Ten Reasons Proposed to His Adversaries for Disputation in the Name
Edmund Campion

Part 1 out of 3


E-text prepared by Geoff Horton


Though Blessed Edmund Campion's _Decem Rationes_ has passed
through forty-seven editions,[1] printed in all parts of Europe;
though it has awakened the enthusiasm of thousands; though Mark
Anthony Muret, one of the chief Catholic humanists of Campion's
age, pronounced it to be "written by the finger of God," yet it
is not an easy book for men of our generation to appreciate, and
this precisely because it suited a bygone generation so exactly.
Before it can be esteemed at its true value, some knowledge of
the circumstances under which it was written, is indispensable.

1. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE _Decem Rationes_.

The chief point to remember is that the _Decem Rationes_ was the
last and most deliberate free utterance of Campion's
ever-memorable mission. During the few months that mission
lasted he succeeded in staying the full tide of victorious
Protestantism, which had hitherto been irresistible. The ancient
Church had gone down before the new religion, at Elizabeth's
accession twenty years before, with an apparently final fall,
and since then the Elizabethan Settlement had triumphed in every
church, in every school and court. The new generation had been
moulded by it; the old order seemed to be utterly prostrate,
defeated and moribund. Nor was it only at home that
Protestantism talked of victory. In every neighbouring land she
had gained or was gaining the upper hand. She had crossed the
Border and subdued Scotland, she held Ireland in an iron grip,
she had set up a new throne in Holland, she had deeply divided
France, and had learned how to paralyze the power of Spain. What
could stay her progress?

Then a new figure appeared, a fugitive flying before the law. He
was hunted backwards and forwards across the country, every man's
hand seemed against him. It was impossible to hold out for long
against such immense odds, and he was in fact soon captured,
mocked, maligned, sentenced and executed with contumely. Yet
Campion and his handful of followers had meanwhile succeeded in
doing what the whole nation, when united, had failed to do. He
had evoked a spirit of faith and fervour, against which the
violence of Protestantism raged in vain. He had saved the beaten,
shattered fragments of the ancient host, and animated them with
invincible courage; and his work endured in spite of endless
assaults and centuries of persecution. The _Decem Rationes_ is
Campion's harangue to those whom he called upon to follow him in
the heroic struggle.


Thus much for the inspiration and general significance of
Campion's work considered as a whole. It will also repay a much
more minute study, and to appreciate it we must enter into
further details.

As to the man himself, suffice it to say that he was a Londoner;
his father a publisher; his first school Christ's Hospital; that
he was afterwards a Fellow of St. John's, Oxford, and held at the
same time an exhibition from the Grocer's Company. At Oxford he
accepted to some extent the Elizabethan Settlement of religion,
but not sufficiently to satisfy the Company of Grocers, who
eventually withdrew their exhibition. This was a sign for further
inquisitorial proceedings, which made him leave the University,
and retire to Dublin; but he was driven also thence by the
zealots for Protestantism. Eventually he went over to the English
College at Douay, whence he migrated to Rome, entered the Society
of Jesus, and after eight years' training had returned, a priest,
to his native country, forty years old. His strong point was
undoubtedly a singularly lovable character, and he possessed the
gift of eloquence in no ordinary degree. For the rest, his
natural qualities and acquired accomplishments were above the
ordinary level, without reaching an extraordinary height. He was
a man who never ceased working, and whose temper was always
angelic, though he sometimes suffered from severe depression. He
was adored by his pupils both at Oxford and in Bohemia. His
memory was always bright, and his conversation always sparkled
with fresh thoughts and poetical ideas. He composed with
extraordinary facility in Latin prose and verse; but the extant
fragments of these literary exercises do not strike us as being
of unusual excellence, though genuinely admired in their day. He
was certainly an ideal missioner: saintly, inspired, eloquent,
untireable, patient, consumed with the desire for the success of
his undertaking, and unfaltering in his faith that success would
follow by the providential action of God, despite the obvious
fact that all appearances were against him.

Campion landed at Dover late in June, 1580, and reached London
at the end of the month. There was an immediate rush to hear
him, and Lord Paget was persuaded to lend his great hall at
Paget House in Smithfield to accommodate a congregation for the
feast of Saints Peter and Paul. The sermon was delivered on the
text from the Gospel of the day, _Tu es Christus, Filius Dei
vivi_. The hall was filled, and the impression caused by the
sermon was profound; but the number of hearers had been
imprudently large. Though no arrests followed, the persecutors
took the alarm, and increased their activity to such an extent
that large gatherings had for ever to be abandoned; and after a
couple of weeks both Campion and Persons left London to escape
the notice of the pursuivants, whose raids and inquisitorial
searches were making the lot of Catholics in town unbearable,
whereas in the country the pursuit was far less active, and
could be much more easily avoided. The two Fathers met for the
last time at Hoxton, then a village outside London, to concert
their plans for the next couple of months, and were on the point
of starting, each for his own destination, when a Catholic of
some note rode up from London. This was Thomas Pounde, of
Belmont or Beaumont, near Bedhampton, a landed gentleman of
means, an enthusiastic Catholic, and for the last five years or
so a prisoner for religion. Mr. Pounde's message in effect was
this. "You are going into the proximate danger of capture, and
if captured you must expect not justice, but every refinement of
misrepresentation. You will be asked crooked questions, and your
answers to them will be published in some debased form. Be sure
that whatever then comes through to the outer world will come
out poisoned and perverted. Let me therefore urge you to write
now, and to leave in safe custody, what you would wish to have
published then, in case infamous rumours should be put about
during your incarceration, rumours which you will then not be
able to answer or to repudiate." Father Persons seems to have
agreed at once. Campion at first raised objections, but soon,
with his ever obliging temper, sat down at the end of the table
and wrote off in half an hour an open letter _To the Lords of
Her Majesty's Privy Council_, afterwards so well known as
_Campion's Challenge._


Campion, after finishing his letter and taking copy for himself,
had consigned the other copy to Pounde. Persons had done the
same; but whereas the latter took the precaution to seal his
letter, Campion had handed over his unfastened. Then the company
broke up. Persons made a wide circle from Northampton round to
Gloucester, while Campion made a smaller circle from Oxfordshire
up to Northampton. When they got back to town in September, they
found all the world discussing "the Challenge." What had happened
was that proceedings had been taken by the Ecclesiastical
Commission against Pounde, and he had been committed to solitary
confinement in the ruinous castle of Bishop's Stortford. Before
he left London he began to communicate the letter to others, lest
it should be altogether lost, and as soon as it was thus
published it attracted everyone's attention, and his adversaries
had ironically christened it _the challenge_. The word was indeed
one which Campion had used, but he had employed it precisely in
order to avoid any charge that might have arisen, of being
combative and presumptuous.

Thus in the course of three months Campion, as it were in spite
of himself, had filled England with his name and with the message
he had come to announce, and he had reduced his adversaries to a
very ridiculous position. They had been dared to meet him in
disputation, and this they feared to do. In effect, they in their
thousands were hiding their heads in the sand, while their
constables and pursuivants were raiding the houses of Catholics
on every side in hopes of catching the homeless wanderer, and of
stopping his mouth by violence. The pulpits, of course, rang with
outcries against the newcomer, and in his absence his doctrines
were rent and scoffed at; but, as Campion said in a contemporary
letter, "The people hereupon is ours, and the error of spreading
that letter abroad hath done us much good." This was the first
popular success which the Catholics had scored for years; and
after so many years of oppression some popular success was of
immense importance to the cause. Father Persons, in a
contemporary letter, says that the Government found that there
were 50,000 more recusants that autumn than they had known of
before. The number is, of course, a round one, and is possibly
much exaggerated, but it gives the Catholic leader's view of the
advantage won at this time.

We may now turn to _The Challenge_ itself, the only piece of
Campion's English during this his golden period, which has survived.



Whereas I have come out of Germanie and Boemeland, being sent by
my Superiors, and adventured myself into this noble Realm, my
deare Countrie, for the glorie of God and benefit of souls, I
thought it like enough that, in this busie watchful and
suspicious worlde, I should either sooner or later be intercepted
and stopped of my course. Wherefore, providing for all events,
and uncertaine what may become of me, when God shall haply
deliver my body into durance, I supposed it needful to put this
writing in a readiness, desiringe your good Lordships to give it
ye reading, for to know my cause. This doing I trust I shall ease
you of some labour. For that which otherwise you must have sought
for by practice of wit, I do now lay into your hands by plaine
confession. And to ye intent that the whole matter may be
conceived in order, and so the better both understood and
remembered, I make thereof these ix points or articles, directly,
truly and resolutely opening my full enterprise and purpose.

i. I confesse that I am (albeit unworthie) a priest of ye Catholike
Church, and through ye great mercie of God vowed now these viii
years into the Religion of the Societie of Jhesus. Hereby I have
taken upon me a special kind of warfare under the banner of
obedience, and eke resigned all my interest or possibilitie of
wealth, honour, pleasure, and other worldlie felicitie.

ii. At the voice of our General Provost, which is to me a
warrant from heaven, and Oracle of Christ, I tooke my voyage
from Prage to Rome (where our said General Father is always
resident) and from Rome to England, as I might and would have
done joyously into any part of Christendome or Heathenesse, had
I been thereto assigned.

iii. My charge is, of free cost to preach the Gospel, to
minister the Sacraments, to instruct the simple, to reforme
sinners, to confute errors--in brief, to crie alarme spiritual
against foul vice and proud ignorance, wherewith many my dear
Countrymen are abused.

iv. I never had mind, and am strictly forbidden by our Father that
sent me, to deal in any respect with matter of State or Policy of
this realm, as things which appertain not to my vocation, and from
which I do gladly restrain and sequester my thoughts.

v. I do ask, to the glory of God, with all humility, and under
your correction, iii sortes of indifferent and quiet audiences:
_the first_ before your Honours, wherein I will discourse of
religion, so far as it toucheth the common weale and your
nobilities: _the second_, whereof I make more account, before the
Doctors and Masters and chosen men of both Universities, wherein
I undertake to avow the faith of our Catholike Church by proofs
innumerable, Scriptures, Councils, Fathers, History, natural and
moral reasons: _the third_ before the lawyers, spiritual and
temporal, wherein I will justify the said faith by the common
wisdom of the laws standing yet in force and practice.

vi. I would be loth to speak anything that might sound of any
insolent brag or challenge, especially being now as a dead man
to this world and willing to put my head under every man's foot,
and to kiss the ground they tread upon. Yet have I such a
courage in avouching the Majesty of Jhesus my King, and such
affiance in his gracious favour, and such assurance in my
quarrel, and my evidence so impregnable, and because I know
perfectly that no one Protestant, nor all the Protestants
living, nor any sect of our adversaries (howsoever they face men
down in pulpits, and overrule us in their kingdom of grammarians
and unlearned ears)[2] can maintain their doctrine in
disputation. I am to sue most humbly and instantly for the
combat with all and every of them, and the most principal that
may be found: protesting that in this trial the better furnished
they come, the better welcome they shall be.

vii. And because it hath pleased God to enrich the Queen my
Sovereign Ladye with notable gifts of nature, learning, and
princely education, I do verily trust that--if her Highness would
vouchsafe her royal person and good attention to such a
conference as, in the ii part of my fifth article I have
motioned, or to a few sermons, which in her or your hearing I am
to utter,--such manifest and fair light by good method and plain
dealing may be cast upon these controversies, that possibly her
zeal of truth and love of her people shall incline her noble
Grace to disfavour some proceedings hurtful to the Realm, and
procure towards us oppressed more equitie.

viii. Moreover I doubt not but you her Highness' Council being, of
such wisdom and discreet in cases most important, when you shall
have heard these questions of religion opened faithfully, which
many times by our adversaries are huddled up and confounded, will
see upon what substantial grounds our Catholike Faith is builded,
how feeble that side is which by sway of the time prevaileth
against us, and so at last for your own souls, and for many
thousand souls that depend upon your government, will
discountenance error when it is bewrayed, and hearken to those
who would spend the best blood in their bodies for your
salvation. Many innocent hands are lifted up to heaven for you
daily by those English students, whose posteritie shall never
die, which beyond seas gathering virtue and sufficient knowledge
for the purpose, are determined never to give you over, but
either to win you heaven, or to die upon your pikes. And touching
our Societie be it known to you that we have made a league--all
the Jesuits in the world, whose succession and multitude must
overreach all the practices of England--cheerfully to carry the
cross you shall lay upon us, and never to despair your recovery,
while we have a man left to enjoy your Tyburn, or to be racked
with your torments, or consumed with your prisons. The expense is
reckoned, the enterprise is begun; it is of God, it cannot be
withstood. So the faith was planted: so it must be restored.

ix. If these my offers be refused, and my endeavours can take no
place, and I, having run thousands of miles to do you good, shall
be rewarded with rigour, I have no more to say but to recommend
your case and mine to Almightie God, the Searcher of Hearts, who
send us His grace, and set us at accord before the day of
payment, to the end we may at last be friends in heaven, when all
injuries shall be forgotten.

* * * * *

"Direct, true, and resolute," Campion's words certainly are, and
they are calculated in a remarkable degree to reassure and
animate his fellow Catholics and their friends, and it is for
them in reality, rather than for the Lords of the Council, that
the message is composed. If the composition has a fault it is its
combativeness; and in effect, though this drawback was not felt
at the time, it was later. Subsequent missionaries found it best
to adopt a policy of far greater secrecy and silence. If,
however, we remember that Campion intended his paper to be
published under quite different circumstances, we can see that he
at least hardly deserves the reproach of being contentious, or if
he does, his failing was venial when we consider the tastes of
the age. The immediate result of the publication was without
question a great success.


Like a wise general, Father Persons at once bethought himself how
best to follow up the good beginning already made. Accordingly,
when he and Campion met at Uxbridge (for it was not safe for
Campion to come to London), he suggested that the latter, seeing
that his memory was still green at Oxford, should compose a short
address on the crisis to the students of the two Universities.
Campion met the suggestion as he had met the suggestion of
Pounde, with a gentle disclaimer, "alleging divers difficulties,"
but soon good-humouredly assented on the condition (not a usual
one with literary men) that someone else should propose the
subject. The company therefore made various suggestions, none of
which met with general acceptance, until Campion proposed "Heresy
in Despair." "Whereat," adds Persons, "all that were present
could not choose but laugh, and wonder to see him fall upon that
argument at such a time when heresy seemed most of all to
triumph." In truth, with England invincible at sea and on land,
and the absolute sway of Elizabeth, Cecil, and Walsingham over
both Church and State, what more hopeful position for
Protestantism could have been imagined? Campion's meaning, of
course, was that Protestantism was in despair of holding the
position of the ancient Church; of ruling in the hearts of a free
people; of co-existing with Christian liberty. It was unworthy,
therefore, of the acceptance of minds that aspired to mental
freedom, as did the youth of the Universities. This subject for
an address was welcomed with acclamation, and Campion promised to
undertake it, suggesting on his side that Persons should arrange
ways and means for printing the tract when finished, and any
other which might seem needed.

This agreed to, all separated once more, and Campion rode
northwards on a tour which he took in Derbyshire, Yorkshire, and
Lancashire, and which was not over for six months. Meantime
Father Persons had set up his "magic press" near London, and
issued from it five volumes of small size indeed, but of
remarkable vigour and merit. As soon as any notable attack was
made on the Catholics, an answer was brought out in a wonderfully
short time, and these answers were pithy, vigorous, and pointed,
in no ordinary degree. When one remembers how much co-operation
is needed to bring out even the slightest volume, one is truly
astonished at the feat of bringing out so many and such good
ones, while the hourly fear of capture, torture, and death hung
over the heads of all. When threatened with danger in one place
the press was bodily transported to another.

However, our business at present is not with Persons, but with
Campion. His book was finished and sent up to Persons in March,
1581, with a title altered to suit the controversy which had
already begun. It was now _Decem Rationes: quibus fretus,
certamen adversariis obtulit in causa Fidei, Edmundus Campianus
&c._ "Ten Reasons, for the confidence with which Edmund Campion
offered his adversaries to dispute on behalf of the Faith, set
before the famous men of our Universities." Persons was charmed,
as he had expected to be, with its literary grace. It was in
Latin, as had been agreed, and Campion's Latin prose, (though
critics of our time find it somewhat silvery and Livian), suited
the tastes of that day to perfection. The only thing which made
Persons at all thoughtful was the number of references. Campion
declared that he was sure he had verified them, as he entered
them in his notebook, but Persons, with greater caution, declared
that they must be verified anew.

The difficulty of this for men living under the ban, and cut off
from access to large libraries, was of course great, but through
the help of others, especially through Mr. Thomas Fitzherbert of
Swynnerton, the task was happily accomplished. Campion came up
from the north to Stonor, on the Oxfordshire border where the
secret press then was; and there, amid a thousand fears, alarms
and dangers, the book was printed.


Of the actual preparations for printing the _Ten Reasons_,
Persons gives this account in his memoirs[3]: Persons was of
opinion that Campion should come up to London immediately after
Easter [March 26th] to examine the passages quoted, and to assist
the print. Meanwhile Persons began to prepare new means of
printing, making use of friends and in particular of a certain
priest called William Morris, a learned and resourceful man, who
afterwards died in Rome.[4] This was necessary, as the first
press near London, where the first two books had been printed,
had been taken down. Eventually and with very great difficulty he
found, after much trying, a house belonging to a widow, by name
Lady Stonor, in which she was not living at that time. It was
situated in the middle of a wood, twenty miles from London.

To this house were taken all things necessary, that is, type,
press, paper, &c., though not without many risks. Mr. Stephen
Brinkley, a gentleman of high attainments both in literature and
in virtue, superintended the printing. Father Campion then coming
to London, with his book already revised, went at once to the
house in the wood, where the book was printed and eventually
published. Persons too went down to stay with him for some days
to take counsel on their affairs.

* * * * *

Stonor Park, to which Campion and Persons had betaken
themselves,[5] is still in the possession of the old Catholic
family of that name, of which Lord Camoys is the representative.
Father Morris says that "the printing, according to the
traditions of the place, was carried on in the attics of the old
house."[6] Being near Henley it was possible to go there by road
or by water, and one might come and go on the Oxford high-road
without attracting attention.

Still there was grave risk of discovery from the noise made by
the press, and from the number of extra men about the house, as
to the fidelity of each of whom it was impossible to be
absolutely sure. Day by day the dangers thickened round them.
One evening, soon after their arrival, William Hartley, a priest
and afterwards a martyr, who was helping in the work, and had
then just come back from a visit to Oxford, mentioned casually
that Roland Jenks, the Catholic stationer and book-binder there,
was again in trouble, having been accused by his own servant.
Jenks was doubtless known to all Oxford men, indeed but three
years before his name had been noised all over Europe. He had
been sentenced to have his ears cut off for some religious
offence, when the Judge was taken ill in the court itself, and,
the infection travelling with marvellous rapidity, the greater
part both of the bench and of the jury were stricken down with
gaol fever, and two judges, twelve justices, and other high
officials, almost the whole jury, and many others, died within
the space of two days.[7]

In mentioning Jenks's new troubles Hartley probably did not
realize the extent of the danger to the whole party which they
portended. Persons had in fact employed the very servant who had
now turned traitor, to bind a number of books for him at his
house near Bridewell Church, London, which with all its contents
was thus in a perilous condition. Early next morning an express
messenger was sent in to town with orders to hide or destroy
Persons' papers and other effects. It was already too late: that
very night the house had been searched, and Persons' letters,
books, vestments, rosaries, pictures, and other pious objects,
had all fallen into the hands of the pursuivants. Worse still,
Father Alexander Briant, afterwards a martyr, and one of the
brightest and most lovable of the missionaries, was seized next
door, and hurried off first to the Counter, then to the Tower,
where he was repeatedly and most cruelly racked to make him say
where Persons might be found.

Information about his torture was brought to the Jesuits at
Stonor, and one can easily see how grave and disturbing such
bad news must have been. "For almost the whole of one night,"
says Persons, "Campion and I sat up talking of what we had
better do, if we should fall into their hands. A fate which
befell him soon after."

The Registers of the Privy Council inform us that their Lordships
gave orders to have Jenks sent up to London on the 28th of April.
This settles approximately the date of the beginning of the
printing at Stonor, and the book was not finished till nearly the
end of June. So the work lasted about nine weeks, a fairly long
period when we consider the smallness of the Latin book, here
reproduced. It will, however, be shown from intrinsic evidence,
that the stock of type was very small. The printers had to set up
a few pages at a time, to correct them at once, and to print off,
before they could go any further. Then they distributed the type
and began again. When all was finished they rapidly stabbed and
bound their sheets. Considering the fewness of the workmen[8] and
the unforeseen delays which so often occur during printing, the
time taken over the production does not seem extraordinary.

For many years no example of the original edition of the _Decem
Rationes_ was known to exist: none of our great public libraries
in London or at the Universities possesses a copy. But it was the
singular good fortune of the late Marquess of Bute to pick up two
copies of this extremely rare volume, and he munificently
presented one of them to Stonyhurst College. Canon Gunning of
Winchester is the happy owner of a third copy. By the courtesy of
the Rector of Stonyhurst, I am able to offer a minute description
of the precious little book.

The volume is, considering the printing of that time, distinctly
well got up. There is nothing at first sight to suggest that its
publication had been a matter of so much difficulty and danger;
but when one scrutinizes every page with care, one finds that it
bears about it some traces of the unusual circumstances under
which it was produced.

If we look first for the water-mark in the paper we shall find
that it is the pot--the ordinary English sign; a proof, if one
were needed, that the book was really printed in this country.
The sheets run from A to K (with prefixed [double-dagger]), in
fours, 16mo; the folios are 44, of which 39 are numbered (but by
accident the pagination is omitted from 1 to 4 and 40 is blank as
well as the fly-leaves).

Let us think of what this means. Eleven signatures for 44 folios,
16mo, means that only eight pages 16mo went into each printing
frame, or, in other words, that the frame was so small that it
would have been covered by half a folio sheet, 9 by 13 inches.
They probably printed off each little sheet by itself, for if
they had had a larger frame so as to print an entire folio
sheet--then we should have found in the finished book that the
water-mark would recur once in each sixteen pages. In point of
fact, however, it only recurs irregularly in the first, fifth,
and tenth gathering. This could not have occurred unless the
sheets used were of half folio size.

A Greek fount was evidently wanting. Campion was fond, after the
fashion of scholars of that day, of throwing into his Latin
letters a word or two of Greek, which in his autograph are
written, as Mr. Simpson has remarked, with the facility of one
familiar with the language. Here on fol. 24 a we find _adynata_,
where [Greek: adunata] would have been in Campion's epistolary
manner. Again, on fol. 4 b he quotes, "Hic calix novum
testamentum in sanguine meo, qui (calix) pro vobis fundetur," and
in the margin _Poterion Ekchynomenon_, in Italics, where Greek
script, if obtainable, would obviously have been preferred. A
further indication of the difficulties under which type had been
procured is seen in the use of a query sign of a black-letter
fount (_i.e. [different question mark]_) instead of the Roman
fount (_i.e.,?_). This will be the more readily comprehended when
we remember that Father Persons' books, which Brinkley had
printed before, were in English, and that English prose was then
still generally printed in Gothic character[9].

So Persons also made use of it in order that there might be
nothing in his books to strike the eye as unusual in books of
that class. Campion's volume on the other hand being in Latin, it
was necessary to procure a new set of "Roman" type. The use of
the black-letter query-signs would not at once attract attention,
so they were kept, though all else was changed.

A further trace of the difficulty in finding type is found in
the signs for a, e, diphthong. This combination recurred very
frequently in Latin, and the printers had very few of them. Very
soon after starting we find them substituting for Roman an
Italic diphthong, [ae ligature] also o, e ([oe ligature]), and
even e, an ordinary mediaeval form of the sign. It will be
noticed that these substitutions become increasingly frequent,
as we approach fol. 12 (end of signature C), fol. 32 (end of
signature H), and 36 (end of signature I), whereas as soon as
the next signature begins the fount of [ae ligature] is ready to
hand again. The conclusion to be deduced is that leaves C, H,
and I were each printed off, and the type distributed, before
the setting up of D, I, and K could be proceeded with. This
illustrates what has been said before of the very small stock of
type in the printing establishment.

Another slight peculiarity ought perhaps to be noticed: it is
the accentuation of the Latin. Adverbs, for instance, are
generally accented on the last syllable, e.g., doctiu's,
facile', qua'm, eo', quo': the rule, however, is by no means
regularly kept. But this has evidently nothing to do with the
peculiar conditions under which Campion's book was produced, and
is to be accounted for by the use of accents in other
publications of the same class. Nothing was then definitely
settled about the accentuation of either French, Italian, or
Latin, and Campion's volume does but reproduce the uncertainty
on the matter which was everywhere prevalent.

Whilst the printers were contending with the difficulties arising
from the smallness of their stock of type, difficulties which no
doubt caused vexatious and dangerous delays, Campion and Persons
resumed their missionary labours with vigour. In his Memoirs
Persons writes:

* * * * *

Whilst the preparations were being made Campion preached
unweariedly, sometimes in London, sometimes making excursions.
There was one place [that of the Bellamy's] whither we often
went, about five miles from London, called Harohill. In going
thither we had to pass through Tyburn. But Campion would always
pass bareheaded, and making a deep bow both because of the sign
of the Cross, and in honour of some martyrs who had suffered
there, and also because he used to say that he would have his
combat there.[10]

* * * * *

Father Bombino[11] managed to find out some further details. Mrs.
Bellamy's house, he tells us, had a good library, and as to
Campion's conduct at Tyburn, he explains that the shape of the
gallows was a triangle, supported at its three angles by three
baulks of timber; the tie-beams, however, suggested to Campion
the Cross of Christ.

From the State Papers we hear of other families and places said
to have been visited by Campion at this period: the Prices, of
Huntingdon; Mr. William Griffith, of Uxbridge; Mr. Edwin East, of
Bledlow, Bucks; Lady Babington, at Twyford, Bucks; Mr. Dormer, at
Wynge, and Mrs. Pollard.[12]

In spite of alarms, dangers, and interruptions, the work of
printing was concluded without mishap. The method of publication
was singular. Hartley took the bulk of the copies to Oxford,
where the chief academical display of the year, the Act, as it
was called, was taking place in St. Mary's, on several successive
days. Hartley, coming in at the end of the first day, waited for
every one to go out, then slipped his little books under the
papers left on the seats, and was gone. Next morning he entered
with the rest, and soon saw that his plan had been perfectly
successful. The public disputation began, but the attention of
the audience was elsewhere. There was whispering and comparing
notes, and passing about of little books, and as soon as the
seance was over, open discussion of Campion's "Reasons." Hartley
did not wait for more, but rode back to Stonor with the news that
the book had surely hit its mark.

At Oxford, as Father Persons says, many remembered and loved the
man, or at least knew of his gentle character, and of the career
he had abandoned to become a Catholic missionary. The book
recalled all this; and to those who were able to enter into its
spirit it preached with a strange penetrating force. By all the
lovers of classical Latin, and there were many such at that day,
it was read greedily. The Catholics and lovers of the old Faith
received it with enthusiasm, but a still more valid testimony to
its power was given by the Protestant Government, which gave
orders to its placemen that they should elaborate replies. These
replies drew forth answers from the Catholics, and the controversy
lasted for several years. Mr. Simpson has included an outline of
this controversy in his _Life of Campion_, and to it I may refer
my readers, having nothing substantial to add to his account.


It would not be necessary for me to say more about its success,
except that to us nowadays, the _Rationes_ will not seem at all
so remarkable as it did to our ancestors. Religious controversy,
in itself, does not much interest us moderns; and those who will
read Latin merely to enjoy the style are very few. But in the
sixteenth century, as Sir Arthur Helps truly says, men found in
the thrill of controversy the interest they now take in novels.
At that time, too, of all literary charms, that of good Latin
prose was by far the most popular, and the language was still the
"lingua franca" of the learned all the world over. Once we get so
far as to appreciate that both subject and style were in its
favour, the popularity of the volume will seem natural enough,
for it is bright, pointed, strong, full of matter, bold,
eloquent, convincing.

Without attempting anything like a complete account of the
reception of the book by the public, I may mention as the most
obvious proof of its popularity, that more strenuous endeavours
were made (so far as I can discover) to answer it than were made
in the case of any other assault upon the Elizabethan religious
settlement. Lord Burghley himself, the chief minister of the
Crown, called upon the Bishop of London, perhaps the most forward
man then on the episcopal bench, to use all endeavours to ensure
the publication of a sufficient answer. Finally they appointed
the Regius Professors of Divinity both at Oxford and at Cambridge
to provide for the occasion, and it took both of these a long
series of months to propound their answers to Campion's tract,
which is only as long as a magazine article. Speaking broadly, we
may say that this was the most that Elizabeth's Establishment
could do officially; and besides this, there were sermons
innumerable, and pamphlets not a few by lesser men, as well as
disputations in the Tower, of which more must be said later.

This hostile evidence is so striking and so ample that it might
seem unnecessary to allege more, but I attach a great deal more
importance to the praise of theologians of Campion's own faith:
for, in the first place this is much harder to obtain than the
attention of the persons attacked. Secondly, those who are
acquainted with Catholic theological criticism are at first
surprised to find what very severe critics Catholic theologians
are one of another. In this case, where the writer had from the
nature of his task to make so much use of rhetorical arguments,
allusions, irony, and unusual forms of expression, there was
more than usual chance of fault being found, especially as every
possible thorny subject is introduced somehow, and that in terms
meant to please not Roman theologians, but Oxford students.
Evidently there was danger here that critics should or might be
severe, or at least insist on certain changes and emendations.
In fact the work was received with joy, and reprinted frequently
and with honour. I have lately found a letter in its
commendation from the Cardinal Secretary of State of that day,
and Muret, as we have heard, perhaps the greatest humanist then
living in the Catholic ranks, described it as "Libellum aureum,
vere digito Dei scriptum."


The publication of the _Decem Rationes_ was the last act of
Campion's life of freedom. He was seized the very next week, and
after five months of suffering was martyred on 1 December, 1581.
During that prolonged and unequal struggle against every variety
of craft and violence the _Ten Reasons_ continued to have their
influence, and on the whole they were extremely helpful, for
they enabled the martyr to recover some ground which he had lost
while under torture. During those awful agonies he confessed to
having found shelter in the houses of certain gentlemen. It is
certain that these names were all known to the Government
before, and that he was not betraying any secret. Nevertheless
the gentlemen in question were at once seized, imprisoned and
fined, on the alleged evidence of Campion's confessions only.
This of course caused much scandal among Catholics, and so long
as he lay lost in the Tower dungeons, unpleasant rumours about
his constancy could not be effectively contradicted. Thus far
Elizabeth's ministers had gained an advantage, which Pounde had
foretold they were likely to win. But the remedy he had
suggested also proved effective.

Though under ordinary circumstances Elizabeth's ministers "meant
nothing less" than having the disputation requested, nevertheless
now that Campion was so terribly shaken and reduced, they hoped
that they might arrange some sort of a meeting, which might in
show correspond with what had been demanded in the _Decem
Rationes_, and yet leave them with a certain victory. They were
emboldened too, by finding that their prisoner was not after all,
such a particularly learned man. He had never been a professor of
theology, or written or made special studies, beyond the ordinary
course which in those days was not a long one. It was, therefore,
settled that four disputations should be held in the Tower of
London. Theology was still taught at Oxford and Cambridge in
something of the old mediaeval method and in syllogistic form.
The men who were pitted against Campion had lately been, or were
still, examiners at the Universities. Nor is it to be denied for
a moment that they did their work well. The attack never
faltered. Their own side quite believed they had won. The method
they adopted was this. They assumed the role of examiners, and
starting with the _Decem Rationes_ before them, they plied
Campion with crabbed texts, and obscure quotations from the
Fathers. Then they cut short his answers, and as soon as one had
examined for one quarter of an hour, another took his place, for
they were anxious above all things to avoid defeat. The number of
topics broached and left unsettled surpasses belief, indeed the
scene was one of utter confusion, taunts, scoldings, sneers--a
very, very different test from the academic argumentation, which
Campion had requested.

The martyr did not show any remarkable erudition, indeed all
opportunity to do so was carefully shut off. No University, I
fancy, would have given him a chair of theology on the strength
of his replies on that occasion. There was more than one
premature assertion of victory on the Protestant side. But when
the Catholic and Protestant accounts are compared, one sees that
the advantages won against Campion were slight. They evidently
hoped that by vigorous and repeated attacks they would at last
puzzle or bear him down. But they were never near this. He was
always fresh and gay, never in difficulties, or at the end of his
tether. He stands out quite the noblest, the most sympathetic and
important figure in those motley assemblies. The Catholics were
delighted. They succeeded in getting their own report of the
disputations, which is still extant, and they would have printed
it, if they had been able. Philip, Earl of Arundel, by far the
most important convert of that generation, was won over by what
he heard in those debates.

On the whole then we must say that, if Campion did not come off
gloriously, he at least acquitted himself well and honourably,
and distinctly gained by the conflict. Offers of disputation were
not the ideal way of forwarding a mission such as his.
Nevertheless, in his case, despite circumstances the most
adverse, the result had proved advantageous. It had greatly
strengthened and encouraged his own followers, and that was in
reality the best that could then be expected. Incidentally too
the adverse rumours, which had gained ground during his
seclusion, were dissipated. It was clear that, though he might
have been deceived, his constancy was unconquerable.

Thus Campion's _Challenge_ and his _Ten Reasons_ not only contain
the message of his mission enunciated with characteristic
eloquence, but the delivery of each message is an history-making
event, big with dramatic consequences. The controversy about his
book did not die with him, but continued for some years, until it
was merged into the standing controversy between the two
religions. We cannot describe it here.

Suffice it to say that Mr. Simpson, in the _Appendix_ to his
_Edmund Campion_ enumerates not less than twenty works, which
appeared in those controversies between 1581 and 1585. The chief
defender of Father Campion's writings was Father Robert Drury,
S.J., but all his biographers also have something to say on the
subject. The chief opponents are William Charke, Meredith Hanmer,
William Fulke, Laurence Humphrey, William Whitaker, R. Stoke,
John Field, Alexander Nowell, and William Day. Some further
information on the whole subject may be found in articles by the
late Father Morris and myself in _The Month_ for July 1889,
January 1905, and January 1910. [J.H.P.]

[Footnote 1: Of these four are in English translations, dated
1606 (by Richard Stock), 1632, 1687, and 1827. The present
translation is thus the fifth into Campion's mother tongue.
Though each of the quaint old versions has its merits, and some
do not lack charm, not one would adequately represent Campion to
the modern reader. A new translation was a necessity--may I not
say, a most happy one--seeing that Father Joseph Rickaby was at
hand to satisfy it. [J.H.P.]]

[Footnote 2: The meaning is--"The ministers tyrannize over us, as
if we were a kingdom of unlearned schoolboys, listening to a
teacher of grammar."]

[Footnote 3: _Catholic Record Society_ IV., 14-17.]

[Footnote 4: Father Bombino calls him Richard Morris, and says he
went into exile and lived with Allen first at Rheims, and
afterwards at Rome, where he died in the English College. (_Vita
Campiani_, p. 139)]

[Footnote 5: Father Morris identified the lady who let or lent
Stonor Park, with Dame Cecilia Stonor, daughter of Leonard
Chamberlain. Father Persons describes her as a widow, and if so,
the Sir Francis, then alive, was not her husband, but her son.
Both father and son had the same Christian name.]

[Footnote 6: On the other hand, Mr. Thomas Edward Stonor, in a
correspondence to be mentioned immediately, says that there were
no definite traditions as to the actual locality of the press.]

[Footnote 7: Challoner, _Missionary Priests_, Introd. p. 12.]

[Footnote 8: As five printers were subsequently arrested, we know
their names, and they deserve to be recorded here, viz., Stephen
Brinkley, John Harris, John Hervey, John Tuker, John Compton. Allen
speaks of seven workmen. _Diary of the Tower and Douay Diary._]

[Footnote 9: The custom however was already changing, and "Roman"
type soon afterwards came into general use.]

[Footnote 1: _Memoirs_, i. cap. 24; _Collectanea P._ fol. 155.]

[Footnote 11: Bombino, _Vita Campiani_ 1620, p.136. Some of
Bombino's additions are not, perhaps, arranged in their true
chronological order. He tells us, for instance, a propos of
Brinkley's difficulties in getting printers, that he had to dress
them, and give them horses to ride, like gentlemen. But he does
not make it clear whether these were the men who printed the _Ten
Reasons_, or Persons' previous works. Bombino says that Brinkley
paid for the type, &c., but Allen, in a contemporary letter, says
that George Gilbert had left a fund for these purposes. Bombino
says the printing of the _Decem Rationes_ was commenced at
Brinkley's own house at Green Street, and had to be removed
because one of the servants was arrested in London, and tortured
to make him confess, which he heroically refused. Campion and
Persons knowing of the torture, not of the man's constancy, at
once removed the press. But Persons' _Memoirs_ ascribes this
incident to an earlier period. (_Domestical Difficulties_, p.
119; _Autobiography_ for 1581).]

[Footnote 12: Simpson, p. 217, following Lansdowne MSS. xxx. 78]





Quandoquidem, viri ornatissimi, a Germania et Bohemia revocatus,
non sine ingenti vitae meae periculo, in hoc florentissimum
Angliae regnum, dulcissimam patriam meam, tandem aliquando
perveni, pro Superiorum meorum voluntate, Dei gloriam et animarum
salutem promoturus; verisimile esse putavi, me turbulento hoc,
suspicioso ac difficillimo tempore, sive citius, sive aliquanto
tardius, in medio cursu abreptum iri. Quapropter ignarus quid de
me futurum sit, quum Dei permissu in carceres et vincula forte
detrudendus sim, ad omnem eventum scriptum hoc condidi: quod ut
legere, et ex eo causam meam cognoscere velitis, etiam atque
etiam rogo. Fiet enim, ut hac re non parvo labore liberemini, dum
quod multis ambagibus inquirere vos audio, id totem aperta
confessione libere expromo. Atque ut rem omnem, quo melius et
intelligi, et memoria comprehendi queat, compendio tradam, in
novem omnino capita eam dispertiar.

1. Profiteor me, quamvis indignum, Ecclesiae Catholicae
sacerdotem, et iam octo abhinc annis magna Dei misericordia in
Societatem nominis Iesu cooptatum, peculiare quoddam belli
genus sub obedientiae vexillo suscepisse; ac simul me omni
divitiarum, honorum et aliorum huiusmodi bonorum spe, et
habendi potestate, abdicasse.

2. Generalis Praepositi nostri decreto (quod ego tamquam mandatum
coelitus missum, et a Christo ipso sancitum veneror), Praga Romam,
ubi Generalis nostri perpetua sedes est; Roma deinde in Angliam
contendi: qua animi alacritate etiam in quamcumque aliam orbis
terrarum partem, sive ad christianos, sive ad infideles, profectus
fuissem, si me ad eam profectionem superiores mei designassent.

3. Negotium mihi commisum tale est, ut gratis Evangelium
administrem, rudes in fide instituam, flagitiosos a scelere ad
meliorem vitae rationem traducam, errores convellam; et, ut
summatim omnia complectar, pugnae spiritualis signum tuba canam,
atque alacriter adversus foeda flagitia et superbam ignorationem,
qua innumeri cives mei, quos intimis animi visceribus complector,
oppressi iacent, depugnem.

4. Numquam mihi animus fuit, imo et a Patribus, qui me miserunt,
severe prohibitum mihi est, ut ne reipublicae ac politicae huius
regni administrationis negotiis me immisceam: nam et aliena haec
sunt a vocationis meae instituto, et iis animum cogitationesque
meas libenter avoco.

5. Quamobrem vestra clementia fretus, ad gloriam Dei tria non
minus aequa, quam ab omni pacis et tranquillitatis reipublicae
perturbatione aliena, concedi mihi et permitti humillime postulo.
Primum est, ut Dominationes vestrae, pro sua et reipublicae
dignitate, me pro religione disserentem audire non graventur.
Alterum, quod et cumprimis desidero, et maximi momenti esse
arbitror, ut mihi liceat in consessu doctorum, magistorum et
utriusque Academiae virorum insignium, sacrosanctae theologiae
professorum, verba facere. Promitto me catholicae Ecclesiae fidem
invictis rationibus et sacrarum Scripturarum, Conciliorum, Patrum
atque historiarum auctoritate, ac denique ex ipsa tum naturali,
tum morali philosophia efficaciter demonstraturum et defensurum.
Tertium, ut audiar ab utriusque iuris, sive canonici, sive
civilis, peritis, quibus eamdem fidei veritatem, legum, quae
etiamnum vigent, testimonio atque auctoritate comprobabo.

6. Nollem equidem quidquam proferre, quod insolentem
provocationem aut arrogantiam aliquam prae se ferret; quum et
mundo mortuus iam sim, et ex animo paratus promtusque, ut me ad
cuiusvis pedes abiiciam ac vestigia etiam exosculer. Tantus tamen
animus mihi est pro gloria et maiestate Regis mei Iesu
amplificanda, tanta in eius favore fiducia, tanta denique in
causae aequitate et firmissimorum argumentorum ac probationum
robore confidentia, (quum certo sciam nullum protestantium, nec
omnes simul iunctos, nec ullam adversariorum factionem,
quantumvis imperitam multitudinem et grammaticos quosdam
adolescentulos, apud quos insigniter debacchantur, in errorem
inducant, posse dogmata sua disputatione aut tueri aut probare);
ut cum illis omnibus, vel cum eorum quolibet, vel cum
antesignanis ex omni illorum numero delectis, ultro me offeram
congressurum; bona fide protestans eo mihi gratius fore certamen,
quo melius instructi accesserint.

7. Et quoniam Dominus Deus Dominam meam reginam, eximiis naturae,
eruditionis ac regiae educationis dotibus exornare voluit, si sua
Maiestas huiusmodi auditionem, qualem in quinto articulo secundo
loco efflagitavi, sua regali praesentia et benigna attentione
cohonestare dignaretur, sperarem sane, me articulos controversos
optima methodo et perspicuis argumentis ita illustrare, atque ab
omnibus fallaciarum involucris quibus constricti sunt, explicare
posse, ut zelo veritatis et amore, quo sua Maiestas populum
complectitur, mediocriter eius animum inclinarem, quum ad
plurimas res, quae regno suo non parum detrimenti afferunt,
damnandas et reiiciendas, tum ad nos catholicos, misere iamdui
oppressos, maiore aequitate prosequendos.

8. Neque vero dubium mihi est quin vos, ornatissimi consiliari
S. M., quum in maximi momenti negotiis praeclare ac sapienter
agere soleatis, ubi has de fide controversias, quas adversarii
nostri non sine fuco et confuse plerumque pertractant, bona fide
delectas et fuco nudatas perspexeritis, luce meridiana clarius
cognituri sitis, quam solidis et firmis fundamentis fides
catholica nitatur. Et quia e contrario protestantium argumenta
sunt omnino frivola et infirma, quae temporis iniquitate vim
aliquam contra nos habere putantur; futurum spero, ut vestrarum
animarum et innumerabilium aliarum, quae a vestro nutu et
exemplo pendent, miserti, ab huiusmodi falsorum dogmatum
architectis et doctoribus facies vestras animumque ipsum
avertatis, ac nobis, qui vitam nostram pro vesta salute
alacriter profundere parati sumus, aequiori et magis propitia
mente auscultetis. Multae innocentes manus quotidie et sine
intermissione pro vobis in coelum attolluntur. Haec in vos
studia sunt eorum Anglorum, qui in provinciis transmarinis
numquam interiturae posteritatis patres, virtuti et eruditioni
adquirendae dant operam; omninoque secum statuerunt, a salute
vestra promovenda non prius absistere, quam vel animas vestras
Christo lucrifecerint, vel lanceis vestras confixi generose
occubuerint. Et quidem quod ad Societatem nostram attinet, velim
sciatis, omnes nos, qui sumus de Societate Iesu, per totum
terrarum orbem longa lateque diffusi, (quorum continua successio
et multitudo omnes machinationes vestras anglicas facile
superabit), sanctum foedus iniisse ut cruces, quas nobis
iniicietis, magno animo feramus, neque umquam de vestra salute
desperemus, quamdiu vel unus quispiam e nobis supererit, qui
Tiburno[2] vestro fruatur, atque suppliciis vestris
excarnificari, carceribusque squalere et consumi possit.
Iampridem inita ratio est, divinique numinis auspicio inchoatum
certamen; nulla vis, nullus impetus adversariorum superabit. Hac
ratione consita et tradita olim fides est, eadem in pristinam
dignitatem revocari et restitui debet.

Quod si hoc scriptum meum, quod offero, reiicitur, nec benevoli
conatus mei quidquam possint efficere, et pro itinere multorum
millium milliarium vestri causa suscepto, ingratum animum
experiar; id unum agendum mihi supererit, ut vos causamque meam
Deo scrutatori cordium commendem: quem quidem ex animo precor, ut
nobis tantisper gratiam suam impertiri velit, qua ante extremum
remunerationis diem in unam sententiam conspiremus; et ut tandem
aliquando in coelo, ubi nulla erit iniuriarum memoria, amicitia
sempiterna perfruamur.



Anno praeterito, quum ex instituto vitae meae iussus in hanc
insulam remeassem, clarissimi viri, offendi sane fluctus haud
paulo saeviores in anglicano littore, quam quos in oceano
brittannico recens a tergo reliqueram. Mox interiorem in Angliam
ubi penetrassem, nihil familiarius, quam inusitata supplicia;
nihil certius, quam incerta pericula. Collegi me, ut potui, memor
causae, memor temporum. Ac ne prius forte corriperer, quam
auditus a quopiam fuissem, scripto protinus mandavi consileum
meum, qui venissem, quid quaererem, quod bellum, et quibus,
indicere cogitarem Autographum apud me habui, ut mecum, si
caperer, caperetur; exemplum eius apud amicum deposui, quod, me
quidem nesciente, pluribus communicatum est. Adversarii
publicatam schedulam atrociter acceperunt quum caetera, tum illud
invidiosissime criminantes, quod unus omnibus in hoc religionis
negotio certamen obtulissem; quamquam solus non eram futurus, si
fide publica disputassem. Responderunt postulatis meis Hammerus
et Charcus. Quid tandem? Otiose omnia. Nullum enim responsum,
praeter unum, honeste dabunt, quod numquam dabunt: "Conditiones
amplectimur, Regina spondet, advola." Interea clamant isti:
"Sodalitium tuum, seditiones tuas, arrogantiam tuam, proditorem,
sine dubio proditorem." Ridicule. Operam et oleum et famam
homines non insipientissimi cur profundunt?

Verum his duobus, (quorum prior animi causa meam chartam delegit,
in quam incurrerat; alter malitiosius totam rem convolvit),
praebitus nuper est libellus admodum luculentus, qui quantum
oportuit, tantum et de Societate nostra, et de horum iniuriis, et
de provincia, quam sustinemus, edisserit. Mihi supererat,
(quoniam, ut video, tormenta, non scholas, parant antistites),
rationem facti mei vobis ut probarem; capita rerum, quae mihi
tantum fidentiae pepererunt, quasi digito fontes ostenderem. Vos
etiam hortarer, quorum interest praeter caeteros, incumbatis in
hanc curam, quam a vobis Christus, Ecclesia, respublica et vestra
salus exigunt. Ego si fretus ingenio, litteris, arte, lectione,
memoria, peritissimum quemque adversarium provocavi fui
vanissimus et superbissimus, qui neque me, necque illos
inspexerim; sin causam intuitus, existimavi satis me valentem
esse, qui docerem hunc solem meridie lucere, debetis mihi
fervorem istum concedere, quem honor Iesu Christi, Regis mei, et
invicta veritas imperarunt. Scitis M. Tullium in Quintiana, quum
Roscius victoriam adpromitteret, si efficeret argumentis,
septingenta millia passuum non esse decursa biduo, non modo nihil
veritum articulos et nervos Hortensii, sed ne grandiores quidem
Hortensio, Phillipos, et Cottas, et Antonios, et Crassos, quibus
maximam dicendi gloriam tribuebat, metuere potuisse. Est enim
quaedam veritas tam illustris et perspicua, ut eam nullae
verborum rerumque praestigiae possint obruere. Porro liquidius
est quod nos agimus, quam illa fuit hypothesis Rosciana. Nam si
hoe praestitero: coelos esse, divos esse, fidem esse, Christum
esse, causam obtinui. Hic ego non sim animosus? Equidem occidi
possum, superari non possum, iis enim Doctoribus insisto, quos
ille Spiritus erudiit, qui nec fallitur, nec vincitur.

Quaeso a vobis ut salvi esse velitis. A quibus hoc impetraro,
reliqua minime dubitanter expecto. Date modo vos huic
sollicitudini, Christum obtestamini, industriam adiungite;
profecto sentietis id, quod res est, et adversarios desperare, et
nos, tam solide fundatos, quieto magnoque animo hanc arenam
expetere oportere. Brevior hic sum, quod reliquo sermone vos
alloquor. Valete.


_Ego dabo vobis os et sapientiam, cui non poterunt resistere et
contradicere omnes adversarii vestri._ Luc. xxi. 15.

Rationum capita.

1. Sacrae Litterae.

2. Sacrarum Litterarum sententia.

3. Natura Ecclesiae.

4. Concilia.

5. Patres.

6. Fermamenta Patrum.

7. Historia.

8. Paradoxa.

9. Sophismata.

10. Omne genus testium.



Quum multa sunt, quae adversariorum diffidentiam in causa
loquuntur, tum nihil aeque atque sanctorum maiestas Bibliorum
foedissime violata. Etenim qui, posteaquam reliquorum testium
voces et suffragia contempserunt, eo sunt redacti nihilo secius,
ut stare nequeant, nisi divinis ipsis codicibus vim et manus
intulerint; ii se profecto declarant extrema fortuna confligere,
et rebus iam desperatis ac perditis, experiri durissima velle
atque ultima. Manicheis[3] quid causae fuit, ut "Evangelium
Matthei et Acta refigerent Apostolica?" Desperatio. His enim
voluminibus cruciabantur, et qui Christum negaverant prognatum de
Virgine, et qui Spiritum christianis tum primo coelitus illapsum
finxerant quum ipsorum Paracletus, Persa nequissimus, erupisset.
Quid Ebioniis,[4] ut omnes Pauli repudarient epistolas?
Desperatio. His enim suam dignitatiem retinentibus, antiquata
circumcisio est, quam isti revocaverant. Quid Luthero[5] ut
Epistolam Iacobi "contentiosam, tumidam, aridum, stramineam,"
flagitiosus apostata nominaret, et "indignam spiritu censeret
apostolico?" Desperatio. Hoc enim scripto confessus miser atque
disruptus est, quum "in sola fide iustitiam, constitueret." Quid
Lutheri catulis, ut Tobiam, Ecclesiasticum, Machabaeos, et horum
odio complures alios eadem calumnia comprehensos, e sincero
canone repente dispungerent? Desperatio. His enim oraculis
disertissime coarguuntur, quoties de angelorum patrocinio,
quoties de arbitrii libertate, quoties de fidelibus vita
defunctis, quoties de Divorum hominum intercessione disputant.

Itane vero? Tantum perversitatis, tantum audaciae? Quum Ecclesiam,
concilia, cathedras, Patres, martyres, imperia, populos, leges,
academias, historias, omnia vetustatis et sanctitatis vestigia
conculcassent, scripto Dei verbo tantum controversias velle
dirimere proclamassent, illud ipsum verbum, quod solum restiterat,
exsectis e toto corpore tam multis, tam bonis, tam speciosis,
partibus, delumbasse? Septem enim ipsos de veteri Testamento[6]
codices, ut minuta dissimulem, calviniani praeciderunt; lutherani
vero etiam epistolam Iacobi, et huius invidia quinque alias;[7] de
quibus aliquando fuerat et alicubi controversum. His quoque
libellum Estheris et tria capita Danielis adnumerant novissimi
Genuenses; quae quidem Anabaptistae, istorum condiscipuli, iam
pridem damnaverant atque deriserant.

Quanto modestius Augustinus,[8] qui sacrosanctum catalogum
pertexens, non sibi neque alphabetum hebraicum, ut Iudaei; neque
privatum spiritum, ut Sectarii, pro regula posuit; sed illum
Spiritum, quo totum corpus Ecclesiae Christus animat. Quae quidem
Ecclesia custos huius depositi, non magistra, quod haeretici
cavillantur, thesaurum hunc universum quem Tridentina[9] Synodus
est amplexa, vetustissimis olim conciliis publicitus vindicavit.
Idem Augustinus,[10] de una Scripturarum particula speciatim
disserens, inducere in animum non potest, librum Sapientiae, qui
iam tum Ecclesiae calculo, temporum serie, priscorum testimonio
instinctione fidelium, ut firmus et canonicus robur obtinuerat,
cuiusquam temeritate vel susurro extrudi extra canonem oportere.
Quid ille nunc diceret, si viveret in terris, et Lutheros
Calvinosque concerneret opifices bibliorum, qui sua lima politula
et elegantula vetus novumque Testamentum raserint; neque
Sapientiam tantum, sed et alia permulta de canonicorum librorum
ordine segregaverint: ut quidquid ex horum officina non
prodierit, illud ad omnibus phrenetico decreto tamquam incultum
et horridum conspuatur?

Ad hoc tam dirum et exsecrabile perfugium qui descenderunt, ii
certe licet in ore suorum asseclarum volitent, sacerdotia
nundinentur declamitent in concione, ferrum in catholicos,
equuleum crucemque consciscant; tamen victi, abiecti, squalidi,
prostrati sunt: quandoquidem arrepta virgula censoria, veluti
arbitri sedentes honorarii, divinas ipsas tabulas, si quae ad
stomachum non fecissent, obliterant. Ecquis est vel mediocriter
institutus, qui talium cuniculos hostium reformidet? Qui homines
quamprimum in corona vestra, eruditorum hominum, ad eiusmodi
veteratorias artes, tamquam ad familiarem daemonem currerent, non
aurium convicio sed strepitu pedum exciperentur. Quaererem ab
eis, verbi gratia, quo iure corpus biblicum detruncent atque
diripiant? Respondent: non se veras Scripturas exscindere, sed
excernere supposititias. Quo iudice? Spiritu sancto. Hoc enim
responsum a Calvino[11] praescribitur, ut Ecclesiae iudicium, quo
spiritus examinantur, subterfugiat. Cur igitur alios alii
lancinatis, quum omnes eodem Spiritu gloriemini?

Calvinianorum spiritus recipit sex epistolas, quae spiritui non
placent lutherano; freti tamen uterque sancto Spiritu.
Anabaptistae historiam Iobi fabulam[12] appellant, tragicis et
comicis legibus intermixtam. Qui sciunt? Spiritu docente.
Castalio[13] mysticum illud Salomonis Canticum, quod ut
paradisum animae, ut manna reconditum, ut opiparas in Christo
delicias catholici admirantur, nihilo pluris quam cantilenam de
anicula, et cum pedissequis aulae colloquium amatorium venereus
furcifer aestimavit. Vnde hausit? A spiritu. In Apocalypsi
Ioannis, cuius omnes apices excelsum aliquid et magnificum
sonare confirmat Hieronymus,[14] tamen Lutherus[15] et Brentius
et Kemnitius quiddam, nescio quid, difficiles aristarchi
desiderant; eo scilicet propendentes, ut exautoretur. Quem
percontati? Spiritum. Quatuor Evangelia fervore praepostero
Lutherus[16] inter se committit, et prioribus tribus Epistolas
Pauli longe praeferens, "unicum" deinceps "Evangelium Ioannis,
pulchrum, verum, praecipuum" decernit esse nominandum; quippe
qui, quod in ipso fuit, libenter etiam Apostolos suarum rixarum
socios adscripsisset. Quo doctore? Spiritu. Quin etiam iste
fraterculus[17] non dubitavit Evangelium Lucae petulanti stylo
perstringere, quod in eo crebrius bona nobis virtutum opera
commendentur. Quem interrogavit? Spiritum. Theodorus Beza ex
Lucae vigesimo secundo capite : "Hic calix, novum testamentum,
in meo sanguine, qui (calix) pro vobis fundetur, potaerion enchunomenon>," ausus est ut corruptum vitiatumque
traducere, quod haec oratio nullam expositionem, nisi de vino
calicis converso in verum Christi sanguinem, patiatur. Quis
indicavit? Spiritus. Denique quum omnia credant suo quisque
spiritui, nomen sancti Spiritus horribili blasphemia mentiuntur.
Qui sic agunt, nonne se produnt? Nonne facile refutantur? Nonne
in concessu talium virorum, quales estis Academici, tenentur ac
minimo negotio constringuntur? Cum his ego timeam pro fide
catholica disputare, qui pessima fide voces non humanas, sed
aethereas tractavere?

Nihil hic dico, quae vertendo perverterint quamvis intolerabilia
sint, quae accusem. Gregorio Martino, scientissimo linguarum,
collegae meo, qui doctius et plenius hoc praestabit, nihil
praeripio, nec aliis, quibus id laboris esse iam prae manibus
intellexi. Facinorosius crimen est ac tetrius, quod nunc
persequor. Inventos esse doctorculos, qui temulento quodam
impetu in coeleste chirographum involarint; idipsum pluribus
locis, ut maculatum, ut mancum, ut falsum, ut subreptitium
condemnarint; eius partes aliquas correxerint, aliquas
corroserint, aliquas evulserint. Hinc omne propugnaculum, quo
muniebatur, in lutheranos spiritus, tamquam in valla
phantasmatum pictosque parietes commutarint; ne prorsus
obmutescerent, quum in Scripturas, erroribus suis infestas,
impingerent, quas nihilo commodius expedire, quam sorbere
favillas, aut saxa mandere, potuissent.

Haec ergo mihi prima ratio vehemens et iusta fuit quae ubi partes
adversarias umbraticas et fractas ostendisset, animum sane
addidit viro et christiano et in his studiis exercitato, pro
sempiterni Regis diplomate adversus reliquias profligatorum
hostium decertandi.



Alterum est, quod me quidem ad congressum incitarit, et horum
apud me copiolas elevarit, adversarii perpetuum in Scripturis
exponendis ingenium, plenum fraudis, inane prudentiae. Statim
haec, philosophi, tangeretis. Itaque vos auditores expetii.

Sciscitemur ab adversaras, exempli gratia, quidnam sequuti novam
sectam intriverint, qua Christus excluditur e coena mystica? Si
nominant Evangelium, accurrimus. A nobis verba sunt:[18] "Hoc
est corpus meum. Hic est calix meus." Qui sermo visus est ipsi
Luthero[19] tam potens, ut quum etiam discuperet fieri
Zuinglianus, quod ea re plurimum incommodare Pontifici
potuisset, captus tamen et victus apertissimo contextu, cederet;
neque minus invitus Christum vere praesentem in Sacramento
sanctissimo fateretur, quam olim daemones, victi miraculis,
Christum Dei Filium vociferati sunt.[20] Agedum, pagella scripta
superiores sumus; de sententia scripti contenditur. Hanc
pervestigemus ex verbis adiacentibus:[21] "Corpus meum, quod pro
vobis tradetur. Sanguis meus, qui pro multis effundetur." Adhuc
durissimae partes Calvini sunt, nostrae faciles et explicatae.
Quid amplius? Conferte Scripturas, inquiunt. Conspirant
Evangelia,[22] Paulus adstipulatur; voces, clausulae, tota
connexio panem, vinum, insigne miraculum, coeleste pabulum,
carnem, corpus, sanguinem, reverenter ingeminant. Nihil
aenigmaticum, nihil offusum caligine loquendi.

Tamen perstant adversarii, neque finem faciunt altercandi. Quid
agimus? Opinor, audiatur antiquitas; et quod nos alteris alteri
suspecti non possumus, illud omnium saeculorum veneranda
canities, Christo propior, ab hac lite remotior, decidat
arbitrio. Non ferunt: prodi se aiunt. Dei verbum purum, purum,
inclamant; hominum commentarios aversantur. Insidiose inepte. Dei
verbum perurgemus, obscurant; Divos testamur interpretes,
obsistunt. In summa, sic instituunt, nisi reorum iudicio
steteris, nullum iudicium fore.

Atque ita se gerunt in omni, quam exercemus, controversia, de
infusa gratia, de inhaerente iustitia, de Ecclesia conspicua, de
necessitate Baptismatis, de Sacramentis et Sacrificio, de piorum
meritis, de spe et timore, de peccatis imparibus, de auctoritate
Petri, de clavibus, de votis, de conciliis evangelicis, de
caeteris. Scripturas neque paucas et ponderosa catholici passim
in libris, in colloquiis, in templis, in schola citavimus atque
discussimus; eluserunt. Veterum scholia graecorum et latinorum
admovimus; abnuerunt. Quid tum denique? Doctor Martinus Lutherus,
aut vero Phillippus, aut certe Zuinglius, aut sine dubio Calvinus
et Bezza, fideliter enarrarunt. Egone quemquam vestrum existimen
tam esse mucosis naribus, qui hoc artificium, monitus, non
persentiscat? Quare fateor me scholas Academicas cupide
requirere, ut inspectantibus vobis, calamistratos istos milites,
in solem et pulverem e suis umbraculis evocatos, non meis
viribus, qui cum vestris centesima parte non sum conferendus, sed
valentissima causa et certissima veritate debilitem.



Audito iam Ecclesiae nomine, hostis expalluit. Sed tamen
excogitavit quiddam, quod a vobis animadverti volo, ut falsi
ruinam et inopiam cognoscatis. Senserat in Scripturis tum
propheticis, tum apostolicis, ubique honorificam Ecclesiae fieri
mentionem: vocari civitatem sanctam (Apoc. xxi. 10), fructiferam
vineam (Ps. lxxix.9), montem excelsum (Isai. ii. 2), directam
viam (Ibid. xxxv. 8), columbam unicam (Cant. vi. 8), regnum coeli
(Matth. xiii. 24), sponsam (Cant. iv. 8), et corpus Christi (Eph.
v. 23 et 1 Cor. xii. 12), firmamentum veri (1 Tim. iii. 15),
multitudinem illam, cui Spiritus promissas instillet omnia
salutaria (Ioan. xiv. 26): illam, in quam universam nullae sint
umquam fauces diaboli morsum letiferum impacturae (Matth. xvi.
18); illam, cui quicumque repugnet, quantumvis ore Christum
praedicet, non magis Christi, quam publicanus aut ethnicus
(Matth. xviii. 17), potiatur.

Non est ausus contravenire sonitu, videri noluit Ecclesiae, quam
toties Scripturae commemorant, refragari; nomen callide retinuit,
rem ipsam funditus, definiendo, sustulit. His enim proprietatibus
delineavit Ecclesiam, quae penitus ipsam occulant, et dimotam a
sensibus tamquam ideam platonicam, secretis obtutibus hominum
perpaucorum subiiciant[23]; eorum tantummodo, qui singulariter
afflati, corpus hoc aerium intelligentia comprehenderent, et
huiusce sodalitatis participes subtili quodam oculo lustrarent.
Vbi candor? Vbi simplicitas. Quae Scripturae, quae sensa, qui
Patres, hoc penicillo depingunt Ecclesiam? Sunt Christi ad
Asiaticas ecclesias (Apoc. i. 2, 3), sunt Petri, Pauli, Ioannis,
aliorum ad diversos epistolae; frequentes in Actis Apostolicis
inchoantur et propagantur ecclesiae (Act. viii. 10, 11 et seq.).
Quid istae? Num soli Deo et sanctis hominibus, an christianis
etiam cuiuscumque generis, manifestae?

Sed profecto durum telum necessitas est. Ignoscite. Nam qui
saeculis omnino quindecim, non oppidam, non villam, non domum
reperiunt imbutam doctrina sua, donec infelix monachus (Lutherus)
incesto connubio votam Deo virginem funestasset; aut Helvetius
gladiator (Zuinglius) in patriam coniurasset; aut stigmaticus
perfuga (Calvinus) Genevam occupasset; ii coguntur Ecclesiam, si
quam volent, in latebris venditare, et eos parentes asserere,
quos nec ipsi noverint, neque mortalium quisquam aspexerit. Nisi
forte gaudent maioribus illis, quos haereticos fuisse liquet, ut
Aerio, Ioviniano, Vigilantio, Helvidio, Iconomachis, Berengario,
Valdensibus, Lolhardo, Wiclefo, Hussio; a quibus pestifera
quaedam fragmenta dogmatum emendicarint.

Nolite mirari, si fumulos istos non pertimui, quos, modo ad
meridianam lucem venero, minime fuerit laboriosum dispellere.
Haec est enim nostra sermocianatio. Dic mihi: subscribis
Ecclesiae, quae saeculis anteactis viguit?--Omnino.--Obeamus ergo
terras et tempora. Cui?--Coetui fidelium.--Quorum?--Nomina
nesciuntur, sed constat plurimos exstitisse.--Constat? Quibus
constat?--Deo.--Quis dicit?--Nos, qui divinitus edocti
sumus.--Fabulae qui credam?--Si arderes fide, tam scires hoc,
quam te vivere.

/* Spectatum admissi, risum teneatis?

Iuberi christianos omnes adiungere se Ecclesiae, cavere ne
spiritali gladio trucidentur, in domo Dei pacem colore, huic
animas credere columini veritatis, istic querelas omnes deponere,
hinc eiectos habere pro ethnicis; nescire tamen tot centinis, tot
homines, ubinam illa sit, quive huc pertineant? Vnum illud
crepare in tenebris, ubi ubi sit Ecclesia, tantummodo sanctos et
in aethera destinatos ea contineri? Ex quo fit ut, si quis
imperium sui Praesulis detrectare velit, scelere solvatur,
dummodo sibi persuadeat presbyterum in crimen incidisse, et ab
Ecclesia protinus excidisse.

Quum scirem adversarios talia comminisci, quod nullius aetatis
Ecclesiae consuessent, et orbatos tota re, velle tamen inter
angustias vocabulum possidere, solabar me vestro acumine, atque
adeo mihi pollicebar, fore ut quamprimum huiusmodi technas ex
ipsorum confessione cerneretis, statim homines ingenui et cordati
stultas argutias in vestram intextas perniciem exscinderetis.



Gravis, Ecclesia nascente, quaestio de legitimis caeremoniis,
quae credentium animos disturbavit, coacto Apostolorum et
seniorum concilio, soluta est. Credidere parentibus filii,
pastoribus oves, in haec verba mandantibus[24]: "Visum est
Spiritui sancto et nobis." Sequuta sunt ad extirpandam haeresim,
quae varia quibusque saeculis pullulavit, oecumenica veterum
Concilia quatuor, tantae firmitudinis, ut iis ante annos mille
singularis honos tamquam divinis vocibus, haberetur[25]. Non
abibo longius. Etiam domi nostrae, comitiis regni eadem Concilia
pristinum ius inviolatamque dignitatem obtinent. Haec citabo,
teque ipsam[26], Anglia, dulcissima patria, contestabor. Si,
quemadmodum prae te fers, quatuor ista Concilia reverebere,
summum honorem primae sedis Episcopo, id est, Petro, deferes:[27]
incruentum corporis et sanguinis Christi sacrificium in altari
recognosces:[28] beatos Martyres, divosque omnes coelites, ut pro
te Christo supplicent, obsecrabis:[29] mulierosos apostatas ab
infando concubitu et incestu publico coercebis:[30] multa facies,
quae demoliris; multa, quae facis, infecta voles.[31] Porro
Synodos aliorum temporum, nominatim vero Tridentinam, eiusdem
auctoritatis ac fidei cum primis illis fuisse, quando usus
venerit, demonstraturum me spondeo atque recipio.

Auctus igitur Conciliorum omnium valido et exquisito praesidio,
cur non ingrediar in hanc palaestram animo tranquillo et
praesenti, observaturus adversarium, quo se proripiat? Nam et
evidentissima producam, quae distorquere non poterit, et
probatissima, quae respuere non audebit.

Fortasse verbosius loquendo diem extrahere conabitur; sed ab
intentis hominibus, si vos rego bene novi, nec aures nec oculos
compilabit. Quod si quis erit omnino tam demens, qui se unum
opponat Senatoribus orbis terrae, et iis quidem omni exceptione
maioribus, sanctioribus, doctioribus, vetustioribus; libenter
aspiciam illud os, quod ubi vobis ostendero, reliqua
cogitationibus vestris relinquam. Interim hoc monebo; qui pleno
Concilio, rite atque ordine consummato, momentum et pondus
abrogat, videri mihi nullo consilio, nullo cerebro; neque solum
in theologicis tardum, sed etiam in politicis inconsultum. Si
umquam Dei Spiritus illuxit Ecclesiae, certe illud est tempus
immitendi Numinis, quum omnium ecclesiarum, quae sunt in terris
patentissimae, religio, maturitas, scientia, sapientia, dignitas,
unam in urbem confluxerint, adhibitisque modis omnibus divinis et
humanis, quibus indagari veritas possit, promissum implorent
Spiritum,[32] quo salutariter et prudenter sanciat.

Prosiliat nunc aliquis factionis haereticae magistellus, attollat
supercilia, suspendat nasum, frontem perfricet, iudicesque suos
scurriliter ipse iudicet. Quos ille ludos, quos iocos dabit?
Repertus est Lutherus,[33] qui diceret, anteferre se Consiliis
duorum suffragia bonorum et eruditorum hominum (putatote suum et
Phillippi), si quando in Christi nomine consensissent. O
circulos! Repertus est Kemnitius[34], qui concilium Tridentinum
ad suos vertiginis importunae calculos exegerit; quid lucratus?
Infamiam. Dum iste nictaverit, sepelietur cum Ario; Tridentina
Synodus quo magis inveterascet, eo magis in dies eoque perennius
efflorescet. Bone Deus! quae gentium varietas, qui delectus
episcoporum totius orbis, qui regum et rerumpublicarum splendor,
quae medulla theologorum, quae sanctitas, quae lacrymae, quae
ieiunia, qui flores academici, quae linguae, quanta subtilitas,
quantus labor, quam infinita lectio, quantae virtutum et
studiorum divitiae augustum illud sacrarium impleverunt? Audivi
ego Pontifices exsultantes, et in his Antonium, archiepiscopum
Pragensem, a quo sum creatus presbyter, amplissimos et
prudentissimos viros, quod in ea schola haesissent aliquot annis,
ut nullum Ferdinandi Caesaris, cui multum debuerant, regalius et
uberius in se beneficium colerent, quam hoc fuit quod in
Tridentino gymnasio legati ex Pannonia consedissent. Intellexit
hoc Caesar, qui reversis ita gratulatus est: "Aluimus vos in
schola optima."

Huc invitati fide publica, cur non properarunt adversarii, ut eos
palam refellerent, in quos ranunculi coaxant e cavernulis?--Hussio
et Hieronymo fregere fidem, inquiunt--Qui?--Constantiensis Concilii
proceres--Falsum est: nullam dedere. Sed nec in Hussium tamen
animadversum fuisset, nisi homo perfidiosus et pestilens, retractus
ex fuga, quam ei Sigismundus Imperator periculo capitis
interdixerat, violatis etiam conditionibus, quas scripto pepigerat
cum Caesare, vim omnem illius diplomatis enervasset. Fefellit
Hussium praecipitata malitia. Iussus enim, quum barbaras in sua
Bohemia tragoedias excitasset, semetipsum sistere Constantiae,
despexit praerogativam Concilii; securitatem periit a Caesare,
Caesar obsignavit, christianus orbis resignavit maior Caesare.
Redire ad mentem haeresiarcha noluit: periit. Hieronymus vero
Pragensis furtim venit Constantiam, protectus a nemine; deprehensus
comparuit, peroravit, habitus est perbenigne, liber abiit quo
voluit, sanatus est, haeresim eiuravit, relapsus est, exustus est.

Quid toties unum exemplum de sexcentis exagitant? Repetant
annales suos. Martinus ipse Lutherus (a. 1518) odium Dei et
hominum, Augustae positus coram Cardinale Caietano, nonne quod
potuit, eructavit, et Maximiliani litteris communitus excessit?
Idem accitus Wormatiam (a. 1521), quum et Caesarem et plerosque
Imperii principes haberet infensos, nonne Caesaris verbo tutus
fuit? Postremo lutheranorum et zuinglianorum capita, praesente
Carolo quinto, haereticorum hoste victore, domino, nonne datis
induciis confessiones suas innovatas exhibuere comitiis
Augustanis, et sospites abiere? Haud secus litterae Tridientinae
locupletissimas adversario cautiones providerant:[35] uti noluit.
Nimirum se iactat in angulis in quibus ubi tria verba graeca
sonuerit, sapere videatur; abhorret a luce, quae litteratorem in
numero poneret, et ad honesta subsellia devocaret. Catholicis
Anglis tale chirographum impunitatis impetrent, si diligunt
salutem animarum. Nos Hussium non causabimur; verbo Principis
innixi, convolabimus.

Sed ut, unde sum egressus, eo regrediar, Concilia generalia mea
sunt, primum, ultimum, media; his pugnabo. Hastam exspectet
adversarius amentatam, quam avellere numquam poterit.
Prosternatur in eo satanas, Christus vivat.



Antiochiae, qua primum in urbe Christianorum nobile cognomentum
increbuit, Doctores,[36] id est, eminentes theologi; et
Prophetae, id est, concionatores perquam celebres, floruerunt.
Huiusce generis "scribas et sapientes, doctos in regno Dei, nova
promentes et vetera,"[37] Christum callentes et Moysem, Dominus
ipse futuros gregi prospexerat. Hos, ingentis beneficii loco
donatos, explodere, quanti maleficii est? Explosit adversarius.
Quid ita? Quia stantibus illis, concidisset. Id ego quum pro
certissimo comperissem, pugnam simpliciter exoptavi, non illam
iocularem, qua turbae velitantur in compitis, sed istam severam
et acrem, qua congredimur in vestris Philosophorum spatiis:

/*-pede pes, densusque viro vir.

Ad Patres si quando licebit accedere, confectum est praelium; tam
sunt nostri, quam Gregorius ipse decimus tertius, filiorum
Ecclesiae Pater amantissimus. Nam ut omittam loca sparsa, quae ex
monumentis veterum conquisita, nostram fidem apposite affirmateque
propugnant; tenemus horum integra volumina, quae de industria
religionem, quam tuemur, evangelicam distincte copioseque
dilucidant. Duplex Hierarchia Martyris Dionysii[38] quas classes,
quae sacra, quos ritus edocet? Pupugit ea res Lutherum[39] tam
valde, ut huius opera "simillima somniis, nec non
perniciosissima" iudicaret. Imitatus parentem Caussaeus,[40]
nescio quis terrae filius, ex Gallia, non est veritus hunc
Dionysium, inclytae gentis Apostolum, vocitare "delirum senem."
Centuriatores[41] vehementer offendit Ignatius et Calvinum,[42]
ut in eius epistolis "deformes naevos, et putidas naenias"
hominum quisquiliae notarint. Censoribus[43] illis "fanaticum
quiddam" Irenaeus edixit; Clemens auctor Stromatum "zizania
faecesque protulit;"[44] reliqui Patres huius aevi, sane
apostolici viri, "blasphemias et monstra posteris reliquerunt."
In Tertulliano rapiunt avide, quod a nobis edocti, nobiscum
communiter detestentur; sed meminerint libellum de
Praescriptionibus,[45] qui nostri temporis sectarios tam
insigniter perculit, numquam fuisse reprehensum. Hippolytus,
Portuensis[46] episcopus, quam belle, quam clare Antichristi
nervum, lutherana tempora, praemonstravit? Eum propterea
"scriptorem infantissimum et larvam" nominant. Cyprianum,
delicias et decus Africae, Gallicanus ille criticus[47] et
Magdeburgici[48] "stupidum, et destitutum Deo, et depravatorem
poenitentiae" nuncuparunt. Quid admisit? Scripsit enim de
virginibus, de lapsis, de unitate Ecclesiae tractationes
euismodi, eas etiam epistolas Cornelio, Romano Pontifici, ut nisi
fides huic martyr detrahatur, Petrus Martyr Vermilius, omnesque
cum eo foederati, peiores adulteris et sacrilegis habeantur. Ac
ne singulis insistam diutius, Patres huius saeculi damnantur
omnes, "quippe qui doctrinam de poenitentia mire
depravarint."[49] Quo pacto? Nam austeritas canonum, quae viguit
ea tempestate, maiorem in modum displicet huic sectae plausibili,
quae tricliniis aptior, quam templis, voluptarias aures titillare
et pulvillos omni cubito[50] solet assuere.

Quid aetas proxima, quid peccavit? Chrysostomus et ii Patres
"iustitiam fidei foede" videlicet "obscurarunt."[51] Nazianzenus,
quem honoris causa, Theologum veteres appellarunt, Caussaeo[52]
iudice, "Fabulator, quid affirmaret, nesciit." Ambrosius "a
cacodaemone fascinatus est." Hieronymus "aeque damnatus, atque
diabolus: iniuriosus Apostolo,[53] blasphemus, sceleratus,
impius." "Vnus" Gregorio Massovio[54] "pluris est Calvinus, quam
centum Augustini." Parum est, centum; Lutherus[55] "nihili facit
adversum se mille Augustinos, mille Cyprianos, mille Ecclesias."
Longius rem deducere, supervacaneum puto. Nam in hos, qui
bachantur, quis miretur in Optatum, Athanasium, Hilarium,
Cyrillos, Epiphanium, Basilium, Vincentium, Fulgentium, Leonem,
Gregoriumque Romanum fuisse procacissimos?

Quamquam si datur ulla rebus iniustis iusta defensio non inficior
habere Patres, ubicumque incideris, quod isti, dum sibi
consentiunt, necessario stomachentur. Etinem qui odere stata
ieiunia, quo animo oportet esse in Basilium, Nazianzenum,
Chrysostomum, qui de quadragesima et indictis ieiuniorum feriis,
tamquam de rebus iam usitatis, conciones egregias publicarunt?
Qui suas animas auro, libidine, crapula et ambitiosis
conspectibus vendiderunt, possuntne non esse inimicissimi
Basilio, Chrysostomo, Hierionymo, Augustino, quorum excellentes
libri de monachorum instituto, regula, virtutibus, teruntur?

Qui captivam hominis voluntatem invexere, qui christiana funebria
sustulere, qui Divorum reliquias incendere, sintne placabiles
Augustino, qui de libero arbitrio libros tres, de cura pro
mortuis unum, de miraculis ad Basilicas et memorias Martyrum
prolixum caput nobilissimi operis[56] et conciones aliquot
exaravit? Qui fidem suis captiunculis metiuntur, nonne
succenseant Augustino, cuius est insignis epistola,[57] qua se
profitetur antiquitati, consensioni, successioni perpetuae et
Ecclesiae, quae sola inter tot haereses Catholicae nomen
usucapione vindicat assentire?

Optatus, Milevitanus episcopus, Donatianam partem revincit[58] ex
communione Catholica; nequitiam accusat ex decreto Melchiadis
(lib. 1); haeresim refutat ex ordine Romanorum Pontificum (lib.
2); insaniam patefacit ex Eucharistia et chrismate contaminatis
(lib. 3); sacrilegium horret ex diffractis altaribus "in quibus
Christi membra portata sunt," pollutisque calicibus "qui Christi
sanguinem tenuerunt," (lib. 6). De Optato quid sentiant, aveo
scire, quem Augustinus[59] ut venerabilem et catholicum
episcopum, Ambrosio parem et Cypriano; quem Fulgentius[60] ut
sanctum et fidelem Pauli interpretem, Augustini similem et
Ambrosii, meminerunt.

Athanasii Symbolum in templis concinunt. Num favent ei, qui
Antonium Eremitam Aegyptium,[61] gravis auctor, accurato libello
dilaudaverit, quique cum Alexandrina Synodo[62] iudicium Sedis
Apostolicae, Divi Petri, suppliciter appellarit? Prudentius in
hymnis quoties precatur Martyres, quos decantat? Quoties ad eorum
cineres et ossa Regem Martyrum veneratur? Num hunc probabunt?
Hieronymus pro Divorum reliquiis et honoribas scribit in
Vigilantium, in Iovinianam pro virginitatis gradu. Huccine
patientur? Ambrosius[63] tutores suos Gervasium et Protasium,
celebritate notissima, in Arianam ignominiam honestavit; cui
facto divinissimi Patres[64] encomium tribuere: quod factum Deus
non uno prodigio decoravit. Num benevoli sunt Ambrosio futuri?
Gregorius Magnus, noster Apostolus, planissime noster est, eoque
nomine nostris adversariis odiosus; quem Calvini[65] rabies negat
in schola sancti Spiritus educatum, propterea quod sacras
imagines illitteratorum libros appellasset.

Dies me deficeret numerantem epistolas, conciones, homilias,
orationes, opuscula, disceptationes Patrum, in quibus ex apparato
graviter et ornate nostra catholicorum dogmata roborarunt.
Quamdiu apud bibliopolas ista venierint, tamdiu frustra nostrorum
codices prohibentur; frustra servantur aditus oraeque maritimae;
frustra domus, arcae, scrinia, capsulae disquiruntur; frustra tot
portis minaces tabulae suffiguntur. Nullus enim Hardingus, nec
Sanderus, nec Stapletonus, nec Bristolius haec nova somnia
vehementius, quam hi, quos recensui, Patres, insectantur. Talia
cogitanti accrevit animus et desiderium pugnae, in qua, quoquo se
moverit adversarius, nisi gloriam Deo cesserit, feret incommodum.
Patres admiserit, captus est; excluserit, nullus est.

Adolescentibus nobis ita contigit. Ioannes Ivellus antesignanus
calvinianorum Angliae, catholicos ad Divi Pauli Londinensium
incredibili iactantia lacessivit, invocatis per hypocrisim et
imploratis Patribus, quicumque intra salutis annum sexcentesimum
claruisset. Accipiunt conditionem memorabiles viri, qui tum
exsulabant Lovanii, summis licet difficultatibus propter
iniquitatem suorum temporum circumsepti. Ausim dicere, tanto
popularibus nostris bono fuisse illam Ivellii astutiam,
inscitiam, improbitatem, impudentiam, quas ii scriptores
feliciter expanderunt, ut vix aliud quidquam, memoria mea,
provenerit Anglorum Ecclesiae laboranti fructuosius. Edictum
continuo valvis appenditur, ne qui codices illiusmodi
legerentur, neve haberentur. Quum tantis clamoribus propemodum
extorti prodiissent, didicere quicumque negotium attigissent,
Patres fuisse catholicos, id est, nostros. Neque hoc sibi
suisque vulnus inflictum Laurentius Humfredus[66] tacuit; qui
quum alte Ivellum quoad caetera sustulisset, unam ei notam
aspersit inconsiderantiae, quod Patrum calculos recepisset,
quibuscum sibi nihil esse commercii, nec fore, sine ulla
circuitione proloquitur.

Pertentavimus etiam familiariter aliquando Tobiam Matthaeum, qui
nunc in concionibus dominatur, quem propter bonas artes et virtutum
semina dileximus, ut responderet ingenue, possetne qui Patres
assiduus lectitaret, istarum esse partium, quas ille suaserat.
Retulit, non posse, si pariter eos legeret iisque crederet.
Verissimum hoc verbum est, neque aliter eum nunc, aut Mattheum
Huttonum, qui vir nominatus in paucis, versare Patres dicitur, aut
reliquos adversarios, qui hoc faciunt, sentire arbitror.

Hactenus ergo securus in hanc aciem potui descendere, bellaturus
cum, iis, qui quasi auribus lupum teneant, aeternam causae
maculam cogantur inutere, sive recusent Patres, sive deposcant.
Nam in altero fugam adornant, in altero suffocantur.



Si quibus umquam cordi curaeque fuit id, quod maximopere nostris
fuit et esse debet: "Scrutamini Scripturas,"[67] facile princeps
et palmares in hoc genere sanctissimi Patres exstitere. Horum
opera sumptuque tot gentibus et linguis transcripta Biblia et
importata sunt; horum periculis et cruciatibus erepta de flammis
hostilibus et vastitate; horum laboribus et vigiliis omnem in
partem enucleata studiosissime; die noctuque sacras Litteras
imbibere, de suggestibus omnibus sacras Litteras edidere, immensa
volumina sacris Litteris ditavere, fidelissimis commentariis
sacras Litteras explicuere cibos et inediam sacris Litteris
condivere, occupati denique sacris in Litteris, ad senectutem
decrepitam pervenere.

Quod si frequenter ipsi quoque ab auctoritate maiorum, ab
Ecclesiae praxi, a successione Pontificum, a Conciliis
oecumenicis, a traditionibus apostolicis, a cruore Martyrum, a
scitis Praesulum, a visis eventisque mirabilibus argumentati
sunt; tamen omnium maxime et libentissime sanctarum Litterarum
testimonia densa conglobant, haec premunt, in his habitant, huic
"armaturae fortium" duces robustissimi, sarta tecta civitatis Dei
contra nefarios impetus quotidie munientes, optimo iure primas
partes honoratissimasque porrigunt.

Quo magis demiror illam exceptionem adversarii superbam et
fatuam, qui velut aquam in profluente quaeritans, sic in
Scripturis confertissimis Scripturarum penuriam obiectat.
Tantisper se Patribus assensurum dicit, dum sacris Litteris
adhaerescunt. Num loquitur ex animo? Curabo igitur procedant
armati atque stipati Christo, Prophetis, Apostolis atque omni
apparatu biblico, celeberrimi auctores, antiquissimi Patres,
sanctissimi viri, Dionysius, Cyprianus, Athanasius, Basilius,
Nazianzenus, Ambrosius, Hieronymus, Chrysostomus, Augustinus,
latinusque Gregorius. Regnet in Anglia fides illa, quam hi
Patres, amicissimi Scripturarum, ex Scripturis exstruunt. Quas
afferunt, afferemus; quas conferunt, conferemus; quod inferunt,
inferemus. Placet? Excrea, dic sodes--Minime vero, inquis, nisi
recte exponant--Quid est hoc ipsum, recte? Arbitratu tuo. Nihilne
pudet labyrinthi?

Ergo quum sperem in Academiis florentissimis consociatum iri bene
multos, qui, non pingui Minerva, sed acuto iudicio in has
controversias inspecturi sunt, et horum responsa nugatoria
libraturi, laetus hunc diem campi praestolabor, ut qui contra
sylvestres tumulos mendiculorum inermium nobilitatem et robur
Ecclesiae Christi cogitem educere.



Pristinam Ecclesiae faciem historia prisca retegit. Huc provoco.
Certe antiquiores historici, quos etiam usurpant adversarii, fere
numerantur Eusebius, Damasus, Hieronymus, Ruffinus, Orosius,
Socrates, Sozomenus, Theodoretus, Cassiodorus, Gregorius
Turonensis, Vsuardus, Regino, Marianus Sigebertus, Zonaras,
Cedrenus, Nicephorus. Quid narrant? Nostrorum laudes, progressus,
vicissitudinem, hostes. Imo vero, quod observes diligenter, illi
qui dissident a nobis odio capitali, Philippus, Pantaleon,
Funecius, Magdeburgici, quum se ad scribendam vel chronologiam
Ecclesiae vel historiam appulissent, nisi nostrorum gesta
colligerent, ac inimicorum Ecclesiae nostrae fraudes et scelera
coacervarent, mille quingentos annos argumento vacui

Cum his considera peculiares certarum historiographos regionum,
qui unius acta cuiusque populi curiosius operosiusque scrutati
sunt. Ii quasi Spartam adepti, quam locupletare modis omnibus et
perpolire cuperent, qui ne convivia quidem lautiora, aut
manicatas tunicas, aut pugionum capulos, aut inaurata calcaria,
talesque minutias, si novitatem saperent, tacuere; profecto, si
quid in religione mutatum, aut a primis degeneratum saeculis
inaudissent, frequentes memorassent; si non frequentes, saltem
aliqui: si non aliqui, unus aliquis absque dubio. Nullus omnino,
neque benevolus nobis, neque malevolus, non modo quidquam tale
prodidit, sed nec significavit.

Verbi gratia. Dant nobis adversarii, nec aliter possunt, fuisse
Romanam Ecclesiam aliquando Sanctam, Catholicam, Apostolicam: tum
quum haec a Divo Paulo promeruisset elogia:[68] "Vestra fides
annuntiatur in universo mundo: sine intermissione memoriam vestri
facio: Scio quia venien ad vos, in abundantia benedictionis
Christi veniam: Salutant vos omnes Ecclesiae Christi: Vestra enim
obedientia in omnem locum divulgata est." Tum quum ibi Paulus in
libera custodia[69] disseminaret Evangelium; tum quum in ea
quondam "Babylone coelectam Ecclesiam"[70] Petrus regeret; tum
quum ille Clemens,[71] apprime laudatus ab Apostolo,[72] sederet
ad ipsa gubernacula; tum quum profani Caesares,[73] ut Nero,
Domitianus, Traianus, Antoninus, Romanos Pontifices laniarent;
tum etiam, vel Calvino[74] teste, quum Damasus, Siricius,
Anastasius, Innocentius, clavum tenerent Apostolicum. Hoc enim
saeculo nihil adhuc, praesertim Romae, digressos ab Evangelica
doctrina, liberaliter ille concedit.

Quando igitur hanc fidem tantopere celebratatam Roma perdidit?
Quando esse desiit, quod ante fuit? Quo tempore, quo Pontifice,
qua via, qua vi, quibus incrementis urbem et orbem religio
pervasit aliena? Quas voces, quas turbas, quae lamenta
progenuit? Omnes orbe reliquo sopiti sunt, dum Roma, Roma,
inquam, nova sacramenta, novum sacrificium, novum religionis
dogma procuderet? Nullus exstitit historicus neque latinus,
neque graecus, neque remotus, neque citimus, qui rem tantam vel
obscure iaceret in commentarios?

Ergo perspicuum hoc quidem est, si, quae nos credimus, historia
multa et varia, nuntia vetustatis, vita memoriae, loquitur ac
repetit affluenter; quae vero isti obtrudunt, nulla naratio post
homines natos in Ecclesia valuisse commeminit: et Historicos esse
meos, et incursiones adversarias esse frigidissimas, quae nihil
movere possint, nisi prius receptum sit, omnes omnium temporum
christianos in spissam perfidiam atque in gehennae voraginem
corruisse, donec Lutherus Boram constuprasset.



Ego vero, praestantissimi viri, quum de multis haeresibus quaedam
apud me opiniosissimorum portenta reputo, quae mihi venient
expugnanda; meipsum inertiae nequitiaeque condemnem, si cuiusquam
in experiundo facultatem aut vires extimescerem. Sit ingeniosus,
sit eloquens, sit exercitatus, sit omnium librorum helluo; tamen
aridus et balbus appareat necesse est, quum haec tam "adunata"
sustentabit. Disputabitur enim, si forte nobis annuent, de Deo,
de homine, de peccato, de iustitia, de sacrimentis, de moribus.
Videro an ausint asseverare, quae sentiunt, quaeque, rebus
addicti necessariis, divulgant in scriptiunculis. Faxo norint
ista suorum axiomata.

DE DEO.--"Deus est auctor et causa[75] peccati, volens,
suggerens, efficiens, iubens, operans, et in hoc impiorum
scelerata consilia gubernans. Proprium Dei opus fuit,[76] ut
vocatio Pauli, sic adulterium Davidis, Iudaeque proditoris
impietas." Monstrum hoc, cuius Philippum aliquando puduit,
Lutherus[77] tamen, a quo Philippus hauserat, quasi oraculum
coeleste miris extollit laudibus, et alumnum suum eo nomine
tantum non exaequat[78] Apostolo Paulo. Percontabor etiam, quid
animi Luthero fuerit, quem Angli[79] calviniani "virum divinitus
datum ad orbem illuminandum" pronuntiant, quum hunc versum
demeret supplicationibus Ecclesiae.[80] "Sancta Trinitas, unus
Deus, miserere nobis."

DE CHRISTO.--Mox ad personam Christi progrediar. Quaeram ista
sibi quid velint; Christus De Filius, Deus de Deo? Calvino:[81]
"Deus ex sese," Bezae:[82] "Non est genitus de Patris essentia."
Item: "Duae constituantur in Christo uniones hypostaticae,[83]
altera animae cum carne, Divinitatis cum humanitate altera."
"Locus apud Ioannem:" 'Ego et Pater unum sumus,' non ostendit
Christum Deum 'homoousion'[84] Deo Patri." Sed et 'anima mea,
inquit Lutherus,[85] odit hoc verbum 'homoousion.'" Pergite:
"Christus ab infantia non fuit gratia consummatus,[86] sed animi
dotibus velut caeteri homines adolevit: usu factus quotidie
sapientior, ita ut puerulus ignorantia laborarit." Quod perinde
est, ac si dicerent originis labe et vitio sordidatum. Sed
cognoscite diriora: "Christus, quum orans in horto, sudoribus
aquae manaret et sanguinis, sensu damnationis aeternae
cohorruit:[87] vocem edidit sine ratione, sine spiritu, vocem
doloris impetu repentinam; quam, ut non satis meditatam, cleriter
castigavit." Estne aliquid amplius? Attendite: "Christus, quum
actus in crucem exclamaret:" 'Deus meus, Deus meus, ut quid
dereliquisti me?' accensus est flammis inferni,[88] desperationis
voceni emisit, non aliter affectus, quam si pereundum ei foret
internecione sempiterna."

His etiam, si quid possunt, addant: "Christus, inquiunt,[89]
descendit ad inferos, id est, mortuus gehennam gustavit, nihilo
minus quam animae damnatorum, nisi quod sibi restituendus
erat.--Quandoquidem enim morte corporea nobis nihil
profuisset;[90] anima quoque luctari cum morte debuit aeterna,
atque hoc modo nostrum scelus suppliciumque dependere." Ac ne
quis forte suspicetur, istud Calvino per incuriam obrepsisse,
idem Calvinus:[91] "Omnes vos, si qui doctrinam istam solatii
plenam exagitastis, perditos" appellat "nebulones." Tempora,
tempora, cuiusmodi monstrum aluistis? Cruor ille delicatus et
regius, qui de innocentis Agni corpore lacerato fissoque
scaturiit, cuius cruoris una guttula propter dignitatem Hostiae
mille mundos redimere potuisset, nihil humano genet profecit,
nisi "mediator Dei et hominum (1 Tim ii. 5), homo Christus Iesus
mortem quoque secundam (Apoc. ii. 11)," mortem animae, mortem
gratiae, peccati solius et exsecrabilis blasphemiae sociam,
pertulisset? Prae hac insania modestus videbitur Bucerus,
quamquam est impudens, qui[92] infernum in symbolo sepulcrum
accipit, per epexegesim valde praeposteram, ac potius tautologiam
ineptam atque stolidam.

Anglicani sectarii, pars Calvino, idolo suo, pars Bucero, magno
magistro, solent accedere; pars etiam submurmurant in hunc
articulum, ne quid facessat ultra molestiae, quemadmodum sine
tumultu penitus eximatur de Symbolo. Id veno etiant fuisse
tentatum in conventiculo quodam Londinensi, memini narrasse mihi,
qui interfuit, Richardum Chenaeum, miserrimum senem, male
mulctatum a latronibus foris, neque tamen ingressum in paternam
domum. Hactenus de Christo.

DE HOMINE.--De homine[93] quid? "Imago Dei penitus in homine
deleta est, nulla boni scintilla superstite: tota natura quoad
omnes animae partes ita funditus eversa, ut ne renatus quidem et
sanctus quidquam sit aliud intrinsecus, nisi mera corruptio atque
contagio." Quorsum ista? Vt qui sola fide gloriam rapturi sunt,
in omnium turpitudinum coeno volutati, naturam accusent, virtutem
desperent, praecepta deonerent.

DE PECCATO.--Huc Illyricus, Magdeburgensium primipilus, illud
suum adiecit immane placitum[94] de originis peccato, quod esse
vult: "Intimam substantiam animarum, quippe quas, post Adami
lapsum, diabolus ipse procreet, et in sese transformet." Hoc
quoque tritum est in hac faece: "Omnia peccata esse paria:"[95]
sed ita (ne Stoici reviviscant), "si Deo iudice ponderentur." Ac
si Deus, aequissimus iudex, oneri nostro cumulum potius, quam
levamentum faceret, et id, quod non est in re, quum sit ipse
iustissimus, exaggeraret. Hac trutina non levius in Deum
severissime iudicantem deliquerit ille caupo, qui gallum
gallinaceum, quando non est opus, occiderit, quam infamis ille
sicarius, qui plenus Beza, Gallum heroa Guisium, admiribili
virtute principem, displosa fistula interemit; quo facinore nihil
vidit orbis noster aetate nostra funestius, nihil luctuosius.

DE GRATIA.--Sed fortasse, qui tam sunt in peccati conditione
tetrici, magnifice philosophantur de divina gratia, quae huic
malo succurrere ac mederi possit. Praeclaras vero isti partes
assignant gratiae, "quam neque infusam cordibus nostris, neque ad
resistendum sceleribus validam esse latrant, sedextra nos in solo
Dei favore[96] collocant: "qui favor non emendet impios, nec
purget, nec illuminet, nec ditet; sed veterem illam sentinam
adhuc manantem atque foetentem, ne deformis et odiosa putetur,
Deo connivente, dissimulet. Quo suo plasmate tantopere
delectantur, ut ne "Christus quidem aliter apud illos[97] gratia
plenus et veritate dicatur, quam quod ei Deus Pater mirandum in
modum faverit."

DE IVISTITIA.--Quae res ergo iustitia est? Relatio.[98] Non enim
ex theologics concinnata virtutibus, fide, spe, charitate, quae
animam suo nitore convestiant; sed tantum "occultatio delicti,
quam qui sola fide prehenderit, ille tam de salute certus est, ac
si iampridem interminato coeli gaudio[99] frueretur." Age,
somniet hoc; sed unde constare poterit de futura perseverantia,
qua qui caruit, exivit infelicissimus, licet ad tempus pure
pieque iustitiam coluisset? Imo vero, "haec tua fides, Calvinus
ait[100], nisi tuam tibi perseverantiam firme pronuntiet, ut
hallucinari nequeas, tamquam inanis et languida sperneretur."
Agnosco discipulum Lutheri. "Christianus, inquit ille[101] etiam
volens, non potest salutem perdere, nisi nolit credere."

DE SACRAMENTIS.--Ad Sacramenta festino. Nullum, nullum, non duo,
non unum, O Sancte Christe, reliquerant. Ipsorum quippe panis
venenum est; Baptismus etsi adhuc verus, tamen ipsorum iudicio
"nihil est, non est unda salutis, non est canalis gratiae, non
derivat in nos Christi merita; sed significatio dumtaxat salutis
est. Itaque nihilo pluris Baptismum Christi, quoad naturam rei,
quam Ioannis facere caeremoniam. Si habeas, recte; si careas,
nihil damni: crede, salvus es, antequam abluere."[102] Quid ergo
parvuli, qui nisi iuventur virtute Sacramenti, sua fide miselli
nihil assequuntur? "Potius quam Sacramento Baptismatis quidquam
tribuamus, inquiunt Magdeburgici,[103] demus inesse fidem ipsis
infantulis, qua serventur, cuius fidei pulsus quosdam abditos
intelligant" ipsi, qui vivant necne, nondum intelligunt. Durum. Si
hoc adeo durum est, Lutheri pharmacum auditote: "Praestat,
inquit,[104] omittere, quandoquidem nisi credat infans, nequidquam
lavatur." Haec illi quidem ancipites animo, quidnam enuntient
categorice. Ergo Balthassar Pacimontanus diribitor interveniat;
qui parens Anabaptistarum, quum parvulis motum fidei non posset
affingere, Lutheri cantiunculam adprobavit, et paedobaptismum
eiiciens e templis, "neminen nisi adultum fonte sacro decrevit
abluere." Ad reliqua Sacramenta quod attinet, quamvis illa bestia
multiceps horrendas eiectet contumelias, tamen quia quotidianae
iam sunt et callum auribus obduxerunt, hic praetereo.

DE MORIBVS.--Restant haereticorum de vita et moribus frusta
nocentissima, quae Lutherus evomi in chartas, ut ex unius
pectoris impuro gurgustio pestem lectoribus inhalaret. Audite
patienter, et erubescite, et mihi date veniam recitanti: "Si
nolit uxor[105], aut non possit, veniat ancilla. Siquidem res
uxoria tam est cuique necessaria, quam esca, potus, somnus.
Matrimonium est virginitate multo praestantius; eam Christus, eam
Paulus dissuaserunt hominibus christianis." Sed haec fortasse
propria Lutheri sunt? Non sunt. Etiam nuper a meo Charco,[106]
sed misere timideque defenduntur. Vultis ne plura? Quidni?
"Quanto sceleratior es, inquit,[107] tanto vicinior gratiae.
Omnes actiones bonae peccata sunt; Deo iudice, mortifera; Deo
propitio, leviuscula[108]--Nemo malum suapte voluntate
cogitat[109]--Decalogus nihil ad christianos[110]--Opera nostra
Deus nequaquam curat--Soli recte participant coena Dominica, qui
tristes, afflictas, perturbatas, confusas, erraticas apportant
conscientias.--Confitenda crimina sunt, sed cuilibet, qui si te
vel ioco absolverit, modo credideris, absolutus es.--Legere
preces horarias non est sacerdotum, sed laicorum--Christiani
liberi sunt a statutis hominum." Satis superque lacunam istam
commosse videor. lam finio. Nec vero putetis iniquiorem esse me,
qui lutheranos et zuinglianos promiscue coarguerim; nam isti
memores a quo proseminati sint, inter se fratres et amici volunt
esse,[111] adeoque gravem interpretantur iniuriam, quum in ulla
re praeter unam, discriminantur.

Equidem non sum tanti, ut vel mediocrem locum mihi sumam in
selectis theologis, qui hodie bellum haeresibus indixere; sed hoc
scio, quantuluscumque sum, periclitari me non posse, dum Christi
gratia fultus adversum talia commenta, tam invisa, tam insulsa,
tam bruta, coelo terraque iuvantibus, praeliabor.



Scitum est, inter caecos luscum regnare posse. Apud rudes valet
saepe fucata disputatio, quam schola Philosophorum exsibilat. Multa
peccat adversarius in hoc genere; sed quatuor fallacies plerumque
consuitur, quas in Academia malim, quam in trevio, retexere.

Primum vitium [Greek: skiamachia] est, quae auras et umbras magno
contau diverberat. Hoc pacto: contra coelibes iuratos et votos in
castimoniam, quod nuptiae bonae sint, virginitas melior,
offeruntur Scripturae loquentes honorifice de coniugio. Quem
feriunt? Contra meritum hominis christiani, tinctum Christi
sanguine, alioquin nullum, promuntur testimonia, quibus iubemur,
nec naturae, nec legi, sed sanguini Christi fidere. Quem
refellunt? In eos, qui colunt Coelites, ut famulos Christi maxime
gratiosos, citantur integrae pagellae, quae vetant colere multos
Deos. Vbinam sunt? Huiusmodi argumentis, quae apud haereticos
infinita reperio, nobis esse detrimento non poterunt; vobis esse
fastidio poterunt.

Aliud vitium [Greek: logomachia] est, quae sensa deserens,
loquaciter cum verbo litigat, "Invenias mihi Missam, inquiunt,
aut Purgatorium in Scripturis." Quid ergo? Trinitas, Homoousion,
Persona, nusquam sunt in Bibliis, quia voces istae non sunt?
Affine est huic peccato litterarum aucupium; quum neglecta
consuetudine et mente loquentium, quae vita vocabuli est,
adversus elementa contenditur. Nempe sic aiunt: "Presbyter nihil
est Graecis, nisi senior; Sacramentum, quodvis mysterium."
Caeterum acute D. Thomas,[112] ut omnia: "In vocibus, inquit,
videndum, non tam ex quo, quam ad quid sumantur."

Tertium, [Greek: homonumia] est, longe lateque patens. Vt:
"Quorsum ordo sacerdotum; quum Ioannes (Apoc. v. 10) omnes nos
vocaverit sacerdotes?" Etiam hoc addidit: "Regnabimus super
terram." Quorsum ergo reges? Item: "Propheta (Isai. LVIII. 6)
celebrat ieiunium spiritale, hoc est, ab inveteratis criminibus
abstinentiam. Valeat ergo ciborum delectus, et dierum
praescriptio." Siccine? Igitur insanierunt Moyses, David, Elias,


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