Is Ulster Right?

Part 4 out of 4

I have already shown, that meant Anglican ascendancy in which
Presbyterianism did not participate; hence, when the agitation for
Disestablishment arose, though some few Presbyterians greatly disliked
it, their opposition as a whole was lukewarm. But when in 1886 Home
Rule became a question of practical politics, they rose up against it
as one man; in 1893, when the second Home Rule Bill was introduced and
actually passed the House of Commons, they commenced organising their
Volunteer army to resist it, if necessary, by force of arms; and
they are just as keen to-day as they were twenty years ago. They are
certainly not disloyal; the republican spirit which permeated
their ancestors in the eighteenth century has long since died out
completely. Sir Walter Scott said that if he had lived at the time of
the Union between Scotland and England, he would have fought against
it; but, living a century later and seeing the benefit that it had
been to his country, his feelings were all on the other side. That is
what the Presbyterians of Ulster say to-day. They point to the way in
which Ulster has, under the Union, been able to develop itself; with
no richer soil, no better climate, and no greater natural advantages
than other parts of Ireland, the energy, ability, and true patriotism
of the people have enabled them to establish and encourage commerce
and manufactures which have brought wealth and prosperity to Ulster
whilst the other Provinces have been stationary or retrograde. There
cannot be a better instance of the different spirit which animates the
two communities than the history of the linen industry. Michael Davitt
bitterly described it as "Not an Irish, but an Orange industry." And
from his point of view, he was quite right; for it is practically
confined to Ulster. In that Province it has during the nineteenth
century developed so steadily that the annual export now exceeds
L15,000,000 in value and more than 70,000 hands are employed in the
mills. Not long ago, a Royal Commission was appointed to enquire
whether it was not possible to grow flax in the south and west, and
if so why it was not done. The Commission made careful enquiries, and
reported that in both Munster and Connaught efforts had been made to
establish the industry (notably by the late Lord Bandon, one of the
much-abused landlord class, who had let land for the purpose at a
nominal charge, obtained seed and brought experts from the north
to instruct the people); that it had been proved that both soil and
climate were quite as well adapted for it as in Ulster; but that after
a few years the buyers refused any longer to purchase the flax as it
was so carelessly and badly prepared that it was valueless; and so
the industry had died out. In both south and west the people expressed
their readiness to revive it if a large grant were made to them by the
Government, but not otherwise.

Then again we may take the growth of the cities. It seems hard now to
realise that one reason why the people of Dublin opposed the Union was
because they feared lest, when their city ceased to be the capital,
Cork might grow into a great industrial centre and surpass it. Cork
has remained stationary ever since; Belfast, then an insignificant
country town, has become a city of 400,000 inhabitants, and the
customs from it alone are more than double those from all the rest of
Ireland put together. And what is true of Belfast is true also on a
smaller scale of all the other towns north of the Boyne.

This remarkable contrast between the progress of the north-east and
the stagnation of the rest of the country is no new thing. It has been
observed ever since the Union. So long ago as 1832 the Report of the
Commission on the linen manufacture of Ireland contained the following

"Political and religious animosities and dissensions, and
increasing agitation first for one object and then for
another have so destroyed confidence and shaken the bonds of
society--undermined men's principles and estranged
neighbour from neighbour, friend from friend, and class
from class--that, in lieu of observing any common effort
to ameliorate the condition of the people, we find every
proposition for this object, emanate from which party it may,
received with distrust by the other; maligned, perverted and
destroyed, to gratify the political purposes of a faction....
The comparative prosperity enjoyed by that portion of Ireland
where tranquillity ordinarily prevails, such as the Counties
Down, Antrim, and Derry, testify the capabilities of Ireland
to work out her own regeneration, when freed of the disturbing
causes which have so long impeded her progress in civilization
and improvement. We find there a population hardy, healthy and
employed; capital fast flowing into the district; new sources
of employment daily developing themselves; a people well
disposed alike to the government and institutions of their
country; and not distrustful and jealous of their superiors.
Contrast the social condition of these people with such
pictures as we have presented to us from other districts."

This energetic, self-reliant and prosperous community now see before
their eyes what the practical working of government by the League is.
They see it generally in the condition of the country, and especially
in the Dublin Convention of 1909, the narrow-minded administration of
the Local Government Act wherever the power of the League prevails,
and the insecurity for life and property in the west; they know also
that a Home Rule Government must mean increased taxation (as the
Nationalists themselves confess) which will probably--in fact, one may
almost say must certainly, as no other source is available--be thrown
on the Ulster manufactures; is it not therefore a matter of life and
death to them to resist it to the uttermost?

But as I have said, the great line of cleavage is religion. Here I
know that I shall be accused of "Orange bigotry." But I am not afraid
of the charge; first because I do not happen to be an Orangeman; and
secondly because I regard bigotry as the outcome of ignorance and
prejudice, and consider therefore that a calm examination of the
evidence is the very antithesis of bigotry. In order to make this
examination I desire in the first place to avoid the mistake that
Grattan made in judging the probabilities of the future from the
opinions of personal friends whom I like and respect, but who, as I
know (and regret to think), possess no influence whatever. I consider
that there are other data--such as works of authority, the action
of the public bodies, statements by men in prominent positions,
and articles in leading journals--from which it is safer to form
an estimate. The Ulstermen are content that the country should be
governed, as far as religion is concerned, on modern principles--that
is to say, in much the same way that England, Australia and New
Zealand are governed to-day. The Nationalists, whatever they may
say in England or the Colonies, have never in Ireland from the
commencement of the movement attempted to deny that their object is
to see Ireland governed on principles which are totally different
and which the Ulstermen detest. As long ago as 1886, the _Freeman's
Journal_, the leading Nationalist organ, said:--

"We contend that the good government of Ireland by England
is impossible ... the one people has not only accepted but
retained with inviolable constancy the Christian faith;
the other has not only rejected it, but has been for three
centuries the leader of the great apostasy, and is at this day
the principal obstacle to the conversion of the world."

And as recently as December 1912, Professor Nolan of Maynooth,
addressing the Roman Catholic students at the Belfast University,

"Humanly speaking, we are on the eve of Home Rule. We shall
have a free hand in the future. Let us use it well. This is
a Catholic country, and if we do not govern it on Catholic
lines, according to Catholic ideals, and to safe-guard
Catholic interests, it will be all the worse for the country
and all the worse for us. We have now a momentous opportunity
of changing the whole course of Irish history."

Then another of their papers, the _Rosary_, has said: "We have
played the game of tolerance until the game is played out"; and has
prophesied that under Home Rule the Church will become an irresistible
engine before whom all opposition must go down. And whatever the
educated laity may desire, no one who knows Ireland can doubt that
it is the clerical faction that will be all-powerful. The leading
ecclesiastics are trained at the Gregorian University at Rome; and
one of the Professors at that institution, in a work published in 1901
with the special approval of Pope Leo XIII, enunciated the doctrine
that it is the duty of a Christian State to put to death heretics
who have been condemned by the Ecclesiastical Court. Of course no one
supposes that such a thing will ever take place in Ireland; but what
the Ulstermen object to is putting themselves under the rule of
men who have been trained in such principles and believe them to be
approved by an infallible authority.

In 1904 some foreign merchants at Barcelona wished to build a church
for themselves. Republican feeling is so strong in the municipality
that permission was obtained without difficulty. But the bishop
at once protested and appealed to the King. The King wrote back a
sympathetic letter expressing his deep regret that he was unable to
prevent this fresh attack on the Catholic faith.

We are constantly being told that the tolerance and liberality shown
by the majority in Quebec is sufficient of itself to prove how foolish
are the apprehensions felt by the minority in Ireland. Well, I will
quote from a journal which cannot be accused of Protestant bias,
the _Irish Independent_, one of the leading organs of the
Nationalist-clerical party in Ireland:--

"(From our own Correspondent.)

"Montreal, Thursday.

"In connection with the celebration of the anniversary of
Wolfe's victory and death, which takes place in September,
prominent members of the Anglican Church have inaugurated a
movement for the erection of a Wolfe Memorial Chapel on
the Plains of Abraham. The organisers of the movement hope
ultimately to secure the transfer of the General's remains to
the chapel for interment on the scene of his victory.

"The population being largely French-Canadian Catholics, the
Catholic Church organ of Quebec strongly protests against
the erection of an Anglican chapel in the heart of a Catholic

Now if this conduct on the part of the Roman Catholic authorities is
quite right at Barcelona and Quebec, why is it "Orange bigotry"
to suggest that the same people may act in the same way at Cork or

Again, in 1910, a remarkable volume was published, written by Mrs.
Hugh Fraser, the sister of the novelist, Marion Crawford, entitled "A
Diplomat's Wife in Many Lands." The authoress was a very able woman,
who had travelled much and mixed in cultured society wherever she had
been; her book was highly reviewed by various English Magazines. She
tells the story of a child of Jewish parents living at Rome in the
days of Pope Pius IX, who was secretly baptized in infancy by a nurse,
and at the age of seven was forcibly taken from his parents and placed
in a Convent School. She explains that not only was this quite right,
but that such a course is inevitable in every country in which the
Church has power; and that the feelings of the heretic mother whose
child is taken from her are a fair subject of ridicule on the part of
good Catholics. Can Irish Protestants be accused of bigotry when they
contend that these writers mean what they say? English Nonconformists
argue that they ought to wait until the time comes and then either
fight or leave the country; but the Irish Protestants reply that it
is more sensible to take steps beforehand to ward off the danger. And
whether they are right or wrong, the fact remains that those are their
ideas, and that is their determination; and this is the situation
which must be faced if Home Rule is forced upon the people of Ulster.

By a striking coincidence, two meetings have recently been held on the
same day--the 16th of May 1913--which form an apt illustration of
the position adopted by the two parties. The first was a great
demonstration of Unionists at Belfast, organised in order to make a
further protest against the Bill and to perfect the organisation for
opposing it by force, if the necessity arises; the second was a large
meeting of the United Irish League at Mullingar. The Chairman, Mr.
Ginnell, M.P. (who has gained prominence and popularity by his skill
in arranging cattle-drives), said that the chief cause of the pressure
last session was to get the Home Rule Bill through its first stage. It
was still called a Home Rule Bill, though differing widely from
what most of them always understood by Home Rule. Deeply though he
regretted the Bill's defects and limitations, still he thought almost
any Parliament in Ireland was worth accepting--first, because it was
in some sense a recognition of the right to govern themselves; and
secondly, because even a crippled Parliament would give them fresh
leverage for complete freedom. No one could be silly enough to suppose
that an intelligent Ireland, having any sort of a Parliament of its
own, would be prevented by any promise given now by place-hunters,
from using that Parliament for true national purposes.

That no army which the Ulstermen can form will be able to stand
against British troops supported by cavalry and artillery is evident;
but it seems almost past belief that England should be ready to
plunge the country into civil war; or that British troops should march
out--with bands playing "Bloody England, we hate you still," or some
other inspiring Nationalist air--to shoot down Ulstermen who will come
to meet them waving the Union Jack and shouting "God save the King."
And if they do--what then? Lord Wolseley, when Commander-in-Chief in
Ireland in 1893, pointed out the probable effect on the British Army
in a letter to the Duke of Cambridge:--

"If ever our troops are brought into collision with the
loyalists of Ulster, and blood is shed, it will shake the
whole foundations upon which our army rests to such an extent
that I feel that our Army will never be the same again. Many
officers will resign to join Ulster, and there will be such
a host of retired officers in the Ulster ranks that men who
would stand by the Government no matter what it did, will be
worse than half-hearted in all they do. No army could stand
such a strain upon it."

And then England, having crushed her natural allies in Ulster, will
hand over the Government of Ireland to a party whose avowed object
is to break up the Empire and form a separate Republic. Dangers and
difficulties arose even when the independent legislature of Ireland
was in the hands of men who were loyal and patriotic in the noblest
sense of the term, and when there were in every district a certain
number of educated gentlemen of position who (as we have seen) were
always ready to risk their lives and fortunes for the defence of the
realm; what will happen when the loyal minority have been shot down,
driven out of the country, or forced into bitter hostility to the
Government who have betrayed and deserted them? As Lecky wrote years

"It is scarcely possible to over-estimate the danger
that would arise if the vast moral legislative, and even
administrative powers which every separate legislature must
necessarily possess, were exercised in any near and vital
part of the British Empire, by men who were disloyal to its
interests. To place the government of a country by a voluntary
and deliberate act in the hands of dishonest and disloyal men,
is perhaps the greatest crime that a public man can commit:
a crime which, in proportion to the strength and soundness of
national morality, must consign those who are guilty of it to
undying infamy."

If English people are so blind that they cannot perceive this,
foreigners, whose vision is clearer, have warned them. Bismarck said
that England, by granting Home Rule to Ireland, would dig its own
grave; and Admiral Mahan has recently written:--

"It is impossible for a military man or a statesman to look
at the map and not perceive that the ambition of the Irish
separatists, if realised, would be even more threatening to
the national life of Great Britain than the secession of the
South was to the American Union.

"The legislative supremacy of the British Parliament against
the assertion of which the American Colonists revolted
and which to-day would be found intolerable in Canada and
Australia cannot be yielded in the case of an island, where
independent action might very well be attended with fatal
consequences to its partner. The instrument for such action,
in the shape of an independent Parliament, could not be safely
trusted even to avowed friends."

So then, having reviewed the evidence as calmly and dispassionately as
I can, I answer the two questions which I propounded at the outset of
the enquiry--That the real objects of the Nationalists are the
total separation of Ireland from England and the establishment of an
Independent Republic; and that the men of Ulster in resisting them
to the uttermost are not merely justified on the ground of
self-preservation, but are in reality fighting for the cause of the


The following Report of the Annual Pilgrimage in memory of Wolfe Tone,
which took place on the 22nd of June last, and the article in the
_Leinster Leader_ (a prominent Nationalist journal) will show how
closely the Nationalists of to-day follow in the footsteps of Wolfe



(_From our Reporter_.)

On Sunday last the annual pilgrimage to the grave of Theobald Wolfe
Tone took place to Bodenstown churchyard. This year the numbers who
attended exceeded those of last year, about a thousand coming from
Dublin and another contingent from Tullamore, Clare, and Athlone. The
procession formed outside Sallins station was a most imposing one,
being made up of St. James' Brass Band and the Lorcan O'Toole Pipers'
Band and the Athlone Pipers' Band, the National Boy Scouts, the
Daughters of Erin, and members of the Wolfe Tone Memorial Clubs.

At the graveside demonstration, Mr. Thos. J. Clarke presided and said
it was a gratifying thing that numbers of their fellow-countrymen were
to-day swinging back to the old fighting line and taking pride in the
old Fenian principles. He introduced Mr. P.H. Pearse, B.A.

Mr. Pearse then came forward and delivered an eloquent and impressive
oration, first speaking in Irish. Speaking in English, he said they
had come to the holiest place in Ireland, holier to them than that
sacred spot where Patrick sleeps in Down. Patrick brought them life,
but Wolfe Tone died for them. Though many had testified in death
to the truth of Ireland's claim to Nationhood, Wolfe Tone was the
greatest of all that had made that testimony; he was the greatest of
Ireland's dead. They stood in the holiest place in Ireland, for what
spot of the Nation's soil could be holier than the spot in which the
greatest of her dead lay buried. He found it difficult to speak in
that place, and he knew they all partook of his emotion. There were
no strangers there for they were all in a sense own brothers to Tone
(hear, hear). They shared his faith, his hope still unrealised and
his great love. They had come there that day not merely to salute this
noble dust and to pay their homage to the noble spirit of Tone, but
to renew their adhesion to the faith of Tone and to express their
full acceptance of the gospel of which Tone had given such a clear
definition. That gospel had been taught before him by English-speaking
men, uttered half-articulately by Shan O'Neill, expressed in some
passionate metaphor by Geoffrey Keating, and hinted at by Swift in
some bitter jibe, but it was stated definitely and emphatically by
Wolfe Tone and it did not need to be ever again stated anew for any
new generation. Tone was great in mind, but he was still greater in
spirit. He had the clear vision of the prophet; he saw things as they
were and saw things as they would be. They owed more to this dead man
than they should be ever able to repay him by making pilgrimages to
his grave or building the stateliest monuments in the streets of
his city. They owed it to him that there was such a thing as Irish
Nationalism; to his memory and the memory of '98 they owed it that
there was any manhood left in Ireland (hear, hear). The soul of
Wolfe Tone was like a burning flame, a flame so pure, so ardent, so
generous, that to come into communion with it was as a new optimism
and regeneration. Let them try in some way to get into contact with
the spirit of Tone and possess themselves of its ardour. If they could
do that it would be a good thing for them and their country, because
they would carry away with them a new life from that place of death
and there would be a new resurrection of patriotic grace in their
souls (hear, hear). Let them think of Tone; think of his boyhood
and young manhood in Dublin and in Kildare; think of his adventurous
spirit and plans, think of his glorious failure at the bar, and his
healthy contempt for what he called a foolish wig and gown, think how
the call of Ireland came to him; think how he obeyed that call; think
how he put virility into the Catholic movement; think how this heretic
toiled to make freemen of Catholic helots (applause). Think how he
grew to love the real and historic Irish nation, and then there came
to him that clear conception that there must be in Ireland not three
nations but one; that Protestant and Dissenter must close in amity
with Catholic, and Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter must unite to
achieve freedom for all (applause). Let them consider the sacrifices
Tone had made; he had to leave so much. Never was there a man who was
so richly endowed as he was, he had so much love in his warm heart. He
(speaker) would rather have known Tone than any other man of whom he
ever read or heard. He never read of any one man who had more in him
of the heroic stuff than Tone had; how gaily and gallantly he had set
about the doing of a mighty thing. He (speaker) had always loved the
very name of Thomas Russell because Tone so loved him. To be Tone's
friend! What a privilege! for Tone had for his friends an immense
love, an immense charity. He had such love for his wife and children!
But such was the destiny of the heroes of their nation; they had
to stifle in their hearts all that love and that sweet music and to
follow only the faint voice that called them to the battlefield or to
the harder death at the foot of the gibbet. Tone heard that voice and
obeyed it and from his grave to-day he was calling on them and they
were there to answer his voice; and they pledged themselves to
carry out his programme to abolish the connection with England,
the never-failing source of political evils and to establish
the independence of their country, to abolish the memory of past
dissensions, and to replace for the denominations of Protestant,
Catholic and Dissenter, the common name of Irishman (applause).
In that programme was to be found the whole philosophy of Irish
Nationality; that programme included the philosophy of the Gaelic
League and of later prophets, and it was to that programme they
pledged their adhesion; they pledged it now at the graveside of Tone;
they pledged themselves to follow in the steps of Tone, never to rest
by day or night until this be accomplished, until Ireland be free
(applause); fighting on, not in despondency, but in great joy as Tone
fought; prizing it above all privileges, and hoping for the victory in
their own day. And if it should be granted to them in this generation
to complete the work that Tone's generation left unaccomplished! But
if that was not their destiny, they should fight on still, hoping
still, self-sacrificing still, knowing as they must know that causes
like this did not lose for ever, and that men like Tone did not die in
vain (applause).

The address having concluded, wreaths were placed on the grave by the
National Boy Scouts and the Inghanite Na h-Eireann.

During the afternoon an aeridheacht was held in an adjoining field at
which music, songs and recitations were contributed, and a thoroughly
enjoyable Irish-Ireland evening was spent.


The lifework of Theobald Wolfe Tone, for the subversion of English
Government in Ireland, and the supreme sacrifice he made in the mighty
effort to erect in its stead an independent Ireland free from all
foreign denomination and control, was fittingly commemorated on Sunday
last, when the annual pilgrimage took place to Bodenstown Churchyard,
where all that is mortal of the great patriot lie buried. The
pilgrimage this year was worthy of the cause and the man, and afforded
some object lessons in what might be accomplished by a cultivation of
those principles of discipline and devotion to duty, in the pursuit
of a glorious ideal, which Tone taught and adhered to throughout his
adventurous and brilliant career. The well-ordered procession,
the ready obedience to the commands of the marshals, the intense
earnestness of the multitude, and the display made by the youths--the
national boy scouts--their military bearing, and the bands and banners
which interspersed the procession as it marched from Sallins to
Bodenstown was a spectacle which pleased the eye and stirred the
emotions. Everything in connection with the pilgrimage was carried out
with a close attention to detail, and military-like precision which
must have been very acceptable to the great patriot in whose honour
it was organised, were he but permitted to gaze from the great Unknown
upon this practical demonstration of the perpetuation of the spirit
which animated him and his time, in the struggle against English
misrule, and the love and veneration in which he is still held, after
the lapse of the century and more that has passed since he made the
final sacrifice of his life in the cause of freedom. Tone done to
death did not die in vain. The truth of this was evident in the
character of the pilgrimage on Sunday last, when all that is best and
purest in patriotism in the land assembled at his graveside, to renew
fealty to the aims and ideals for which he suffered and died, and to
hear the gospel of Irish nationality preached and expounded as he knew
and inculcated it in his day. A fusion of forces, and the cultivation
of a spirit and bond of brotherhood and friendship amongst Irishmen
in the common cause, were his methods to attain the great ideal of
a separate and distinct nationality, for then, as to-day, the chief
obstacle to freedom and nationhood was not so much English domination
in itself, as want of cohesion, faction, and the disruption caused
by alien traditions and teachings. This was the prevailing spirit of
Sunday's commemoration, and as the great mass of people filed past in
orderly array and knelt, prayed, and laid wreaths on the lonely grave,
the solemnity and impressiveness of the occasion was intensified.
In the suppressed murmurs, and silent gaze on the tomb of the mighty
dead, one could recognise the eagerness and the hope for another Tone
to arise to complete the work which he promoted, and vindicate the
purity of the motives which moved men like the leaders of '98 to do
and dare for all, and to "substitute the common name of Irishman
for Catholic, Protestant, and Dissenter." The promoters, too, were
fortunate in their choice of orator for the occasion. Mr. P.H. Pearse
did full justice to the occasion, and in language, beautiful and
impressive, pictured the man and his movements and the lessons to be
drawn by us to-day from the lifework of leaders in thought and action
like Tone. Close and consistent adhesion to principles of patriotism
and a readiness of self-sacrifice in the pursuit of those principles,
were his distinguishing characteristics all through life, and if we in
our time would emulate the example of Tone and his times, we must also
be ready when the call came to meet any demand made upon us for the
promotion of our national welfare. The orator of the day rightly, in
our opinion, described that hallowed spot in Bodenstown as one of the
holiest places in Ireland to-day, from the nationalist standpoint,
holding as it does the ashes of the man who, without friends, money or
influence to help him, and by sheer force of character, intensity of
purpose and earnestness, prevailed upon the greatest emperor-general
the world has ever seen Napoleon Bonaparte, to make a descent on
Ireland, in order to aid our starved, tortured, and persecuted people
to shake off the shackles that kept them in slavery, and elevate
Ireland once more to the dignity of full, free, and untrammelled
nationhood. We are all familiar with the events following this great
effort of Tone's, and the dark chapters that closed a glorious career.
All that is mortal of Tone is in the keeping of Kildare, and it is
a trust that we feel sure is not alone felt to be a high honour,
but which cannot fail to keep the cultivation of a high standard of
nationality before the people in whose midst repose the remains of one
of Ireland's greatest sons. Ireland, from the centre to the sea,
was represented in Sunday's great gathering to commemorate the
achievements of Wolfe Tone, and the occasion was honoured first by
the large and representative character of the throng, secondly by the
decorum observed all through the day's proceedings, and thirdly, by
the regularity and precision which attended the entire arrangements.
There was just one other feature which must have been very gratifying
to those identified with the organisation of the pilgrimage,
namely: the large proportion of ladies and young people, coming long
distances, who made up the gathering. And they were by no means the
least enthusiastic of the throng. This enthusiasm amongst our young
people is one of the most encouraging and promising signs of the
times, serving as it does to demonstrate the undying spirit of Irish
nationality, and the perpetuation of those principles to which Tone
devoted his time, talents, and eventually made the supreme sacrifice
of his life in having inculcated amongst his people. It is a glorious
legacy, and one that has ever been cherished with veneration for the
men who left it. He died a martyr to the cause he espoused, but his
memory and the cause live. The living blaze he and his co-workers, in
the cause of Irish freedom, kindled has never been completely stamped
out, and it still smoulders, and has occasionally burst into flame
only to be temporarily extinguished in the blood and tears of our
bravest and best who never forgot the teachings of Tone. And now, when
the sky is bright once more, and every circumstance portends the dawn
of a new era, full of hope and promise for the ultimate realisation
of those ideals for which thousands of our race have sacrificed their
lives, the spark of nationality which, even since Tone's death, has
repeatedly leaped into flame, still glows fitfully to remind us that
come what may it remains undying and unquenchable, a beacon to light
us on the path to freedom should disappointment and dashed hopes again
darken the outlook.


Abjuration, oath of, 51.
Absentees, 65, 138, 139.
Acton, Lord, 37.
Adrian, Pope, 13.
Agrarian outrages, 152, 196-202, 210-215.
Agriculture, Department of, 161, 163.
Alexander, Pope, 14.
Alfred the Great, 9.
American War of Independence, 63, 72, 73, 83.
Anglican Church in Ireland, 27, 28, 60, 143, 144, 236.
Anne, Queen, 63.
Arkins, P., 210, 211.
Arklow, battle of, 109.
Armagh, Bishop of, 7.
Ashbourne Act, 159.
Ashtown, Lord, 203, 204.
Asquith, Rt. Hon. H.H., 129, 207.
Athenry founded by Normans, 17.

Balfour, Rt. Hon. Arthur J., 156, 160, 164.
Balfour, Rt. Hon. Gerald, 168.
Baltimore, Lord, 38.
Bandon, Lord, 238.
Bannatyne, Mr., 214.
Barcelona, Church at, 243, 244.
Belfast, growth of, 239;
meeting at, 245;
persons employed by Corporation of, 174, 175;
University, 176, 193, 205.
Berkeley, Bishop, 120.
Biggar, J.G., 145.
Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine, Chief Secretary, 160, 167, 173,
174, 197, 198, 200-205, 211, 216, 236.
Bismarck, Prince, 248.
Blake, W., 198.
"Board of Erin," 184.
Boers, Nationalist sympathy with, 170.
Borromeo, San Carlo, 54.
Bossuet, 54.
Bounties granted by Irish Parliament, 80.
Boy Scouts, 193.
Boycotting, 86, 148, 149, 153.
Boyne, battle of the, 48.
Brady, J., 145, 146.
Brian Boroo, 8, 9, 19.
Bright, John, 154, 159.
Brook, 57.
Browne estate, 168.
Bruce, Edward, invasion by, 19, 26, 91.
Bruce, King Robert, 17, 19, 26.
Bryce, Rt. Hon. James, Chief Secretary, 194, 195, 197.
Bulls, Papal, 13-15.
Burke, Mr., Under Secretary, murder of, 146, 153.
Busby, Mr., 157.
Butt, Isaac, advocates Home Rule, 145.

Carey, James, 145.
Carlow, rebellion in, 109.
"Carrion Crows," 202.
Castlebar, capture of by the French, 112.
Castledawson outrage, 216, 217.
Castlereagh, Lord, 126, 128.
Catholic University Medical School, 176.
Cattle driving, 167, 195-202.
Cavan, raid by septs of, 7.
Cavendish, murder of Lord F., 146, 153.
Celts, 5-14, 20, 23, 24, 31.
Charlemont, Lord, 93.
Charles I, 40-42.
Charles II, 44.
Chicago Convention, 155.
Childers, Erskine, 222.
Church, Celtic. See Celts of Ireland.
See Anglican Church.
Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston, 209.
Clan-na-gael, 147, 185.
Clare, state of, in 1912, 210-214.
Clare, Lord, 81, 84, 85, 111.
Clerkenwell explosion, 143.
Clontarf, battle of, 9.
"Coalition Ministry," 208.
"Coigne and livery," 11.
College of Surgeons, Dublin, 176.
Condon, O'Meagher, 96, 184, 185.
Confiscations, 30, 42, 43, 57, 150.
Congested Districts Board, 164-168.
Connaught, Celtic raids into, 7;
lands in, given to rebels, 42;
rebellion in, 112.
Conolly, Mr., 215.
Convention in Dublin in 1909, 206, 207, 240.
Cooke, Mr., Under Secretary, 111.
Co-operative Credit Banks, 162, 163.
Co-operative Farming Societies, 161-163.
Cork, Medical School at, 176;
persons employed by County Council of, 175.
Corn Laws, repeal of the, 136.
Cornwallis, Lord, 123, 129.
County Councils, 168-178, 191, 193.
Covenant, Ulster. See Ulster Covenant.
Cowper Commission, 149.
Crewe, Lord, 201.
Crimes Act of 1887, 157, 158, 194.
Crimes Prevention Act, 153, 157.
Croke, Archbishop, 144, 156.
Cromwell and Cromwellians, 38, 42, 44, 57, 66, 67, 106.
Crosbie, Mr., 216.
Curley, D., 145, 146.

_Daily News_, 200.
Daly, J., 195.
Danes, 8, 9, 13.
Davies, Sir, J., 5.
Davitt, Michael, 145, 167, 238.
Declaratory Act of George I, 74, 229.
Defenders, 87.
Department of Agriculture, 161, 163.
Derry, siege of, 47.
Desmond rebellion, 34.
Devlin, J., 96, 146, 182.
Devoy, J., 94, 146.
Dicey, Professor A.V., 228.
Dillon, John, 97, 156, 184, 234.
Dillon estate, 165.
Disestablishment of the Irish Church, 143, 144, 236.
Dispensary doctors, appointment of, 176, 177.
District Councils, 161, 168, 178.
Down, Celtic raid into, 7.
Dublin, founded by Danes, 8, 9;
Bishopric of, 8, 9;
Henry II at, 16;
Simnel crowned at, 22;
rebellion in neighbourhood of, 104, 109;
Convention at, in 1909, 206, 207, 240.
Dudley, Lord, 166.
"Dynamite Party," 147.

Edward III, 20.
Edward VI, 29, 31.
Eighty Club, 162.
Elizabeth, Queen, 4, 27, 28, 33, 48, 91.
Emancipation, Roman Catholic, 134.
Emigration, 139, 140.
Emmett, R., 95, 132, 182.
Endowment of R.C. Church proposed, 134.
Ersefied Normans, 18, 20.
Esmonde, Dr., 105.
Exchequers, amalgamation of, 135.

"Fair rents," 150.
Famine. See Potato famine.
Fenianism, 142, 144, 145, 147.
Feudal system, 14, 26.
Firbolgs, 5.
FitzGerald rebellion, 25, 27, 31.
FitzGibbon, J., 167, 171.
Fitzpatrick, case of Mrs., 210, 211.
Fiudir, 11.
Flax. See Linen.
"Flight of the Earls," 36.
Ford, Patrick, 146, 152, 154, 155.
Forster, Rt. Hon. W.E., Chief Secretary, 148.
Foster, Speaker, 126.
France, persecution in, 30, 37, 38, 45-48;
war with, 72, 73;
religious thought in, 76;
revolution in, 87, 101, 236;
invasions by, 91, 92, 111, 112.
Franklin, Benjamin, 73.
Fraser, Mrs. Hugh, 244.
_Freeman's Journal_, 170, 241.
_Frontier Sentinel_, 2.

Gaelic League, 186-193.
Galway, founded by Normans, 17;
Medical School at, 176;
persons employed by County Council of, 175;
state of, in 1912, 215.
Games, English, forbidden, 193.
Gaughran, Bishop, 4.
Gavelkind, 11, 12.
General Council of County Councils, 172, 173, 186.
George III, 68.
Germany, persecution in, 37, 38;
Nationalist hopes of aid from, 93, 98, 99.
Ginnell, L., 196, 245.
Gladstone, Rt. Hon. W.E., 6, 95, 143, 148, 150, 152-155,
Grand juries, 178.
Grattan, 74-77, 93, 100, 120, 126.
"Grievances from Ireland," 203.
Gwynn, Stephen, 174.

Habeus Corpus, suppression of, 69.
Henry II, 14, 15, 20, 36.
Henry VII, 22.
Henry VIII, 24, 26, 28, 29.
Hibernians, Ancient Order of, 184, 216.
Hobhouse, Rt. Hon. C.E., 208.
Hobson, B., 98.
Holland, intended invasion from, 101, 102.
Home Rule, 145, 155.
Home Rule Bill, of 1886, 154;
of 1893, 179, 221;
of 1912, 208, 218-231, 245.
Huguenots, 30, 45, 47, 55.
Hyde, Dr. Douglas, 97.

Incumbered Estates Act, 138, 150.
Independence of Ireland real object of Nationalists, 173,181,
182, 185, 186, 241, 242, 246-248.
And see Republic.
Ingram, Dr. Dunbar on the Union, 118-129.
Insurance Act, 1911, 185.
"Invincibles," the, 147.
Irish Agricultural Organization Society, 161, 162.
Irish brigade in France, 92.
_Irish Freedom_, 94.
_Irish Independent_, 243.
Irish language, 186-193.
_Irish Review_, 188.
Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood, 145, 147.
"Irish services," 227.

Jacobinism, 87, 89, 101, 236.
James I, 38, 40.
James II, 43, 44, 47, 49-51.
Jews, persecution of the, 58.

Kabyles, 55.
Kenny, Mr. Justice, 197.
Kettle, A.J., 183.
Kettle, T.M., 97.
Kickham, 95.
Kildare, church burnt at, 7;
rebellion in, 105.
Kilkenny, founded by Normans, 17;
statutes of, 20;
rebellion in, 109.
Killala, French landing at, 111.
Killaloe, R.C. Bishop of, 212-214.
Kiltimagh case, 177.
King, title of, taken by Henry VIII, 27.
Kings, Celtic, of Ireland, 10.
King's County, plantation of, 29, 30;
persons employed by County Council of, 175.

Labourer's Cottages Act, 160, 161.
Lalor, J.F., 141, 142, 153, 172.
Land Acts from 1870 to 1887, 140, 150-152, 159.
Land Court, 150, 197.
Land League, 147, 148, 152, 181, 182.
Land Purchase Acts, 158, 159.
Land tenure, tribal, 6;
primogeniture, 11, 12;
gavelkind, 11, 12;
in the 18th century, 65, 66.
Laws of England, attempted introduction of, 18;
made binding in Ireland, 22.
Lecky, Dr. W.E.H., 41, 44, 110, 117, 130, 247.
_Leinster Leader_, 95, 249.
Leitrim, raid by septs of, 7.
Leo XIII, Pope, 242.
Light Railways Act, 160.
Limerick, founded by Danes, 8;
Scotch invasion of, 19;
church windows broken at, 216.
Linen industry, 62, 63, 238, 239.
Local Government Act, 1898, 168-178, 180, 240.
Loise, persecution in the, 28.
Louis XIV, 43, 45-48, 53.
Louis XVI, 101, 102.

MacAlpine, Kennett, 9.
McBride, Major, 98, 99.
MacDonnell, Lord, 166.
McKenna, Thomas, 79, 126.
McNicholas, Rev. J.T., 85.
MacSeamus, T., 188.
Magdeburg, sacking of, 42.
Magistrates, appointment of, 179, 180.
Magnus, Sir P., 205.
Mahan, Admiral, 248.
"Manchester Martyrs," 96-98, 144, 145, 192.
Maori customary claims, 39.
Marriage, law of R.C. Church as to, 85.
Maryborough, 30.
Maryland, 38.
Mayo County Council, 170.
Maunsell, R., 214.
Maynooth, foundation of, 88, 204.
Metropolitan Police Act, 157.
"Middlemen," 65.
_Midland Tribune_, 234.
Mitchell, J., 95, 97, 142.
"Molly Maguires," 184.
Morley, Rt. Hon. John, Chief Secretary, 165, 179.
Mountcashel, Lord, 53.
Munster, raid by men of, 7.
Murphy, Father Michael, 109.
Mutiny Act, 74.

Nantes, revocation of Edict of, 30, 38, 45-48.
Napoleon, 91.
"Nation," meaning of word, 222.
National University, 191, 192, 205, 206.
Nationalists, real objects of, 3, 93-99, 248.
And see Independence; Republic.
Netherlands, persecution in the, 4, 33, 34.
New Zealand, 39, 157, 218-220, 241.
Nolan, Professor, 242.
"No Rent" proclamation, 153, 156.
Normans, character of, 17;
adoption of Celtic customs by, 18;
rebellions by, 23-25, 33, 34, 36.

Oakboys, 69.
O'Brien, Smith, 96, 140.
O'Brien, William, 95.
O'Connell, Daniel, misstatements by, as to the Union, 116;
leads agitation for emancipation, 134;
and for repeal, 140.
O'Connor, T.P., 146.
O'Donnell, Bishop, 165.
O'Hara, Rev. D., 165.
O'Mahony, Mr., 41.
O'Mara, Mrs., 213.
O'Neill, Shan, 33, 34, 39.
Orange Society, foundation of, 90, 91.
Outrages, Agrarian. See Agrarian outrages.

Pale, the English, 20-22, 24, 25, 31.
Parliament, Irish, 21-24, 35, 63-65, 69-71;
becomes independent, 74, 77-79;
disqualification of votes for, abolished, 84;
religious test for, not abolished, 84, 87;
proposed reform of, 87, 88;
criticized, 130, 131.
See also Regency question.
Parnell, C.S., 95, 96, 145, 156, 232.
Parnell Commission, 147.
Paul III, Pope, 26.
Peel, Sir Robert, 122, 205.
"Peep of Day Boys," 87, 90.
Penal Laws, the, 49-58, 63, 70, 72, 79, 82, 83.
Persecution, 4, 23, 32, 37, 38, 40, 43, 45-48,
52-54, 242.
Philip and Mary, 29, 39.
Philip II of Spain, 28, 32, 33, 91.
Philipstown, 30.
"Physical Force Party," the, 147.
Pitt, William, commercial treaty proposed by, 78;
views of, on the Union, 122.
Pius V, Pope, 37.
"Plan of Campaign," the, 155.
"Plantations," 30, 31, 33, 38.
Plowden, F., 126.
Plunket, Lord, 132.
Plunkett, Rt. Hon. Sir Horace, 161.
Portugal, persecution in, 37, 48, 53.
Potato famine, 136, 137, 139.
Poyning's Act, 22, 74, 229.
Pretender, the, 50, 51.
Primogeniture, 11, 12.
Prosperous, attack on the, 105.
"Protestant ascendancy," 59, 101.
Protestant Home Rulers, 233, 234.
Puritans, 40, 42.

Queen's County, plantation of, 29, 30.
Queen's University, 205.
Quakers, emigration aided by, 139.

Raffeisen system, 162.
Rebellion of 1641, 40-42.
Rebellions of 1715 and 1745, 52.
Rebellion of 1798, rise of, in Ulster, 86, 102;
becomes religious, 103, 105;
in Leinster, 104, 105;
in Wexford, 105-108, 110;
in Kilkenny, Carlow and Wicklow, 109;
in Connaught, 112;
amnesty after, 109;
effects of, 114.
Rebellion of 1805, 132.
Redmond, John, 95, 146, 162, 169, 171, 174, 175, 199,
201, 207-209, 215.
Redmond, William, 107, 108.
Reformation, 26-28.
Regency question, 80-82.
Registration of Titles Act, 1891, 160.
Rent, agitation against, 148, 153, 154.
Repeal Association, statement by, as to Rebellion, 108.
"Reserved Services," 227.
Republic, rebels of 1798 sought to establish, 93;
object of Nationalists, 94-99, 147, 248.
And see Independence.
Richard II, 20.
Richey, Professor, 12, 13, 21, 24.
_Rosary, The_, 242.
Rosen, Conrade de, 47.
Ross, Mr. Justice, 168, 197.
Rossa, O'Donovan, 146.
Royal University, 205.
Russell, Rt. Hon. T.W., 163.

Saffron dress, 19, 192.
St. Vincent, Cape, 102.
Savoy, persecution in, 37, 45, 48, 54.
Salisbury, Lord, 154.
Scholarships, 191, 192.
Scotland, Norman kingdom of, 17;
invasion of Ireland from, 19, 33;
Union of, with England, 63, 119, 120.
Scott, Sir Walter, 237.
Scullabogue barn, massacre at, 110.
Scully, Mr., 204.
Settlement, Act of, 43-45.
Separation. See Independence;
Sevigne, Madame de, 46, 47.
Simnel, Lambert, 22, 82.
Sinn Fein, 185, 186.
Slave trade, 58.
Smith, Adam, 120.
Societies, secret, 68, 69, 181.
Spain, 27, 28, 30, 32, 34, 37, 40, 48, 53, 55, 72,
76, 101.
Spenser, Edmund, 35.
"Steelboys," 69.
Sullivan, A.M., 136, 137, 140.
Swayne, Captain, 105.
Sweetman, J., 186.

Tithes, 68, 69, 134, 135.
Tone, Wolfe, 89, 91-97, 101, 102, 111, 112, 121, 182,
193, 218, 249-258.
Trade, restrictions on Irish, 63, 64;
abolition of, 74,
Tribal tenure of land, 6.
Trinity College, Dublin, 70, 176.
Tyrconnell, flight of Earl of, 36.
Tyrone, raid by men of, 7.
Tyrone, flight of Earl of, 36.
Tyrrell, Father, 5.

Ulster Covenant, 1, 235.
Ulster, Scotch invasion of, 19, 33;
plantation of, 39;
rebellion of 1641 in, 41;
volunteer movement in, 72, 102, 237;
rebellion of 1798 in, 86, 102.
Union, suggested in time of Queen Anne, 63;
necessity of, seen by Pitt, 78;
became probable in 1797, 100;
rebellion made inevitable, 115;
mis-statements as to, 116;
feelings of people as to, 117, 118;
previous efforts towards, 119;
really caused by Parliament becoming independent, 120-123;
proposed, 123;
discussed, 124;
approved by R.C. Church, 125;
carried, 126;
charges of bribery concerning, 127-129;
cannot now be reversed, 130;
prosperity of Ireland after, 133.
United Irish League, 163, 166, 167, 171, 180-183, 203, 235,
United Irish Society, 87, 88, 91.
Universities. See Trinity College, Dublin;
Queen's University;
Royal University;
Belfast University;
National University.
University College, Cork, 205;
Galway, 205.

Victoria, Queen, 39.
Vinegar Hill, massacre at, 105-107.
Volunteer movement, 72, 102, 237.

Waitangi, Treaty of, 39.
Waldenses, persecution of, 43, 53.
Walsh, T., 195.
Waterford, founded by Danes, 8;
Henry II lands at, 16.
Waterford Corporation and Mr. Scully, 204.
Westmeath, persons employed by County Council of, 175.
Wexford, raid by men of, 7;
landing of Spaniards at, 34;
rebellion in, 105-107, 110;
monuments of rebels in, 108.
White, P., 195.
Whiteboys, 69.
William III, 47.
Wolfe, memorial to General, 243, 244.
Wolseley, letter from Lord, 246.
Wright, Mr. Justice, 182.
Wyndham Act, 159.

_Sherratt and Hughes, Printers, London and Manchester._


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