THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS, Volume 2

Part 6 out of 7

necessary to bring them over to us against their will. Do thou
however, since thou art come bearing good news, thyself report it to
them; for if I say these things, I shall be thought to speak that
which I have myself invented, and I shall not persuade them, but they
will think that the Barbarians are not doing so. Do thou thyself
however come forward to speak, and declare to them how things are; and
when thou hast declared this, if they are persuaded, that will be the
best thing, but if this is not credible to them, it will be the same
thing so far as concerns us, for they will no longer be able to take
to flight, if we are encompassed on all sides, as thou sayest." 81.
Aristeides accordingly came forward and told them this, saying that he
had come from Egina and had with difficulty escaped without being
perceived by those who were blockading them; for the whole encampment
of the Hellenes was encompassed by the ships of Xerxes; and he
counselled them to get ready to defend themselves. He then having thus
spoken retired, and among them again there arose dispute, for the
greater number of the commanders did not believe that which was
reported to them: 83, and while these were doubting, there came a
trireme manned by Tenians, deserting from the enemy, of which the
commander was Panaitios the son of Sosimenes, which brought them the
whole truth. For this deed the Tenians were inscribed at Delphi on the
tripod among those who had conquered the Barbarians. With the ship
which deserted at Salamis and the Lemnian ship which deserted before
and came to Artemision, the naval force of the Hellenes was completed
to the number of three hundred and eighty ships, for before this two
ships were yet wanting to make up this number.

83. The Hellenes then, since they believed that which was said by the
Tenians, were preparing for a sea-fight: and as the dawn appeared,
they made an assembly of those who fought on board the ships[50] and
addressed them, Themistocles making a speech which was eloquent beyond
the rest; and the substance of it was to set forth all that is better
as opposed to that which is worse, of the several things which arise
in the nature and constitution of man; and having exhorted them to
choose the better,[51] and thus having wound up his speech, he bade
them embark in their ships. These then proceeded to embark, and there
came in meanwhile the trireme from Egina which had gone away to bring
the sons of Aiacos. 84. Then the Hellenes put out all their ships, and
while they were putting out from shore, the Barbarians attacked them
forthwith. Now the other Hellenes began backing their ships and were
about to run them aground, but Ameinias of Pallene, an Athenian, put
forth with his ship and charged one of the enemy; and his ship being
entangled in combat and the men not being able to get away, the others
joined in the fight to assist Ameinias. The Athenians say that the
beginning of the battle was made thus, but the Eginetans say that the
ship which went away to Egina to bring the sons of Aiacos was that
which began the fight. It is also reported that an apparition of a
woman was seen by them, and that having appeared she encouraged them
to the fight so that the whole of the army of the Hellenes heard it,
first having reproached them in these words: "Madmen,[52] how far will
ye yet back your ships?"

85. Opposite the Athenians had been ranged the Phenicians, for these
occupied the wing towards Eleusis and the West, and opposite the
Lacedemonians were the Ionians, who occupied the wing which extended
to the East and to Piræus. Of them however a few were purposely slack
in the fight according to the injunctions of Themistocles,[53] but the
greater number were not so. I might mention now the names of many
captains of ships who destroyed ships of the Hellenes, but I will make
no use of their names except in the case of Theomestor, the son of
Androdamas and Phylacos the son of Histiaios, of Samos both: and for
this reason I make mention of these and not of the rest, because
Theomestor on account of this deed became despot of Samos, appointed
by the Persians, and Phylacos was recorded as a benefactor of the king
and received much land as a reward. Now the benefactors of the king
are called in the Persian tongue /orosangai/. 86. Thus it was with
these; but the greater number of their ships were disabled at Salamis,
being destroyed some by the Athenians and others by the Eginetans: for
since the Hellenes fought in order and ranged in their places, while
the Barbarians were no longer ranged in order nor did anything with
design, it was likely that there would be some such result as in fact
followed. Yet on this day they surpassed themselves much more than
when they fought by Eubœa, every one being eager and fearing Xerxes,
and each man thinking that the king was looking especially at him. 87.
As regards the rest I cannot speak of them separately, or say
precisely how the Barbarians or the Hellenes individually contended in
the fight; but with regard to Artemisia that which happened was this,
whence she gained yet more esteem than before from the king.--When the
affairs of the king had come to great confusion, at this crisis a ship
of Artemisia was being pursued by an Athenian ship; and as she was not
able to escape, for in front of her were other ships of her own side,
while her ship, as it chanced, was furthest advanced towards the
enemy, she resolved what she would do, and it proved also much to her
advantage to have done so. While she was being pursued by the Athenian
ship she charged with full career against a ship of her own side
manned by Calyndians and in which the king of the Calyndians
Damasithymos was embarked. Now, even though it be true that she had
had some strife with him before, while they were still about the
Hellespont, yet I am not able to say whether she did this by
intention, or whether the Calyndian ship happened by chance to fall in
her way. Having charged against it however and sunk it, she enjoyed
good fortune and got for herself good in two ways; for first the
captain of the Athenian ship, when he saw her charge against a ship
manned by Barbarians, turned away and went after others, supposing
that the ship of Artemisia was either a Hellenic ship or was deserting
from the Barbarians and fighting for the Hellenes, 88,--first, I say,
it was her fortune to have this, namely to escape and not suffer
destruction; and then secondly it happened that though she had done
mischief, she yet gained great reputation by this thing with Xerxes.
For it is said that the king looking on at the fight perceived that
her ship had charged the other; and one of those present said:
"Master, dost thou see Artemisia, how well she is fighting, and how
she sank even now a ship of the enemy?" He asked whether this was in
truth the deed of Artemisia, and they said that it was; for (they
declared) they knew very well the sign of her ship: and that which was
destroyed they thought surely was one of the enemy; for besides other
things which happened fortunately for her, as I have said, there was
this also, namely that not one of the crew of the Calyndian ship
survived to become her accuser. And Xerxes in answer to that which was
said to him is reported to have uttered these words: "My men have
become women, and my women men." Thus it is said that Xerxes spoke.
89. And meanwhile in this struggle there was slain the commander
Ariabignes, son of Dareios and brother of Xerxes, and there were slain
too many others of note of the Persians and Medes and also of the
allies; and of the Hellenes on their part a few; for since they knew
how to swim, those whose ships were destroyed and who were not slain
in hand-to-hand conflict swam over to Salamis; but of the Barbarians
the greater number perished in the sea, not being able to swim. And
when the first ships turned to flight, then it was that the largest
number perished, for those who were stationed behind, while
endeavouring to pass with their ships to the front in order that they
also might display some deed of valour for the king to see, ran into
the ships of their own side as they fled.

90. It happened also in the course of this confusion that some of the
Phenicians, whose ships had been destroyed, came to the king and
accused the Ionians, saying that by means of them their ships had been
lost, and that they had been traitors to the cause. Now it so came
about that not only the commanders of the Ionians did not lose their
lives, but the Phenicians who accused them received a reward such as I
shall tell. While these men were yet speaking thus, a Samothrakian
ship charged against an Athenian ship: and as the Athenian ship was
being sunk by it, an Eginetan ship came up against the Samothrakian
vessel and ran it down. Then the Samothrakians, being skilful javelin-
throwers, by hurling cleared off the fighting-men from the ship which
had wrecked theirs and then embarked upon it and took possession of
it. This event saved the Ionians from punishment; for when Xerxes saw
that they had performed a great exploit, he turned to the Phenicians
(for he was exceedingly vexed and disposed to find fault with all) and
bade cut off their heads, in order that they might not, after having
been cowards themselves, accuse others who were better men than they.
For whensoever Xerxes (sitting just under the mountain opposite
Salamis, which is called Aigaleos) saw any one of his own side display
a deed of valour in the sea-fight, he inquired about him who had done
it, and the scribes recorded the name of the ship's captain with that
of his father and the city from whence he came. Moreover also
Ariaramnes, a Persian who was present, shared[54] the fate of the
Phenicians, being their friend. They[55] then proceeded to deal with
the Phenicians.

91. In the meantime, as the Barbarians turned to flight and were
sailing out towards Phaleron, the Eginetans waited for them in the
passage and displayed memorable actions: for while the Athenians in
the confused tumult were disabling both those ships which resisted and
those which were fleeing, the Eginetans were destroying those which
attempted to sail away; and whenever any escaped the Athenians, they
went in full course and fell among the Eginetans. 92. Then there met
one another the ship of Themistocles, which was pursuing a ship of the
enemy, and that of Polycritos the son of Crios the Eginetan. This last
had charged against a ship of Sidon, the same that had taken the
Eginetan vessel which was keeping watch in advance at Skiathos,[56]
and in which sailed Pytheas the son of Ischenoös, whom the Persians
kept in their ship, all cut to pieces as he was, making a marvel of
his valour. The Sidonian ship then was captured bearing with it this
man as well as the Persians of whom I spoke, so that Pytheas thus came
safe to Egina. Now when Polycritos looked at the Athenian vessel he
recognised when he saw it the sign of the admiral's ship, and shouting
out he addressed Themistocles with mockery about the accusation
brought against the Eginetans of taking the side of the Medes,[57] and
reproached him. This taunt Polycritos threw out against Themistocles
after he had charged against the ship of Sidon. And meanwhile those
Barbarians whose ships had escaped destruction fled and came to
Phaleron to be under cover of the land-army.

93. In this sea-fight the Eginetans were of all the Hellenes the best
reported of, and next to them the Athenians; and of the individual men
the Eginetan Polycritos and the Athenians Eumenes of Anagyrus and
Ameinias of Pallene, the man who had pursued after Artemisia. Now if
he had known that Artemisia was sailing in this ship, he would not
have ceased until either he had taken her or had been taken himself;
for orders had been given to the Athenian captains, and moreover a
prize was offered of ten thousand drachmas for the man who should take
her alive; since they thought it intolerable that a woman should make
an expedition against Athens. She then, as has been said before, had
made her escape; and the others also, whose ships had escaped
destruction, were at Phaleron.

94. As regards Adeimantos the commander of the Corinthians, the
Athenians say that forthwith at the beginning when the ships were
engaging in the fight, being struck with panic and terror he put up
his sails and fled away; and the Corinthians, when they saw the
admiral's ship fleeing, departed likewise: and after this, as the
story goes, when they came in their flight opposite to the temple of
Athene Skiras in the land of Salamis, there fell in with them by
divine guidance a light vessel,[58] which no one was ever found to
have sent, and which approached the Corinthians at a time when they
knew nothing of that which was happening with the fleet. And by this
it is conjectured[59] that the matter was of the Deity; for when they
came near to the ships, the men in the light vessel said these words:
"Adeimantos, thou hast turned thy ships away and hast set forth to
flee, deserting the cause of the Hellenes, while they are in truth
gaining a victory and getting the better of their foes as much as they
desired." When they said this, since Adeimantos doubted of it, they
spoke a second time and said that they might be taken as hostages and
slain, if the Hellenes should prove not to be gaining the victory.
Then he turned his ship back, he and the others with him, and they
reached the camp when the work was finished. Such is the report spread
by the Athenians against these: the Corinthians however do not allow
this to be so, but hold that they were among the first in the sea-
fight; and the rest of Hellas also bears witness on their side.

95. Aristeides moreover the son of Lysimachos, the Athenian, of whom I
made mention also shortly before this as a very good man, he in this
tumult which had arisen about Salamis did as follows:--taking with him
a number of the hoplites of Athenian race who had been ranged along
the shore of the land of Salamis, with them he disembarked on the
island of Psyttaleia; and these slew all the Persians who were in this
islet.

96. When the sea-fight had been broken off, the Hellenes towed in to
Salamis so many of the wrecks as chanced to be still about there, and
held themselves ready for another sea-fight, expecting that the king
would yet make use of the ships which remained unhurt; but many of the
wrecks were taken by the West Wind and borne to that strand in Attica
which is called Colias; so as to fulfil[60] not only all that other
oracle which was spoken about this sea-fight by Bakis and Musaios, but
also especially, with reference to the wrecks cast up here, that which
had been spoken in an oracle many years before these events by
Lysistratos, an Athenian who uttered oracles, and which had not been
observed by any of the Hellenes:

"Then shall the Colian women with firewood of oars roast barley."[61]

This was destined to come to pass after the king had marched away.

97. When Xerxes perceived the disaster which had come upon him, he
feared lest some one of the Ionians should suggest to the Hellenes, or
they should themselves form the idea, to sail to the Hellespont and
break up the bridges; and so he might be cut off in Europe and run the
risk of perishing utterly: therefore he began to consider about taking
flight. He desired however that his intention should not be perceived
either by the Hellenes or by those of his own side; therefore he
attempted to construct a mole going across to Salamis, and he bound
together Phenician merchant vessels in order that they might serve him
both for a bridge and a wall, and made preparations for fighting as if
he were going to have another battle by sea. Seeing him do so, all the
rest made sure that he had got himself ready in earnest and intended
to stay and fight; but Mardonios did not fail to perceive the true
meaning of all these things, being by experience very well versed in
his way of thinking.

98. While Xerxes was doing thus, he sent a messenger to the Persians,
to announce the calamity which had come upon them. Now there is
nothing mortal which accomplishes a journey with more speed than these
messengers, so skilfully has this been invented by the Persians: for
they say that according to the number of days of which the entire
journey consists, so many horses and men are set at intervals, each
man and horse appointed for a day's journey. These neither snow nor
rain nor heat nor darkness of night prevents from accomplishing each
one the task proposed to him, with the very utmost speed. The first
then rides and delivers the message with which he is charged to the
second, and the second to the third; and after that it goes through
them handed from one to the other,[62] as in the torch-race among the
Hellenes, which they perform for Hephaistos. This kind of running of
their horses the Persians call /angareion/. 99. The first message then
which came to Susa, announcing that Xerxes had Athens in his
possession, so greatly rejoiced the Persians who had been left behind,
that they strewed all the ways with myrtle boughs and offered incense
perpetually, and themselves continued in sacrifices and feasting. The
second message however, which came to them after this, so greatly
disturbed them that they all tore their garments and gave themselves
up to crying and lamentation without stint, laying the blame upon
Mardonios: and this the Persians did not so much because they were
grieved about the ships, as because they feared for Xerxes himself.

100. As regards the Persians this went on for all the time which
intervened, until the coming of Xerxes himself caused them to cease:
and Mardonios seeing that Xerxes was greatly troubled by reason of the
sea-fight, and suspecting that he was meaning to take flight from
Athens, considered with regard to himself that he would have to suffer
punishment for having persuaded the king to make an expedition against
Hellas, and that it was better for him to run the risk of either
subduing Hellas or ending his own life honourably, placing his safety
in suspense for a great end,[63] though his opinion was rather that he
would subdue Hellas;--he reckoned up these things, I say, and
addressed his speech to the king as follows: "Master, be not thou
grieved, nor feel great trouble on account of this thing which has
come to pass; for it is not upon a contest of timbers that all our
fortunes depend, but of men and of horses: and none of these who
suppose now that all has been achieved by them will attempt to
disembark from the ships and stand against thee, nor will any in this
mainland do so; but those who did stand against us paid the penalty.
If therefore thou thinkest this good to do, let us forthwith attempt
the Peloponnese, or if thou thinkest good to hold back, we may do
that. Do not despond however, for there is no way of escape for the
Hellenes to avoid being thy slaves, after they have first given an
account of that which they did to thee both now and at former times.
Thus it were best to do; but if thou hast indeed resolved to retire
thyself and to withdraw thy army, I have another counsel to offer for
that case too. Do not thou, O king, let the Persians be an object of
laughter to the Hellenes; for none of thy affairs have suffered by
means of the Persians, nor wilt thou be able to mention any place
where we proved ourselves cowards: but if Phenicians or Egyptians or
Cyprians or Kilikians proved themselves cowards, the calamity which
followed does not belong to the Persians in any way. Now therefore,
since it is not the Persians who are guilty towards thee, follow my
counsel. If thou hast determined not to remain here, retire thou to
thine own abode, taking with thee the main body of the army, and it
must then be for me to deliver over to thee Hellas reduced to
subjection, choosing for this purpose thirty myriads[64] from the
army." 101. Hearing this Xerxes was rejoiced and delighted so far as
he might be after his misfortunes,[65] and to Mardonios he said that
when he had taken counsel he would reply and say which of these two
things he would do. So when he was taking counsel with those of the
Persians who were called to be his advisers,[66] it seemed good to him
to send for Artemisia also to give him counsel, because at the former
time she alone had showed herself to have perception of that which
ought to be done. So when Artemisia had come, Xerxes removed from him
all the rest, both the Persian councillors and also the spearmen of
the guard and spoke to her thus: "Mardonios bids me stay here and make
an attempt on the Peloponnese, saying that the Persians and the land-
army are not guilty of any share in my calamity, and that they would
gladly give me proof of this. He bids me therefore either do this or,
if not, he desires himself to choose thirty myriads from the army and
to deliver over to me Hellas reduced to subjection; and he bids me
withdraw with the rest of the army to my own abode. Do thou therefore,
as thou didst well advise about the sea-fight which was fought, urging
that we should not bring it on, so also now advise me which of these
things I shall do, that I may succeed in determining well." 102. He
thus consulted her, and she spoke these words: "O king, it is hard for
me to succeed in saying the best things when one asks me for counsel;
yet it seems good to me at the present that thou shouldest retire back
and leave Mardonios here, if he desires it and undertakes to do this,
together with those whom he desires to have: for on the one hand if he
subdue those whom he says that he desires to subdue, and if those
matters succeed well which he has in mind when he thus speaks, the
deed will after all be thine, master, seeing that thy slaves achieved
it: and on the other hand if the opposite shall come to pass of that
which Mardonios intends, it will be no great misfortune, seeing that
thou wilt thyself remain safe, and also the power in those parts[67]
which concerns thy house:[68] for if thou shalt remain safe with thy
house, many contests many times over repeated will the Hellenes have
to pass through for their own existence.[69] Of Mardonios however, if
he suffer any disaster, no account will be made; and if the Hellenes
conquer they gain a victory which is no victory, having destroyed one
who is but thy slave. Thou however wilt retire having done that for
which thou didst make thy march, that is to say, having delivered
Athens to the fire."

103. With this advice Xerxes was greatly delighted, since she
succeeded in saying that very thing which he himself was meaning to
do: for not even if all the men and all the women in the world had
been counselling him to remain, would he have done so, as I think, so
much had he been struck with terror. He commended Artemisia therefore
and sent her away to conduct his sons to Ephesos, for there were
certain bastard sons of his which accompanied him. 104. With these
sons he sent Hermotimos to have charge of them, who was by race of
Pedasa and was in the estimation of the king second to none of the
eunuchs. [Now the Pedasians dwell above Halicarnassos, and at this
Pedasa a thing happens as follows:--whenever to the whole number of
those who dwell about this city some trouble is about to come within a
certain time, then the priestess of Athene in that place gets a long
beard; and this has happened to them twice before now. 105. Of these
Pedasians was Hermotimos.][70] And this man of all persons whom we
know up to this time obtained the greatest revenge for a wrong done to
him. For he had been captured by enemies and was being sold, and
Panionios a man of Chios bought him, one who had set himself to gain
his livelihood by the most impious practices; for whenever he obtained
boys who possessed some beauty, he would make eunuchs of them, and
then taking them to Sardis or Ephesos sold them for large sums of
money, since with the Barbarians eunuchs are held to be of more value
for all matters of trust than those who are not eunuchs. Panionios
then, I say, made eunuchs of many others, since by this he got his
livelihood, and also of this man about whom I speak: and Hermotimos,
being not in everything unfortunate, was sent from Sardis to the king
with other gifts, and as time went on he came to be honoured more than
all the other eunuchs in the sight of Xerxes. 106. And when the king,
being at that time in Sardis, was setting the Persian army in motion
to march against Athens, then Hermotimos, having gone down for some
business to that part of Mysia which the Chians occupy and which is
called Atarneus, found there Panionios: and having recognised him he
spoke to him many friendly words, first recounting to him all the good
things which he had by his means, and next making promises in return
for this, and saying how many good things he would do for him, if he
would bring his household and dwell in that land; so that Panionios
gladly accepting his proposals brought his children and his wife.
Then, when he had caught him together with his whole house, Hermotimos
spoke as follows: "O thou, who of all men that ever lived up to this
time didst gain thy substance by the most impious deeds, what evil did
either I myself or any of my forefathers do either to thee or to any
of thine, that thou didst make me to be that which is nought instead
of a man? Didst thou suppose that thou wouldest escape the notice of
the gods for such things as then thou didst devise? They however
following the rule of justice delivered[71] thee into my hands, since
thou hadst done impious deeds; so that thou shalt not have reason to
find fault with the penalty which shall be inflicted upon thee by me."
When he had thus reproached him, the man's sons were brought into his
presence and Panionios was compelled to make eunuchs of his own sons,
who were four in number, and being compelled he did so; and then when
he had so done, the sons were compelled to do the same thing to him.
Thus vengeance by the hands of Hermotimos[72] overtook Panionios.

107. When Xerxes had entrusted his sons to Artemisia to carry them
back to Ephesos, he called Mardonios and bade him choose of the army
whom he would, and make his deeds, if possible, correspond to his
words. During this day then things went so far; and in the night on
the command of the king the leaders of the fleet began to withdraw
their ships from Phaleron to the Hellespont, as quickly as they might
each one, to guard the bridges for the king to pass over. And when the
Barbarians were near Zoster as they sailed, then seeing the small
points of rock which stretch out to sea from this part of the
mainland, they thought that these were ships and fled for a good
distance. In time however, perceiving that they were not ships but
points of rock, they assembled together again and continued on their
voyage.

108. When day dawned, the Hellenes, seeing that the land-army was
staying still in its place, supposed that the ships also were about
Phaleron; and thinking that they would fight another sea-battle, they
made preparations to repel them. When however they were informed that
the ships had departed, forthwith upon this they thought it good to
pursue after them. They pursued therefore as far as Andros, but did
not get a sight of the fleet of Xerxes; and when they had come to
Andros, they deliberated what they should do. Themistocles then
declared as his opinion that they should take their course through the
islands and pursue after the ships, and afterwards sail straight to
the Hellespont to break up the bridges; but Eurybiades expressed the
opposite opinion to this, saying that if they should break up the
floating-bridges, they would therein do[73] the greatest possible evil
to Hellas: for if the Persian should be cut off and compelled to
remain in Europe, he would endeavour not to remain still, since if he
remained still, neither could any of his affairs go forward, nor would
any way of returning home appear; but his army would perish of hunger:
whereas if he made the attempt and persevered in it, all Europe might
be brought over to him, city by city and nation by nation, the
inhabitants being either conquered[74] or surrendering on terms before
they were conquered: moreover they would have for food the crops of
the Hellenes which grew year by year. He thought however that
conquered in the sea-fight the Persian would not stay in Europe, and
therefore he might be allowed to flee until in his flight he came to
his own land. Then after that they might begin the contest for the
land which belonged to the Persian. To this opinion the commanders of
the other Peloponnesians adhered also. 109. When Themistocles
perceived that he would not be able to persuade them, or at least the
greater number of them, to sail to the Hellespont, he changed his
counsel[75] and turning to the Athenians (for these were grieved most
at the escape of the enemy and were anxious to sail to the Hellespont
even by themselves alone,[76] if the others were not willing) to them
he spoke as follows: "I myself also have been present before now on
many occasions, and have heard of many more, on which something of
this kind came to pass, namely that men who were forced into great
straits, after they had been defeated fought again and repaired their
former disaster: and as for us, since we have won as a prize from
fortune the existence of ourselves and of Hellas by repelling from our
land so great a cloud of men, let us not pursue enemies who flee from
us: for of these things not we were the doors, but the gods and
heroes, who grudged that one man should become king of both Asia and
of Europe, and he a man unholy and presumptuous, one who made no
difference between things sacred and things profane,[77] burning and
casting down the images of the gods, and who also scourged the Sea and
let down into it fetters. But as things are at present, it is well
that we should now remain in Hellas and look after ourselves and our
households; and let each man repair his house, and have a care for
sowing his land, after he has completely driven away the Barbarian:
and then at the beginning of the spring let us sail down towards the
Hellespont and Ionia." Thus he spoke, intending to lay up for himself
a store of gratitude with the Persian, in order that if after all any
evil should come upon him at the hands of the Athenians, he might have
a place of refuge: and this was in fact that which came to pass.

110. Themistocles then speaking thus endeavoured to deceive them, and
the Athenians followed his advice: for he had had the reputation even
in former times of being a man of ability[78] and he had now proved
himself to be in truth both able and of good judgment; therefore they
were ready in every way to follow his advice when he spoke. So when
these had been persuaded by him, forthwith after this Themistocles
sent men with a vessel, whom he trusted to keep silence, to whatever
test they might be brought, of that which he himself charged them to
tell the king; and of them Sikinnos his servant again was one. When
these came to Attica, the rest stayed behind in the ship, while
Sikinnos went up to Xerxes and spoke these words: "Themistocles the
son of Neocles sent me, who is commander of the Athenians, and of all
the allies the best and ablest man, to tell thee that Themistocles the
Athenian, desiring to be of service to thee, held back the Hellenes
when they were desirous to pursue after thy ships and to destroy the
bridges on the Hellespont. Now therefore thou mayest make thy way home
quite undisturbed." They having signified this sailed away again.

111. The Hellenes meanwhile, having resolved not to pursue after the
ships of the Barbarians further, nor to sail to the Hellespont to
break up the passage, were investing Andros intending to take it: for
the Andrians were the first of the islanders who, being asked by
Themistocles for money, refused to give it: and when Themistocles made
proposals to them and said that the Athenians had come having on their
side two great deities, Persuasion and Compulsion, and therefore they
must by all means give them money, they replied to this that not
without reason, as it now appeared, was Athens great and prosperous,
since the Athenians were well supplied with serviceable deities; but
as for the Andrians, they were poor,[79] having in this respect
attained to the greatest eminence, and there were two unprofitable
deities which never left their island but always remained attached to
the place, Poverty, namely, and Helplessness: and the Andrians being
possessed of these deities would not give money; for never could the
power of the Athenians get the better of their inability.[80] 112.
These, I say, having thus made answer and having refused to give the
money, were being besieged: and Themistocles not ceasing in his desire
for gain sent threatening messages to the other islands and asked them
for money by the same envoys, employing those whom he had before sent
to the king;[81] and he said that if they did not give that which was
demanded of them, he would bring the fleet of the Hellenes against
them to besiege and take them. Thus saying he collected great sums of
money from the Carystians and the Parians, who being informed how
Andros was being besieged, because it had taken the side of the Medes,
and how Themistocles was held in more regard than any of the other
commanders, sent money for fear of this. Whether any others of the
islanders also gave money I am not able to say, but I think that some
others gave and not these alone. Yet to the Carystians at least there
was no respite from the evil on this account, but the Parians escaped
the attack, because they propitiated Themistocles with money. Thus
Themistocles with Andros as his starting-point was acquiring sums of
money for himself from the men of the islands without the knowledge of
the other commanders.

113. Xerxes meanwhile with his army stayed for a few days after the
sea-fight, and then they all began to march forth towards Bœotia by
the same way by which they had come: for Mardonios thought both that
it was well for him to escort the king on his way, and also that it
was now too late in the year to carry on the war; it was better, he
thought, to winter in Thessaly and then at the beginning of spring to
attempt the Peloponnese. When he came to Thessaly, then Mardonios
chose out for himself first all those Persians who are called
"Immortals," except only their commander Hydarnes (for Hydarnes said
that he would not be left behind by the king), and after them of the
other Persians those who wore cuirasses, and the body of a thousand
horse: also the Medes, Sacans, Bactrians and Indians, foot and
horsemen both.[82] These nations he chose in the mass,[83] but from
the other allies he selected by few at a time, choosing whose who had
fine appearance of those of whom he knew that they had done good
service. From the Persians he chose more than from any other single
nation, and these wore collars of twisted metal and bracelets; and
after them came the Medes, who in fact were not inferior in number to
the Persians, but only in bodily strength. The result was that there
were thirty myriads in all, including cavalry.

114. During this time, while Mardonios was selecting his army and
Xerxes was in Thessaly, there had come an oracle from Delphi to the
Lacedemonians, bidding them ask satisfaction from Xerxes for the
murder of Leonidas and accept that which should be given by him. The
Spartans therefore sent a herald as quickly as possible, who having
found the whole army still in Thessaly came into the presence of
Xerxes and spoke these words: "O king of the Medes, the Lacedemonians
and the sons of Heracles of Sparta demand of thee satisfaction for
murder, because thou didst kill their king, fighting in defence of
Hellas." He laughed and then kept silence some time, and after that
pointing to Mardonios, who happened to be standing by him, he said:
"Then Mardonios here shall give them satisfaction, such as is fitting
for them to have." 115. The herald accordingly accepted the utterance
and departed; and Xerxes leaving Mardonios in Thessaly went on himself
in haste to the Hellespont and arrived at the passage where the
crossing was in five-and-thirty days, bringing back next to nothing,
as one may say,[84] of his army: and whithersoever they came on the
march and to whatever nation, they seized the crops of that people and
used them for provisions; and if they found no crops, then they took
the grass which was growing up from the earth, and stripped off the
bark from the trees and plucked down the leaves and devoured them,
alike of the cultivated trees and of those growing wild; and they left
nothing behind them: thus they did by reason of famine. Then plague
too seized upon the army and dysentery, which destroyed them by the
way, and some of them also who were sick the king left behind, laying
charge upon the cities where at the time he chanced to be in his
march, to take care of them and support them: of these he left some in
Thessaly, and some at Siris in Paionia, and some in Macedonia. In
these parts too he had left behind him the sacred chariot of Zeus,
when he was marching against Hellas; but on his return he did not
receive it back: for the Paionians had given it to the Thracians, and
when Xerxes asked for it again, they said that the mares while at
pasture had been carried off by the Thracians of the upper country,
who dwelt about the source of the Strymon. 116. Here also a Thracian,
the king of the Bisaltians and of the Crestonian land, did a deed of
surpassing horror; for he had said that he would not himself be
subject to Xerxes with his own will and had gone away up to Mount
Rhodope, and also he had forbidden his sons to go on the march against
Hellas. They however, either because they cared not for his command,
or else because a desire came upon them to see the war, went on the
march with the Persian: and when they returned all unhurt, being six
in number, their father plucked out their eyes for this cause. 117.
They then received this reward: and as to the Persians, when passing
on from Thrace they came to the passage, they crossed over the
Hellespont in haste to Abydos by means of the ships, for they did not
find the floating-bridges still stretched across but broken up by a
storm. While staying there for a time they had distributed to them an
allowance of food more abundant than they had had by the way, and from
satisfying their hunger without restraint and also from the changes of
water there died many of those in the army who had remained safe till
then. The rest arrived with Xerxes at Sardis.

118. There is also another story reported as follows, namely that when
Xerxes on his march away from Athens came to Eïon on the Strymon, from
that point he did not continue further to make marches by road, but
delivered his army to Hydarnes to lead back to the Hellespont, while
he himself embarked in a Phenician ship and set forth for Asia; and as
he sailed he was seized by a wind from the Strymon,[85] violent and
raising great waves; and since he was tossed by the storm more and
more, the ship being heavily laden (for there were upon the deck great
numbers of Persians, those namely who went with Xerxes), the king upon
that falling into fear shouted aloud and asked the pilot whether there
were for them any means of safety. He said: "Master, there are none,
unless some way be found of freeing ourselves of the excessive number
of passengers." Then it is said that Xerxes, when he heard this, spoke
thus: "Persians, now let each one of you show that he has care for the
king; for my safety, as it seems, depends upon you." He, they say,
thus spoke, and they made obeisance to him and leapt out into the sea;
and so the ship being lightened came safe to Asia. As soon as they had
landed Xerxes, they say, first presented the pilot with a wreath of
gold, because he had saved the life of the king, and then cut off his
head, because he had caused the death of many of the Persians. 119.
This other story, I say, is reported about the return of Xerxes, but I
for my part can by no means believe it, either in other respects or as
regards this which is said to have happened to the Persians; for if
this which I have related had in truth been said by the pilot to
Xerxes, not one person's opinion in ten thousand will differ from mine
that the king would have done some such thing as this, that is to say,
he would have caused those who were upon the deck to go down below
into the hold, seeing that they were Persians of the highest rank
among the Persians; and of the rowers, who were Phenicians, he would
have thrown out into the sea a number equal to the number of those. In
fact however, as I have said before, he made his return to Asia
together with the rest of the army by road. 120. And this also which
follows is a strong witness that it was so; for Xerxes is known to
have come to Abdera on his way back, and to have made with them a
guest-friendship and presented them with a Persian sword of gold and a
gold-spangled tiara: and as the men of Abdera themselves say (though I
for my part can by no means believe it), he loosed his girdle for the
first time during his flight back from Athens, considering himself to
be in security. Now Abdera is situated further towards the Hellespont
than the river Strymon and Eïon, from which place the story says that
he embarked in the ship.

121. The Hellenes meanwhile, when it proved that they were not able to
conquer Andros, turned towards Carystos, and having laid waste the
land of that people they departed and went to Salamis. First then for
the gods they chose out first-fruits of the spoil, and among them
three Persian triremes, one to be dedicated as an offering at the
Isthmus, which remained there still up to my time, another at Sunion,
and the third to Ajax in Salamis where they were. After this they
divided the spoil among themselves and sent the first-fruits[86] to
Delphi, of which was made a statue holding in its hand the beak of a
ship and in height measuring twelve cubits. This statue stood in the
same place with the golden statue of Alexander the Macedonian. 122.
Then when the Hellenes had sent first-fruits to Delphi, they asked the
god on behalf of all whether the first-fruits which he had received
were fully sufficient and acceptable to him. He said that from the
Hellenes he had received enough, but not from the Eginetans, and from
them he demanded the offering of their prize of valour for the sea-
fight at Salamis. Hearing this the Eginetans dedicated golden stars,
three in number, upon a ship's mast of bronze, which are placed in the
corner[87] close to the mixing-bowl of Crœsus. 123. After the division
of the spoil the Hellenes sailed to the Isthmus, to give the prize of
valour to him who of all the Hellenes had proved himself the most
worthy during this war: and when they had come thither and the
commanders distributed[88] their votes at the altar of Poseidon,
selecting from the whole number the first and the second in merit,
then every one of them gave in his vote for himself, each man thinking
that he himself had been the best; but for the second place the
greater number of votes came out in agreement, assigning that to
Themistocles. They then were left alone in their votes, while
Themistocles in regard to the second place surpassed the rest by far:
124, and although the Hellenes would not give decision of this by
reason of envy, but sailed away each to their own city without
deciding, yet Themistocles was loudly reported of and was esteemed
throughout Hellas to be the man who was the ablest[89] by far of the
Hellenes: and since he had not received honour from those who had
fought at Salamis, although he was the first in the voting, he went
forthwith after this to Lacedemon, desiring to receive honour there;
and the Lacedemonians received him well and gave him great honours. As
a prize of valour they gave to Eurybiades a wreath of olive; and for
ability and skill they gave to Themistocles also a wreath of olive,
and presented him besides with the chariot which was judged to be the
best in Sparta. So having much commended him, they escorted him on his
departure with three hundred picked men of the Spartans, the same who
are called the "horsemen,"[90] as far as the boundaries of Tegea: and
he is the only man of all we know to whom the Spartans ever gave
escort on his way. 125. When however he had come to Athens from
Lacedemon, Timodemos of Aphidnai, one of the opponents of
Themistocles, but in other respects not among the men of distinction,
maddened by envy attacked him, bringing forward against him his going
to Lacedemon, and saying that it was on account of Athens that he had
those marks of honour which he had from the Lacedemonians, and not on
his own account. Then, as Timodemos continued ceaselessly to repeat
this, Themistocles said: "I tell thee thus it is:--if I had been a
native of Belbina[91] I should never have been thus honoured by the
Spartans; but neither wouldest thou, my friend, for all that thou art
an Athenian." So far then went these matters.

126. Artabazos meanwhile the son of Pharnakes, a man who was held in
esteem among the Persians even before this and came to be so yet more
after the events about Plataia, was escorting the king as far as the
passage with six myriads[92] of that army which Mardonios had selected
for himself; and when the king was in Asia and Artabazos on his march
back came near to Pallene, finding that Mardonios was wintering in
Thessaly and Macedonia and was not at present urgent with him to come
and join the rest of the army, he thought it not good to pass by
without reducing the Potidaians to slavery, whom he had found in
revolt: for the men of Potidaia, when the king had marched by them and
when the fleet of the Persians had departed in flight from Salamis,
had openly made revolt from the Barbarians; and so also had the others
done who occupy Pallene. 127. So upon this Artabazos began to besiege
Potidaia, and suspecting that the men of Olynthos also were intending
revolt from the king, he began to besiege this city too, which was
occupied by Bottiaians who had been driven away from the Thermaian
gulf by the Macedonians. So when he had taken these men by siege, he
brought them forth to a lake and slew them[93] there; and the city he
delivered to Critobulos of Torone to have in charge, and to the
natives of Chalkidike; and thus it was that the Chalkidians got
possession of Olynthos. 128. Having taken this city Artabazos set
himself to attack Potidaia with vigour, and as he was setting himself
earnestly to this work, Timoxeinos the commander of the troops from
Skione concerted with him to give up the town by treachery. Now in
what manner he did this at the first, I for my part am not able to
say, for this is not reported; at last however it happened as follows.
Whenever either Timoxeinos wrote a paper wishing to send it to
Artabazos, or Artabazos wishing to send one to Timoxeinos, they wound
it round by the finger-notches[94] of an arrow, and then, putting
feathers over the paper, they shot it to a place agreed upon between
them. It came however to be found out that Timoxeinos was attempting
by treachery to give up Potidaia; for Artabazos, shooting an arrow at
the place agreed upon, missed this spot and struck a man of Potidaia
in the shoulder; and when he was struck, a crowd came about him, as is
apt to happen when there is fighting, and they forthwith took the
arrow and having discovered the paper carried it to the commanders.
Now there was present an allied force of the other men of Pallene
also. Then when the commanders had read the paper and discovered who
was guilty of the treachery, they resolved not openly to convict[95]
Timoxeinos of treachery, for the sake of the city of Skione, lest the
men of Skione should be esteemed traitors for all time to come. 129.
He then in such a manner as this had been discovered; and when three
months had gone by while Artabazos was besieging the town, there came
to be a great ebb of the sea backwards, which lasted for a long time;
and the Barbarians, seeing that shallow water had been produced,
endeavoured to get by into the peninsula of Pallene,[96] but when they
had passed through two fifth-parts of the distance, and yet three-
fifths remained, which they must pass through before they were within
Pallene, then there came upon them a great flood-tide of the sea,
higher than ever before, as the natives of the place say, though high
tides come often. So those of them who could not swim perished, and
those who could were slain by the men of Potidaia who put out to them
in boats. The cause of the high tide and flood and of that which
befell the Persians was this, as the Potidaians say, namely that these
same Persians who perished by means of the sea had committed impiety
towards the temple of Poseidon and his image in the suburb of their
town; and in saying that this was the cause, in my opinion they say
well. The survivors of his army Artabazos led away to Thessaly to join
Mardonios. Thus it fared with these who escorted the king on his way.

130. The fleet of Xerxes, so much of it as remained, when it had
touched Asia in its flight from Salamis, and had conveyed the king and
his army over from the Chersonese to Abydos, passed the winter at
Kyme: and when spring dawned upon it, it assembled early at Samos,
where some of the ships had even passed the winter; and most of the
Persians and Medes still served as fighting-men on board of them.[97]
To be commanders of them there came Mardontes the son of Bagaios, and
Artaÿntes the son of Artachaies, and with them also Ithamitres was in
joint command, who was brother's son to Artaÿntes and had been added
by the choice of Artaÿntes himself. They then, since they had suffered
a heavy blow, did not advance further up towards the West, nor did any
one compel them to do so; but they remained still in Samos and kept
watch over Ionia, lest it should revolt, having three hundred ships
including those of the Ionians; and they did not expect that the
Hellenes on their part would come to Ionia, but thought that it would
satisfy them to guard their own land, judging from the fact that they
had not pursued after them in their flight from Salamis but were well
contented then to depart homewards. As regards the sea then their
spirit was broken, but on land they thought that Mardonios would get
much the advantage. So they being at Samos were taking counsel to do
some damage if they could to their enemies, and at the same time they
were listening for news how the affairs of Mardonios would fall out.

131. The Hellenes on their part were roused both by the coming on of
spring and by the presence of Mardonios in Thessaly. Their land-army
had not yet begun to assemble, when the fleet arrived at Egina, in
number one hundred and ten ships, and the commander and admiral was
Leotychides, who was the son of Menares, the son of Hegesilaos, the
son of Hippocratides, the son of Leotychides, the son of Anaxilaos,
the son of Archidemos, the son of Anaxandriddes, the son of
Theopompos, the son of Nicander, the son of Charilaos,[98] the son of
Eunomos, the son of Polydectes, the son of Prytanis, the son of
Euryphon,[99] the son of Procles, the son of Aristodemos, the son of
Aristomachos, the son of Cleodaios, the son of Hyllos, the son of
Heracles, being of the other royal house.[100] These all, except the
two[101] enumerated first after Leotychides, had been kings of Sparta.
And of the Athenians the commander was Xanthippos the son of Ariphon.
132. When all the ships had arrived at Egina, there came Ionian envoys
to the camp of the Hellenes, who also came a short time before this to
Sparta and asked the Lacedemonians to set Ionia free; and of them one
was Herodotus the son of Basileides. These had banded themselves
together and had plotted to put to death Strattis the despot of Chios,
being originally seven in number; but when one of those who took part
with them gave information of it and they were discovered to be
plotting against him, then the remaining six escaped from Chios and
came both to Sparta and also at this time to Egina, asking the
Hellenes to sail over to Ionia: but they with difficulty brought them
forward as far as Delos; for the parts beyond this were all fearful to
the Hellenes, since they were without experience of those regions and
everything seemed to them to be filled with armed force, while their
persuasion was that it was as long a voyage to Samos as to the Pillars
of Heracles. Thus at the same time it so chanced that the Barbarians
dared sail no further up towards the West than Samos, being smitten
with fear, and the Hellenes no further down towards the East than
Delos, when the Chians made request of them. So fear was guard of the
space which lay between them.

133. The Hellenes, I say, sailed to Delos; and Mardonios meanwhile had
been wintering in Thessaly. From thence he sent round a man, a native
of Europos, whose name was Mys, to the various Oracles, charging him
to go everywhere to consult,[102] wherever they[103] were permitted to
make trial of the Oracles. What he desired to find out from the
Oracles when he gave this charge, I am not able to say, for that is
not reported; but I conceive for my part that he sent to consult about
his present affairs and not about other things. 134. This Mys is known
to have come to Lebadeia and to have persuaded by payment of money one
of the natives of the place to go down to Trophonios, and also he came
to the Oracle at Abai of the Phokians; and moreover when he came for
the first time to Thebes, he not only consulted the Ismenian Apollo,--
there one may consult just as at Olympia with victims,--but also by
payment he persuaded a stranger who was not a Theban, and induced him
to lie down to sleep in the temple of Amphiaraos. In this temple no
one of the Thebans is permitted to seek divination, and that for the
following reason:--Amphiaraos dealing by oracles bade them choose
which they would of these two things, either to have him as a diviner
or else as an ally in war, abstaining from the other use; and they
chose that he should be their ally in war: for this reason it is not
permitted to any of the Thebans to lie down to sleep in that temple.
135. After this a thing which to me is a very great marvel is said by
the Thebans to have come to pass:--it seems that this man Mys of
Europos, as he journeyed round to all the Oracles, came also to the
sacred enclosure of the Ptoan Apollo. This temple is called "Ptoon,"
and belongs to the Thebans, and it lies above the lake Copaïs at the
foot of the mountains, close to the town of Acraiphia. When the man
called Mys came to this temple with three men chosen from the
citizens[104] in his company, who were sent by the public authority to
write down that which the god should utter in his divination,
forthwith it is said the prophet[105] of the god began to give the
oracle in a Barbarian tongue; and while those of the Thebans who
accompanied him were full of wonder, hearing a Barbarian instead of
the Hellenic tongue, and did not know what to make of the matter
before them, it is said that the man of Europos, Mys, snatched from
them the tablet which they bore and wrote upon it that which was being
spoken by the prophet; and he said that the prophet was giving his
answer in the Carian tongue: and then when he had written it, he went
away and departed to Thessaly.

136. Mardonios having read that which the Oracles uttered, whatever
that was, after this sent as an envoy to Athens Alexander the son of
Amyntas, the Macedonian, both because the Persians were connected with
him by marriage, (for Gygaia the sister of Alexander and daughter of
Amyntas had been married to a Persian Bubares,[106] and from her had
been born to him that Amyntas who lived in Asia, having the name of
his mother's father, to whom the king gave Alabanda,[107] a great city
of Phrygia, to possess), and also Mardonios was sending him because he
was informed that Alexander was a public guest-friend and benefactor
of the Athenians; for by this means he thought that he would be most
likely to gain over the Athenians to his side, about whom he heard
that they were a numerous people and brave in war, and of whom he knew
moreover that these were they who more than any others had brought
about the disasters which had befallen the Persians by sea. Therefore
if these should be added to him, he thought that he should easily have
command of the sea (and this in fact would have been the case), while
on land he supposed himself to be already much superior in force. Thus
he reckoned that his power would be much greater than that of the
Hellenes. Perhaps also the Oracles told him this beforehand,
counselling him to make the Athenian his ally, and so he was sending
in obedience to their advice.

137. Now of this Alexander the seventh ancestor[108] was that
Perdiccas who first became despot of the Macedonians, and that in the
manner which here follows:--From Argos there fled to the Illyrians
three brothers of the descendents of Temenos, Gauanes, Aëropos, and
Perdiccas; and passing over from the Illyrians into the upper parts of
Macedonia they came to the city of Lebaia. There they became farm-
servants for pay in the household of the king, one pasturing horses,
the second oxen, and the youngest of them, namely Perdiccas, the
smaller kinds of cattle; for[109] in ancient times even those who were
rulers over men[110] were poor in money, and not the common people
only; and the wife of the king cooked for them their food herself. And
whenever she baked, the loaf of the boy their servant, namely
Perdiccas, became double as large as by nature it should be. When this
happened constantly in the same manner, she told it to her husband,
and he when he heard it conceived forthwith that this was a portent
and tended to something great. He summoned the farm-servants
therefore, and gave notice to them to depart out of his land; and they
said that it was right that before they went forth they should receive
the wages which were due. Now it chanced that the sun was shining into
the house down through the opening which received the smoke, and the
king when he heard about the wages said, being infatuated by a divine
power: "I pay you then this for wages, and it is such as ye deserve,"
pointing to the sunlight. So then Gauanes and Aëropos the elder
brothers stood struck with amazement when they heard this, but the
boy, who happened to have in his hand a knife, said these words: "We
accept, O king, that which thou dost give;" and he traced a line with
his knife round the sunlight on the floor of the house, and having
traced the line round he thrice drew of the sunlight into his bosom,
and after that he departed both himself and his fellows. 138. They
then were going away, and to the king one of those who sat by him at
table told what manner of thing the boy had done, and how the youngest
of them had taken that which was given with some design: and he
hearing this and being moved with anger, sent after them horsemen to
slay them. Now there is a river in this land to which the descendents
of these men from Argos sacrifice as a saviour. This river, so soon as
the sons of Temenos had passed over it, began to flow with such great
volume of water that the horsemen became unable to pass over. So the
brothers, having come to another region of Macedonia, took up their
dwelling near the so-called gardens of Midas the son of Gordias, where
roses grow wild which have each one sixty petals and excel all others
in perfume. In these gardens too Silenos was captured, as is reported
by the Macedonians: and above the gardens is situated a mountain
called Bermion, which is inaccessible by reason of the cold. Having
taken possession of that region, they made this their starting-point,
and proceeded to subdue also the rest of Macedonia. 139. From this
Perdiccas the descent of Alexander was as follows:--Alexander was the
son of Amyntas, Amyntas was the son of Alketes, the father of Alketes
was Aëropos, of him Philip, of Philip Argaios, and of this last the
father was Perdiccas, who first obtained the kingdom.

140. Thus then, I say, Alexander the son of Amyntas was descended; and
when he came to Athens sent from Mardonios, he spoke as follows: (a)
"Athenians, Mardonios speaks these words:--There has come to me a
message from the king which speaks in this manner:--To the Athenians I
remit all the offences which were committed against me: and now,
Mardonios, thus do,--first give them back their own land; then let
them choose for themselves another in addition to this, whichsoever
they desire, remaining independent; and set up for them again all
their temples, which I set on fire, provided that they consent to make
a treaty with me. This message having come to me, it is necessary for
me to do so, unless by your means I am prevented: and thus I speak to
you now:--Why are ye so mad as to raise up war against the king? since
neither will ye overcome him, nor are ye able to hold out against him
for ever: for ye saw the multitude of the host of Xerxes and their
deeds, and ye are informed also of the power which is with me at the
present time; so that even if ye overcome and conquer us (of which ye
can have no hope if ye are rightly minded), another power will come
many times as large. Do not ye then desire to match yourselves with
the king, and so to be both deprived of your land and for ever running
a course for your own lives; but make peace with him: and ye have a
most honourable occasion to make peace, since the king has himself set
out upon this road: agree to a league with us then without fraud or
deceit, and remain free. (b) These things Mardonios charged me to say
to you, O Athenians; and as for me, I will say nothing of the goodwill
towards you on my part, for ye would not learn that now for the first
time; but I ask of you to do as Mardonios says, since I perceive that
ye will not be able to war with Xerxes for ever,--if I perceived in
you ability to do this, I should never have come to you speaking these
words,--for the power of the king is above that of a man and his arm
is very long. If therefore ye do not make an agreement forthwith, when
they offer you great things as the terms on which they are willing to
make a treaty, I have fear on your behalf, seeing that ye dwell more
upon the highway than any of your allies, and are exposed ever to
destruction alone, the land which ye possess being parted off from the
rest and lying between the armies which are contending together.[111]
Nay, but be persuaded, for this is a matter of great consequence to
you, that to you alone of the Hellenes the great king remits the
offences committed and desires to become a friend."

141. Thus spoke Alexander; and the Lacedemonians having been informed
that Alexander had come to Athens to bring the Athenians to make a
treaty with the Barbarians, and remembering the oracles, who it was
destined that they together with the other Dorians should be driven
forth out of the Peloponnese by the Medes and the Athenians combined,
had been very greatly afraid lest the Athenians should make a treaty
with the Persians; and forthwith they had resolved to send envoys. It
happened moreover that they were introduced at the same time with
Alexander;[112] for the Athenians had waited for them, protracting the
time, because they were well assured that the Lacedemonians would hear
that an envoy had come from the Barbarians to make a treaty, and that
having heard it they would themselves send envoys with all speed. They
acted therefore of set purpose, so as to let the Lacedemonians see
their inclination. 142. So when Alexander had ceased speaking, the
envoys from Sparta followed him forthwith and said: "As for us, the
Lacedemonians sent us to ask of you not to make any change in that
which concerns Hellas, nor to accept proposals from the Barbarian;
since this is not just in any way nor honourable for any of the
Hellenes to do, but least of all for you, and that for many reasons.
Ye were they who stirred up this war, when we by no means willed it;
and the contest came about for your dominion, but now it extends even
to the whole of Hellas. Besides this it is by no means to be endured
that ye Athenians, who are the authors of all this, should prove to be
the cause of slavery to the Hellenes, seeing that ye ever from ancient
time also have been known as the liberators of many. We feel sympathy
however with you for your sufferings and because ye were deprived of
your crops twice and have had your substance ruined now for a long
time. In compensation for this the Lacedemonians and their allies make
offer to support your wives and all those of your households who are
unfitted for war, so long as this war shall last: but let not
Alexander the Macedonian persuade you, making smooth the speech of
Mardonios; for these things are fitting for him to do, since being
himself a despot he is working in league with a despot: for you
however they are not fitting to do, if ye chance to be rightly minded;
for ye know that in Barbarians there is neither faith nor truth at
all."

Thus spoke the envoys: 143, and to Alexander the Athenians made answer
thus: "Even of ourselves we know so much, that the Mede has a power
many times as numerous as ours; so that there is no need for thee to
cast this up against us. Nevertheless because we long for liberty we
shall defend ourselves as we may be able: and do not thou endeavour to
persuade us to make a treaty with the Barbarian, for we on our part
shall not be persuaded. And now report to Mardonios that the Athenians
say thus:--So long as the Sun goes on the same course by which he goes
now, we will never make an agreement with Xerxes; but we will go forth
to defend ourselves[113] against him, trusting in the gods and the
heroes as allies, for whom he had no respect when he set fire to their
houses and to their sacred images. And in the future do not thou
appear before the Athenians with any such proposals as these, nor
think that thou art rendering them good service in advising them to do
that which is not lawful; for we do not desire that thou shouldest
suffer anything unpleasant at the hands of the Athenians, who art
their public guest and friend." 144. To Alexander they thus made
answer, but to the envoys from Sparta as follows: "That the
Lacedemonians should be afraid lest we should make a treaty with the
Barbarian was natural no doubt;[114] but it seems to be an unworthy
fear for men who know so well the spirit of the Athenians, namely that
there is neither so great quantity of gold anywhere upon the earth,
nor any land so much excelling in beauty and goodness, that we should
be willing to accept it and enslave Hellas by taking the side of the
Medes. For many and great are the reasons which hinder us from doing
this, even though we should desire it; first and greatest the images
and houses of the gods set on fire or reduced to ruin, which we must
necessarily avenge to the very utmost rather than make an agreement
with him who did these deeds; then secondly there is the bond of
Hellenic race, by which we are of one blood and of one speech, the
common temples of the gods and the common sacrifices, the manners of
life which are the same for all; to these it would not be well that
the Athenians should become traitors. And be assured of this, if by
any chance ye were not assured of it before, that so long as one of
the Athenians remains alive, we will never make an agreement with
Xerxes. We admire however the forethought which ye had with regard to
us, in that ye took thought for us who have had our substance
destroyed, and are willing to support the members of our households;
and so far as ye are concerned, the kindness has been fully performed:
but we shall continue to endure as we may, and not be a trouble in any
way to you. Now therefore, with full conviction this is so, send out
an army as speedily as ye may: for, as we conjecture, the Barbarian
will be here invading our land at no far distant time but so soon as
he shall be informed of the message sent, namely that we shall do none
of those things which he desired of us. Therefore before he arrives
here in Attica, it is fitting that ye come to our rescue quickly in
Bœotia." Thus the Athenians made answer, and upon that the envoys went
away back to Sparta.
----------

NOTES TO BOOK VIII

1. See v. 77.

2. i.e. triremes.

3. {os to plethos ekastoi ton neon pareikhonto}: some read by
conjecture {oson to plethos k.t.l.}

4. Perhaps "also" refers to the case of those who had come to
Thermopylai, cp. vii. 207. Others translate, "these Hellenes who
had come /after all/ to Artemision," i.e. after all the doubt and
delay.

5. {pantes}: some MSS. have {plegentes}, which is adopted by most
Editors, "smitten by bribes."

6. {dethen}, with ironical sense.

7. {mede purphoron}: the {purphoros} had charge of the fire brought
for sacrifices from the altar of Zeus Agetor at Sparta, and
ordinarily his person would be regarded as sacred; hence the
proverb {oude purphoros esothe}, used of an utter defeat.

8. {tou diekploou}.

9. {kata stoma}.

10. {sklerai brontai}: the adjective means "harsh-sounding."

11. {akhari}.

12. {ta Koila tes Euboies}.

13. "having been roughly handled."

14. {epi ten thalassan tauten}: some MSS. read {taute} for {tauten},
which is to be taken with {sullexas}, "he assembled the generals
there."

15. {peripetea epoiesanto sphisi autoisi ta pregmata}.

16. {paleseie}, a word which does not occur elsewhere, and is
explained by Hesychius as equivalent to {diaphtharein}. Various
emendations have been proposed, and Valla seems to have had the
reading {apelaseie}, for he says /discessisset/. Stein explains
{paleseie} (as from {pale}) "should contend."

17. Some suppose the number "four thousand" is interpolated by
misunderstanding of the inscription in vii. 228; and it seems
hardly possible that the dead were so many as four thousand,
unless at least half were Helots.

18. Some MSS. have "Tritantaichmes," which is adopted by many Editors.

19. {neou}.

20. {os anarpasomenoi tous Phokeas}: cp. ix. 60.

21. {podeon steinos}, like the neck of a wineskin; cp. ii. 121, note
102.

22. {tou propheten}, the interpreter of the utterances of the
{promantis}.

23. {neou}.

24. {megarou}.

25. i.e. of Athene Polias, the Erechtheion; so throughout this
account.

26. {sunerree}, "kept flowing together."

26a. Or, "Hermione."

27. See i. 56.

28. See ch. 31.

29. {pros pantas tous allous}, "in comparison with all the rest," cp.
iii. 94.

30. {stratarkheo}: a vague expression, because being introduced after
Kecrops he could not have the title of king.

31. The number obtained by adding up the separate contingents is 366.
Many Editors suppose that the ships with which the Eginetans were
guarding their own coast (ch. 46) are counted here, and quote the
authority of Pausanias for the statement that the Eginetans
supplied more ships than any others except the Athenians. Stein
suggests the insertion of the number twelve in ch. 46.

31a. Or, "Thespeia."

32. i.e. "Areopagus."

33. i.e. the North side.

34. {megaron}.

35. {neos}.

36. {pollos en en tois logois}: cp. ix. 91.

37. See vii. 141-143.

38. {autothen ik Salaminos}.

39. {te Metri kai te Koure}, Demeter and Persephone.

40. {te anakrisi}: cp. {anakrinomenous}, ix. 56. Some Editors,
following inferior MSS., read {te krisi}, "at the judgment
expressed."

41. {muriadon}, "ten thousands."

42. Or, "Hermione."

43. {oi perioikoi}: some Editors omit the article and translate "and
these are the so-called Orneates or dwellers round (Argos),"
Orneates being a name for the {perioikoi} of Argos, derived from
the conquered city of Orneai.

44. {elpidi mainomene}, "with a mad hope."

45. {krateron Koron Ubrios uion}.

46. {dokeunt ana panta tithesthai}: the MSS. have also {pithesthai}.
Possibly {tithesthai} might stand, though {anatithesthai} is not
found elsewhere in this sense. Stein adopts in his last edition
the conjecture {piesthai}, "swallow up."

47. {Kronides}.

48. {potnia Nike}.

49. i.e. about rivalry.

50. {ton epibateon}.

51. Many Editors reading {osa de} and {parainesas de}, make the stop
after {antitithemena}: "and in all that is produced in the nature
and constitution of man he exhorted them to choose the better."

52. {o daimonioi}, "strange men."

53. See ch. 22.

54. {pros de eti kai proselabeto}: the MSS. have {prosebaleto}. Most
Editors translate, "Moreover Ariamnes . . . contributed to the
fate of the Phenicians, being a friend (of the Ionians);" but this
does not seem possible unless we read {philos eon Iosi} (or
{Ionon}). Valla translates nearly as I have done. (It does not
appear that {prosballesthai} is found elsewhere in the sense of
{sumballesthai}.)

55. i.e. they who were commanded to execute them.

56. See vii. 179, 181.

57. See vi. 49, etc., and 73.

58. {keleta}.

59. {sumballontai}: the Athenians apparently are spoken of, for they
alone believed the story.

60. {apoplesai}: this is the reading of the MSS.; but many Editors
adopt corrections ({apoplesthai} or {apoplesthenai}). The subject
to {apoplesai} is to be found in the preceding sentence and the
connexion with {ton te allon panta k.t.l.} is a loose one. This in
fact is added as an afterthought, the idea being originally to
call attention simply to the fulfilment of the oracle of
Lysistratos.

61. {phruxousi}: a conjectural emendation, adopted by most Editors, of
{phrixousi}, "will shudder (at the sight of oars)."

62. {kat allon kai allon}: the MSS. have {kat allon}, but Valla's
rendering is "alium atque alium."

63. {uper megalon aiorethenta}.

64. i.e. 300,000.

65. {os ek kakon}: some translate, "thinking that he had escaped from
his troubles."

66. {toisi epikletoisi}, cp. vii. 8 and ix. 42.

67. i.e. Asia, as opposed to "these parts."

68. Stein would take {peri oikon ton son} with {oudemia sumphore}, but
the order of words is against this.

69. {pollous pollakis agonas drameontai peri spheon auton}.

70. See i. 175. The manner of the repetition and some points in the
diction raise suspicion that the passage is interpolated here; and
so it is held to be by most Editors. In i. 175 we find {tris}
instead of {dis}.

71. {upegagon}, cp. vi. 72, with the idea of bringing before a court
for punishment, not "by underhand means," as it is understood by
Larcher and Bähr.

72. "vengeance and Hermotimos."

73. {spheis . . . ergasaiato}: the MSS. read {sphi} (one {spheas}) and
{ergasaito}, and this is retained by some Editors.

74. "taken."

75. {metabalon}: others translate, "he turned from them to the
Athenians"; but cp. vii. 52. The words {pros tous Athenaious} are
resumed by {sphi} with {elege}.

76. {kai epi spheon auton balomenoi}, "even at their own venture," cp.
iii. 71.

77. {ta idia}, "things belonging to private persons."

78. {sophos}.

79. {geopeinas}, "poor in land."

80. It seems necessary to insert {an} with {einai}. For the sentiment
cp. vii. 172.

81. {khreomenos toisi kai pros basilea ekhresato}. This is the reading
of the best MSS.: the rest have {khreomenos logoisi toisi kai pros
Andrious ekhresato}, "using the same language as he had before
used to the Andrians."

82. {kai ten allen ippon}: some MSS. omit {allen}.

83. {ola}, i.e. not the whole number of them, but great masses without
individual selection.

84. {ouden meros os eipein}.

85. {anemon Strumonien}, "the wind called Strymonias."

86. {ta akrothinia}, i.e. the tithe.

87. i.e. the corner of the entrance-hall, {epi tou proneiou tes
gonies}, i. 51.

88. {dienemon}: some understand this to mean "distributed the voting
tablets," and some MSS. read {dienemonto}, "distributed among
themselves," which is adopted by many Editors.

89. {sophotatos}.

90. See i. 67.

91. A small island near Attica, taken here as the type of
insignificance. To suppose that Timodemos was connected with it is
quite unnecessary. The story in Plutarch about the Seriphian is
different.

92. i.e. 60,000.

93. {katesphaxe}, "cut their throats."

94. {para tas gluphidas}: some Editors read {peri tas gluphidas} on
the authority of Æneas Tacticus. The {gluphides} are probably
notches which give a hold for the fingers as they draw back the
string.

95. {kataplexai}, "strike down" by the charge.

96. The way was shut against them ordinarily by the town of Potidaia,
which occupied the isthmus.

97. i.e. most of those who before served as {epibatai} (vii. 96)
continued to serve still. The sentence is usually translated, "of
those who served as fighting-men in them the greater number were
Persians or Medes," and this may be right.

98. The MSS. have "Charilos" or "Charillos."

99. Some Editors read "Eurypon," which is the form found elsewhere.

100. Cp. vii. 204.

101. {duon}. It seems certain that the number required here is seven
and not two, and the emendation {epta} for {duon} ({z} for {b}) is
approved by several Editors.

102. {khresomenon}: the best MSS. read {khresamenon}, which is
retained by Stein, with the meaning "charging him to consult the
Oracles everywhere . . . and then return."

103. i.e. Mardonios and the Persians.

104. i.e. Theban citizens.

105. {promantin}: he is afterwards called {prophetes}.

106. Cp. v. 21.

107. Some Editors would read "Alabastra." Alabanda was a Carian town.

108. Counting Alexander himself as one.

109. {esan gar}: this is the reading of the best MSS.: others have
{esan de}. Stein (reading {esan gar}) places this clause after the
next, "The wife of the king herself baked their bread, for in
ancient times, etc." This transposition is unnecessary; for it
would be easy to understand it as a comment on the statement that
three members of the royal house of Argos became farm-servants.

110. {ai turannides ton anthropon}.

111. {exaireton metaikhmion te ten gun ektemenon}: there are
variations of reading and punctuation in the MSS.

112. {sunepipte oste omou spheon ginesthai ten katastasin}, i.e. their
introduction before the assembly, cp. iii. 46.

113. {epeximen amunomenoi}, which possibly might be translated, "we
will continue to defend ourselves."

114. {karta anthropeion}.

BOOK IX

THE NINTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED CALLIOPE

1. Mardonios, when Alexander had returned back and had signified to
him that which was said by the Athenians, set forth from Thessaly and
began to lead his army with all diligence towards Athens: and to
whatever land he came, he took up with him the people of that land.
The leaders of Thessaly meanwhile did not repent of all that which had
been done already, but on the contrary they urged on the Persian yet
much more; and Thorax of Larissa had joined in escorting Xerxes in his
flight and at this time he openly offered Mardonios passage to invade
Hellas. 2. Then when the army in its march came to Bœotia, the Thebans
endeavoured to detain Mardonios, and counselled him saying that there
was no region more convenient for him to have his encampment than
that; and they urged him not to advance further, but to sit down there
and endeavour to subdue to himself the whole of Hellas without
fighting: for to overcome the Hellenes by open force when they were
united, as at the former time they were of one accord together,[1] was
a difficult task even for the whole world combined, "but," they
proceeded, "if thou wilt do that which we advise, with little labour
thou wilt have in thy power all their plans of resistance.[2] Send
money to the men who have power in their cities, and thus sending thou
wilt divide Hellas into two parties: after that thou wilt with ease
subdue by the help of thy party those who are not inclined to thy
side." 3. Thus they advised, but he did not follow their counsel; for
there had instilled itself into him a great desire to take Athens for
the second time, partly from obstinacy[3] and partly because he meant
to signify to the king in Sardis that he was in possession of Athens
by beacon-fires through the islands. However he did not even at this
time find the Athenians there when he came to Attica; but he was
informed that the greater number were either in Salamis or in the
ships, and he captured the city finding it deserted. Now the capture
of the city by the king had taken place ten months before the later
expedition of Mardonios against it.

4. When Mardonios had come to Athens, he sent to Salamis Morychides a
man of the Hellespont, bearing the same proposals as Alexander the
Macedonian had brought over to the Athenians. These he sent for the
second time, being aware beforehand that the dispositions of the
Athenians were not friendly, but hoping that they would give way and
leave their obstinacy, since the Attic land had been captured by the
enemy and was in his power. 5. For this reason he sent Morychides to
Salamis; and he came before the Council[4] and reported the words of
Mardonios. Then one of the Councillors, Lykidas, expressed the opinion
that it was better to receive the proposal which Morychides brought
before them and refer it to the assembly of the people.[5] He, I say,
uttered this opinion, whether because he had received money from
Mardonios, or because this was his own inclination: however the
Athenians forthwith, both those of the Council and those outside, when
they heard of it, were very indignant, and they came about Lykidas and
stoned him to death; but the Hellespontian Morychides they dismissed
unhurt. Then when there had arisen much uproar in Salamis about
Lykidas, the women of the Athenians heard of that which was being
done, and one woman passing the word to another and one taking another
with her, they went of their own accord to the house of Lykidas and
stoned his wife and his children to death.

6. The Athenians had passed over to Salamis as follows:--So long as
they were looking that an army should come from the Peloponnese to
help them, they remained in Attica; but as those in Peloponnesus acted
very slowly and with much delay, while the invader was said to be
already in Bœotia, they accordingly removed everything out of danger,
and themselves passed over to Salamis; and at the same time they sent
envoys to Lacedemon to reproach the Lacedemonians for having permitted
the Barbarian to invade Attica and for not having gone to Bœotia to
meet him in company with them, and also to remind them how many things
the Persian had promised to give the Athenians if they changed sides;
bidding the envoys warn them that if they did not help the Athenians,
the Athenians would find some shelter[6] for themselves. 7. For the
Lacedemonians in fact were keeping a feast during this time, and
celebrating the Hyakinthia; and they held it of the greatest
consequence to provide for the things which concerned the god, while
at the same time their wall which they had been building at the
Isthmus was just at this moment being completed with battlements. And
when the envoys from the Athenians came to Lacedemon, bringing with
them also envoys from Megara and Plataia, they came in before the
Ephors and said as follows: "The Athenians sent us saying that the
king of the Medes not only offers to give us back our land, but also
desires to make us his allies on fair and equal terms without deceit
or treachery,[7] and is desirous moreover to give us another land in
addition to our own, whichsoever we shall ourselves choose. We
however, having respect for Zeus of the Hellenes and disdaining to be
traitors to Hellas, did not agree but refused, although we were
unjustly dealt with by the other Hellenes and left to destruction, and
although we knew that it was more profitable to make a treaty with the
Persian than to carry on war: nor shall we make a treaty at any future
time, if we have our own will. Thus sincerely is our duty done towards
the Hellenes:[8] but as for you, after having come then to great dread
lest we should make a treaty with the Persian, so soon as ye learnt
certainly what our spirit was, namely that we should never betray
Hellas, and because your wall across the Isthmus is all but finished,
now ye make no account of the Athenians, but having agreed with us to
come to Bœotia to oppose the Persian, ye have now deserted us, and ye
permitted the Barbarian moreover to make invasion of Attica. For the
present then the Athenians have anger against you, for ye did not do
as was fitting to be done: and now they bid[9] you with all speed send
out an army together with us, in order that we may receive the
Barbarian in the land of Attica; for since we failed of Bœotia, the
most suitable place to fight in our land is the Thriasian plain." 8.
When the Ephors heard this they deferred their reply to the next day,
and then on the next day to the succeeding one; and this they did even
for ten days, deferring the matter from day to day, while during this
time the whole body of the Peloponnesians were building the wall over
the Isthmus with great diligence and were just about to complete it.
Now I am not able to say why, when Alexander the Macedonian had come
to Athens, they were so very anxious lest the Athenians should take
the side of the Medes, whereas now they had no care about it, except
indeed that their wall over the Isthmus had now been built, and they
thought they had no need of the Athenians any more; whereas when
Alexander came to Attica the wall had not yet been completed, but they
were working at it in great dread of the Persians. 9. At last however
the answer was given and the going forth of the Spartans took place in
the following manner:--on the day before that which was appointed for
the last hearing of the envoys, Chileos a man of Tegea, who of all
strangers had most influence in Lacedemon, heard from the Ephors all
that which the Athenians were saying; and he, it seems, said to them
these words: "Thus the matter stands, Ephors:--if the Athenians are
not friendly with us but are allies of the Barbarian, then though a
strong wall may have been built across the Isthmus, yet a wide door
has been opened for the Persian into Peloponnesus. Listen to their
request, however, before the Athenians resolve upon something else
tending to the fall of Hellas." 10. Thus he counselled them, and they
forthwith took his words to heart; and saying nothing to the envoys
who had come from the cities, while yet it was night they sent out
five thousand Spartans, with no less than seven of the Helots set to
attend upon each man of them,[9a] appointing Pausanias the son of
Cleombrotos to lead them forth. Now the leadership belonged to
Pleistarchos the son of Leonidas; but he was yet a boy, and the other
was his guardian and cousin: for Cleombrotos, the father of Pausanias
and son of Anaxandrides, was no longer alive, but when he had led home
from the Isthmus the army which had built the wall, no long time after
this he died. Now the reason why Cleombrotos led home the army from
the Isthmus was this:--as he was offering sacrifice for fighting
against the Persian, the sun was darkened in the heaven. And Pausanias
chose as commander in addition to himself Euryanax the son of Dorieos,
a man of the same house. 11. So Pausanias with his army had gone forth
out of Sparta; and the envoys, when day had come, not knowing anything
of this going forth, came in before the Ephors meaning to depart also,
each to his own State: and when they had come in before them they said
these words: "Ye, O Lacedemonians, are remaining here and celebrating
this Hyakinthia and disporting yourselves, having left your allies to
destruction; and the Athenians being wronged by you and for want of
allies will make peace with the Persians on such terms as they can:
and having made peace, evidently we become allies of the king, and
therefore we shall join with him in expeditions against any land to
which the Persians may lead us; and ye will learn then what shall be
the issue for you of this matter." When the envoys spoke these words,
the Ephors said and confirmed it with an oath, that they supposed by
this time the men were at Orestheion on their way against the
strangers: for they used to call the Barbarians "strangers."[10] So
they, not knowing of the matter, asked the meaning of these words, and
asking they learnt all the truth; so that they were struck with
amazement and set forth as quickly as possible in pursuit; and
together with them five thousand chosen hoplites of the Lacedemonian
"dwellers in the country round"[11] did the same thing also.

12. They then, I say, were hastening towards the Isthmus; and the
Argives so soon as they heard that Pausanias with his army had gone
forth from Sparta, sent as a herald to Attica the best whom they could
find of the long-distance runners,[12] because they had before of
their own motion engaged for Mardonios that they would stop the
Spartans from going forth: and the herald when he came to Athens spoke
as follows: "Mardonios, the Argives sent me to tell thee that the
young men have gone forth from Lacedemon, and that the Argives are not
able to stop them from going forth: with regard to this therefore may
it be thy fortune to take measures well."[13] 13. He having spoken
thus departed and went back; and Mardonios was by no means anxious any
more to remain in Attica when he heard this message. Before he was
informed of this he had been waiting, because he desired to know the
news from the Athenians as to what they were about to do; and he had
not been injuring or laying waste the land of Attica, because he hoped
always that they would make a treaty with him; but as he did not
persuade them, being now informed of everything he began to retire out
of the country before the force of Pausanias arrived at the Isthmus,
having first set fire to Athens and cast down and destroyed whatever
was left standing of the walls, houses or temples. Now he marched away
for this cause, namely first because Attica was not a land where
horsemen could act freely, and also because, if he should be defeated
in a battle in Attica, there was no way of retreat except by a narrow
pass, so that a few men could stop them. He intended therefore to
retreat to Thebes, and engage battle near to a friendly city and to a
country where horsemen could act freely.

14. Mardonios then was retiring out of the way, and when he was
already upon a road a message came to him saying that another body of
troops in advance of the rest[14] had come to Megara, consisting of a
thousand Lacedemonians. Being thus informed he took counsel with
himself, desiring if possible first to capture these. Therefore he
turned back and proceeded to lead his army towards Megara, and the
cavalry going in advance of the rest overran the Megaran land: this
was the furthest land in Europe towards the sun-setting to which this
Persian army came. 15. After this a message came to Mardonios that the
Hellenes were assembled at the Isthmus; therefore he marched back by
Dekeleia, for the chiefs of Bœotia[15] had sent for those of the
Asopians who dwelt near the line of march, and these were his guides
along the road to Sphendaleis and thence to Tanagra. So having
encamped for the night at Tanagra and on the next day having directed
his march to Scolos, he was within the land of the Thebans. Then he
proceeded to cut down the trees in the lands of the Thebans, although
they were on the side of the Medes, moved not at all by enmity to
them, but pressed by urgent necessity both to make a defence for his
camp, and also he was making it for a refuge, in case that when he
engaged battle things should not turn out for him as he desired. Now
the encampment of his army extended from Erythrai along by Hysiai and
reached the river Asopos: he was not however making the wall to extend
so far as this, but with each face measuring somewhere about ten
furlongs.[16]

16. While the Barbarians were engaged upon this work, Attaginos the
son of Phyrnon, a Theban, having made magnificent preparations invited
to an entertainment Mardonios himself and fifty of the Persians who
were of most account; and these being invited came; and the dinner was
given at Thebes. Now this which follows I heard from Thersander, an
Orchomenian and a man of very high repute in Orchomenos. This
Thersander said that he too was invited by Attaginos to this dinner,
and there were invited also fifty men of the Thebans, and their host
did not place them to recline[17] separately each nation by
themselves, but a Persian and a Theban upon every couch. Then when
dinner was over, as they were drinking pledges to one another,[18] the
Persian who shared a couch with him speaking in the Hellenic tongue
asked him of what place he was, and he answered that he was of
Orchomenos. The other said: "Since now thou hast become my table-
companion and the sharer of my libation, I desire to leave behind with
thee a memorial of my opinion, in order that thou thyself also mayest
know beforehand and be able to take such counsels for thyself as may
be profitable. Dost thou see these Persians who are feasting here, and
the army which we left behind encamped upon the river? Of all these,
when a little time has gone by, thou shalt see but very few
surviving." While the Persian said these words he shed many tears, as
Thersander reported; and he marvelling at his speech said to him:
"Surely then it is right to tell Mardonios and to those of the
Persians who after him are held in regard." He upon this said:
"Friend, that which is destined to come from God, it is impossible for
a man to avert; for no man is willing to follow counsel, even when one
speaks that which is reasonable. And these things which I say many of
us Persians know well; yet we go with the rest being bound in the
bonds of necessity: and the most hateful grief of all human griefs is
this, to have knowledge of the truth but no power over the event."[19]
These things I heard from Thersander of Orchomenos, and in addition to
them this also, namely that he told them to various persons forthwith,
before the battle took place at Plataia.

17. Mardonios then being encamped in Bœotia, the rest of the Hellenes
who lived in these parts and took the side of the Medes were all
supplying troops and had joined in the invasion of Attica, but the
Phokians alone had not joined in the invasion,--the Phokians, I say,
for these too were now actively[20] taking the side of the Medes, not
of their own will however, but by compulsion. Not many days however
after the arrival of Mardonios at Thebes, there came of them a
thousand hoplites, and their leader was Harmokydes, the man who was of
most repute among their citizens. When these too came to Thebes,
Mardonios sent horsemen and bade the Phokians take up their position
by themselves in the plain. After they had so done, forthwith the
whole cavalry appeared; and upon this there went a rumour[21] through
the army of Hellenes which was with the Medes that the cavalry was
about to shoot them down with javelins, and this same report went
through the Phokians themselves also. Then their commander Harmokydes
exhorted them, speaking as follows: "Phokians, it is manifest that
these men are meaning to deliver us to a death which we may plainly
foresee,[22] because we have been falsely accused by the Thessalians,
as I conjecture: now therefore it is right that every one of you prove
himself a good man; for it is better to bring our lives to an end
doing deeds of valour and defending ourselves, than to be destroyed by
a dishonourable death offering ourselves for the slaughter. Let each
man of them learn that they are Barbarians and that we, against whom
they contrived murder, are Hellenes." 18. While he was thus exhorting
them, the horsemen having encompassed them round were riding towards
them as if to destroy them; and they were already aiming their
missiles as if about to discharge them, nay some perhaps did discharge
them: and meanwhile the Phokians stood facing them gathered together
and with their ranks closed as much as possible every way. Then the
horsemen turned and rode away back. Now I am not able to say for
certain whether they came to destroy the Phokians at the request of
the Thessalians, and then when they saw them turn to defence they
feared lest they also might suffer some loss, and therefore rode away
back, for so Mardonios had commanded them; or whether on the other
hand he desired to make trial of them and to see if they had in them
any warlike spirit. Then, when the horsemen had ridden away back,
Mardonios sent a herald and spoke to them as follows: "Be of good
courage, Phokians, for ye proved yourselves good men, and not as I was
informed. Now therefore carry on this way with zeal, for ye will not
surpass in benefits either myself or the king." Thus far it happened
as regards the Phokians.

19. When the Lacedemonians came to the Isthmus they encamped upon it,
and hearing this the rest of the Peloponnesians who favoured the
better cause, and some also because they saw the Spartans going out,
did not think it right to be behind the Lacedemonians in their going
forth. So from the Isthmus, when the sacrifices had proved favourable,
they marched all together and came to Eleusis; and having performed
sacrifices there also, when the signs were favourable they marched
onwards, and the Athenians together with them, who had passed over
from Salamis and had joined them at Eleusis. And then they had come to
Erythrai in Bœotia, then they learnt that the Barbarians were
encamping on the Asopos, and having perceived this they ranged
themselves over against them on the lower slopes of Kithairon. 20.
Then Mardonios, as the Hellenes did not descend into the plain, sent
towards them all his cavalry, of which the commander was Masistios (by
the Hellenes called Makistios), a man of reputation among the
Persians, who had a Nesaian horse with a bridle of gold and in other
respects finely caparisoned. So when the horsemen had ridden up to the
Hellenes they attacked them by squadrons, and attacking[23] they did
them much mischief, and moreover in contempt they called them women.
21. Now it happened by chance that the Megarians were posted in the
place which was the most assailable of the whole position and to which
the cavalry could best approach: so as the cavalry were making their
attacks, the Megarians being hard pressed sent a herald to the
commanders of the Hellenes, and the herald having come spoke these
words: "The Megarians say:--we, O allies, are not able by ourselves to
sustain the attacks of the Persian cavalry, keeping this position
where we took post at the first; nay, even hitherto by endurance and
valour alone have we held out against them, hard pressed as we are:
and now unless ye shall send some others to take up our position in
succession to us, know that we shall leave the position in which we
now are." The herald brought report to them thus; and upon this
Pausanias made trial of the Hellenes, whether any others would
voluntarily offer to go to this place and post themselves there in
succession to the Megarians: and when the rest were not desirous to
go, the Athenians undertook the task, and of the Athenians those three
hundred picked men of whom Olympidoros the son of Lampon was captain.
22. These they were who undertook the task and were posted at Erythrai
in advance of the other Hellenes who ere there present, having chosen
to go with them the bow-men also. For some time then they fought, and
at last an end was set to the fighting in the following manner:--while
the cavalry was attacking by squadrons, the horse of Masistios, going
in advance of the rest, was struck in the side by an arrow, and
feeling pain he reared upright and threw Masistios off; and when he
had fallen, the Athenians forthwith pressed upon him; and his horse
they took and himself, as he made resistance, they slew, though at
first they could not, for his equipment was of this kind,--he wore a
cuirass of gold scales underneath, and over the cuirass he had put on
a crimson tunic. So as they struck upon the cuirass they could effect
nothing, until some one, perceiving what the matter was, thrust into
his eye. Then at length he fell and died; and by some means the other
men of the cavalry had not observed this take place, for they neither
saw him when he had fallen from his horse nor when he was being slain,
and while the retreat and the turn[24] were being made, they did not
perceive that which was happening; but when they had stopped their
horses, then at once they missed him, since there was no one to
command them; and when they perceived what had happened, they passed
the word to one another and all rode together, that they might if
possible recover the body. 23. The Athenians upon that, seeing that
the cavalry were riding to attack them no longer by squadrons but all
together, shouted to the rest of the army to help them. Then while the
whole number of those on foot were coming to their help, there arose a
sharp fight for the body; and so long as the three hundred were alone
they had much the worse and were about to abandon the body, but when
the mass of the army came to their help, then the horsemen no longer
sustained the fight, nor did they succeed in recovering the body; and
besides him they lost others of their number also. Then they drew off
about two furlongs away and deliberated what they should do; and it
seemed good to them, as they had no commander, to ride back to
Mardonios. 24. When the cavalry arrived at the camp, the whole army
and also Mardonios made great mourning for Masistios, cutting off
their own hair and that of their horses and baggage-animals and giving
way to lamentation without stint; for all Bœotia was filled with the
sound of it, because one had perished who after Mardonios was of the
most account with the Persians and with the king. 25. The Barbarians
then were paying honours in their own manner to Masistios slain: but
the Hellenes, when they had sustained the attack of the cavalry and
having sustained it had driven them back, were much more encouraged;
and first they put the dead body in a cart and conveyed it along their
ranks; and the body was a sight worth seeing for its size and beauty,
wherefore also the men left their places in the ranks and went one
after the other[25] to gaze upon Masistios. After this they resolved
to come down further towards Plataia; for the region of Plataia was
seen to be much more convenient for them to encamp in than that of
Erythrai, both for other reasons and because it is better watered. To
this region then and to the spring Gargaphia, which is in this region,
they resolved that they must come, and encamp in their several posts.
So they took up their arms and went by the lower slopes of Kithairon
past Hysiai to the Plataian land; and having there arrived they posted
themselves according to their several nations near the spring
Gargaphia and the sacred enclosure of Androcrates the hero, over low
hills or level ground.

26. Then in the arranging of the several posts there arose a
contention of much argument[25a] between the Tegeans and the
Athenians; for they each claimed to occupy the other wing of the
army[26] themselves, alleging deeds both new and old. The Tegeans on
the one hand said as follows: "We have been always judged worthy of
this post by the whole body of allies in all the common expeditions
which the Peloponnesians have made before this, whether in old times
or but lately, ever since that time when the sons of Heracles
endeavoured after the death of Eurystheus to return to the
Peloponnese. This honour we gained at that time by reason of the
following event:--When with the Achaians and the Ionians who were then
in Peloponnesus we had come out to the Isthmus to give assistance and
were encamped opposite those who desired to return, then it is said
that Hyllos made a speech saying that it was not right that the one
army should risk its safety by engaging battle with the other, and
urging that that man of the army of the Peloponnesians whom they
should judge to be the best of them should fight in single combat with
himself on terms concerted between them. The Peloponnesians then
resolved that this should be done; and they made oath with one another
on this condition,--that if Hyllos should conquer the leader of the
Peloponnesians, then the sons of Heracles should return to their
father's heritage; but he should be conquered, then on the other hand
the sons of Heracles should depart and lead away their army, and not
within a hundred years attempt to return to the Peloponnese. There was
selected then of all the allies, he himself making a voluntary offer,
Echemos the son of Aëropos, the son of Phegeus,[27] who was our
commander and king: and he fought a single combat and slew Hyllos. By
reason of this deed we obtained among the Peloponnesians of that time,
besides many other great privileges which we still possess, this also
of always leading the other wing of the army, when a common expedition
is made. To you, Lacedemonians, we make no opposition, but we give you
freedom of choice, and allow you to command whichever wing ye desire;
but of the other we say that it belongs to us to be the leaders as in
former time: and apart from this deed which has been related, we are
more worthy than the Athenians to have this post; for in many glorious
contests have we contended against you, O Spartans, and in many also
against others. Therefore it is just that we have the other wing
rather than the Athenians; for they have not achieved deeds such as
ours, either new or old." 27. Thus they spoke, and the Athenians
replied as follows: "Though we know that this gathering was assembled
for battle with the Barbarian and not for speech, yet since the Tegean
has proposed to us as a task to speak of things both old and new, the
deeds of merit namely which by each of our two nations have been
achieved in all time, it is necessary for us to point out to you
whence it comes that to us, who have been brave men always, it belongs
as a heritage rather than to the Arcadians to have the chief place.
First as to the sons of Heracles, whose leader they say that they slew
at the Isthmus, these in the former time, when they were driven away
by all the Hellenes to whom they came flying from slavery under those
of Mykene, we alone received; and joining with them we subdued the
insolence of Eurystheus. having conquered in fight those who then
dwelt in Peloponnesus. Again when the Argives who with Polyneikes
marched against Thebes, had been slain and were lying unburied, we
declare that we marched an army against the Cadmeians and recovered
the dead bodies and gave them burial in our own land at Eleusis. We
have moreover another glorious deed performed against the Amazons who
invaded once the Attic land, coming from the river Thermodon: and in
the toils of Troy we were not inferior to any. But it is of no profit
to make mention of these things; for on the one hand, though we were
brave men in those times, we might now have become worthless, and on
the other hand even though we were then worthless, yet now we might be
better. Let it suffice therefore about ancient deeds; but if by us no
other deed has been displayed (as many there have been and glorious,
not less than by any other people of the Hellenes), yet even by reason
of the deed wrought at Marathon alone we are worthy to have this
privilege and others besides this, seeing that we alone of all the
Hellenes fought in single combat with the Persian, and having
undertaken so great a deed we overcame and conquered six-and-forty
nations.[28] Are we not worthy then to have this post by reason of
that deed alone? However, since at such a time as this it is not
fitting to contend for post, we are ready to follow your saying, O
Lacedemonians, as to where ye think it most convenient that we should
stand and opposite to whom; for wheresoever we are posted, we shall
endeavour to be brave men. Prescribe to us therefore and we shall
obey." They made answer thus; and the whole body of the Lacedemonians
shouted aloud that the Athenians were more worthy to occupy the wing
than the Arcadians. Thus the Athenians obtained the wing, and overcame
the Tegeans.

28. After this the Hellenes were ranged as follows, both those of them
who came in continually afterwards[29] and those who had come at the
first. The right wing was held by ten thousand Lacedemonians; and of
these the five thousand who were Spartans were attended by thirty-five
thousand Helots serving as light-armed troops, seven of them appointed
for each man.[30] To stand next to themselves the Spartans chose the
Tegeans, both to do them honour and also because of their valour; and
of these there were one thousand five hundred hoplites. After these
were stationed five thousand Corinthians, and they had obtained
permission from Pausanias that the three hundred who were present of
the men of Potidaia in Pallene should stand by their side. Next to
these were stationed six hundred Arcadians of Orchomenos; and to these
three thousand Sikyonians. Next after these were eight hundred
Epidaurians: by the side of these were ranged a thousand Troizenians:
next to the Troizenians two hundred Lepreates: next to these four
hundred of the men of Mikene and Tiryns; and then a thousand
Phliasians. By the side of these stood three hundred Hermionians; and
next to the Hermionians were stationed six hundred Eretrians and
Styrians; next to these four hundred Chalkidians; and to these five
hundred men of Amprakia. After these stood eight hundred Leucadians
and Anactorians; and next to them two hundred from Pale in
Kephallenia. After these were ranged five hundred Eginetans; by their
side three thousand Megarians; and next to these six hundred
Plataians. Last, or if you will first, were ranged the Athenians,
occupying the left wing, eight thousand in number, and the commander
of them was Aristeides the son of Lysimachos. 29. These all, excepting
those who were appointed to attend the Spartans, seven for each man,
were hoplites, being in number altogether three myriads eight thousand
and seven hundred.[31] This was the whole number of hoplites who were
assembled against the Barbarian; and the number of the light-armed was
as follows:--of the Spartan division thirty-five thousand men,
reckoning at the rate of seven for each man, and of these every one
was equipped for fighting; and the light-armed troops of the rest of
the Lacedemonians and of the other Hellenes, being about one for each
man, amounted to thirty-four thousand five hundred. 30. Of the light-
armed fighting men the whole number then was six myriads nine thousand
and five hundred;[32] and of the whole Hellenic force which assembled
at Plataia the number (including both the hoplites and the light-armed
fighting men) was eleven myriads[33] all but one thousand eight
hundred men; and with the Thespians who were present the number of
eleven myriads was fully made up; for there were present also in the
army those of the Thespians who survived, being in number about one
thousand eight hundred, and these too were without heavy arms.[34]
These then having been ranged in order were encamped on the river
Asopos.

31. Meanwhile the Barbarians with Mardonios, when they had
sufficiently mourned for Masistios, being informed that the Hellenes
were at Plataia came themselves also to that part of the Asopos which
flows there; and having arrived there, they were ranged against the
enemy by Mardonios thus:--against the Lacedemonians he stationed the
Persians; and since the Persians were much superior in numbers, they
were arrayed in deeper ranks than those, and notwithstanding this they
extended in front of the Tegeans also: and he ranged them in this
manner,--all the strongest part of that body he selected from the rest
and stationed it opposite to the Lacedemonians, but the weaker part he
ranged by their side opposite to the Tegeans. This he did on the
information and suggestion of the Thebans. Then next to the Persians
he ranged the Medes; and these extended in front of the Corinthians,
Potidaians, Orchomenians and Sikyonians. Next to the Medes he ranged
the Bactrians; and these extended in front of the Epidaurians,
Troizenians, Lepreates, Tirynthians, Mykenians and Phliasians. After
the Bactrians he stationed the Indians; and these extended in front of
the Hermionians, Eretrians, Styrians and Chalkidians. Next to the
Indians he ranged the Sacans, who extended in front of the men of
Amprakia, the Anactorians, Leucadians, Palians and Eginetans. Next to
the Sacans and opposite to the Athenians, Plataians and Megarians, he
ranged the Bœotians, Locrians, Malians, Thessalians, and the thousand
men of the Phokians: for not all the Phokians had taken the side of
the Medes, but some of them were even supporting the cause of the
Hellenes, being shut up in Parnassos; and setting out from thence they
plundered from the army of Mardonios and from those of the Hellenes
who were with him. He ranged the Macedonians also and those who dwell
about the borders of Thessaly opposite to the Athenians. 32. These
which have been named were the greatest of the nations who were
arrayed in order by Mardonios, those, I mean, which were the most
renowned and of greatest consideration: but there were in his army
also men of several other nations mingled together, of the Phrygians,
Thracians, Mysians, Paionians, and the rest; and among them also some
Ethiopians, and of the Egyptians those called Hermotybians and
Calasirians,[35] carrying knives,[36] who of all the Egyptians are the
only warriors. These men, while he was yet at Phaleron, he had caused
to disembark from the ships in which they served as fighting-men; for
the Egyptians had not been appointed to serve in the land-army which
came with Xerxes to Athens. Of the Barbarians then there were thirty
myriads,[37] as has been declared before; but of the Hellenes who were
allies of Mardonios no man knows what the number was, for they were
not numbered; but by conjecture I judge that these were assembled to
the number of five myriads. These who were placed in array side by
side were on foot; and the cavalry was ranged apart from them in a
separate body.

33. When all had been drawn up by nations and by divisions, then on
the next day they offered sacrifice on both sides. For the Hellenes
Tisamenos the son of Antiochos was he who offered sacrifice, for he it
was who accompanied this army as diviner. This man the Lacedemonians
had made to be one of their own people, being an Eleian and of the
race of the Iamidai:[38] for when Tisamenos was seeking divination at
Delphi concerning issue, the Pythian prophetess made answer to him
that he should win five of the greatest contests. He accordingly,
missing the meaning of the oracle, began to attend to athletic games,
supposing that he should win contests of athletics; and he practised
for the "five contests"[39] and came within one fall of winning a
victory at the Olympic games,[40] being set to contend with Hieronymos
of Andros. The Lacedemonians however perceived that the oracle given
to Tisamenos had reference not to athletic but to martial contests,
and they endeavoured to persuade Tisamenos by payment of money, and to
make him a leader in their wars together with the kings of the race of
Heracles. He then, seeing that the Spartans set much store on gaining
him over as a friend, having perceived this, I say, he raised his
price and signified to them that he would do as they desired, if they
would make him a citizen of their State and give him full rights, but
for no other payment. The Spartans at first when they heard this
displayed indignation and altogether gave up their request, but at
last, when great terror was hanging over them of this Persian
armament, they gave way[41] and consented. He then perceiving that
they had changed their minds, said that he could not now be satisfied
even so, nor with these terms alone; but it was necessary that his
brother Hegias also should be made a Spartan citizen on the same terms
as he himself became one. 34. By saying this he followed the example
of Melampus in his request,[42] if one may compare royal power with
mere citizenship; for Melampus on his part, when the women in Argos
had been seized by madness, and the Argives endeavoured to hire him to
come from Pylos and to cause their women to cease from the malady,
proposed as payment for himself the half of the royal power; and the
Argives did not suffer this, but departed: and afterwards, when more
of their women became mad, at length they accepted that which Melampus
had proposed, and went to offer him this: but he then seeing that they
had changed their minds, increased his demand, and said that he would
not do that which they desired unless they gave to his brother Bias
also the third share in the royal power.[43] And the Argives, being
driven into straits, consented to this also. 35. Just so the Spartans
also, being very much in need of Tisamenos, agreed with him on any
terms which he desired: and when the Spartans had agreed to this
demand also, then Tisamenos the Eleian, having become a Spartan, had
part with them in winning five of the greatest contests as their
diviner: and these were the only men who ever were made fellow-
citizens of the Spartans. Now the five contests were these: one and
the first of them was this at Plataia; and after this the contest at
Tegea, which took place with the Tegeans and the Argives; then that at
Dipaieis against all the Arcadians except the Mantineians; after that
the contest with the Messenians at Ithome;[44] and last of all that
which took place at Tanagra against the Athenians and Argives. This, I
say, was accomplished last of the five contests.

36. This Tisamenos was acting now as diviner for the Hellenes in the
Plataian land, being brought by the Spartans. Now to the Hellenes the
sacrifices were of good omen if they defended themselves only, but not
if they crossed the Asopos and began a battle; 37, and Mardonios too,
who was eager to begin a battle, found the sacrifices not favourable
to this design, but they were of good omen to him also if he defended
himself only; for he too used the Hellenic manner of sacrifice, having
as diviner Hegesistratos an Eleian and the most famous of the
Telliadai, whom before these events the Spartans had taken and bound,
in order to put him to death, because they had suffered much mischief
from him. He then being in this evil case, seeing that he was running
a course for his life and was likely moreover to suffer much torment
before his death, had done a deed such as may hardly be believed.
Being made fast on a block bound with iron, he obtained an iron tool,
which in some way had been brought in, and contrived forthwith a deed
the most courageous of any that we know: for having first calculated
how the remaining portion of his foot might be got out of the block,
he cut away the flat of his own foot,[45] and after that, since he was
guarded still by warders, he broke through the wall and so ran away to
Tegea, travelling during the nights and in the daytime entering a wood
and resting there; so that, though the Lacedemonians searched for him

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