History of the Philippine Islands Vols 1 and 2
by
Antonio de Morga
Part 5 out of 8
for them to cause any commotion, unless a strong fleet came from China,
on which they could rely. Talk continued to increase daily, and with
it suspicion; for some of the Chinese themselves, both infidels and
Christians, in order to prove themselves friends of the Spaniards,
and clean from all guilt, even told the Spaniards that there was
to be an insurrection shortly, and other similar things. Although
the governor always considered these statements as fictions and the
exaggerations of that nation, and did not credit them, yet he was
not so heedless that he did not act cautiously and watch, although
with dissembling, for whatever might happen. He took pains to have
the city guarded and the soldiers armed, besides flattering the most
prominent of the Chinese and the merchants, whom he assured of their
lives and property. The natives of La Pampanga and other provinces
near by were instructed beforehand to supply the city with rice and
other provisions, and to come to reënforce it with their persons and
arms, should necessity arise. The same was done with some Japanese in
the city. As all this was done with some publicity, since it could
not be done secretly, as so many were concerned, one and all became
convinced of the certainty of the danger. Many even desired it,
in order to see the peace disturbed, and to have the opportunity
to seize something. [177] From that time, both in the city and its
environs, where the Sangleys were living scattered, these people began
to persecute the Sangleys by word and deed. The natives, Japanese and
soldiers of the camp took from them their possessions and inflicted on
them other ill-treatment, calling them dogs and traitors, and saying
that they knew well that they meant to rebel. But they said they would
kill all the Sangleys first, and that very soon, for the governor was
preparing for it. This alone was sufficient to make it necessary for
the Sangleys to do what they had no intention of doing. [178] Some
of the most clever and covetous set themselves to rouse the courage
of the others, and to make themselves leaders, telling the Sangleys
that their destruction was sure, according to the determination which
they saw in the Spaniards, unless they should anticipate the latter,
since they [the Sangleys] were so numerous, and attack and capture the
city. They said that it would not be difficult for them to kill the
Spaniards, seize their possessions, and become masters of the country,
with the aid and reënforcements that would immediately come to them
from China, as soon as the auspicious beginning that they would have
made in the matter should be known. In order to do this when the time
came, it was advisable to build a fort and quarters in some retired and
strong place near the city, where the people could gather and unite,
and where arms and supplies could be provided for the war. At least
such a fort would be sufficient to assure there their lives from the
outrages that they were expecting from the Spaniards. It was learned
that the chief mover in this matter was a Christian Sangley, an
old-time resident in the country, named Joan Bautista de Vera. [179]
He was rich and highly esteemed by the Spaniards, and feared and
respected by the Sangleys. He had often been governor of the latter,
and had many godchildren and dependents. He had become an excellent
Spaniard, and was courageous. He himself, exercising duplicity and
cunning, did not leave the city, or the houses of the Spanish during
this time, in order to arouse less suspicion of himself. From there
he managed the affair through his confidants; and in order to assure
himself better of the result, and to ascertain the number of men of
his race, and to make a census and list of them, he cunningly had
each of them ordered to bring him a needle, which he pretended to
be necessary for a certain work that he had to do. These needles he
placed, as he received them, in a little box; and when he took them
out of it, he found that he had sufficient men for his purpose. They
began to construct the fort or quarters immediately at a distance of
slightly more than one-half legua from the village of Tondo, among some
estuaries and swamps, and in a hidden location. [180] They stored there
some rice and other provisions, and weapons of little importance. The
Sangleys began to gather there, especially the masses--the common
people and day-laborers; for those of the parián, and the mechanics,
although urged to do the same, did not resolve to do it, and remained
quiet, guarding their houses and property. The restlessness of the
Sangleys daily continued to become more inflamed. This, and the
advices given to the governor and the Spaniards, kept the latter
more anxious and apprehensive, and made them talk more openly of the
matter. The Sangleys, seeing that their intention was discovered, and
that delay might be of so great harm to them, determined, although the
insurrection was planned for St. Andrew's day, the last of November,
to anticipate that day, and to lose no more time. On Friday, the third
day of the month of October, the eve of St. Francis, they collected
very hurriedly in the above-mentioned fort; consequently, by nightfall,
there were two thousand men in it. Joan Bautista de Vera--a thief in
the rôle of an honest man, since he was the leader and organizer of the
treason--went immediately to the city and told the governor that the
Sangleys had risen, and that they were collecting on the other side of
the river. The governor, suspecting the mischief, had him immediately
arrested and carefully guarded; and he was afterward executed. Then,
without tap of drum, the governor ordered the companies, both of
the camp and the city, to be notified, and all to hold their arms in
readiness. Very shortly after nightfall, Don Luys Dasmariñas, who was
living near the monastery and church of Minondoc, on the other side of
the river, came hurriedly to the city to advise the governor that the
Sangleys had revolted. He asked for twenty soldiers to go to the other
side [of the river], where he would guard the said monastery. Cristoval
de Axqueta, sargento-mayor of the camp, went with these men, together
with Don Luys. As the silence of night deepened, the noise made by the
Sangleys grew louder, for they were continuing to assemble and were
sounding horns and other instruments, after their fashion. Don Luys
remained to guard the monastery, with the men brought from Manila,
where he had placed in shelter many women and children of Christian
Sangleys, with the religious. The sargento-mayor returned immediately
to the city, where he told of what was being done. The call to arms
was sounded, for the noise and shouts of the Sangleys, who had sallied
out to set fire to some houses in the country, was so great that it
was thought that they were devastating that district. The Sangleys
burned, first, a stone country-house belonging to Captain Estevan
de Marquina. The latter was living there with his wife and children;
and none of them escaped, except a little girl, who was wounded, but
who was hidden in a thicket. [181] Thence the Sangleys went to the
settlement of Laguio, [182] situated on the shore of the river, and
burned it. They killed several Indians of that settlement, and the rest
fled to the city. There the gates were already shut and all the people,
with arms in hand, manned the walls and other suitable posts, ready
for any emergency, until dawn. The enemy, who now had a greater number
of men, retired to their fort, to make another sally thence with more
force. Don Luys Dasmariñas, who was guarding the church and monastery
of Minondoc, expected hourly that the enemy was about to attack him,
and sent a messenger to the governor to beg for more men. These were
sent him, and consisted of regulars and inhabitants of the city,
under Captains Don Tomas Brabo de Acuña (the governor's nephew),
Joan de Alcega, Pedro de Arzeo, and Gaspar Perez, by whose counsel and
advice Don Luys was to be guided on this occasion. All was confusion,
shouting, and outcry in the city, particularly among the Indians, and
the women and children, who were coming thither for safety. Although,
to make certain of the Sangleys of the parián, their merchants had
been asked to come into the city, and bring their property, they did
not dare to do so; for they always thought that the enemy would take
the city because of their great force of numbers, and annihilate the
Spaniards, and they would all be in danger. Consequently they preferred
to remain in their parián, in order to join the victorious side. Don
Luys Dasmariñas thought it advisable to go in search of the enemy
immediately with the reënforcements sent him by the governor, before
they should all assemble and present a strong front. He left seventy
soldiers in Minondoc, in charge of Gaspar Perez; while with the rest,
about one hundred and forty of the best picked arquebusiers, he
went to the village of Tondo, in order to fortify himself in the
church, a stone building. He arrived there at eleven o'clock in the
morning. The Chinese, in number one thousand five hundred, arrived
at the same place at the same time, bent on the same purpose. An
hour's skirmish took place between the two sides, as to which one
would gain the monastery. Captain Gaspar Perez came up with the
reënforcement of the men left at Minondoc. The enemy retired to his
fort, with a loss of five hundred men. Gaspar Perez returned to his
post, where Pedro de Arzeo was also stationed. Don Luys Dasmariñas,
exultant over this fortunate engagement, determined immediately to
press forward in pursuit of the enemy with his men, notwithstanding
the heat of the sun and without waiting to rest his followers. He sent
Alferez Luys de Ybarren to reconnoiter. The latter brought word that
the enemy was in great force, and near by. Although Juan de Alcega
and others requested Don Luys to halt and rest his men, and await
the governor's orders as to what was to be done, his desire not to
lose the opportunity was so great that, rousing his men with harsh
words, in order to make them follow him, he marched forward until
they reached a swamp. After leaving the swamp, they came suddenly
into a large clearing, where the enemy was stationed. The latter,
upon seeing the Spaniards, surrounded them in force on all sides,
armed with clubs, some with catans, and a few with battle-axes. Don
Luys and his men, not being able to retreat, fought valiantly, and
killed a number of Sangleys. But finally, as the latter were in so
great force, they cut all the Spaniards to pieces, only four of whom
escaped, badly wounded; and these carried the news to Manila. [183]
This result was of great importance to the Sangleys, both because so
many and the best Spanish soldiers were killed in this place, and
because of the weapons that the Sangleys took from them, and which
they needed. With these arms they flattered themselves that their
object was more certain of accomplishment. Next day, October five,
the Sangleys sent the heads of Don Luys, Don Tomas, Joan de Alcega,
and other captains to the parián; and they told the Sangleys there
that, since the flower of Manila had been killed, they should revolt
and join them, or they would immediately come to kill them. The
confusion and grief of the Spaniards in the city was so great that
it prevented them from taking the precautions and exercising the
diligence demanded by the affair. But the sight of their necessity,
and the spirit of their governor and officials made them all remain
at their posts on the walls, arms in hand. They fortified as strongly
as possible the gates of the parián and of Dilao, and all that part of
the wall where the enemy might make an assault. They mounted a piece of
artillery above each gate, and stationed there the best men, among whom
were religious of all the orders. Upon that day, Sunday, the enemy,
flushed with the victory of the preceding day and their army swelled
by the additional men that joined them, attacked the city. Burning
and destroying everything in their path, they went to the river, for
there was no vessel with which to resist them, as all those of the
fleet were in the provinces of the Pintados. They entered the parián,
[184] and furiously assaulted the city gate, but were driven back
by the arquebuses and muskets, with the loss of many Sangleys. They
went to the church of Dilao, and there assaulted the gate and walls
(which were there lower), by means of scaling-ladders, with the same
determination. But they experienced the same resistance and loss,
which compelled them, on the approach of night, to retire with great
loss to the parián and to Dilao. That whole night the Spaniards
spent in guarding their wall, and in preparing for the morrow. The
enemy passed the night in the parián and at Dilao, making carts,
mantelets, scaling-ladders, artificial fire, and other contrivances,
for approaching and assaulting the wall, and for burning the gates,
and setting fire to everything. At dawn of the next day, Monday, the
Sangleys came together with these arms and tools, and having reached
the wall with their bravest and best-armed men, attacked it with
great fury and resolution. The artillery destroyed their machines, and
caused them so great injury and resistance with it and the arquebuses,
that the Sangleys were forced to retire again to the parián and
to Dilao, with heavy loss. Joan Xuarez Gallinato, accompanied by
some soldiers and a Japanese troop, made a sally from the Dilao gate
upon the Sangleys. They reached the church, when the Sangleys turned
upon them and threw the Japanese into disorder. The latter were the
cause of all retreating again to seek the protection of the walls,
whither the Sangleys pursued them. At this juncture Captain Don Luys de
Velasco entered Manila. He came from the Pintados in a stout caracoa,
manned by some good arquebusiers, while others manned some bancas that
sailed in the shelter of the caracoa. They approached the parián and
Dilao by the river, and harassed the enemy quartered there on that and
the two following days, so that they were compelled to abandon those
positions. These vessels set fire to the parián, and burned everything,
and pursued the enemy wherever they could penetrate. The Sangleys,
upon beholding their cause waning, and their inability to attain the
end desired, resolved to retire from the city, after having lost more
than four thousand men; to advise China, so that that country would
reënforce them; and for their support to divide their men into three
divisions in different districts--one among the Tingues of Passic, the
second among those of Ayonbon, and the third at La Laguna de Bay, San
Pablo, and Batangas. On Wednesday they abandoned the city completely,
and, divided as above stated, marched inland. Don Luys de Velasco,
with some soldiers and armed Indians who came from all sides to the
relief of Manila, accompanied by some Spaniards who guided them, and
the religious from their missions, went by way of the river in pursuit
of them, and pressed them, so that they killed and annihilated the
bands bound for the Tingues of Passic and for Ayombon. The majority
and main body of the Sangleys went to La Laguna de Bay, the mountains
of San Pablo, and Batangas, where they considered themselves more
secure. Burning towns and churches, and everything in their path, they
fortified themselves in the above-mentioned sites. Don Luys de Velasco,
with seventy soldiers, continued to pursue them, killing each day a
great number of them. On one occasion Don Luys was so closely engaged
with the enemy, that the latter killed him and ten soldiers of his
company, and fortified themselves again in San Pablo and Batangas,
where they hoped to be able to sustain themselves until the arrival
of reënforcements from China. [185]
The governor, fearful of this danger, and desirous of finishing
the enemy, and giving entire peace to the country, sent Captain
and Sargento-mayor Cristoval de Axqueta Menchaca with soldiers
to pursue and finish the enemy. This man left with two hundred
Spaniards--soldiers and volunteers--three hundred Japanese, and
one thousand five hundred Pampanga and Tagál Indians, [186] on the
twentieth of October. He was so expeditious, that with little or no
loss of men, he found the Sangleys fortified in San Pablo and Batangas,
and, after fighting with them, killed and destroyed them all. None
escaped, except two hundred, who were taken alive to Manila for the
galleys. The captain was occupied in this for twenty days, and with it
the war was ended. Very few merchants were left in Manila, and they had
taken the good counsel to betake themselves, with their possessions,
among the Spaniards in the city. At the beginning of the war there were
not seven hundred Spaniards in the city capable of bearing arms. [187]
After the end of the war, the need of the city began, for, because
of not having Sangleys who worked at the trades, and brought in
all the provisions, there was no food, nor any shoes to wear,
not even at excessive prices. The native Indians are very far from
exercising those trades, and have even forgotten much of farming, and
the raising of fowls, cattle, and cotton, and the weaving of cloth,
which they used to do in the days of their paganism and for a long
time after the conquest of the country. [188] In addition to this,
people thought that Chinese vessels would not come to the islands
with food and merchandise, on account of the late revolution. Above
all, they lived not without fear and suspicion that, instead of
the merchant vessels, an armed fleet would attack Manila, in order
to avenge the death of their Sangleys. All conspired to sadden the
minds of the Spaniards. After having sent Fray Diego de Guevara,
prior of the monastery of St. Augustine in Manila, to the court of
España by way of India, with news of this event--but who was unable
to reach Madrid for three years, because of his various fortunes
in India, Persia, and Italia, through which countries he went--they
immediately sent Captain Marco de la Cueva, together with Fray Luys
Gandullo of the Order of St. Dominic, to the city of Macao in China,
where the Portuguese were living, with letters for the chief captain
and the council of that city. These letters advised the latter of
the revolt of the Sangleys, and of the result of the war, so that,
if they should hear any rumors of a Chinese fleet, they could send
word. At the same time letters were taken from the governor to the
Tutons, Aytaos, and visitors of the provinces of Canton and Chincheo,
recounting the outbreak of the Chinese, which obliged the Spaniards
to kill them. Upon their arrival at Macao, Marcos de la Cueva and
Fray Luys Gandullo found no news of a fleet, but that everything was
quiet--although the Chinese had already heard of the insurrection and
much of the result, from some Sangleys who had fled from Manila in
champans, upon that occasion. It was immediately learned in Chincheo
that these Spaniards were in Macao, whereupon Captains Guansan Sinu
and Guachan, wealthy men and usually engaged in trade with Manila,
went to look for them. Having learned the truth of the event, they
took the letters for the mandarins and promised to deliver them. They
urged other merchants and vessels of Chincheo, who were afraid, to go
to Manila that year. This was very useful, for through them much of the
necessity that the city [of Manila] was suffering was supplied. With
this result and with some powder, saltpeter, and lead which Marcos
de la Cueva had provided for the magazines, the latter left Macao,
and sailed to Manila, which he reached in May, to the universal joy
of the city over the news that he brought--which began to be verified
immediately by the coming of the fleet of thirteen Chinese vessels
bearing food and merchandise.
In the month of June of this year six hundred and three, [189] two
vessels were despatched from Manila to Nueva España, under command
of Don Diego de Mendoça who had been sent that year by the viceroy,
Marques de Montesclaros, with the usual reënforcements for the
islands. The flagship was "Nuestra Señora de los Remedios" and the
almiranta "Sant Antonio."
Many rich men of Manila, warned by the past troubles, took passage
in these vessels with their households and property, for Nueva
España--especially in the almiranta--with the greatest wealth that
has ever left the Filipinas. Both vessels experienced so severe
storms during the voyage, in the altitude of thirty-four degrees,
and before having passed Japon, that the flagship, without masts and
greatly lightened and damaged, put back in distress to Manila. The
almiranta was swallowed up in the sea, and no one was saved. This was
one of the greatest shipwrecks and calamities that the Filipinas have
suffered since the past ones.
During the rest of that year and that of six hundred and five, until
the sailing of the vessels which were to go to Castilla, [190] the
governor occupied himself in repairing the city, and supplying it with
provisions and ammunition, with the special object and care that the
decision which he was awaiting from the court for making an expedition
to Maluco--of which he had been advised and warned--should not find
him so unprepared as to cause him to delay the expedition. In this
he was very successful, for at that same time, the master-of-camp,
Joan de Esquivel, had arrived in Mexico with six hundred soldiers
from España. In Mexico more men were being enrolled, and a great
preparation was made of ammunition, food, money, and arms, which the
viceroy sent to the governor from Nueva España in March of that year,
by order of his Majesty, in order that he might go to Maluco. All
this arrived safely and in due season at Manila.
Shortly after the ships had left Manila for Nueva España, and those
despatched thence by the viceroy had entered, Archbishop Don Fray
Miguel de Benavides died of a long illness. His body was buried
amid the universal devotion and grief of the city. [191] At this
same time, Don Pedro de Acuña received three letters, by the ships
that continued to come from China that year, with the merchandise and
with their principal captains. They were all of the same tenor--when
translated into Castilian--from the Tuton and Haytao, and from the
inspector-general of the province of Chincheo, and were on the matter
of the insurrection of the Sangleys and their punishment. They were
as follows:
[This letter occupies folios 113b-115a of the original edition of
Morga. We have already presented that document in our V0L. XIII,
p. 287, which is translated from a copy of the original manuscript. The
answer of Acuña to this letter will be found in V0L. XIV, in the
second document of that volume.]
The letter of the inspector-general was written on the twelfth of
the second month--which according to our reckoning is March of the
twenty-third year of the reign of Vandel [i.e., Wanleh]. The eunuch's
[192] letter was written on the sixteenth of the said month and year;
and that of the viceroy, on the twenty-second of the month.
The governor answered these letters through the same messengers,
civilly and authoritatively. He gave an explanation of the deed and
justified the Spaniards, and offered friendship and trade anew with the
Chinese. He said that their property, which had remained in Manila,
would be restored to the owners, and that those imprisoned in the
galleys would be freed in due season. First, however, he intended to
use them for the Maluco expedition, which he was undertaking.
The entrances into various provinces of Japon by the discalced
religious of St. Francis and those of St. Dominic and St. Augustine,
continued to be made, both in the Castilian vessel itself which was
despatched that year to the kingdoms of Quanto, [193] and in other
Japanese vessels which came to Manila with the silver and flour of the
Japanese, in order to trade. This was permitted and allowed by Daifu,
now called Cubosama, who that year sent the governor, through one of
his servants, certain weapons and presents, in return for others which
the governor had sent him. He answered the latter's letter as follows:
Letter from Daifusama, lord of Japon, to governor Don Pedro de Acuña,
in the year one thousand six hundred and five.
I received two letters from your Lordship, and all the gifts and
presents mentioned in the memorandum. Among them, when I received them,
the wine made from grapes pleased me greatly. During former years,
your Lordship requested permission for six vessels, and last year for
four, and I always granted your request. But, what angers me greatly is
that among the four vessels that your Lordship requested was that one
called "Antonio," which made the voyage without my orders. This was a
very lawless act, and in contempt of me. Can it be, perhaps, that your
Lordship would send to Japon without my permission any vessel that you
wished? Besides this, your Lordship and others have often negotiated
about the sects of Japon, and requested many things in regard to
them. This likewise I cannot concede; for this region is called Xincoco
[Shinkoku], or "dedicated to the idols." These have been honored with
the highest adoration from the time of our ancestors until now, and
their acts I alone cannot undo or destroy. Consequently, it is not at
all advisable that your religion be promulgated or preached in Japon;
and if your Lordship wish to preserve friendship with these kingdoms of
Japon and with me, do what I wish, and never do what is displeasing to
me. Lastly, many have told me that many wicked and perverse Japanese,
who go to that kingdom and live there for many years, afterward return
to Japon. This makes me very angry. Consequently, your Lordship will,
in the future, allow no one of the Japanese to come here in the
vessels that come from your country. In other matters, your Lordship
shall act advisedly and prudently, and shall so conduct affairs,
that henceforth I may not be angered on account of them.
The governor, carrying out his dearest wish, was to make the
expedition to Terrenate in the Malucos, which should be done quickly,
before the enemy could gather more strength than he had then; for
he had been informed that the Dutch, who had seized the island
and fortress of Amboino, had done the same with that of Tidore,
whence they had driven the Portuguese who had settled therein, and
had entered Terrenate, where they had established a trading-post for
the clove-trade. Accordingly, as soon as the despatches in regard to
this undertaking arrived from España, in June of six hundred and five,
and the men and supplies from Nueva España, which were brought at the
same time by the master-of-camp, Joan de Esquivel, the governor spent
the balance of this year in preparing the ships, men, and provisions
that he deemed necessary for the undertaking. Leaving behind in
Manila sufficient force for its defense, he went to the provinces of
Pintados, where the fleet was collected, in the beginning of the year
six hundred and six.
By the fifteenth day of the month of March, the governor had thoroughly
prepared the fleet--which consisted of five ships, four galleys with
poop-lanterns [galeras de fanal], three galliots, four champans, three
funeas, two English lanchas, two brigantines, one barca chata [194]
for the artillery, and thirteen fragatas with high freeboard. There
were one thousand three hundred Spaniards, counting regulars, captains
and officers, substitutes [entretenidos], and volunteers. Among
them were some Portuguese captains and soldiers, under charge of
the chief captain of Tidore, [195] who was at that island when the
Dutch seized it. These Portuguese came from Malaca to serve in the
expedition. There were also four hundred Indian pioneers--Tagáls and
Pampangos of Manila--who went to serve at their own cost, under their
own officers, and with their own weapons. There was a quantity of
artillery of all kinds, ammunition, tools, and provisions for nine
months. [196] Don Pedro de Acuña left the point of Hilohilo, which
is near the town of Arevalo in the island of Panai, [on the above
day] with all this equipment, and coasting the island of Mindanao,
made port at La Caldera, in order to replenish his water, wood,
and other necessaries.
The governor embarked in the galley "Santiago" and took under
his charge the other galleys and oared vessels. The ship "Jesus
Maria" acted as flagship of the other vessels, and was commanded
by the master-of-camp, Joan de Esquivel. Captain and Sargento-mayor
Cristoval de Azcueta Menchaca acted as admiral of the fleet, which,
after attending to its necessities at La Caldera, left that port. On
setting sail, the flagship, which was a heavy vessel, was unable to
leave port, and the currents drove it shoreward so that, without the
others being able to help it, it grounded. It was wrecked there, but
the crew, artillery, and a portion of its ammunition and clothing,
were saved. After setting fire to the ship, and taking what nails and
bolts they could, so that the Mindanaos could not make use of them,
the fleet continued its voyage. The galleys coasted along the island
of Mindanao, and the ships and other deep-draught vessels sailed in
the open sea, all making for the port of Talangame, in the island of
Terrenate. The vessels, although experiencing some changes of weather,
first sighted the islands of Maluco, after they had been reconnoitered
by a large Dutch ship, well equipped with artillery, which was anchored
at Terrenate. This vessel fired some heavy artillery at our vessels,
and then immediately entered the port, where it fortified itself under
shelter of the land, and with its artillery and crew and the people
of Terrenate. The master-of-camp went with his vessels to the island
of Tidore, where he was well received by the Moro chiefs and cachils;
for the king was away, as he had gone to the island of Bachan to be
married. The master-of-camp found four Dutch factors there, who were
trading for cloves. He learned from them that the ship at Terrenate
was from Holland, and was one of those which had sailed from Amboino
and seized Tidore, whence it had driven the Portuguese, and that it was
being laden with cloves. It was awaiting other vessels of its convoy,
for they had made friendship and treaties with Tidore and Terrenate,
in order to be protected against the Castilians and Portuguese. The
master-of-camp had the king of Tidore summoned immediately, and,
while awaiting Don Pedro de Acuña, rested his men and cleaned the
ships, and made gabions and other things necessary for the war. Don
Pedro de Acuña, through his pilots' fault, had gone thirty leguas
to leeward of the island of Terrenate toward the island of Celebes,
otherwise called Mateo. Recognizing that island, he returned to
Terrenate, and passing in sight of Talangame, discovered the Dutch
vessel. He tried to reconnoiter it, but after seeing that it was
harming his galleys with its artillery, and that the master-of-camp
was not there, he proceeded to Tidore, where he found the latter,
to the great joy of all. There they spent the remainder of the month
of March. At this juncture the king of Tidore arrived, with twelve
well-armed caracoas. He expressed joy at the governor's coming, to
whom he complained at length of the tyranny and subjection in which
he was kept by Sultan Zayde, [197] king of Terrenate, who was aided
by the Dutch. He offered to go in person to serve his Majesty in the
fleet, with six hundred men of Tidore. Don Pedro received him and
feasted him. Then, without any further delay at Tidore, or any more
concern about the ship at Talangame, he set about the chief purpose
for which they had come. On the last of March he started to return to
Terrenate. On that day he anchored in a harbor between the settlement
and the port, as did also the king of Tidore with his caracoas. That
same night the Dutch ship weighed anchor and went to Amboino. At dawn
of next day, April first, soldiers were landed with some difficulty,
with the intention of marching along the shore (which was a very close
and narrow stretch) to the fort, in order to plant the artillery,
with which to bombard it. As the governor thought that mischief would
ensue because of the narrowness and closeness of the pass, he landed
a number of pioneers on the high ground, to open another road, so
that the remainder of the army might pass, and the enemy be diverted
in several directions. By these efforts, he placed his camp under
the walls, although a great number of Terenatans came from various
directions to prevent him. The vanguard of the camp was in charge
of Joan Xuarez Gallinato and Captains Joan de Cuevas, Don Rodrigo
de Mendoça, Pasqual de Alarcon, Joan de Cervantes, Captain Vergara,
and Cristoval de Villagra, with their companies. The other captains
were in the body of the squadron. The rearguard was under command of
Captain Delgado, while the master-of-camp aided in all parts. The
army came up within range of the enemy's artillery, which suddenly
began to play. The governor came to see how the troops were formed,
and, leaving them at their post, returned to the fleet to have the
pieces brought out for bombarding, and to obtain refreshment for
the soldiers. Some high trees intervened between the troops and the
wall, in which the enemy had posted some scouts to reconnoiter the
field. They were driven down, and our own scouts posted there, who gave
advice from above of what was being done in the fort. Captain Vergara,
and after him, Don Rodrigo de Mendoça and Alarcon, went to reconnoiter
the walls, the bastion of Nuestra Señora, and the pieces mounted on
the ground there, and a low wall of rough stone which extended to
the mountain, where there was a bastion in which the wall ended. It
was called Cachiltulo, and was defended with pieces of artillery and
a number of culverins, muskets, arquebuses, and pikes; while many
other weapons peculiar to the Terenatans were placed along the wall
for its defense. Having seen and reconnoitered all this, although not
with impunity, because the enemy had killed six soldiers with the
artillery and wounded Alferez Joan de la Rambla in the knee with a
musket-ball, the Spaniards returned to the army. A trifle past noon,
a lofty site was reconnoitered, in the direction of the bastion of
Cachiltulo, whence the enemy could be attacked and driven from the
wall; and Captain Cuevas was ordered to occupy it with twenty-five
musketeers. Having done this, the enemy sent out a crowd of men
to prevent him from occupying it. A skirmish ensued, and the Moros
turned and retreated to their wall. Cuevas followed them so closely
and persisted so long, that he needed reënforcement. The scouts in
the trees gave information of what was being done, whereupon Captains
Don Rodrigo de Mendoça, Alarcon, Cervantes, and Vergara reënforced
him with their light-armed pikemen and halberdiers. They pursued the
enemy with so great rapidity and resolution that they entered the
walls behind them. However, some of the Spaniards were wounded, and
Captain Cervantes was pushed down from the wall and his legs broken,
which caused his death. Captain Don Rodrigo de Mendoça, pursuing the
enemy, who were retiring, ran inside the wall as far as the cavalier
of Nuestra Señora, while Vergara ran in the opposite direction along
the curtain of the wall to the bastion of Cachiltulo, and went on
as far as the mountain. By this time the main body of the army had
already assaulted the wall. Mutually aiding one another, they mounted
the wall and entered the place on all sides, although with the loss of
some dead and wounded soldiers. The soldiers were stopped by a trench
beyond the fort of Nuestra Señora, for the enemy had retreated to a
shed, which was fortified with a considerable number of musketeers and
arquebusiers, and four light pieces. They discharged their arquebuses
and muskets at the Spaniards, and threw cane spears hardened in fire,
and bacacaes, [198] after their fashion. The Spaniards assaulted the
shed, whereupon a Dutch artilleryman trying to fire a large swivel-gun,
with which he would have done great damage, being confused did not
succeed, and threw down the linstock, turned, and fled. The enemy
did the same after him, and abandoned the shed, fleeing in all
directions. Those who would do so embarked with the king and some
of his wives and the Dutch in one caracoa and four juangas [199]
which they had armed near the king's fort. Captain Vergara entered the
fort immediately, but found it deserted. Don Rodrigo de Mendoça and
Villagra pursued the enemy toward the mountain for a long distance,
and killed many Moros. With this, at two o'clock in the afternoon,
the settlement and fort of Terrenate was completely gained. The
Spanish banners and standards were flung from it, without it having
been necessary for them to bombard the walls, as they had expected;
and the fort was taken at so slight cost to the Spaniards. Their dead
numbered fifteen men, and the wounded twenty more. The whole town was
reconnoitered, even its extremity--a small fort, called Limataen--which
contained two pieces of artillery, and two other pieces near the
mosque on the seashore. The loot of the place was of small importance,
for already the things of most value, and the women and children,
had been removed to the island of Moro, whither the king fled and
took refuge in a fort that he had there. Some products of that land
were found, and a great quantity of cloves. In the factory of the
Dutch were found two thousand ducados, some cloth goods and linens,
and many weapons, while in many places were excellent Portuguese and
Dutch artillery, a number of culverins and a quantity of ammunition,
of which possession was taken for his Majesty. [200] A guard was
placed over what was gained, and the place was put in a condition
for defense with some pieces taken from the fleet, while the governor
ordered and provided whatever else was advisable.
Cachil Amuxa, the king's nephew and the greatest chief of Terrenate,
came with other cachils to make peace with the governor. He said
that he and all the Terenatans wished to be vassals of his Majesty,
and that they would have rendered homage long before, but the king
prevented them. The latter as a proud man, and, confident in his
own opinion, although he had been advised to surrender the fort to
his Majesty and render him homage, had steadily refused to do so,
having been encouraged and emboldened by the success that he had
gained upon other occasions. That was the reason that he found himself
in his present wretched condition. He offered to induce the king to
leave the fort of Moro if given assurance of life. Don Pedro de Acuña
received this Moro well, and as a Portuguese, Pablo de Lima--one of
those whom the Dutch had driven from Tidore, a man of high standing,
and well acquainted with the king--offered to accompany him, the
governor despatched them with a written passport as follows:
Passport from Don Pedro de Acuña to the king of Terrenate
I, Don Pedro de Acuña, governor, captain-general, and president of
the Filipinas Islands, and general of this army and fleet, declare
that, over my signature, I hereby give security of life to the king
of Terrenate, in order that he may come to talk with me--both to him
and those whom he may bring with him--reserving to myself the disposal
of all the others as I may see fit. I certify this in his Majesty's
name. And I order that no person of this fleet molest him or any of
his possessions, and that all observe what is herein contained. Given
in Terrenate, April six, one thousand six hundred and six.
DON PEDRO DE ACUÑA
Within nine days Cachilamuja and Pablo de Lima returned to Terrenate
with the king, the prince, his son, [201] and others of his relatives,
cachils and sangajes, [202] under the said passport. They placed
themselves under the governor's power, and he received them with
great affection and respect. He lodged the king and his son in a
good house in the settlement, under guard of a company. The king
restored the villages of Christians that his Majesty had possessed
in the island of Moro, when the fort of Terrenate was lost by the
Portuguese. He placed his person and kingdom in his Majesty's power,
and surrendered a quantity of muskets and heavy artillery that he had
in some forts of the said island. The governor did not despoil him
of his kingdom, but on the contrary allowed him to appoint two of his
men to govern, whose choice was to be ratified by himself. The king,
his son the prince, and their cachils and sangajes swore homage to his
Majesty. The kings of Tidore and Bachan, and the sangaje of La Bua did
the same, and covenanted and promised not to admit either the Dutch
or other nations into Maluco for the clove-trade. They promised, as
his Majesty's vassals, to go on all occasions to serve him with their
persons, men, and ships, whenever summoned by whomever commanded the
fort of Terrenate; that they would oppose no obstacles to the Moros
who wished to become Christians; that if any wicked Christian went
to their lands to turn renegade, they would surrender him; and other
suitable things. Therewith great and small were content and pleased,
since they were freed from the tyranny of the king of Terrenate. The
governor remitted to them the third part of the tributes which they
were wont to pay their king, and gave the Moros other advantages. Then
he planned a new and modern fort, in a very conspicuous and suitable
location, and began to build it. In order that the old fort might be
better defended while the new one was being completed, he reduced it
to a less size, by making new cavaliers and bastions, which he finished
and furnished with ramparts and stout gates. He commenced another fort
in the island of Tidore, on a good location near the settlement. After
placing in order whatever he judged necessary in Terrenate and Tidore,
and in the other towns and fortresses of Maluco, he returned with
his fleet to the Filipinas. He left the master-of-camp, Joan de
Esquivel, with a garrison of six hundred soldier--five hundred,
in five companies, for Terrenate--in the fort of Terrenate to act
as his assistant and as governor of Maluco; he also left there one
large forge and a number of smiths, sixty-five pioneers, thirty-five
stonecutters, two galliots, two well-armed brigantines, and crews of
rowers. The other company of soldiers [was to be stationed] in Tidore
under command of Captain Alarcon; while ammunition and provisions for
one year were left in both forts. In order to be more assured of the
[peaceful] condition of the country, he took the king of Terrenate
from it and carried him to Manila, as well as his son the prince, and
twenty-four cachils and sangajes, most of them the king's relatives,
to whom he showed every honor and good treatment. He explained to
them why he took them, and that their return to Maluco depended upon
the security and tranquillity with which the Moros should conduct
themselves in their obedience and service to his Majesty. [203] The
three Portuguese galliots returned to Malaca, taking with them the
Dutch who were in Maluco and the Portuguese captains and soldiers who
had come to take part in this expedition. The governor entered Manila
in triumph with the remainder of the fleet, on the last day of May,
six hundred and six. He was received there with acclamations of joy
and praise from the city, who gave thanks to God for so happy and
prompt result in an undertaking of so great weight and importance.
During the governor's absence in Maluco, the royal Audiencia of
the islands governed the Filipinas. The Audiencia wished to drive
a number of Japanese from the city, for they were a turbulent
people and promised little security for the country. When this
was attempted and force employed, the Japanese resisted, and the
matter came to such a pass that they took arms to oppose it, and
it was necessary for the Spaniards to take their arms also. The
affair assumed definite proportions, and some on either side wished
to give battle. However, it was postponed by various means until,
through the efforts of certain religious, the Japanese were quieted;
and afterward as many as possible were embarked in vessels, although
they resented it greatly. This was one of the greatest dangers that
has threatened Manila, for the Spaniards were few in number, and the
Japanese more than one thousand five hundred, and they are a spirited
and very mettlesome race. Had they come to blows on this occasion,
the Spaniards would have fared ill. [204]
The governor, upon entering Manila, took over immediately the affairs
of his government, especially the despatching of two vessels about to
sail to Nueva España. He was present in person in the port of Cabit
at the equipment and lading of the ships, and the embarcation of the
passengers. He was seized by some indisposition of the stomach which
compelled him to return to Manila and take to his bed. His pain and
vomiting increased so rapidly that, without its being possible to
relieve him, he died in great anguish on St. John's day, to the great
sorrow and grief of the country. Especially did the king of Terrenate
show and express his grief, for he had always received great honor
and kind treatment from the governor. It was suspected that his death
had been violent, because of the severity and the symptoms of his
illness. The suspicion increased, because the physicians and surgeons,
having opened his body, declared, from the signs that they found, that
he had been poisoned, which made his death more regrettable. [205]
The Audiencia buried the governor in the monastery of St. Augustine
at Manila, with the pomp and ostentation due to his person and
offices. Then, again taking charge of the government, the Audiencia
despatched the vessels to Nueva España, whence advice was sent to
his Majesty of the taking of Maluco and the death of the governor.
The flagship, in which Don Rodrigo de Mendoça was sailing as general
and captain, reached Nueva España quickly with this news. The
almiranta, notwithstanding that it left the islands at the same
time, delayed more than six months. Eighty persons who perished
from disease were buried in the sea, while many others stricken by
the disease died of it upon landing at the port of Acapulco. Among
these was the licentiate Don Antonio de Ribera, auditor of Manila,
who had been appointed auditor of Mexico.
At the arrival of these vessels, it was learned that since the death
of Don Pedro de Acuña, and the taking over of the government by the
Audiencia, no change had occurred in the affairs of the islands;
but that their commerce was restricted because of the prohibition
which forbade sending to the islands more than five hundred thousand
pesos each year of the proceeds from the sale of the merchandise in
Nueva España. On account of this the people were in need, as this
amount appeared little for the many Spaniards and for the extent
of the trade--by which all classes are sustained, as they have no
other resources or capital. Also, although the gaining of Maluco had
been so important for affairs in those islands themselves, and their
punishment for the reduction of the other rebels--especially those
of Mindanao and Jolo, from whom the Filipinas had received so great
injury--the desirable quiet and stability had not been secured. For
the Mindanaos and the Joloans were not yet discontinuing their
descents upon the provinces of the Pintados in their war-vessels, to
seize booty according to their custom--and this will continue until
a suitable expedition be sent against them--and Maluco affairs were
not failing to give Joan de Esquivel, the master-of-camp, sufficient
to do. He was acting as governor there and had but little security
from the natives, who, being a Mahometan people, and by nature easily
persuaded and fickle, are restless, and ready for disturbances and
wars. Daily and in different parts the natives were being incited
and aroused to rebellion; and although the master-of-camp and his
captains were endeavoring to punish and pacify them, they could not
do what was necessary to quiet so many disturbances as arose. The
soldiers were dying, and the food giving out; and the aid sent from
Manila could not arrive at the time or in so great quantity as was
requested, because of the perils of the voyage and the straits of
the royal treasury. [206] The coming of vessels to Maluco at this
time from Holanda and Zelanda was not less prejudicial to all our
interests; for the Dutch, having so great interests in the islands,
and having established their interests there so firmly, were coming
in squadrons by the India route, to recover what they had lost in
Amboino, Terrenate, and other islands. With their countenance, the
Moros were revolting against the Spaniards, who had their hands full
with them, and more so with the Dutch, for the latter were numerous,
and more dangerous enemies than the natives.
The Dutch interest in these regions is so vast--both in the clove-trade
and that of other drugs and spices, and because they think that
they will have a gateway there for the subjugation of the whole
Orient--that, overcoming all the toil and dangers of the voyage,
they are continually coming to these islands in greater numbers and
with larger fleets. If a very fundamental and timely remedy be not
administered in this matter, it will increase to such an extent in
a short time that afterward no remedy can be applied.
The English and Flemish usually make this voyage by way of the strait
of Magallanes. Francisco Draque [Drake] was the first to make it,
and some years later Tomas Liscander [Candish or Cavendish], who
passed by Maluco.
Lately Oliver del Nort, a Fleming, made the voyage. The Spanish fleet
fought with his fleet amid the Filipinas Islands, at the end of the
year one thousand six hundred. In this fight, after the capture of
his almiranta (which was commanded by Lamberto Biezman) the flagship,
having lost nearly all its crew, and being much disabled, took to
flight. And as it afterward left the Filipinas, and was seen in Sunda
and the Java channels, so disabled, it seemed impossible for it to
navigate, and that it would surely be lost, as was recounted above
when treating of this.
This pirate, although so crippled, had the good fortune to escape from
the Spaniards, and, after great troubles and hardships, he returned
to Amstradam with his ship "Mauricio," with only nine men alive,
reaching it on the twenty-sixth of August in the year six hundred
and one. He wrote the relation and the events of his voyage, and gave
plates of the battle and of the ships. This was afterward translated
into Latin and printed by Teodoro de Bri, a German, at Francfort, in
the year six hundred and two. Both relations are going the rounds,
and the voyage is regarded as a most prodigious feat and one of so
great hardships and perils. [207]
Bartolome Perez, a pilot, gave the same news from the island of La
Palma. He, having come from England by way of Holanda, conversed
with Oliver del Nort, and the latter narrated to him his voyage and
sufferings, as mentioned by Licentiate Fernando de la Cueva in a
letter from the island of La Palma, [208] on the last of July, of
the year six hundred and four, to Marcos de la Cueva, his brother,
who was a resident of Manila, and one of the volunteers who embarked
on the Spanish flagship which fought with the pirate. This letter is
as follows.
I answer two of your Grace's letters in this: one dated July, six
hundred and one, and the other July, six hundred and two. In both
of them your Grace relates to me the shipwreck that befell you and
how you saved yourself by swimming. Long before I saw your Grace's
letters, I had learned of your mishap, whereat I was very anxious and
even quite grieved; because of what was reported here, I imagined
that your Grace had a part in it. Consequently, I was singularly
overjoyed at the assurance that your Grace still possessed life and
health. Having them, one can conquer other things; and without them
human treasure has no value. By way of Flandes (whence ships come
daily to this island), I learned much, nay, all the event, although
not so minutely. For Oliver de Nort, who was the Dutch general, with
whom the engagement occurred, arrived safely in Holanda, with eight
men--and he made nine--and without money. His purpose when he left
the rebellious states of Holanda and Zelanda, with five armed vessels
laden with merchandise--which were worth, principal and merchandise,
one hundred and fifty or two hundred thousand ducados--was to trade
and carry on commerce through the strait (and such were his orders),
in whatever parts he should be, with friends or enemies. He was not to
attack anyone, but only to defend himself and to incline the Indians to
trade and exchange with him. All the vessels having reached the strait
together, three of them became separated there because of storms,
and must have been wrecked; for up to the present nothing has been
heard of them. Having seen himself so abandoned, and that he could
not restore his loss by trade, or else because he did not receive a
hospitable reception from the inhabitants of Piru, he determined to
exceed his orders, and make that voyage one of plundering. Accordingly
he stationed himself at the mouth of the river to await ships. The
rest that befell, your Grace knows. Oliver de Nort is a native of the
city of Roterdam, and he reached it with an anchor of wood. [209]
He had no other with which to anchor, nor indeed had he any other
left. It is said that this is a very heavy wood of the Indias, and he
has placed it at the door of his house, as a mark of distinction. He
arrived, as I say, with nine men, all told, very much worn out, and as
by a miracle. He has printed a book of his voyage, with engravings of
his vessels, and many other details of what happened to him, and the
hardships that they endured in the fight and throughout the voyage,
both to show his own glory and to incite others to similar deeds.
A pilot of this island, one Bartolome Perez, was seized and taken to
Inglaterra before the peace or truce. He came through Holanda, where
he conversed at great length with Oliver. The latter told him all that
had happened to him, which is known to all, and was discussed in this
island before that voyage. Bartolome Perez says that Oliver de Nort
praised the Spaniards greatly, and said they were the bravest men he
had seen in his life. They had gained the deck of his ship, and all
the upper works, when he cried out from below deck to set fire to
the powder, whereupon he believes that the Spaniards left for fear
of being blown up. The Dutch then had an opportunity to escape, but
so crippled were they that their reaching port seems a miracle. The
pilot says that he saw the anchor and the book, and what pertains to
the book is stated here. I have recounted this to your Grace, because
of the statements in your letter, namely, that people considered them
as lost, and so that so singular a case may be known there.
Now the Dutch make the voyage more quickly and more safely, going
and coming, by way of India, but not touching at its ports or coasts,
until they reach the islands of the Javas [210]--Java major and Java
minor--and Samatra, Amboino, and the Malucas. Since they know the
district so well, and have experienced the immense profits ensuing to
them therefrom, it will be difficult to drive them from the Orient,
where they have inflicted so many losses in both spiritual and
temporal affairs.
¶ Relation of the Filipinas Islands and of their natives, antiquity,
customs, and government, both during the period of their paganism
and after their conquest by the Spaniards, and other details.
¶ CHAPTER EIGHTH
The islands of the eastern Ocean Sea, adjacent to farther Asia,
belonging to the crown of España, are generally called, by those who
navigate thither by way of the demarcation of Castilla and Castilla's
seas and lands of America, "the Western Islands;" for from the time
that one leaves España, he sails in the course of the sun from east
to west, until he reaches them. For the same reason they are called
"Eastern Islands" by those who sail from west to east by way of
Portuguese India, each of them circumscribing the world by voyaging
in opposite directions, until they meet at these islands, which are
numerous and of varying size; they are properly called Filipinas,
and are subject to the crown of Castilla. They lie within the tropic
of Cancer, and extend from twenty-four degrees north latitude to the
equinoctial line, which cuts the islands of Maluco. There are many
others on the other side of the line, in the tropic of Capricorn,
which extend for twelve degrees in south latitude. [211] The ancients
affirmed that each and all of them were desert and uninhabitable, [212]
but now experience has demonstrated that they deceived themselves;
for good climates, many people, and food and other things necessary
for human life are found there, besides many mines of rich metals,
with precious gems and pearls, and animals and plants, which nature
has not stinted.
It is impossible to number all the islands--counting larger and
smaller--of this vast archipelago. Those comprised in the name and
government of Filipinas, number about forty large islands, besides
other smaller ones, all consecutive. The chiefest and best known are
Luzon, Mindoro, Tendaya, [213] Capul, Burias, Mazbate, Marinduque,
Leite, Camar, Ybabao, Sebu, Panay, Bohol, Catenduanes, Calamianes,
Mindanao, and others of less renown.
The first island conquered and colonized by the Spaniards was
Sebu. [214] From there the conquest was started and continued in
all the neighboring islands. Those islands are inhabited by people,
natives of the same islands, called Viçayas; or by another name,
Pintados--for the more prominent of the men, from their youth, tattoo
their whole bodies, by pricking them wherever they are marked and then
throwing certain black powders over the bleeding surface, the figures
becoming indelible. But, as the chief seat of the government, and the
principal Spanish settlement, was moved to the island of Luzon--the
largest island, and that one nearest and opposite to Great China and
Japon--I shall treat of it first; for much that will be said of it is
similar in the others, to each of whose particulars and distinctive
details I shall pass in due time.
This island of Luzon extends lengthwise, from the point and head where
one enters the Filipinas Islands (by the channel of Capul, which
lies in thirteen and one-half degrees north latitude) to the other
point in the province of Cagayan, called Cape Bojeador (and located
opposite China, in twenty degrees), more than two hundred leguas. In
some parts its width is more constricted than in others, especially in
the middle of the island, where it is so narrow that it is less than
thirty leguas from sea to sea, or from one coast to the other. The
whole island is more than four hundred leguas in circumference.
The climates of this island are not harmonious; on the contrary, they
present a great diversity in its different districts and provinces. The
head and beginning of the island, in the region of the channel, is more
temperate in the interior, although the coasts are hot. The site of
the city of Manila is hot, for it is on the coast and is low; but in
its vicinity, quite near the city, there are districts and settlements
much cooler, where the heat is not oppressive. The same is true of the
other head of the island, opposite China, named Cagayan. The seasons
of the year--winter and summer--are contrary to those in Europe; for
the rains generally last in all these islands from the month of June
until the month of September, and are accompanied by heavy showers,
whirlwinds, and storms on sea and land. The summer lasts from October
to the end of May, with clear skies and fair winds at sea. However,
the winter and rainy season begins earlier in some provinces than
in others. [215] In Cagayan winter and summer almost coincide with
those of España, and come at the same seasons.
The people inhabiting the province of Camarines and almost as far as
the provinces of Manila, in this great island of Luzon, both along
the coast and in the interior, are natives of this island. They are
of medium height, with a complexion like stewed quinces; and both
men and women are well-featured. They have very black hair, and
thin beards; and are very clever at anything that they undertake,
keen and passionate, and of great resolution. All live from their
labor and gains in the field, their fishing, and trade, going from
island to island by sea, and from province to province by land.
The natives of the other provinces of this island as far as Cagayan are
of the same nature and disposition, except that it has been learned
by tradition that those of Manila and its vicinity were not natives
of this island, but came thither in the past and colonized it; and
that they are Malay natives, and come from other islands and remote
provinces. [216]
In various parts of this island of Luzon are found a number of
natives black in color. Both men and women have woolly hair, and their
stature is not very great, although they are strong and robust. These
people are barbarians, and have but little capacity. They possess no
fixed houses or settlements, but wander in bands and hordes through
the mountains and rough country, changing from one site to another
according to the season. They support themselves in certain clearings,
and by planting rice, which they do temporarily, and by means of the
game that they bring down with their bows, in the use of which they
are very skilful and certain. [217] They live also on honey from the
mountains, and roots produced by the ground. They are a barbarous
people, in whom one cannot place confidence. They are much given to
killing and to attacking the settlements of the other natives, in which
they commit many depredations; and there is nothing that can be done
to stop them, or to subdue or pacify them, although this is always
attempted by fair or foul means, as opportunity and necessity demand.
The province of Cagayan is inhabited by natives of the same complexion
as the others of the island, although they are better built, and more
valiant and warlike than the others. They wear their hair long and
hanging down the back. They have been in revolt and rebellion twice
since the first time when they were pacified; and there has been plenty
to do, on different occasions, in subduing them and repacifying them.
The apparel and clothing of these natives of Luzon before the
entrance of the Spaniards into the country were generally, for the
men, certain short collarless garments of cangan, sewed together
in the front, and with short sleeves, and reaching slightly below
the waist; some were blue and others black, while the chiefs had
some red ones, called chinanas. [218] They also wore a strip of
colored cloth wrapped about the waist, and passed between the legs,
so that it covered the privy parts, reaching half-way down the thigh;
these are called bahaques. [219] They go with legs bare, feet unshod,
and the head uncovered, wrapping a narrow cloth, called potong [220]
just below it, with which they bind the forehead and temples. About
their necks they wear gold necklaces, wrought like spun wax, [221]
and with links in our fashion, some larger than others. On their
arms they wear armlets of wrought gold, which they call calombigas,
and which are very large and made in different patterns. Some wear
strings of precious stones--cornelians and agates; and other blue
and white stones, which they esteem highly. [222] They wear around
the legs some strings of these stones, and certain cords, covered
with black pitch in many foldings, as garters. [223]
In a province called Zambales, they wear the head shaved from
the middle forward. On the skull they have a huge lock of loose
hair. [224] The women throughout this island wear small jackets
[sayuelos] with sleeves of the same kinds of cloth and of all colors,
called varos. [225] They wear no shifts, but certain white cotton
garments which are wrapped about the waist and fall to the feet,
while other dyed cloths are wrapped about the body, like kirtles, and
are very graceful. The principal women have crimson ones, and some
of silk, while others are woven with gold, and adorned with fringe
and other ornaments. They wear many gold necklaces about the neck,
calumbigas on the wrists, large earrings of wrought gold in the ears,
and rings of gold and precious stones. Their black hair is done up
in a very graceful knot on the head. Since the Spaniards came to the
country many Indians do not wear bahaques, but wide drawers of the
same cloths and materials, and hats on their heads. The chiefs wear
braids of wrought gold containing many designs, while many of them wear
shoes. The chief women also wear beautiful shoes, many of them having
shoes of velvet adorned with gold, and white garments like petticoats.
Men and women, and especially the chief people, are very clean and neat
in their persons and clothing, and of pleasing address and grace. They
dress their hair carefully, and regard it as being more ornamental when
it is very black. They wash it with water in which has been boiled
the bark of a tree called gogo. [226] They anoint it with aljonjoli
oil, prepared with musk, and other perfumes. All are very careful of
their teeth, which from a very early age they file and render even,
with stones and iron. [227] They dye them a black color, which is
lasting, and which preserves their teeth until they are very old,
although it is ugly to look at. [228]
They quite generally bathe the entire body in the rivers and creeks,
both young and old, without reflecting that it could at any time be
injurious to them; [229] for in their baths do they find their best
medicines. When an infant is born, they immediately bathe it, and
the mother likewise. The women have needlework as their employment
and occupation, and they are very clever at it, and at all kinds of
sewing. They weave cloth and spin cotton, and serve in the houses
of their husbands and fathers. They pound the rice for eating,
[230] and prepare the other food. They raise fowls and swine, and
keep the houses, while the men are engaged in the labors of the
field, and in their fishing, navigation, and trading. They are not
very chaste, either single or married women; while their husbands,
fathers, or brothers are not very jealous or anxious about it. Both
men and women are so selfish and greedy that, if they are paid, they
are easily won over. When the husband finds his wife in adultery,
he is smoothed and pacified without any trouble--although, since they
have known Spaniards, some of those who assume to be more enlightened
among them have sometimes killed the adulterers. Both men and women,
especially the chiefs, walk slowly and sedately when upon their
visits, and when going through the streets and to the temples; and
are accompanied by many slaves, both male and female, with parasols
of silk which they carry to protect them from the sun and rain. The
women walk ahead and their female servants and slaves follow them;
behind these walk their husbands, fathers, or brothers, with their
man-servants and slaves. [231]
Their ordinary food is rice pounded in wooden mortars, and cooked--this
is called morisqueta, [232] and is the ordinary bread of the whole
country--boiled fish (which is very abundant), the flesh of swine,
deer, and wild buffaloes (which they call carabaos). Meat and fish they
relish better when it has begun to spoil and when it stinks. [233] They
also eat boiled camotes (which are sweet potatoes), beans, quilites
[234] and other vegetables; all kinds of bananas, guavas, pineapples,
custard apples, many varieties of oranges, and other varieties of
fruits and herbs, with which the country teems. Their drink is a wine
made from the tops of cocoa and nipa palm, of which there is a great
abundance. They are grown and tended like vineyards, although without
so much toil and labor. Drawing off the tuba, [235] they distil it,
using for alembics their own little furnaces and utensils, to a greater
or less strength, and it becomes brandy. This is drunk throughout the
islands. It is a wine of the clarity of water, but strong and dry. If
it be used with moderation, it acts as a medicine for the stomach,
and is a protection against humors and all sorts of rheums. Mixed
with Spanish wine, it makes a mild liquor, and one very palatable
and healthful.
In the assemblies, marriages, and feasts of the natives of these
islands, the chief thing consists in drinking this wine, day and night,
without ceasing, when the turn of each comes, some singing and others
drinking. As a consequence, they generally become intoxicated without
this vice being regarded as a dishonor or disgrace. [236]
The weapons of this people are, in some provinces, bow and arrows. But
those generally used throughout the islands are moderate-sized spears
with well-made points; and certain shields of light wood, with their
armholes fastened on the inside. These cover them from top to toe,
and are called carasas [kalasag]. At the waist they carry a dagger four
fingers in breadth, the blade pointed, and a third of a vara in length;
the hilt is of gold or ivory. The pommel is open and has two cross bars
or projections, without any other guard. They are called bararaos. They
have two cutting edges, and are kept in wooden scabbards, or those
of buffalo-horn, admirably wrought. [237] With these they strike
with the point, but more generally with the edge. When they go in
pursuit of their opponent, they show great dexterity in seizing his
hair with one hand, while with the other they cut off his head with
one stroke of the bararao, and carry it away. They afterward keep
the heads suspended in their houses, where they may be seen; and of
these they make a display, in order to be considered as valiant, and
avengers of their enemies and of the injuries committed by them. [238]
Since they have seen the Spaniards use their weapons, many of the
natives handle the arquebuses and muskets quite skilfully. Before the
arrival of the Spaniards they had bronze culverins and other pieces
of cast iron, with which they defended their forts and settlements,
although their powder is not so well refined as that of the Spaniards.
Their ships and boats are of many kinds; for on the rivers and creeks
inland they use certain very large canoes, each made from one log,
and others fitted with benches and made from planks, and built up
on keels. They have vireys and barangays, which are certain quick
and light vessels that lie low in the water, put together with little
wooden nails. These are as slender at the stern as at the bow, and they
can hold a number of rowers on both sides, who propel their vessels
with bucçeyes or paddles, and with gaones [239] on the outside of the
vessel; and they time their rowing to the accompaniment of some who
sing in their language refrains by which they understand whether to
hasten or retard their rowing. [240] Above the rowers is a platform or
gangway, built of bamboo, upon which the fighting-men stand, in order
not to interfere with the rowing of the oarsmen. In accordance with the
capacity of the vessels is the number of men on these gangways. From
that place they manage the sail, which is square and made of linen,
and hoisted on a support or yard made of two thick bamboos, which
serves as a mast. When the vessel is large, it also has a foresail of
the same form. Both yards, with their tackle, can be lowered upon the
gangway when the weather is rough. The helmsmen are stationed in the
stern to steer. It carries another bamboo framework on the gangway
itself; and upon this, when the sun shines hot, or it rains, they
stretch an awning made from some mats, woven from palm-leaves. These
are very bulky and close, and are called cayanes [241] Thus all the
ship and its crew are covered and protected. There are also other
bamboo frameworks for each side of the vessel, which are so long as
the vessel, and securely fastened on. They skim the water, without
hindering the rowing, and serve as a counterpoise, so that the ship
cannot overturn nor upset, however heavy the sea, or strong the wind
against the sail. It may happen that the entire hull of these vessels,
which have no decks, may fill with water and remain between wind and
water, even until it is destroyed and broken up, without sinking,
because of these counterpoises. These vessels have been used commonly
throughout the islands since olden times. They have other larger
vessels called caracoas, lapis, and tapaques, which are used to carry
their merchandise, and which are very suitable, as they are roomy and
draw but little water. They generally drag them ashore every night,
at the mouths of rivers and creeks, among which they always navigate
without going into the open sea or leaving the shore. All the natives
can row and manage these boats. Some are so long that they can carry
one hundred rowers on a side and thirty soldiers above to fight. The
boats commonly used are barangays and vireys, which carry a less
crew and fighting force. Now they put many of them together with
iron nails instead of the wooden pegs and the joints in the planks,
while the helms and bows have beaks like Castilian boats. [242]
The land is well shaded in all parts by trees of different kinds,
and fruit-trees which beautify it throughout the year, both along
the shore and inland among the plains and mountains. It is very full
of large and small rivers, of good fresh water, which flow into the
sea. All of them are navigable, and abound in all kinds of fish,
which are very pleasant to the taste. For the above reason there
is a large supply of lumber, which is cut and sawed, dragged to the
rivers, and brought down, by the natives. This lumber is very useful
for houses and buildings, and for the construction of small and large
vessels. Many very straight thick trees, light and pliable, are found,
which are used as masts for ships and galleons. Consequently, vessels
of any size may be fitted with masts from these trees, made of one
piece of timber, without its being necessary to splice them or make
them of different pieces. For the hulls of the ships, the keels,
futtock-timbers, top-timbers, and any other kinds of supports and
braces, compass-timbers, transoms, knees small and large, and rudders,
all sorts of good timber are easily found; as well as good planking
for the sides, decks, and upper-works, from very suitable woods. [243]
There are many native fruit-trees, such as the sanctors, mabolos,
tamarinds, nancas, custard-apples, papaws, guavas, and everywhere
many oranges, of all kinds--large and small, sweet and sour;
citrons, lemons, and ten or twelve varieties of very healthful and
palatable bananas. [244] There are many cocoa-palms bearing fruit
of pleasant taste--from which is made wine and common oil, which
is a very healing remedy for wounds; and other wild palms of the
forests--that do not yield cocoa-nuts, but serve as wood, and from
whose bark is made bonote, a tow for rigging and cables, and also for
calking ships. Efforts have been made to plant olives and quinces,
and other fruit-trees of España, but as yet they have had no success,
except with pomegranates and grapevines, which bear fruit the second
year. These bear abundance of exceedingly good grapes three times a
year; and some fig-trees have succeeded. Vegetables of every kind
grow well and very abundantly, but do not seed, and it is always
necessary to bring the seeds from Castilla, China, or Japon.
In the Cagayan provinces are found chestnut-trees, which produce
fruit. In other districts are found pines and other trees which yield
certain very large pine-nuts, with a hard shell and a pleasant taste,
which are called piles. [245] There is abundance of cedar which is
called calanta, a beautiful red wood called asana, [246] ebony of
various qualities, and many other precious woods for all uses. The meat
generally eaten is that of swine, of which there is a great abundance,
and it is very palatable and wholesome.
Beef is eaten, cattle being raised abundantly in stock-farms in
many different parts of the islands. The cattle are bred from those
of China and Nueva España. [247] The Chinese cattle are small, and
excellent breeders. Their horns are very small and twisted, and some
cattle can move them. They have a large hump upon the shoulders, and
are very manageable beasts. There are plenty of fowls like those of
Castilla, and others very large, which are bred from fowls brought
from China. They are very palatable, and make fine capons. Some of
these fowls are black in feather, skin, flesh, and bones, and are
pleasant to the taste. [248] Many geese are raised, as well as swans,
ducks, and tame pigeons brought from China. There is abundance of
flesh of wild game, such as venison, and wild boars, and in some parts
porcupines. There are many buffaloes, which are called carabaos, which
are raised in the fields and are very spirited; others are brought
tame from China; these are very numerous, and very handsome. These
last are used only for milking, and their milk is thicker and more
palatable than that of cows.
Goats and kids are raised, although their flesh is not savory, because
of the humidity of the country. These animals sicken and die for that
reason, and because they eat certain poisonous herbs. Ewes and rams,
although often brought from Nueva España, never multiply. Consequently
there are none of these animals, for the climate and pasturage has not
as yet seemed suitable for them. [249] There were no horses, mares, or
asses in the islands, until the Spaniards had them brought from China
and brought them from Nueva España. Asses and mules are very rare,
but there are many horses and mares. Some farms are being stocked with
them, and those born there (mixed breeds for the most part) turn out
well, and have good colors, are good tempered and willing to work, and
are of medium size. Those brought from China are small, very strong,
good goers, treacherous, quarrelsome, and bad-tempered. Some horses
of good colors are brought from Japon. They have well-shaped bodies,
thick hair, large fetlocks, large legs and front hoofs, which makes
them look like draft-horses. Their heads are rather large, and their
mouths hard. They run but slowly, but walk well, and are spirited,
and of much mettle. The daily feed of the horses consists throughout
the year of green provender, [250] besides rice in the husk, which
keeps them very fat. [251]
There are many fowls and field birds, and wild birds of wonderful
colors and very beautiful. There are no singing birds suitable for
keeping in cages, although some calendar larks [Calandrias] called
fimbaros, [252] smaller than those of España, are brought from Japon,
whose song is most sweet. There are many turtle-doves, ring-doves;
other doves with an extremely green plumage, and red feet and beaks;
and others that are white with a red spot on the breast, like a
pelican. Instead of quail, there are certain birds resembling them,
but smaller, which are called povos [253] and other smaller birds
called mayuelas. [254] There are many wild chickens and cocks, which
are very small, and taste like partridge. There are royal, white, and
grey herons, flycatchers, and other shore birds, ducks, lavancos, [255]
crested cranes, sea-crows, eagles, eagle-owls, and other birds of prey,
although none are used for hawking. There are jays and thrushes as in
España, and white storks and cranes. [256] They do not rear peacocks,
rabbits, or hares, although they have tried to do so. It is believed
that the wild animals in the forests and fields eat and destroy them,
namely, the cats, foxes, badgers, and large and small rats, which
are very numerous, and other land animals. [257]
Throughout these islands are found a great number of monkeys, of
various sizes, with which at times the trees are covered. There are
green and white parrots, but they are stupid in talking; and very
small parroquets, of beautiful green and red colors, which talk as
little. The forests and settlements have many serpents, of various
colors, which are generally larger than those of Castilla. Some
have been seen in the forests of unusual size, and wonderful to
behold. [258] The most harmful are certain slender snakes, of less
than one vara in length, which dart down upon passersby from the trees
(where they generally hang), and sting them; their venom is so powerful
that within twenty-four hours the person dies raving.
There are many very large scorpions in the rivers and creeks,
and a great number of crocodiles, which are very bloodthirsty and
cruel. They quite commonly pull from their bancas the natives who go
in those boats, and cause many injuries among the horned cattle and
the horses of the stock-farms, when they go to drink. And although the
people fish for them often and kill them, they are never diminished
in number. For that reason, the natives set closely-grated divisions
and enclosures in the rivers and creeks of their settlements, where
they bathe. There they enter the water to bathe, secure from those
monsters, which they fear so greatly that they venerate and adore
them, as if they were beings superior to themselves. All their oaths
and execrations, and those which are of any weight with them (even
among the Christians) are, thus expressed: "So may the crocodile kill
him!" They call the crocodile buhaya in their language. It has happened
when some one has sworn falsely, or when he has broken his word, that
then some accident has occurred to him with the crocodile, which God,
whom he offends, has so permitted for the sake of the authority and
purity of the truth, and the promise of it. [259]
The fisheries of sea and rivers are most abundant, and include all
kinds of fish; both of fresh and salt water. These are generally
used as food throughout the entire country. There are many good
sardines, sea-eels, sea-breams (which they call bacocos), daces,
skates, bicudas, tanguingues, soles, plantanos, [260] taraquitos,
needle-fish, gilt-heads, and eels; large oysters, mussels, [261]
porçebes, crawfish, shrimp, sea-spiders, center-fish, and all kinds
of cockles, shad, white fish, and in the Tajo River of Cagayan, [262]
during their season, a great number of bobos, which come down to spawn
at the bar. In the lake of Bonbon, a quantity of tunny-fish, not so
large as those of España, but of the same shape, flesh, and taste, are
caught. Many sea-fish are found in the sea, such as whales, sharks,
caellas, marajos, bufeos, and other unknown species of extraordinary
forms and size. In the year of five hundred and ninety-six, during a
furious storm in the islands, a fish was flung into shallow water on
one of the Luzon coasts near the province of Camarines. It was so huge
and misshapen, that although it lay in more than three and one-half
braças of water, it could not again get afloat, and died there. The
natives said that they had never seen anything like it, nor another
shaped like it. Its head was of wonderful size and fierce aspect. On
its frontal it bore two horns, which pointed toward its back. One of
them was taken to Manila. It was covered with its skin or hide, but
had no hair or scales. It was white, and twenty feet long. Where it
joined the head it was as thick as the thigh, and gradually tapered
proportionally to the tip. It was somewhat curved and not very round;
and to all appearances, quite solid. It caused great wonder in all
beholders. [263]
There is a fresh-water lake in the island of Luzon, five leguas from
Manila, which contains a quantity of fish. Many rivers flow into this
lake, and it empties into the sea through the river flowing from it
to Manila. It is called La Laguna de Bay ["Bay Lake"]. It is thirty
leguas in circumference, and has an uninhabited island in its middle,
where game abounds. [264] Its shores are lined with many native
villages. The natives navigate the lake, and commonly cross it in
their skiffs. At times it is quite stormy and dangerous to navigate,
when the north winds blow, for these winds make it very boisterous,
although it is very deep.
Twenty leguas from Manila, in the province of Bonbon, is another lake
of the same name [Bonbon], not so extensive as the former, but with
a great abundance of fish. The natives' method of catching them is
by making corrals [265] of bejucos, which are certain slender canes
or rushes, solid and very pliant and strong; these are employed
for making cables for the natives' boats, as well as other kinds
of ropes. They catch the fish inside these corrals, having made the
enclosures fast by means of stakes. They also catch the fish in wicker
baskets made from the bejucos, but most generally with atarrayas,
[266] esparaveles, other small barrederas, [267] and with hand lines
and hooks. [268] The most usual food of the natives is a fish as small
as pejerreyes. [269] They dry and cure these fish in the sun and air,
and cook them in many styles. They like them better than large fish. It
is called laulau among them. [270]
Instead of olives and other pickled fruit, they have a green fruit,
like walnuts, which they call paos. [271] Some are small, and others
larger in size, and when prepared they have a pleasant taste. They
also prepare charas [272] in pickle brine, and all sorts of vegetables
and greens, which are very appetizing. There is much ginger, and it
is eaten green, pickled, and preserved. There are also quantities of
cachumba [273] instead of saffron and other condiments. The ordinary
dainty throughout these islands, and in many kingdoms of the mainland
of those regions, is buyo [betel]. This is made from a tree, [274]
whose leaf is shaped like that of the mulberry. The fruit resembles
an oak acorn, and is white inside. [275] This fruit, which is called
bonga, is cut lengthwise in strips, and each strip is put into an
envelope or covering made from the leaf. With the bonga is thrown
in a powder of quick lime. [276] This compound is placed in the
mouth and chewed. It is so strong a mixture, and burns so much,
that it induces sleep and intoxication. It burns the mouths of
those not used to it, and causes them to smart. The saliva and all
the mouth are made as red as blood. It does not taste bad. After
having been chewed [277] for a considerable time it is spit out,
when it no longer has any juice, which is called çapa [sapá]. They
consider very beneficial that quantity of the juice which has gone
into the stomach, for strengthening it, and for various diseases. It
strengthens and preserves the teeth and gums from all inflammations,
decay, and aches. They tell other wonderful effects of it. What has
been seen is that the natives and Spaniards--laymen and religious,
men and women--use it so commonly and generally that mornings and
afternoons, at parties and visits, and even alone in their houses,
all their refreshments and luxuries consist of buyos served on
heavily-gilded and handsomely adorned plates and trays like chocolate
in Nueva España. In these poison has been often administered from
which the persons eating them have died, and that quite commonly.
The natives (especially the chiefs) take whenever they leave their
houses, for show and entertainment, their boxes of buyos--which they
call buccetas [278]--ready to use, and the leaf, bonga, and quick lime,
separately. With these handsome boxes, which are made of metal and of
other materials, they carry the scissors and other tools for making
the buyo with cleanliness and neatness. Wherever they may stop, they
make and use their buyo. In the pariáns, or bazars, buyos are sold
ready made, and the outfit for making them. [279]
The natives of these islands quite commonly use as venoms and poisons
the herbs of that class found throughout the islands. They are so
efficacious and deadly that they produce wonderful effects. There
is a lizard, commonly found in the houses, somewhat dark-green in
color, one palmo long, and as thick as three fingers, which is called
chacon. [280] They put this in a joint of bamboo, and cover it up. The
slaver of this animal during its imprisonment is gathered. It is an
exceedingly strong poison, when introduced as above stated, in the
food or drink, in however minute quantities. There are various herbs
known and gathered by the natives for the same use. Some of them are
used dry, and others green; some are to be mixed in food, and others
inhaled. Some kill by simply touching them with the hands or feet, or
by sleeping upon them. The natives are so skilful in making compounds
from these substances, that they mix and apply them in such a manner
that they take effect at once, or at a set time--long or short, as
they wish, even after a year. Many persons usually die wretchedly by
these means--especially Spaniards, who lack foresight, and who are
tactless and hated because of the ill-treatment that they inflict upon
the natives with whom they deal, either in the collection of their
tributes, or in other matters in which they employ them, without
there being any remedy for it. There are certain poisonous herbs,
with which, when the natives gather them, they carry, all ready, other
herbs which act as antidotes. In the island of Bohol is one herb of
such nature that the natives approach it from windward when they cut
it from the shrub on which it grows; for the very air alone that blows
over the herb is deadly. Nature did not leave this danger without a
remedy, for other herbs and roots are found in the same islands, of
so great efficacy and virtue that they destroy and correct the poison
and mischief of the others, and are used when needed. Accordingly,
when one knows what poison has been given him, it is not difficult,
if recourse be had in time, to cure it, by giving the herb that is
antidotal to such poison. At times it has happened that pressure has
been put upon the person suspected of having committed the evil to
make him bring the antidote, by which it has been remedied. There are
also other general antidotes, both for preservation against poison and
for mitigating the effects of poison that has been administered. But
the most certain and efficacious antidotes are certain small flies or
insects, of a violet color, found on certain bushes in the islands
of Pintados. These are shut up in a clean bamboo joint, and covered
over. There they breed and multiply. Ground rice is put in with them,
and they exist thereon. Every week they are visited [281] and the old
rice removed and new rice put in, and they are kept alive by this
means. If six of these insects are taken in a spoonful of wine or
water--for they emit no bad odor, and taste like cress--they produce
a wonderful effect. Even when people go to banquets or dinners where
there is any suspicion, they are wont to take with them these insects,
in order to preserve and assure themselves from any danger of poison
and venom.
All these islands are, in many districts, rich in placers and mines
of gold, a metal which the natives dig and work. However, since the
advent of the Spaniards in the land, the natives proceed more slowly
in this, and content themselves with what they already possess in
jewels and gold ingots, handed down from antiquity and inherited from
their ancestors. [282] This is considerable, for he must be poor and
wretched who has no gold chains, calombigas [bracelets], and earrings.
Some placers and mines were worked at Paracali in the province of
Camarines, where there is good gold mixed with copper. This commodity
is also traded in the Ylocos, for at the rear of this province,
which borders the seacoast, are certain lofty and rugged mountains
which extend as far as Cagayan. On the slopes of these mountains,
in the interior, live many natives, as yet unsubdued, and among whom
no incursion has been made, who are called Ygolotes. These natives
possess rich mines, many of gold and silver mixed. They are wont to
dig from them only the amount necessary for their wants. They descend
to certain places to trade this gold (without completing its refining
or preparation), with the Ylocos; there they exchange it for rice,
swine, carabaos, cloth, and other things that they need. [283] The
Ylocos complete its refining and preparation, and by their medium it
is distributed throughout the country. Although an effort has been
made with these Ygolotes to discover their mines, and how they work
them, and their method of working the metal, nothing definite has
been learned, for the Ygolotes fear that the Spaniards will go to
seek them for their gold, and say that they keep the gold better in
the earth than in their houses. [284]
There are also many gold mines and placers in the other islands,
especially among the Pintados, on the Botuan River in Mindanao,
and in Sebu, where a mine of good gold is worked, called Taribon. If
the industry and efforts of the Spaniards were to be converted into
the working of the gold, as much would be obtained from any one of
these islands as from those provinces which produce the most in the
world. But since they attend to other means of gain rather than
to this, as will be told in due time, they do not pay the proper
attention to this matter.
In some of these islands pearl oysters are found, especially in
the Calamianes, where some have been obtained that are large and
exceedingly clear and lustrous. [285] Neither is this means of profit
utilized. In all parts, seed pearls are found in the ordinary oysters,
and there are oysters as large as a buckler. From the [shells of the]
latter the natives manufacture beautiful articles. There are also
very large sea turtles in all the islands. Their shells are utilized
by the natives, and sold as an article of commerce to the Chinese
and Portuguese, and other nations who go after them and esteem them
highly, because of the beautiful things made from them.
On the coasts of any of these islands are found many small white
snail shells, called siguei. The natives gather them and sell them by
measure to the Siamese, Cambodians, Pantanes, and other peoples of the
mainland. It serves there as money, and those nations trade with it,
as they do with cacao-beans in Nueva España. [286]
Carabao horns are used as merchandise in trading with China; and
deerskins and dye-wood with Japon. The natives make use of everything
in trading with those nations and derive much profit therefrom.
In this island of Luzon, especially in the provinces of Manila,
Panpanga, Pangasinan, and Ylocos, certain earthenware jars [tibores]
are found among the natives. They are very old, of a brownish color,
and not handsome. Some are of medium size, and others are smaller,
and they have certain marks and stamps. The natives are unable to
give any explanation of where or when they got them, for now they are
not brought to the islands or made there. The Japanese seek them and
esteem them, for they have found that the root of a plant called cha
[tea]--which is drunk hot, as a great refreshment and medicine, among
the kings and lords of Japon--is preserved and keeps only in these
tibors. These are so highly valued throughout Japon, that they are
regarded as the most precious jewels of their closets and household
furniture. A tibor is worth a great sum, and the Japanese adorn them
outside with fine gold beautifully chased, and keep them in brocade
cases. Some tibors are valued and sold for two thousand taes of
eleven reals to the tae, or for less, according to the quality of
the tibor. It makes no difference if they are cracked or chipped,
for that does not hinder them from holding the tea. The natives of
these islands sell them to the Japanese for the best price possible,
and seek them carefully for this profit. However, few are found now,
because of the assiduity with which the natives have applied themselves
to that search. [287]
At times the natives have found large pieces of ambergris on the
coasts. When they discovered that the Spaniards value it, they gathered
it, and have made profit from it. The past year of six hundred and
two, some natives found in the island of Sebu a good-sized piece of
ambergris, and when their encomendero heard of it, he took it, and
traded with them secretly for it, on the account of their tribute. It
is said that it weighed a good number of libras. Afterward he brought
it out and sold it by the ounce at a higher rate. [288]
In the province and river of Butuan--which is pacified and assigned
to Spaniards, and is located in the island of Mindanao--the natives
practice another industry, which is very useful. As they possess
many civet cats, although smaller than those of Guinea, they make
use of the civet and trade it. This they do easily, for, when the
moon is in the crescent, they hunt the cats with nets, and capture
many of them. Then when they have obtained the civet, they loose the
cats. They also capture and cage some of them, which are sold in the
islands at very low prices. [289]
Cotton is raised abundantly throughout the islands. It is spun and
sold in the skein to the Chinese and other nations, who come to
get it. Cloth of different patterns is also woven from it, and the
natives also trade that. Other cloths, called medriñaques, are woven
from the banana leaf. [290]
The islands of Babuytanes [291] consist of many small islands lying
off the upper coast of the province of Cagayan. They are inhabited
by natives, whose chief industry consists in going to Cagayan, in
their tapaques, with swine, fowls, and other food, and ebony spears,
for exchange. The islands are not assigned as encomiendas, nor is
any tribute collected from them. There are no Spaniards among them,
as those natives are of less understanding and less civilized [than
the others]. Accordingly no Christians have been made among them,
and they have no justices.
Other islands, called the Catenduanes, lie off the other head of
the island of Luzon, opposite the province of Camarines, in fourteen
degrees of north latitude, near the strait of Espiritu Santo. They
are islands densely populated with natives of good disposition, who
are all assigned to Spaniards. They possess instruction and churches,
and have an alcalde-mayor who administers justice to them. Most of
them cultivate the soil, but some are engaged in gold-washing, and
in trading between various islands, and with the mainland of Luzon,
very near those islands. [292]
The island of Luzon has a bay thirty leguas in circumference on
its southern coast, situated about one hundred leguas from the cape
of Espiritu Santo, which is the entrance to the Capul channel. Its
entrance is narrow, and midway contains an island called Miraveles
[i.e., Corregidor] lying obliquely across it, which makes the
entrance narrow. This island is about two leguas long and one-half
legua wide. It is high land and well shaded by its many trees. It
contains a native settlement of fifty persons, and there the watchman
of the bay has his fixed abode and residence. There are channels at
both ends of the island, where one may enter the bay. The one at the
south is one-half legua wide, and has a rock in its middle called El
Fraile ["the friar"]. The one on the north is much narrower, but any
ships of any draft whatever can enter and go out by both channels. The
entire bay is of good depth, and clean, and has good anchorages in all
parts. It is eight leguas from these entrances to the colony of Manila
and the bar of the river. A large harbor is formed two leguas south
of Manila, with a point of land that shelters it. That point has a
native settlement called Cabit, [293] and it gives name to the harbor,
which is used as a port for the vessels. It is very capacious and well
sheltered from the vendavals--whether the southeast, and southwest, the
west, and west-southwest, or the north-northeast and north winds. It
has a good anchorage, with a clean and good bottom. There is a good
entrance quite near the land, more than one and one-half leguas wide,
for the ingress and egress of vessels. All the shores of this bay are
well provided with abundant fisheries, of all kinds. They are densely
inhabited by natives. Above Manila there is a province of more than
twenty leguas in extent called La Pampanga. This province possesses
many rivers and creeks that irrigate it. They all flow and empty
into the bay. This province contains many settlements of natives, and
considerable quantities of rice, fruits, fish, meat, and other foods.
[294]
The bar of the river of Manila, which is in the same bay, near the
colony of Manila on one side and Tondo on the other, is not very deep
because of certain sand shoals on it, which change their position at
the time of the freshets and obstruct it. Consequently, although the
water is deep enough for any vessel past the bar, still, unless they
are fragatas, vireys, or other small vessels, they cannot pass the bar
to enter the river. In respect to galleys, galliots, and the vessels
from China, which draw but little water, they must enter empty, and
at high tide, and by towing. Such vessels anchor in the bay outside
the bar, and, for greater security enter the port of Cabit.
There is another good port called Ybalon, [295] twenty leguas from
the channel of the same island of Luzon, which is sheltered from the
vendavals, and has a good entrance and anchorage. There the vessels
that enter to escape the vendaval find shelter, and wait until the
brisa returns, by which to go to Manila, eighty leguas away.
On the coasts of Pangasinan, Ylocos, and Cagayan, there are some
ports and bars, where ships can enter and remain, such as the harbor
of Marihuma, [296] the port E1 Frayle ["the friar"], [297] that of
Bolinao, the bar of Pangasinan, that of Bigan, the bar of Camalayuga,
at the mouth of the Tajo River (which goes up two leguas to the
chief settlement of Cagayan)--besides other rivers, bars, harbors,
and shelters of less account for smaller vessels throughout the coasts
of this island.
Quite near this large island of Luzon, many other islands, large
and small, are located; they are inhabited by the same natives as
Luzon, who have gold placers, sowed fields, and their trading. Such
are Marinduque, Tablas Island, Mazbate, Burias, Banton, Bantonillo,
and others of less importance. The nearest of them to Manila is the
island of Mindoro. It is more than eighty leguas long and about two
hundred in circumference. It has many settlements of the same natives,
and the side lying next the provinces of Balayan and Calilaya is so
near and close to the island of Luzon, that it forms a strait which
contains powerful currents and races, through which the ships going
to and from Manila enter and leave. The winds and currents there are
very strong. It is about one-half a legua wide. In that part is the
chief town of this island of Mindoro. It has a port that is called El
Varadero ["the place for laying up ships"] for large vessels. There
are also other anchorages and bars throughout this island for smaller
vessels; and many settlements and natives on all the coasts of this
island. All of the settlements abound in rice, food, and gold-placers,
and all kinds of game and timber. [298]
The cape of Espiritu Santo, which is sighted by ships entering the
Filipinas Islands on the way from Nueva España, is in an island called
Tendaya, [299] in about thirteen degrees. Twenty leguas south after
turning this cape of Espiritu Santo lie the island of Viri, and many
others which are sighted. Through them an entrance opens to the island
of Sebu by a strait called San Juanillo, which is formed by these
islands. It is not very good or safe for the larger ships. But toward
the north after leaving this course, one reaches the island of Capul,
which forms a strait and channel of many currents and rough waves,
through which the ships enter. Before reaching the strait there is a
rock, or barren islet, called San Bernardino; this strait is formed by
the coast of the island of Luzon and that of the island of Capul. Its
channel is about one legua long and less wide.
On leaving this strait, after having entered by it, three small islets
form a triangle. They are called the islands of Naranjos ["Oranges"],
and are lofty and inaccessible with steep rocks. Upon them ships are
wont to be driven by the powerful currents, even though they try to
escape them. These are not inhabited, but the others [Capul, Viri,
etc.] are large islands containing many settlements of natives and
all kinds of provisions and food.
South of this district lie the islands of Biçayas, or, as they are
also called, Pintados. They are many in number, thickly populated with
natives. Those of most renown are Leite, Ybabao, [300] Camar [Samar],
Bohol, island of Negros, Sebu, Panay, Cuyo, and the Calamianes. All
the natives of these islands, both men and women, are well-featured,
of a good disposition, and of better nature, and more noble in their
actions than the inhabitants of the islands of Luzon and its vicinity.
They differ from them in their hair, which the men wear cut in a cue,
like the ancient style in España. Their bodies are tattooed with many
designs, but the face is not touched. [301] They wear large earrings
of gold and ivory in their ears, and bracelets of the same; certain
scarfs wrapped round the head, very showy, which resemble turbans,
and knotted very gracefully and edged with gold. They wear also a
loose collarless jacket with tight sleeves, whose skirts reach half
way down the leg. These garments are fastened in front and are made
of medriñaque and colored silks. They wear no shirts or drawers, but
bahaques [i.e., breech-clouts] of many wrappings, which cover their
privy parts, when they remove their skirts and jackets. The women are
good-looking and graceful. They are very neat, and walk slowly. Their
hair is black, long, and drawn into a knot on the head. Their robes
are wrapped about the waist and fall downward. These are made of all
colors, and they wear collarless jackets of the same material. Both
men and women go naked and without any coverings, [302] and barefoot,
and with many gold chains, earrings, and wrought bracelets.
Their weapons consist of large knives curved like cutlasses, spears,
and caraças [i.e., shields]. They employ the same kinds of boats as
the inhabitants of Luzon. They have the same occupations, products,
and means of gain as the inhabitants of all the other islands. These
Visayans are a race less inclined to agriculture, and are skilful
in navigation, and eager for war and raids for pillage and booty,
which they call mangubas. [303] This means "to go out for plunder."
Near the principal settlement of the island of Sebu, there is a fine
port for all manner of vessels. It has a good entrance and furnishes
shelter at all times. It has a good bottom and is an excellent
anchorage. There are also other ports and bars of less importance
and consideration, as in all these islands, for smaller vessels.
This island of Sebu is an island of more than one hundred leguas in
circumference. It has abundance of provisions, and gold mines and
placers, and is inhabited by natives.
Beyond it lie other islands, very pleasant and well populated,
especially the island of Panay. Panay is a large island, more
than one hundred leguas in circumference, containing many native
settlements. [304] It produces considerable quantities of rice,
palm-wine, and all manner of provisions. It has flourishing and
wealthy settlements, on what is called the river of Panay. The
chief one is Oton, which has a bar and port for galleys and ships,
shipyards for building large ships, and a great amount of timber for
their construction. There are many natives, who are masters of all
kinds of shipbuilding. Near this island lies an islet eight leguas
in circumference, which is densely populated by natives who are all
carpenters. They are excellent workmen, and practice no other trade
or occupation; and, without a single tree of any size on this whole
islet, they practice this art with great ability. From there all the
islands are furnished with workmen for carpentry. The island is called
that of the Cagayanes.
After the island of Sebu follow immediately the island of Mindanao,
an island of more than three hundred leguas in circumference, and
Joló, which is small. Lower down is the island of Borneo, a very
large island, more than five hundred leguas in circumference. All of
these islands are densely populated, although that of Borneo is not
subdued. Neither is that of Mindanao in entirety, but only the river
of Botuan, Dapitan, and the province and coast of Caragan.
Below this island [Mindanao], before reaching that of Borneo, lie
the islands of the Calamianes. They are very numerous, and consist of
islands of various sizes, which are densely inhabited with natives;
they have some supply of provisions and engage in certain kinds
of husbandry. However the most usual occupation is that of their
navigations from island to island in pursuit of their trading and
exchange, and their fisheries; while those who live nearest the island
of Borneo are wont to go on piratical raids and pillage the natives
in other islands.
The flow- and ebb-tides, and the high and low tides among these
islands are so diverse in them that they have no fixed rule,
either because of the powerful currents among these islands, or
by some other natural secret of the flux and reflux which the moon
causes. No definite knowledge has been arrived at in this regard,
for although the tides are highest during the opposition of the moon,
and are higher in the month of March than throughout the rest of the
year, there is so great variation in the daily tides that it causes
surprise. Some days there are two equal tides between day and night,
while other days there is but one. At other times the flow during the
day is low, and that of the night greater. They usually have no fixed
hour, for it may happen to be high-tide one day at noon, while next day
high-tide may be anticipated or postponed many hours. Or the tide of
one day may be low, and when a smaller one is expected for next day,
it may be much greater.
The language of all the Pintados and Biçayas is one and the same,
by which they understand one another when talking, or when writing
with the letters and characters of their own which they possess. These
resemble those of the Arabs. The common manner of writing among the
natives is on leaves of trees, and on bamboo bark. Throughout the
islands the bamboo is abundant; it has huge and misshapen joints,
and lower part is a very thick and solid tree. [305]
The language of Luzon and those islands in its vicinity differs widely
from that of the Bicayas. [306] The language of the island of Luzon
is not uniform, for the Cagayans have one language and the Ylocos
another. The Zambales have their own particular language, while the
Pampangos also have one different from the others. The inhabitants of
the province of Manila, the Tagáls, have their own language, which
is very rich and copious. By means of it one can express elegantly
whatever he wishes, and in many modes and manners. It is not difficult,
either to learn or to pronounce.
The natives throughout the islands can write excellently with certain
characters, almost like the Greek or Arabic. These characters are
fifteen in all. Three are vowels, which are used as are our five. The
consonants number twelve, and each and all of them combine with
certain dots or commas, and so signify whatever one wishes to write,
as fluently and easily as is done with our Spanish alphabet. The method
of writing was on bamboo, but is now on paper, commencing the lines
at the right and running to the left, in the Arabic fashion. Almost
all the natives, both men and women, write in this language. There
are very few who do not write it excellently and correctly.
This language of the province of Manila [i.e., the Tagál] extends
throughout the province of Camarines, and other islands not contiguous
to Luzon. There is but little difference in that spoken in the various
districts, except that it is spoken more elegantly in some provinces
than in others. [307]
The edifices and houses of the natives of all these Filipinas
Islands are built in a uniform manner, as are their settlements;
for they always build them on the shores of the sea, between rivers
and creeks. The natives generally gather in districts or settlements
where they sow their rice, and possess their palm trees, nipa and
banana groves, and other trees, and implements for their fishing
and sailing. A small number inhabit the interior, and are called
tinguianes; they also seek sites on rivers and creeks, on which they
settle for the same reasons.
The houses and dwellings of all these natives are universally set
upon stakes and arigues [i.e., columns] high above the ground. Their
rooms are small and the roofs low. They are built and tiled with wood
and bamboos, [308] and covered and roofed with nipa-palm leaves. Each
house is separate, and is not built adjoining another. In the lower
part are enclosures made by stakes and bamboos, where their fowls
and cattle are reared, and the rice pounded and cleaned. One ascends
into the houses by means of ladders that can be drawn up, which are
made from two bamboos. Above are their open batalanes [galleries]
used for household duties; the parents and [grown] children live
together. There is little adornment and finery in the houses, which
are called bahandin. [309]
Besides these houses, which are those of the common people and those
of less importance, there are the chiefs' houses. They are built
upon trees and thick arigues, with many rooms and comforts. They are
well constructed of timber and planks, and are strong and large. They
are furnished and supplied with all that is necessary, and are much
finer and more substantial than the others. They are roofed, however,
as are the others, with the palm-leaves called nipa. These keep out
the water and the sun more than do shingles or tiles, although the
danger from fires is greater.
The natives do not inhabit the lower part of their houses, because
they raise their fowls and cattle there, and because of the damp
and heat of the earth, and the many rats, which are enormous and
destructive both in the houses and sowed fields; and because, as
their houses are generally built on the sea shore, or on the banks of
rivers and creeks, the waters bathe the lower parts, and the latter
are consequently left open.
There were no kings or lords throughout these islands who ruled over
them as in the manner of our kingdoms and provinces; but in every
island, and in each province of it, many chiefs were recognized by
the natives themselves. Some were more powerful than others, and
each one had his followers and subjects, by districts and families;
and these obeyed and respected the chief. Some chiefs had friendship
and communication with others, and at times wars and quarrels. [310]
These principalities and lordships were inherited in the male
line and by succession of father and son and their descendants. If
these were lacking, then their brothers and collateral relatives
succeeded. Their duty was to rule and govern their subjects and
followers, and to assist them in their interests and necessities. What
the chiefs received from their followers was to be held by them in
great veneration and respect; and they were served in their wars and
voyages, and in their tilling, sowing, fishing, and the building of
their houses. To these duties the natives attended very promptly,
whenever summoned by their chief. They also paid the chiefs tribute
(which they called buiz), in varying quantities, in the crops that
they gathered. The descendants of such chiefs, and their relatives,
even though they did not inherit the lordship, were held in the
same respect and consideration. Such were all regarded as nobles,
and as persons exempt from the services rendered by the others,
or the plebeians, who were called timaguas. [311] The same right of
nobility and chieftainship was preserved for the women, just as for
the men. When any of these chiefs was more courageous than others
in war and upon other occasions, such a one enjoyed more followers
and men; and the others were under his leadership, even if they
were chiefs. These latter retained to themselves the lordship and
particular government of their own following, which is called barangai
among them. They had datos and other special leaders [mandadores]
who attended to the interests of the barangay.
The superiority of these chiefs over those of their barangai was so
great that they held the latter as subjects; they treated these well
or ill, and disposed of their persons, their children, and their
possessions, at will, without any resistance, or rendering account
to anyone. For very slight annoyances and for slight occasions, they
were wont to kill and wound them, and to enslave them. It has happened
that the chiefs have made perpetual slaves of persons who have gone
by them, while bathing in the river, or who have raised their eyes
to look at them less respectfully and for other similar causes. [312]
When some natives had suits or disputes with others over matters of
property and interest, or over personal injuries and wrongs received,
they appointed old men of the same district, to try them, the parties
being present. If they had to present proofs, they brought their
witnesses there, and the case was immediately judged according to
what was found, according to the usages of their ancestors on like
occasions; and that sentence was observed and executed without any
further objection or delay. [313]
The natives' laws throughout the islands were made in the same manner,
and they followed the traditions and customs of their ancestors,
without anything being written. Some provinces had different customs
than others in some respects. However, they agreed in most, and in
all the islands generally the same usages were followed. [314]
There are three conditions of persons among the natives of these
islands, and into which their government is divided: the chiefs,
of whom we have already treated; the timaguas, who are equivalent to
plebeians; and slaves, those of both chiefs and timaguas.
The slaves were of several classes. Some were for all kinds of work
and slavery, like those which we ourselves hold. Such are called
saguiguilires; [315] they served inside the house, as did likewise the
children born of them. There are others who live in their own houses
with their families, outside the house of their lord; and come, at the
season, to aid him in his sowings and harvests, among his rowers when
he embarks, in the construction of his house when it is being built,
and to serve in his house when there are guests of distinction. These
are bound to come to their lord's house whenever he summons them, and
to serve in these offices without any pay or stipend. These slaves are
called namamahays, [316] and their children and descendants are slaves
of the same class. From these slaves--saguiguilirs and namamahays--are
issue, some of whom are whole slaves, some of whom are half slaves,
and still others one-fourth slaves. It happens thus: if either the
father or the mother was free, and they had an only child, he was
half free and half slave. If they had more than one child, they were
divided as follows: the first follows the condition of the father,
free or slave; the second that of the mother. If there were an odd
number of children, the last was half free and half slave. Those who
descended from these, if children of a free mother or father, were
only one-fourth slaves, because of being children of a free father or
mother and of a half-slave. These half slaves or one-fourth slaves,
whether saguiguilirs or namamahays, served their masters during every
other moon; and in this respect so is such condition slavery.
In the same way, it may happen in divisions between heirs that a slave
will fall to several, and serves each one for the time that is due
him. When the slave is not wholly slave, but half or fourth, he has
the right, because of that part that is free, to compel his master to
emancipate him for a just price. This price is appraised and regulated
for persons according to the quality of their slavery, whether it be
saguiguilir or namamahay, half slave or quarter slave. But, if he is
wholly slave, the master cannot be compelled to ransom or emancipate
him for any price.
The usual price of a sanguiguilir slave among the natives is, at most,
generally ten taes of good gold, or eighty pesos; if he is namamahay,
half of that sum. The others are in the same proportion, taking into
consideration the person and his age.
No fixed beginning can be assigned as the origin of these kinds of
slavery among these natives, because all the slaves are natives of
the islands, and not strangers. It is thought that they were made in
their wars and quarrels. The most certain knowledge is that the most
powerful made the others slaves, and seized them for slight cause or
occasion, and many times for loans and usurious contracts which were
current among them. The interest, capital, and debt, increased so much
with delay that the borrowers became slaves. Consequently all these
slaveries have violent and unjust beginnings; and most of the suits
among the natives are over these, and they occupy the judges in the
exterior court with them, and their confessors in that of conscience.
[317]
These slaves comprise the greatest wealth and capital of the natives
of these islands, for they are very useful to them and necessary
for the cultivation of their property. They are sold, traded, and
exchanged among them, just as any other mercantile article, from one
village to another, from one province to another, and likewise from
one island to another. Therefore, and to avoid so many suits as would
occur if these slaveries were examined, and their origin and source
ascertained, they are preserved and held as they were formerly.
The marriages of these natives, commonly and generally were, and
are: Chiefs with women chiefs; timaguas with those of that rank; and
slaves with those of their own class. But sometimes these classes
intermarry with one another. They considered one woman, whom they
married, as the legitimate wife and the mistress of the house;
and she was styled ynasaba. [318] Those whom they kept besides her
they considered as friends. The children of the first were regarded
as legitimate and whole heirs of their parents; the children of the
others were not so regarded, and were left something by assignment,
but they did not inherit.
The dowry was furnished by the man, being given by his parents. The
wife furnished nothing for the marriage, until she had inherited
it from her parents. The solemnity of the marriage consisted in
nothing more than the agreement between the parents and relatives of
the contracting parties, the payment of the dowry agreed upon to the
father of the bride, [319] and the assembling at the wife's parents'
house of all the relatives to eat and drink until they would fall
down. At night the man took the woman to his house and into his
power, and there she remained. These marriages were annulled and
dissolved for slight cause, with the examination and judgment of the
relatives of both parties, and of the old men, who acted as mediators
in the affairs. At such a time the man took the dowry (which they call
vigadicaya), [320] unless it happened that they separated through the
husband's fault; for then it was not returned to him, and the wife's
parents kept it. The property that they had acquired together was
divided into halves, and each one disposed of his own. If one made
any profits in which the other did not have a share or participate,
he acquired it for himself alone.
The Indians were adopted one by another, in presence of the
relatives. The adopted person gave and delivered all his actual
possessions to the one who adopted him. Thereupon he remained
in his house and care, and had a right to inherit with the other
children. [321]
Adulteries were not punishable corporally. If the adulterer paid the
aggrieved party the amount adjudged by the old men and agreed upon
by them, then the injury was pardoned, and the husband was appeased
and retained his honor. He would still live with his wife and there
would be no further talk about the matter.
In inheritances all the legitimate children inherited equally from
their parents whatever property they had acquired. If there were any
movable or landed property which they had received from their parents,
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