius Scipio, son of Cneius who had fallen in Spain, a youth
not yet of the age to be quaestor, they adjudged to be the best of the
good men in the whole state. Though I would willingly record it for
the information of posterity, had the writers who lived in the times
nearest to those events mentioned by what virtues of his they were
induced to come to this determination, yet I will not obtrude my own
opinion, formed upon conjecture, relative to a matter buried in the
obscurity of antiquity. Publius Cornelius was ordered to go to Ostia,
attended by all the matrons, to meet the goddess; to receive her from
the ship himself, and, when landed, place her in the hands of the
matrons to convey her away. After the ship arrived at the mouth of the
Tiber, Scipio, according to the directions given him, sailed out into
the open sea, and, receiving the goddess from the priests, conveyed
her to land. The chief matrons in the state received her, among whom
the name of Claudia Quinta alone is worthy of remark. Her fame,
which, as it is recorded, was before that time dubious, became,
in consequence of her having assisted in so solemn a business,
illustrious for chastity among posterity. The matrons, passing her
from one to another in orderly succession, conveyed the goddess into
the temple of Victory, in the Palatium, on the day before the ides of
April, which was made a festival, while the whole city poured out to
meet her; and, placing censers before their doors, on the way by which
she was conveyed in procession, kindled frankincense, and prayed
that she would enter the city of Rome willingly and propitiously. The
people in crowds carried presents to the goddess in the Palatium; a
lectisternium was celebrated, with games called the Megalesian.

15. When the business of recruiting the legions in the provinces was
under consideration, it was suggested by certain senators that now was
the time, when, by the favour of the gods, their fears were removed,
to put a stop to certain things, however they might have been
tolerated in perilous circumstances. The senators, being intent in
expectation, subjoined, that the twelve Latin colonies which had
refused to furnish soldiers to the consuls, Quintus Fabius and
Quintus Fulvius, were enjoying, for now the sixth year, exemption
from military service, as though it had been granted to them a mark
of honour and favour; while in the mean time their good and dutiful
allies, in return for their fidelity and obedience to the Roman
people, had been exhausted by continual levies every year. By these
words the recollection of the senate was renewed touching a matter
which was now almost obliterated, and their indignation equally
excited. Accordingly, without allowing the consuls to lay any other
business before the senate in priority, they decreed, "that the
consuls should summon to Rome the magistrates, and ten principal
inhabitants, from each of the colonies, Xepete, Sutrium, Ardea, Cales,
Alba, Carseoli, Sora, Suessa, Setia, Circeii, Narnia, and Interamna;
for these were the colonies implicated in this affair; and command
them that each of those colonies should furnish double the greatest
number of foot soldiers which they had ever provided for the Roman
people since the enemy had been in Italy, and one hundred and twenty
horsemen each. If any of them was unable to make up that number of
horsemen, that it should be allowed to furnish three foot soldiers for
every horseman deficient. That both the foot and horse soldiers should
be chosen from the wealthiest of the inhabitants, and should be sent
out of Italy wheresoever there was want of recruits. If any of them
refused to comply, it was their pleasure that the magistrates and
ambassadors of such should be detained; and that, if they requested
it, they should not be allowed an audience of the senate till they had
obeyed these orders. Moreover, that an annual tax should be imposed
upon them, and collected after the rate of one _as_ for every
thousand; and that a census should be taken in those colonies,
according to a formula appointed by the Roman censors, which should be
the same which was employed in the case of the Roman people; and that
a return should be made at Rome by sworn censors of the colonies,
before they retired from their office." The magistrates and principal
men of these colonies having been summoned to Rome, when the consuls
imposed upon them the contribution of men, and the management of the
tax, they vied with each other in making excuses, and remonstrating
against it. They said "it was impossible that so large a number of men
could be raised. That they could scarcely accomplish it, if even the
simple contribution only, according to the established ratio, were
required of them. They entreated and besought them that they might be
allowed to appear before the senate and deprecate their resolution.
They had committed no crime for which they deserved to be ruined;
but, even if they were to be ruined, neither their own crime nor
the resentment of the Roman people could make them furnish a greater
number of soldiers than they had got." The consuls, persisting,
ordered the ambassadors to remain at Rome, and the magistrates to
go home to make the levies; observing, that "unless the amount of
soldiers enjoined were brought to Rome, no one would give them an


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