Leviathan
by
Thomas Hobbes
Part 11 out of 11
secundary causes of naturall events; they render none at all, but
empty words. If you desire to know why some kind of bodies sink
naturally downwards toward the Earth, and others goe naturally from it;
The Schools will tell you out of Aristotle, that the bodies that sink
downwards, are Heavy; and that this Heavinesse is it that causes them
to descend: But if you ask what they mean by Heavinesse, they will
define it to bee an endeavour to goe to the center of the Earth: so that
the cause why things sink downward, is an Endeavour to be below: which is
as much as to say, that bodies descend, or ascend, because they doe.
Or they will tell you the center of the Earth is the place of Rest,
and Conservation for Heavy things; and therefore they endeavour
to be there: As if Stones, and Metalls had a desire, or could discern
the place they would bee at, as Man does; or loved Rest, as Man does not;
or that a peece of Glasse were lesse safe in the Window,
than falling into the Street.
Quantity Put Into Body Already Made
If we would know why the same Body seems greater (without adding to it)
one time, than another; they say, when it seems lesse, it is Condensed;
when greater, Rarefied. What is that Condensed, and Rarefied?
Condensed, is when there is in the very same Matter, lesse Quantity
than before; and Rarefied, when more. As if there could be Matter,
that had not some determined Quantity; when Quantity is nothing else
but the Determination of Matter; that is to say of Body, by which we say
one Body is greater, or lesser than another, by thus, or thus much.
Or as if a Body were made without any Quantity at all, and that
afterwards more, or lesse were put into it, according as it is intended
the Body should be more, or lesse Dense.
Powring In Of Soules
For the cause of the Soule of Man, they say, Creatur Infundendo,
and Creando Infunditur: that is, "It is Created by Powring it in,"
and "Powred in by Creation."
Ubiquity Of Apparition
For the Cause of Sense, an ubiquity of Species; that is, of the Shews
or Apparitions of objects; which when they be Apparitions to the Eye,
is Sight; when to the Eare, Hearing; to the Palate, Tast;
to the Nostrill, Smelling; and to the rest of the Body, Feeling.
Will, The Cause Of Willing
For cause of the Will, to doe any particular action, which is called
Volitio, they assign the Faculty, that is to say, the Capacity
in generall, that men have, to will sometimes one thing,
sometimes another, which is called Voluntas; making the Power
the cause of the Act: As if one should assign for cause of the
good or evill Acts of men, their Ability to doe them.
Ignorance An Occult Cause
And in many occasions they put for cause of Naturall events,
their own Ignorance, but disguised in other words: As when they say,
Fortune is the cause of things contingent; that is, of things
whereof they know no cause: And as when they attribute many
Effects to Occult Qualities; that is, qualities not known to them;
and therefore also (as they thinke) to no Man else. And to Sympathy,
Antipathy, Antiperistasis, Specificall Qualities, and other like Termes,
which signifie neither the Agent that produceth them, nor the Operation
by which they are produced.
If such Metaphysiques, and Physiques as this, be not Vain Philosophy,
there was never any; nor needed St. Paul to give us warning to avoid it.
One Makes The Things Incongruent,
Another The Incongruity
And for their Morall, and Civill Philosophy, it hath the same,
or greater absurdities. If a man doe an action of Injustice,
that is to say, an action contrary to the Law, God they say is the prime
cause of the Law, and also the prime cause of that, and all other Actions;
but no cause at all of the Injustice; which is the Inconformity of the
Action to the Law. This is Vain Philosophy. A man might as well say,
that one man maketh both a streight line, and a crooked, and another
maketh their Incongruity. And such is the Philosophy of all men that
resolve of their Conclusions, before they know their Premises;
pretending to comprehend, that which is Incomprehensible;
and of Attributes of Honour to make Attributes of Nature;
as this distinction was made to maintain the Doctrine of Free-Will,
that is, of a Will of man, not subject to the Will of God.
Private Appetite The Rule Of Publique Good:
Aristotle, and other Heathen Philosophers define Good, and Evill,
by the Appetite of men; and well enough, as long as we consider them
governed every one by his own Law: For in the condition of men that
have no other Law but their own Appetites, there can be no generall
Rule of Good, and Evill Actions. But in a Common-wealth this measure
is false: Not the Appetite of Private men, but the Law, which is the Will
and Appetite of the State is the measure. And yet is this Doctrine
still practised; and men judge the Goodnesse, or Wickednesse of their own,
and of other mens actions, and of the actions of the Common-wealth
it selfe, by their own Passions; and no man calleth Good or Evill,
but that which is so in his own eyes, without any regard at all to the
Publique Laws; except onely Monks, and Friers, that are bound by Vow
to that simple obedience to their Superiour, to which every Subject ought
to think himself bound by the Law of Nature to the Civill Soveraign.
And this private measure of Good, is a Doctrine, not onely Vain,
but also Pernicious to the Publique State.
And That Lawfull Marriage Is Unchastity:
It is also Vain and false Philosophy, to say the work of Marriage
is repugnant to Chastity, or Continence, and by consequence
to make them Morall Vices; as they doe, that pretend Chastity,
and Continence, for the ground of denying Marriage to the Clergy.
For they confesse it is no more, but a Constitution of the Church,
that requireth in those holy Orders that continually attend the Altar,
and administration of the Eucharist, a continuall Abstinence from women,
under the name of continuall Chastity, Continence, and Purity.
Therefore they call the lawfull use of Wives, want of Chastity,
and Continence; and so make Marriage a Sin, or at least a thing
so impure, and unclean, as to render a man unfit for the Altar.
If the Law were made because the use of Wives is Incontinence,
and contrary to Chastity, then all marriage is vice; If because it is
a thing too impure, and unclean for a man consecrated to God;
much more should other naturall, necessary, and daily works
which all men doe, render men unworthy to bee Priests, because
they are more unclean.
But the secret foundation of this prohibition of Marriage of Priests,
is not likely to have been laid so slightly, as upon such errours
in Morall Philosophy; nor yet upon the preference of single life,
to the estate of Matrimony; which proceeded from the wisdome
of St. Paul, who perceived how inconvenient a thing it was,
for those that in those times of persecution were Preachers
of the Gospel, and forced to fly from one countrey to another,
to be clogged with the care of wife and children; but upon the design
of the Popes, and Priests of after times, to make themselves the Clergy,
that is to say, sole Heirs of the Kingdome of God in this world;
to which it was necessary to take from them the use of Marriage,
because our Saviour saith, that at the coming of his Kingdome
the Children of God shall "neither Marry, nor bee given in Marriage,
but shall bee as the Angels in heaven;" that is to say, Spirituall.
Seeing then they had taken on them the name of Spirituall,
to have allowed themselves (when there was no need) the propriety
of Wives, had been an Incongruity.
And That All Government But Popular, Is Tyranny:
From Aristotles Civill Philosophy, they have learned, to call all manner
of Common-wealths but the Popular, (such as was at that time the state
of Athens,) Tyranny. All Kings they called Tyrants; and the Aristocracy
of the thirty Governours set up there by the Lacedemonians that
subdued them, the thirty Tyrants: As also to call the condition
of the people under the Democracy, Liberty. A Tyrant originally
signified no more simply, but a Monarch: But when afterwards
in most parts of Greece that kind of government was abolished,
the name began to signifie, not onely the thing it did before,
but with it, the hatred which the Popular States bare towards it:
As also the name of King became odious after the deposing of the Kings
in Rome, as being a thing naturall to all men, to conceive some
great Fault to be signified in any Attribute, that is given in despight,
and to a great Enemy. And when the same men shall be displeased
with those that have the administration of the Democracy, or Aristocracy,
they are not to seek for disgraceful names to expresse their anger in;
but call readily the one Anarchy, and the other Oligarchy,
or the Tyranny Of A Few. And that which offendeth the People,
is no other thing, but that they are governed, not as every one
of them would himselfe, but as the Publique Representant, be it one Man,
or an Assembly of men thinks fit; that is, by an Arbitrary government:
for which they give evill names to their Superiors; never knowing
(till perhaps a little after a Civill warre) that without such
Arbitrary government, such Warre must be perpetuall; and that
it is Men, and Arms, not Words, and Promises, that make the
Force and Power of the Laws.
That Not Men, But Law Governs
And therefore this is another Errour of Aristotles Politiques,
that in a wel ordered Common-wealth, not Men should govern, but the Laws.
What man, that has his naturall Senses, though he can neither write
nor read, does not find himself governed by them he fears,
and beleeves can kill or hurt him when he obeyeth not? or that beleeves
the Law can hurt him; that is, Words, and Paper, without the Hands,
and Swords of men? And this is of the number of pernicious Errors:
for they induce men, as oft as they like not their Governours,
to adhaere to those that call them Tyrants, and to think it lawfull
to raise warre against them: And yet they are many times cherished
from the Pulpit, by the Clergy.
Laws Over The Conscience
There is another Errour in their Civill Philosophy (which they never
learned of Aristotle, nor Cicero, nor any other of the Heathen,)
to extend the power of the Law, which is the Rule of Actions onely,
to the very Thoughts, and Consciences of men, by Examination,
and Inquisition of what they Hold, notwithstanding the Conformity
of their Speech and Actions: By which, men are either punished
for answering the truth of their thoughts, or constrained to answer
an untruth for fear of punishment. It is true, that the Civill
Magistrate, intending to employ a Minister in the charge of Teaching,
may enquire of him, if hee bee content to Preach such, and such Doctrines;
and in case of refusall, may deny him the employment: But to force him
to accuse himselfe of Opinions, when his Actions are not by Law forbidden,
is against the Law of Nature; and especially in them, who teach,
that a man shall bee damned to Eternall and extream torments, if he die
in a false opinion concerning an Article of the Christian Faith.
For who is there, that knowing there is so great danger in an error,
when the naturall care of himself, compelleth not to hazard his Soule
upon his own judgement, rather than that of any other man that
is unconcerned in his damnation?
Private Interpretation Of Law
For a Private man, without the Authority of the Common-wealth,
that is to say, without permission from the Representant thereof,
to Interpret the Law by his own Spirit, is another Error in
the Politiques; but not drawn from Aristotle, nor from any other
of the Heathen Philosophers. For none of them deny, but that in
the Power of making Laws, is comprehended also the Power of
Explaining them when there is need. And are not the Scriptures,
in all places where they are Law, made Law by the Authority
of the Common-wealth, and consequently, a part of the Civill Law?
Of the same kind it is also, when any but the Soveraign restraineth
in any man that power which the Common-wealth hath not restrained:
as they do, that impropriate the Preaching of the Gospell to
one certain Order of men, where the Laws have left it free.
If the State give me leave to preach, or teach; that is, if it
forbid me not, no man can forbid me. If I find my selfe amongst
the Idolaters of America, shall I that am a Christian, though not
in Orders, think it a sin to preach Jesus Christ, till I have
received Orders from Rome? or when I have preached, shall not
I answer their doubts, and expound the Scriptures to them;
that is shall I not Teach? But for this may some say, as also
for administring to them the Sacraments, the necessity shall be
esteemed for a sufficient Mission; which is true: But this is true also,
that for whatsoever, a dispensation is due for the necessity,
for the same there needs no dispensation, when there is no Law
that forbids it. Therefore to deny these Functions to those, to whom
the Civill Soveraigne hath not denyed them, is a taking away of a
lawfull Liberty, which is contrary to the Doctrine of Civill Government.
Language Of Schoole-Divines
More examples of Vain Philosophy, brought into Religion by the Doctors
of Schoole-Divinity, might be produced; but other men may if they please
observe them of themselves. I shall onely adde this, that the Writings
of Schoole-Divines, are nothing else for the most part, but insignificant
Traines of strange and barbarous words, or words otherwise used,
then in the common use of the Latine tongue; such as would pose Cicero,
and Varro, and all the Grammarians of ancient Rome. Which if any man
would see proved, let him (as I have said once before) see whether
he can translate any Schoole-Divine into any of the Modern tongues,
as French, English, or any other copious language: for that which cannot
in most of these be made Intelligible, is no Intelligible in the Latine.
Which Insignificancy of language, though I cannot note it for
false Philosophy; yet it hath a quality, not onely to hide the Truth,
but also to make men think they have it, and desist from further search.
Errors From Tradition
Lastly, for the errors brought in from false, or uncertain History,
what is all the Legend of fictitious Miracles, in the lives of
the Saints; and all the Histories of Apparitions, and Ghosts,
alledged by the Doctors of the Romane Church, to make good their
Doctrines of Hell, and purgatory, the power of Exorcisme,
and other Doctrines which have no warrant, neither in Reason,
nor Scripture; as also all those Traditions which they call
the unwritten Word of God; but old Wives Fables? Whereof, though they
find dispersed somewhat in the Writings of the ancient Fathers;
yet those Fathers were men, that might too easily beleeve false reports;
and the producing of their opinions for testimony of the truth of
what they beleeved, hath no other force with them that (according to
the Counsell of St. John 1 Epist. chap. 4. verse 1.) examine Spirits,
than in all things that concern the power of the Romane Church,
(the abuse whereof either they suspected not, or had benefit by it,)
to discredit their testimony, in respect of too rash beleef of reports;
which the most sincere men, without great knowledge of naturall causes,
(such as the Fathers were) are commonly the most subject to: For
naturally, the best men are the least suspicious of fraudulent purposes.
Gregory the Pope, and S. Bernard have somewhat of Apparitions of Ghosts,
that said they were in Purgatory; and so has our Beda: but no where,
I beleeve, but by report from others. But if they, or any other, relate
any such stories of their own knowledge, they shall not thereby confirm
the more such vain reports; but discover their own Infirmity, or Fraud.
Suppression Of Reason
With the Introduction of False, we may joyn also the suppression
of True Philosophy, by such men, as neither by lawfull authority,
nor sufficient study, are competent Judges of the truth.
Our own Navigations make manifest, and all men learned in humane
Sciences, now acknowledge there are Antipodes: And every day it
appeareth more and more, that Years, and Dayes are determined by
Motions of the Earth. Neverthelesse, men that have in their Writings
but supposed such Doctrine, as an occasion to lay open the reasons for,
and against it, have been punished for it by Authority Ecclesiasticall.
But what reason is there for it? Is it because such opinions are contrary
to true Religion? that cannot be, if they be true. Let therefore
the truth be first examined by competent Judges, or confuted by them
that pretend to know the contrary. Is it because they be contrary
to the Religion established? Let them be silenced by the Laws of those,
to whom the Teachers of them are subject; that is, by the Laws Civill:
For disobedience may lawfully be punished in them, that against
the Laws teach even true Philosophy. Is it because they tend
to disorder in Government, as countenancing Rebellion, or Sedition?
then let them be silenced, and the Teachers punished by vertue of
his power to whom the care of the Publique quiet is committed;
which is the Authority Civill. For whatsoever Power Ecclesiastiques
take upon themselves (in any place where they are subject to the State)
in their own Right, though they call it Gods Right, is but Usurpation.
CHAPTER XLVII
OF THE BENEFIT THAT PROCEEDETH FROM SUCH DARKNESSE,
AND TO WHOM IT ACCREWETH
He That Receiveth Benefit By A Fact,
Is Presumed To Be The Author
Cicero maketh honorable mention of one of the Cassii, a severe Judge
amongst the Romans, for a custome he had, in Criminal causes,
(when the testimony of the witnesses was not sufficient,)
to ask the Accusers, Cui Bono; that is to say, what Profit, Honor,
or other Contentment, the accused obtained, or expected by the Fact.
For amongst Praesumptions, there is none that so evidently declareth
the Author, as doth the BENEFIT of the Action. By the same rule
I intend in this place to examine, who they may be, that have
possessed the People so long in this part of Christendome,
with these Doctrines, contrary to the Peaceable Societies of Mankind.
That The Church Militant Is The Kingdome Of God,
Was First Taught By The Church Of Rome
And first, to this Error, That The Present Church Now Militant On Earth,
Is The Kingdome Of God, (that is, the Kingdome of Glory, or the Land
of Promise; not the Kingdome of Grace, which is but a Promise
of the Land,) are annexed these worldly Benefits, First, that the Pastors,
and Teachers of the Church, are entitled thereby, as Gods Publique
Ministers, to a Right of Governing the Church; and consequently
(because the Church, and Common-wealth are the same Persons)
to be Rectors, and Governours of the Common-wealth. By this title it is,
that the Pope prevailed with the subjects of all Christian Princes,
to beleeve, that to disobey him, was to disobey Christ himselfe;
and in all differences between him and other Princes, (charmed with
the word Power Spirituall,) to abandon their lawfull Soveraigns;
which is in effect an universall Monarchy over all Christendome.
For though they were first invested in the right of being Supreme
Teachers of Christian Doctrine, by, and under Christian Emperors,
within the limits of the Romane Empire (as is acknowledged
by themselves) by the title of Pontifex Maximus, who was an Officer
subject to the Civill State; yet after the Empire was divided,
and dissolved, it was not hard to obtrude upon the people already
subject to them, another Title, namely, the Right of St. Peter;
not onely to save entire their pretended Power; but also to extend
the same over the same Christian Provinces, though no more united
in the Empire of Rome. This Benefit of an Universall Monarchy,
(considering the desire of men to bear Rule) is a sufficient Presumption,
that the popes that pretended to it, and for a long time enjoyed it,
were the Authors of the Doctrine, by which it was obtained; namely,
that the Church now on Earth, is the Kingdome of Christ.
For that granted, it must be understood, that Christ hath some Lieutenant
amongst us, by whom we are to be told what are his Commandements.
After that certain Churches had renounced this universall Power
of the Pope, one would expect in reason, that the Civill Soveraigns
in all those Churches, should have recovered so much of it, as
(before they had unadvisedly let it goe) was their own Right,
and in their own hands. And in England it was so in effect;
saving that they, by whom the Kings administred the Government
of Religion, by maintaining their imployment to be in Gods Right,
seemed to usurp, if not a Supremacy, yet an Independency on the
Civill Power: and they but seemed to usurp it, in as much as they
acknowledged a Right in the King, to deprive them of the Exercise
of their Functions at his pleasure.
And Maintained Also By The Presbytery
But in those places where the Presbytery took that Office,
though many other Doctrines of the Church of Rome were forbidden
to be taught; yet this Doctrine, that the Kingdome of Christ
is already come, and that it began at the Resurrection of our Saviour,
was still retained. But Cui Bono? What Profit did they expect from it?
The same which the Popes expected: to have a Soveraign Power
over the People. For what is it for men to excommunicate
their lawful King, but to keep him from all places of Gods
publique Service in his own Kingdom? and with force to resist him,
when he with force endeavoureth to correct them? Or what is it,
without Authority from the Civill Soveraign, to excommunicate any person,
but to take from him his Lawfull Liberty, that is, to usurpe an unlawfull
Power over their Brethren? The Authors therefore of this Darknesse
in Religion, are the Romane, and the Presbyterian Clergy.
Infallibility
To this head, I referre also all those Doctrines, that serve them
to keep the possession of this spirituall Soveraignty after it is gotten.
As first, that the Pope In His Publique Capacity Cannot Erre.
For who is there, that beleeving this to be true, will not readily
obey him in whatsoever he commands?
Subjection Of Bishops
Secondly, that all other Bishops, in what Common-wealth soever,
have not their Right, neither immediately from God, nor mediately
from their Civill Soveraigns, but from the Pope, is a Doctrine,
by which there comes to be in every Christian Common-wealth
many potent men, (for so are Bishops,) that have their dependance
on the Pope, and owe obedience to him, though he be a forraign Prince;
by which means he is able, (as he hath done many times) to raise
a Civill War against the State that submits not it self to be governed
according to his pleasure and Interest.
Exemptions Of The Clergy
Thirdly, the exemption of these, and of all other Priests,
and of all Monkes, and Fryers, from the Power of the Civill Laws.
For by this means, there is a great part of every Common-wealth,
that enjoy the benefit of the Laws, and are protected by the Power
of the Civill State, which neverthelesse pay no part of the
Publique expence; nor are lyable to the penalties, as other Subjects,
due to their crimes; and consequently, stand not in fear of any man,
but the Pope; and adhere to him onely, to uphold his universall Monarchy.
The Names Of Sacerdotes, And Sacrifices
Fourthly, the giving to their Priests (which is no more in the
New Testament but Presbyters, that is, Elders) the name of Sacerdotes,
that is, Sacrificers, which was the title of the Civill Soveraign,
and his publique Ministers, amongst the Jews, whilest God was their King.
Also, the making the Lords Supper a Sacrifice, serveth to make the People
beleeve the Pope hath the same power over all Christian, that Moses and
Aaron had over the Jews; that is to say, all power, both Civill and
Ecclesiasticall, as the High Priest then had.
The Sacramentation Of Marriage
Fiftly, the teaching that Matrimony is a Sacrament, giveth to the Clergy
the Judging of the lawfulnesse of Marriages; and thereby, of what Children
are Legitimate; and consequently, of the Right of Succession to
haereditary Kingdomes.
The Single Life Of Priests
Sixtly, the Deniall of Marriage to Priests, serveth to assure this Power
of the pope over Kings. For if a King be a Priest, he cannot Marry,
and transmit his Kingdome to his Posterity; If he be not a Priest
then the Pope pretendeth this Authority Ecclesiasticall over him,
and over his people.
Auricular Confession
Seventhly, from Auricular Confession, they obtain, for the assurance
of their Power, better intelligence of the designs of Princes,
and great persons in the Civill State, than these can have of
the designs of the State Ecclesiasticall.
Canonization Of Saints, And Declaring Of Martyrs
Eighthly, by the Canonization of Saints, and declaring who are Martyrs,
they assure their Power, in that they induce simple men into
an obstinacy against the Laws and Commands of their Civill Soveraigns
even to death, if by the Popes excommunication, they be declared
Heretiques or Enemies to the Church; that is, (as they interpret it,)
to the Pope.
Transubstantiation, Penance, Absolution
Ninthly, they assure the same, by the Power they ascribe to every Priest,
of making Christ; and by the Power of ordaining Pennance; and of
Remitting, and Retaining of sins.
Purgatory, Indulgences, Externall Works
Tenthly, by the Doctrine of Purgatory, of Justification by
externall works, and of Indulgences, the Clergy is enriched.
Daemonology And Exorcism
Eleventhly, by their Daemonology, and the use of Exorcisme,
and other things appertaining thereto, they keep (or thinke they keep)
the People more in awe of their Power.
School-Divinity
Lastly, the Metaphysiques, Ethiques, and Politiques of Aristotle,
the frivolous Distinctions, barbarous Terms, and obscure Language
of the Schoolmen, taught in the Universities, (which have been
all erected and regulated by the Popes Authority,) serve them
to keep these Errors from being detected, and to make men mistake
the Ignis Fatuus of Vain Philosophy, for the Light of the Gospell.
The Authors Of Spirituall Darknesse, Who They Be
To these, if they sufficed not, might be added other of their
dark Doctrines, the profit whereof redoundeth manifestly, to the setting
up of an unlawfull Power over the lawfull Soveraigns of Christian People;
or for the sustaining of the same, when it is set up; or to the
worldly Riches, Honour, and Authority of those that sustain it.
And therefore by the aforesaid rule, of Cui Bono, we may justly
pronounce for the Authors of all this Spirituall Darknesse, the Pope,
and Roman Clergy, and all those besides that endeavour to settle in the
mindes of men this erroneous Doctrine, that the Church now on Earth,
is that Kingdome of God mentioned in the Old and New Testament.
But the Emperours, and other Christian Soveraigns, under whose Government
these Errours, and the like encroachments of Ecclesiastiques
upon their Office, at first crept in, to the disturbance of
their possessions, and of the tranquillity of their Subjects,
though they suffered the same for want of foresight of the Sequel,
and of insight into the designs of their Teachers, may neverthelesse
bee esteemed accessories to their own, and the Publique dammage;
For without their Authority there could at first no seditious Doctrine
have been publiquely preached. I say they might have hindred the same
in the beginning: But when the people were once possessed by those
spirituall men, there was no humane remedy to be applyed, that any man
could invent: And for the remedies that God should provide,
who never faileth in his good time to destroy all the Machinations
of men against the Truth, wee are to attend his good pleasure,
that suffereth many times the prosperity of his enemies, together with
their ambition, to grow to such a height, as the violence thereof
openeth the eyes, which the warinesse of their predecessours had before
sealed up, and makes men by too much grasping let goe all,
as Peters net was broken, by the struggling of too great a
multitude of Fishes; whereas the Impatience of those, that strive
to resist such encroachment, before their Subjects eyes were opened,
did but encrease the power they resisted. I doe not therefore
blame the Emperour Frederick for holding the stirrop to our countryman
Pope Adrian; for such was the disposition of his subjects then,
as if hee had not doe it, hee was not likely to have succeeded
in the Empire: But I blame those, that in the beginning, when their
power was entire, by suffering such Doctrines to be forged in the
Universities of their own Dominions, have holden the Stirrop to all
the succeeding Popes, whilest they mounted into the Thrones
of all Christian Soveraigns, to ride, and tire, both them,
and their people, at their pleasure.
But as the Inventions of men are woven, so also are they ravelled out;
the way is the same, but the order is inverted: The web begins
at the first Elements of Power, which are Wisdom, Humility, Sincerity,
and other vertues of the Apostles, whom the people converted, obeyed,
out of Reverence, not by Obligation: Their Consciences were free,
and their Words and Actions subject to none but the Civill Power.
Afterwards the Presbyters (as the Flocks of Christ encreased)
assembling to consider what they should teach, and thereby obliging
themselves to teach nothing against the Decrees of their Assemblies,
made it to be thought the people were thereby obliged to follow
their Doctrine, and when they refused, refused to keep them company,
(that was then called Excommunication,) not as being Infidels,
but as being disobedient: And this was the first knot upon their Liberty.
And the number of Presbyters encreasing, the Presbyters of the chief City
or Province, got themselves an authority over the parochiall Presbyters,
and appropriated to themselves the names of Bishops: And this was a second
knot on Christian Liberty. Lastly, the Bishop of Rome, in regard of the Imperiall City, took upon him an Authority (partly by the wills
of the Emperours themselves, and by the title of Pontifex Maximus,
and at last when the Emperours were grown weak, by the priviledges
of St. Peter) over all other Bishops of the Empire: Which was the
third and last knot, and the whole Synthesis and Construction
of the Pontificall Power.
And therefore the Analysis, or Resolution is by the same way;
but beginning with the knot that was last tyed; as wee may see
in the dissolution of the praeterpoliticall Church Government in England.
First, the Power of the Popes was dissolved totally by Queen Elizabeth;
and the Bishops, who before exercised their Functions in Right
of the Pope, did afterwards exercise the same in Right of the Queen
and her Successours; though by retaining the phrase of Jure Divino,
they were thought to demand it by immediate Right from God:
And so was untyed the first knot. After this, the Presbyterians
lately in England obtained the putting down of Episcopacy:
And so was the second knot dissolved: And almost at the same time,
the Power was taken also from the Presbyterians: And so we are reduced
to the Independency of the Primitive Christians to follow Paul,
or Cephas, or Apollos, every man as he liketh best: Which, if it be
without contention, and without measuring the Doctrine of Christ,
by our affection to the Person of his Minister, (the fault which
the Apostle reprehended in the Corinthians,) is perhaps the best:
First, because there ought to be no Power over the Consciences of men,
but of the Word it selfe, working Faith in every one, not alwayes
according to the purpose of them that Plant and Water, but of God himself,
that giveth the Increase: and secondly, because it is unreasonable
in them, who teach there is such danger in every little Errour,
to require of a man endued with Reason of his own, to follow the Reason
of any other man, or of the most voices of many other men;
Which is little better, then to venture his Salvation at crosse and pile.
Nor ought those Teachers to be displeased with this losse of their
antient Authority: For there is none should know better then they,
that power is preserved by the same Vertues by which it is acquired;
that is to say, by Wisdome, Humility, Clearnesse of Doctrine,
and sincerity of Conversation; and not by suppression of the
Naturall Sciences, and of the Morality of Naturall Reason;
nor by obscure Language; nor by Arrogating to themselves more
Knowledge than they make appear; nor by Pious Frauds; nor by such
other faults, as in the Pastors of Gods Church are not only Faults,
but also scandalls, apt to make men stumble one time or other upon
the suppression of their Authority.
Comparison Of The Papacy With The Kingdome Of Fayries
But after this Doctrine, "that the Church now Militant, is the Kingdome
of God spoken of in the Old and New Testament," was received in the World;
the ambition, and canvasing for the Offices that belong thereunto,
and especially for that great Office of being Christs Lieutenant,
and the Pompe of them that obtained therein the principal Publique Charges,
became by degrees so evident, that they lost the inward Reverence due
to the Pastorall Function: in so much as the Wisest men, of them that
had any power in the Civill State, needed nothing but the authority
of their Princes, to deny them any further Obedience. For, from the time
that the Bishop of Rome had gotten to be acknowledged for Bishop
Universall, by pretence of Succession to St. Peter, their whole Hierarchy,
or Kingdome of Darknesse, may be compared not unfitly to the Kingdome
of Fairies; that is, to the old wives Fables in England, concerning Ghosts
and Spirits, and the feats they play in the night. And if a man consider
the originall of this great Ecclesiasticall Dominion, he will easily
perceive, that the Papacy, is no other, than the Ghost of the deceased
Romane Empire, sitting crowned upon the grave thereof: For so did
the Papacy start up on a Sudden out of the Ruines of that Heathen Power.
The Language also, which they use, both in the Churches, and in their
Publique Acts, being Latine, which is not commonly used by any Nation
now in the world, what is it but the Ghost of the Old Romane Language.
The Fairies in what Nation soever they converse, have but one Universall
King, which some Poets of ours call King Oberon; but the Scripture
calls Beelzebub, Prince of Daemons. The Ecclesiastiques likewise,
in whose Dominions soever they be found, acknowledge but one
Universall King, the Pope.
The Ecclesiastiques are Spirituall men, and Ghostly Fathers.
The Fairies are Spirits, and Ghosts. Fairies and Ghosts inhabite
Darknesse, Solitudes, and Graves. The Ecclesiastiques walke in
Obscurity of Doctrine, in Monasteries, Churches, and Churchyards.
The Ecclesiastiques have their Cathedral Churches; which, in what Towne
soever they be erected, by vertue of Holy Water, and certain Charmes
called Exorcismes, have the power to make those Townes, cities,
that is to say, Seats of Empire. The Fairies also have their
enchanted Castles, and certain Gigantique Ghosts, that domineer
over the Regions round about them.
The fairies are not to be seized on; and brought to answer for
the hurt they do. So also the Ecclesiastiques vanish away from
the Tribunals of Civill Justice.
The Ecclesiastiques take from young men, the use of Reason,
by certain Charms compounded of Metaphysiques, and Miracles,
and Traditions, and Abused Scripture, whereby they are good
for nothing else, but to execute what they command them.
The Fairies likewise are said to take young Children out of
their Cradles, and to change them into Naturall Fools, which Common
people do therefore call Elves, and are apt to mischief.
In what Shop, or Operatory the Fairies make their Enchantment,
the old Wives have not determined. But the Operatories of the Clergy,
are well enough known to be the Universities, that received their
Discipline from Authority Pontificall.
When the Fairies are displeased with any body, they are said to send
their Elves, to pinch them. The Ecclesiastiques, when they are displeased
with any Civill State, make also their Elves, that is, Superstitious,
Enchanted Subjects, to pinch their Princes, by preaching Sedition;
or one Prince enchanted with promises, to pinch another.
The Fairies marry not; but there be amongst them Incubi, that have
copulation with flesh and bloud. The Priests also marry not.
The Ecclesiastiques take the Cream of the Land, by Donations
of ignorant men, that stand in aw of them, and by Tythes:
So also it is in the Fable of Fairies, that they enter into
the Dairies, and Feast upon the Cream, which they skim from the Milk.
What kind of Money is currant in the Kingdome of Fairies, is not recorded
in the Story. But the Ecclesiastiques in their Receipts accept
of the same Money that we doe; though when they are to make any Payment,
it is in Canonizations, Indulgences, and Masses.
To this, and such like resemblances between the Papacy, and the Kingdome
of Fairies, may be added this, that as the Fairies have no existence,
but in the Fancies of ignorant people, rising from the Traditions
of old Wives, or old Poets: so the Spirituall Power of the Pope
(without the bounds of his own Civill Dominion) consisteth onely
in the Fear that Seduced people stand in, of their Excommunication;
upon hearing of false Miracles, false Traditions, and false
Interpretations of the Scripture.
It was not therefore a very difficult matter, for Henry 8. by
his Exorcisme; nor for Qu. Elizabeth by hers, to cast them out.
But who knows that this Spirit of Rome, now gone out, and walking
by Missions through the dry places of China, Japan, and the Indies,
that yeeld him little fruit, may not return, or rather an Assembly
of Spirits worse than he, enter, and inhabite this clean swept house,
and make the End thereof worse than the beginning? For it is not
the Romane Clergy onely, that pretends the Kingdome of God to be
of this World, and thereby to have a Power therein, distinct from that
of the Civill State. And this is all I had a designe to say,
concerning the Doctrine of the POLITIQUES. Which when I have reviewed,
I shall willingly expose it to the censure of my Countrey.
A REVIEW, AND CONCLUSION
From the contrariety of some of the Naturall Faculties of the Mind,
one to another, as also of one Passion to another, and from their
reference to Conversation, there has been an argument taken,
to inferre an impossibility that any one man should be sufficiently
disposed to all sorts of Civill duty. The Severity of Judgment,
they say, makes men Censorious, and unapt to pardon the Errours
and Infirmities of other men: and on the other side, Celerity of Fancy,
makes the thoughts lesse steddy than is necessary, to discern exactly
between Right and Wrong. Again, in all Deliberations, and in
all Pleadings, the faculty of solid Reasoning, is necessary: for
without it, the Resolutions of men are rash, and their Sentences unjust:
and yet if there be not powerfull Eloquence, which procureth attention
and Consent, the effect of Reason will be little. But these are contrary
Faculties; the former being grounded upon principles of Truth;
the other upon Opinions already received, true, or false; and upon
the Passions and Interests of men, which are different, and mutable.
And amongst the Passions, Courage, (by which I mean the Contempt
of Wounds, and violent Death) enclineth men to private Revenges,
and sometimes to endeavour the unsetling of the Publique Peace;
And Timorousnesse, many times disposeth to the desertion of the
Publique Defence. Both these they say cannot stand together
in the same person.
And to consider the contrariety of mens Opinions, and Manners
in generall, It is they say, impossible to entertain a constant
Civill Amity with all those, with whom the Businesse of the world
constrains us to converse: Which Businesse consisteth almost in
nothing else but a perpetuall contention for Honor, Riches, and Authority.
To which I answer, that these are indeed great difficulties,
but not Impossibilities: For by Education, and Discipline, they may bee,
and are sometimes reconciled. Judgment, and Fancy may have place
in the same man; but by turnes; as the end which he aimeth at requireth.
As the Israelites in Egypt, were sometimes fastened to their labour
of making Bricks, and other times were ranging abroad to gather Straw:
So also may the Judgment sometimes be fixed upon one certain
Consideration, and the Fancy at another time wandring about the world.
So also Reason, and Eloquence, (though not perhaps in the Naturall
Sciences, yet in the Morall) may stand very well together.
For wheresoever there is place for adorning and preferring of Errour,
there is much more place for adorning and preferring of Truth,
if they have it to adorn. Nor is there any repugnancy between fearing
the Laws, and not fearing a publique Enemy; nor between abstaining
from Injury, and pardoning it in others. There is therefore no such
Inconsistence of Humane Nature, with Civill Duties, as some think.
I have known cleernesse of Judgment, and largenesse of Fancy;
strength of Reason, and gracefull Elocution; a Courage for the Warre,
and a Fear for the Laws, and all eminently in one man; and that was
my most noble and honored friend Mr. Sidney Godolphin; who hating
no man, nor hated of any, was unfortunately slain in the beginning
of the late Civill warre, in the Publique quarrel, by an indiscerned,
and an undiscerning hand.
To the Laws of Nature, declared in the 15. Chapter, I would have
this added, "That every man is bound by Nature, as much as in him lieth,
to protect in Warre, the Authority, by which he is himself protected
in time of Peace." For he that pretendeth a Right of Nature to preserve
his owne body, cannot pretend a Right of Nature to destroy him,
by whose strength he is preserved: It is a manifest contradiction
of himselfe. And though this Law may bee drawn by consequence,
from some of those that are there already mentioned; yet the Times
require to have it inculcated, and remembred.
And because I find by divers English Books lately printed,
that the Civill warres have not yet sufficiently taught men,
in what point of time it is, that a Subject becomes obliged
to the Conquerour; nor what is Conquest; nor how it comes about,
that it obliges men to obey his Laws: Therefore for farther satisfaction
of men therein, I say, the point of time, wherein a man becomes subject
of a Conquerour, is that point, wherein having liberty to submit to him,
he consenteth, either by expresse words, or by other sufficient sign,
to be his Subject. When it is that a man hath the liberty to submit,
I have showed before in the end of the 21. Chapter; namely, that for him
that hath no obligation to his former Soveraign but that of an
ordinary Subject, it is then, when the means of his life is within
the Guards and Garrisons of the Enemy; for it is then, that he hath
no longer Protection from him, but is protected by the adverse party
for his Contribution. Seeing therefore such contribution is every where,
as a thing inevitable, (notwithstanding it be an assistance to the Enemy,)
esteemed lawfull; as totall Submission, which is but an assistance
to the Enemy, cannot be esteemed unlawfull. Besides, if a man consider
that they who submit, assist the Enemy but with part of their estates,
whereas they that refuse, assist him with the whole, there is no reason
to call their Submission, or Composition an Assistance; but rather
a Detriment to the Enemy. But if a man, besides the obligation
of a Subject, hath taken upon him a new obligation of a Souldier,
then he hath not the liberty to submit to a new Power, as long as
the old one keeps the field, and giveth him means of subsistence,
either in his Armies, or Garrisons: for in this case, he cannot complain
of want of Protection, and means to live as a Souldier: But when that
also failes, a Souldier also may seek his Protection wheresoever
he has most hope to have it; and may lawfully submit himself to
his new Master. And so much for the Time when he may do it lawfully,
if hee will. If therefore he doe it, he is undoubtedly bound to be a
true Subject: For a Contract lawfully made, cannot lawfully be broken.
By this also a man may understand, when it is, that men may be said
to be Conquered; and in what the nature of Conquest, and the Right of
a Conquerour consisteth: For this Submission is it implyeth them all.
Conquest, is not the Victory it self; but the Acquisition by Victory,
of a Right, over the persons of men. He therefore that is slain,
is Overcome, but not Conquered; He that is taken, and put into prison,
or chaines, is not Conquered, though Overcome; for he is still an Enemy,
and may save himself if hee can: But he that upon promise of Obedience,
hath his Life and Liberty allowed him, is then Conquered, and a Subject;
and not before. The Romanes used to say, that their Generall had Pacified
such a Province, that is to say, in English, Conquered it; and that the
Countrey was Pacified by Victory, when the people of it had promised
Imperata Facere, that is, To Doe What The Romane People Commanded Them:
this was to be Conquered. But this promise may be either expresse,
or tacite: Expresse, by Promise: Tacite, by other signes.
As for example, a man that hath not been called to make such an
expresse Promise, (because he is one whose power perhaps is
not considerable;) yet if he live under their Protection openly,
hee is understood to submit himselfe to the Government: But if he
live there secretly, he is lyable to any thing that may bee done
to a Spie, and Enemy of the State. I say not, hee does any Injustice,
(for acts of open Hostility bear not that name); but that he may be
justly put to death. Likewise, if a man, when his Country is conquered,
be out of it, he is not Conquered, nor Subject: but if at his return,
he submit to the Government, he is bound to obey it. So that Conquest
(to define it) is the Acquiring of the Right of Soveraignty by Victory.
Which Right, is acquired, in the peoples Submission, by which they
contract with the Victor, promising Obedience, for Life and Liberty.
In the 29. Chapter I have set down for one of the causes of the
Dissolutions of Common-wealths, their Imperfect Generation,
consisting in the want of an Absolute and Arbitrary Legislative Power;
for want whereof, the Civill Soveraign is fain to handle the
Sword of Justice unconstantly, and as if it were too hot for him to hold:
One reason whereof (which I have not there mentioned) is this,
That they will all of them justifie the War, by which their Power
was at first gotten, and whereon (as they think) their Right dependeth,
and not on the Possession. As if, for example, the Right of the
Kings of England did depend on the goodnesse of the cause of William
the Conquerour, and upon their lineall, and directest Descent from him;
by which means, there would perhaps be no tie of the Subjects obedience
to their Soveraign at this day in all the world: wherein whilest
they needlessely think to justifie themselves, they justifie all
the successefull Rebellions that Ambition shall at any time raise
against them, and their Successors. Therefore I put down for one of
the most effectuall seeds of the Death of any State, that the
Conquerours require not onely a Submission of mens actions to them
for the future, but also an Approbation of all their actions past;
when there is scarce a Common-wealth in the world, whose beginnings
can in conscience be justified.
And because the name of Tyranny, signifieth nothing more, nor lesse,
than the name of Soveraignty, be it in one, or many men, saving that
they that use the former word, are understood to bee angry with them
they call Tyrants; I think the toleration of a professed hatred
of Tyranny, is a Toleration of hatred to Common-wealth in general,
and another evill seed, not differing much from the former.
For to the Justification of the Cause of a Conqueror, the Reproach
of the Cause of the Conquered, is for the most part necessary:
but neither of them necessary for the Obligation of the Conquered.
And thus much I have thought fit to say upon the Review of the
first and second part of this Discourse.
In the 35. Chapter, I have sufficiently declared out of the Scripture,
that in the Common-wealth of the Jewes, God himselfe was made
the Soveraign, by Pact with the People; who were therefore called
his Peculiar People, to distinguish them from the rest of the world,
over whom God reigned not by their Consent, but by his own Power:
And that in this Kingdome Moses was Gods Lieutenant on Earth;
and that it was he that told them what Laws God appointed to
doe Execution; especially in Capitall Punishments; not then thinking it
a matter of so necessary consideration, as I find it since.
Wee know that generally in all Common-wealths, the Execution
of Corporeall Punishments, was either put upon the Guards, or other
Souldiers of the Soveraign Power; or given to those, in whom want
of means, contempt of honour, and hardnesse of heart, concurred,
to make them sue for such an Office. But amongst the Israelites
it was a Positive Law of God their Soveraign, that he that was convicted
of a capitall Crime, should be stoned to death by the People;
and that the Witnesses should cast the first Stone, and after
the Witnesses, then the rest of the People. This was a Law that
designed who were to be the Executioners; but not that any one
should throw a Stone at him before Conviction and Sentence,
where the Congregation was Judge. The Witnesses were neverthelesse
to be heard before they proceeded to Execution, unlesse the Fact
were committed in the presence of the Congregation it self,
or in sight of the lawfull Judges; for then there needed no other
Witnesses but the Judges themselves. Neverthelesse, this manner
of proceeding being not throughly understood, hath given occasion
to a dangerous opinion, that any man may kill another, is some cases,
by a Right of Zeal; as if the Executions done upon Offenders
in the Kingdome of God in old time, proceeded not from the
Soveraign Command, but from the Authority of Private Zeal: which,
if we consider the texts that seem to favour it, is quite contrary.
First, where the Levites fell upon the People, that had made and
worshipped the Golden Calfe, and slew three thousand of them;
it was by the Commandement of Moses, from the mouth of God;
as is manifest, Exod. 32.27. And when the Son of a woman of Israel
had blasphemed God, they that heard it, did not kill him, but brought
him before Moses, who put him under custody, till God should give
Sentence against him; as appears, Levit. 25.11, 12. Again,
(Numbers 25.6, 7.) when Phinehas killed Zimri and Cosbi, it was not
by right of Private Zeale: Their Crime was committed in the sight
of the Assembly; there needed no Witnesse; the Law was known,
and he the heir apparent to the Soveraignty; and which is the
principall point, the Lawfulnesse of his Act depended wholly upon
a subsequent Ratification by Moses, whereof he had no cause to doubt.
And this Presumption of a future Ratification, is sometimes necessary
to the safety [of] a Common-wealth; as in a sudden Rebellion,
any man that can suppresse it by his own Power in the Countrey
where it begins, may lawfully doe it, and provide to have it Ratified,
or Pardoned, whilest it is in doing, or after it is done.
Also Numb. 35.30. it is expressely said, "Whosoever shall kill
the Murtherer, shall kill him upon the word of Witnesses:"
but Witnesses suppose a formall Judicature, and consequently
condemn that pretence of Jus Zelotarum. The Law of Moses concerning
him that enticeth to Idolatry, (that is to say, in the Kingdome of God
to a renouncing of his Allegiance (Deut. 13.8.) forbids to conceal him,
and commands the Accuser to cause him to be put to death, and to cast
the first stone at him; but not to kill him before he be Condemned.
And (Deut. 17. ver.4, 5, 6.) the Processe against Idolatry is exactly
set down: For God there speaketh to the People, as Judge, and commandeth
them, when a man is Accused of Idolatry, to Enquire diligently of
the Fact, and finding it true, then to Stone him; but still the hand
of the Witnesse throweth the first stone. This is not Private Zeal,
but Publique Condemnation. In like manner when a Father hath a rebellious
Son, the Law is (Deut. 21. 18.) that he shall bring him before the
Judges of the Town, and all the people of the Town shall Stone him.
Lastly, by pretence of these Laws it was, that St. Steven was Stoned,
and not by pretence of Private Zeal: for before hee was carried away
to Execution, he had Pleaded his Cause before the High Priest.
There is nothing in all this, nor in any other part of the Bible,
to countenance Executions by Private Zeal; which being oftentimes
but a conjunction of Ignorance and Passion, is against both the Justice
and Peace of a Common-wealth.
In the 36. Chapter I have said, that it is not declared in what manner
God spake supernaturally to Moses: Not that he spake not to him
sometimes by Dreams and Visions, and by a supernaturall Voice,
as to other Prophets: For the manner how he spake unto him from
the Mercy-seat, is expressely set down (Numbers 7.89.) in these words,
"From that time forward, when Moses entred into the Tabernacle of the
Congregation to speak with God, he heard a Voice which spake unto him
from over the Mercy-Seate, which is over the Arke of the Testimony,
from between the Cherubins he spake unto him." But it is not declared
in what consisted the praeeminence of the manner of Gods speaking
to Moses, above that of his speaking to other Prophets, as to Samuel,
and to Abraham, to whom he also spake by a Voice, (that is, by Vision)
Unlesse the difference consist in the cleernesse of the Vision.
For Face to Face, and Mouth to Mouth, cannot be literally understood
of the Infinitenesse, and Incomprehensibility of the Divine Nature.
And as to the whole Doctrine, I see not yet, but the principles of it
are true and proper; and the Ratiocination solid. For I ground the
Civill Right of Soveraigns, and both the Duty and Liberty of Subjects,
upon the known naturall Inclinations of Mankind, and upon the Articles
of the Law of Nature; of which no man, that pretends but reason enough
to govern his private family, ought to be ignorant. And for the Power
Ecclesiasticall of the same Soveraigns, I ground it on such Texts,
as are both evident in themselves, and consonant to the Scope of
the whole Scripture. And therefore am perswaded, that he that shall
read it with a purpose onely to be informed, shall be informed by it.
But for those that by Writing, or Publique Discourse, or by their
eminent actions, have already engaged themselves to the maintaining
of contrary opinions, they will not bee so easily satisfied.
For in such cases, it is naturall for men, at one and the same time,
both to proceed in reading, and to lose their attention,
in the search of objections to that they had read before:
Of which, in a time wherein the interests of men are changed
(seeing much of that Doctrine, which serveth to the establishing
of a new Government, must needs be contrary to that which conduced
to the dissolution of the old,) there cannot choose but be very many.
In that part which treateth of a Christian Common-wealth, there are
some new Doctrines, which, it may be, in a State where the contrary
were already fully determined, were a fault for a Subject without
leave to divulge, as being an usurpation of the place of a Teacher.
But in this time, that men call not onely for Peace, but also for Truth,
to offer such Doctrines as I think True, and that manifestly tend
to Peace and Loyalty, to the consideration of those that are yet
in deliberation, is no more, but to offer New Wine, to bee put
into New Cask, that bothe may be preserved together. And I suppose,
that then, when Novelty can breed no trouble, nor disorder in a State,
men are not generally so much inclined to the reverence of Antiquity,
as to preferre Ancient Errors, before New and well proved Truth.
There is nothing I distrust more than my Elocution; which neverthelesse
I am confident (excepting the Mischances of the Presse) is not obscure.
That I have neglected the Ornament of quoting ancient Poets, Orators, and
Philosophers, contrary to the custome of late time, (whether I have done
well or ill in it,) proceedeth from my judgment, grounded on many reasons.
For first, all Truth of Doctrine dependeth either upon Reason, or
upon Scripture; both which give credit to many, but never receive it
from any Writer. Secondly, the matters in question are not of Fact,
but of Right, wherein there is no place for Witnesses. There is scarce
any of those old Writers, that contradicteth not sometimes both himself,
and others; which makes their Testimonies insufficient. Fourthly, such
Opinions as are taken onely upon Credit of Antiquity, are not
intrinsically the Judgment of those that cite them, but Words that passe
(like gaping) from mouth to mouth. Fiftly, it is many times with a
fraudulent Designe that men stick their corrupt Doctrine with the Cloves
of other mens Wit. Sixtly, I find not that the Ancients they cite,
took it for an Ornament, to doe the like with those that wrote before them.
Seventhly, it is an argument of Indigestion, when Greek and Latine
Sentences unchewed come up again, as they use to doe, unchanged.
Lastly, though I reverence those men of Ancient time, that either
have written Truth perspicuously, or set us in a better way to find it out
our selves; yet to the Antiquity it self I think nothing due:
For if we will reverence the Age, the Present is the Oldest.
If the Antiquity of the Writer, I am not sure, that generally they
to whom such honor is given, were more Ancient when they wrote,
than I am that am Writing: But if it bee well considered, the praise
of Ancient Authors, proceeds not from the reverence of the Dead,
but from the competition, and mutuall envy of the Living.
To conclude, there is nothing in this whole Discourse, nor in that
I writ before of the same Subject in Latine, as far as I can perceive,
contrary either to the Word of God, or to good Manners; or to the
disturbance of the Publique Tranquillity. Therefore I think it may be
profitably printed, and more profitably taught in the Universities,
in case they also think so, to whom the judgment of the same belongeth.
For seeing the Universities are the Fountains of Civill, and Morall
Doctrine, from whence the Preachers, and the Gentry, drawing such water
as they find, use to sprinkle the same (both from the Pulpit,
and in their Conversation) upon the People, there ought certainly
to be great care taken, to have it pure, both from the Venime
of Heathen Politicians, and from the Incantation of Deceiving Spirits.
And by that means the most men, knowing their Duties, will be the less
subject to serve the Ambition of a few discontented persons,
in their purposes against the State; and be the lesse grieved
with the Contributions necessary for their Peace, and Defence;
and the Governours themselves have the lesse cause, to maintain at
the Common charge any greater Army, than is necessary to make good
the Publique Liberty, against the Invasions and Encroachments of
forraign Enemies.
And thus I have brought to an end my Discourse of Civill and
Ecclesiasticall Government, occasioned by the disorders of
the present time, without partiality, without application,
and without other designe, than to set before mens eyes the mutuall
Relation between Protection and Obedience; of which the condition
of Humane Nature, and the Laws Divine, (both Naturall and Positive)
require an inviolable observation. And though in the revolution
of States, there can be no very good Constellation for Truths
of this nature to be born under, (as having an angry aspect
from the dissolvers of an old Government, and seeing but the backs
of them that erect a new;) yet I cannot think it will be condemned
at this time, either by the Publique Judge of Doctrine, or by any that
desires the continuance of Publique Peace. And in this hope I return
to my interrupted Speculation of Bodies Naturall; wherein,
(if God give me health to finish it,) I hope the Novelty will
as much please, as in the Doctrine of this Artificiall Body
it useth to offend. For such Truth, as opposeth no man profit,
nor pleasure, is to all men welcome.
FINIS
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