The Cruise of the Alabama and the Sumter
by
Raphael Semmes
Part 6 out of 8
to most rigidly scrutinize her papers. Upon my arrival on board, I
inquired after the Captain's health, and then expressed a wish to make a
few inquiries respecting his vessel.
He with the utmost affability was equally ready to afford me any
information required, at the same time informing me I should find
"everything correct." The vessel I found was the Martaban of Maulmain,
Captain Pike, from Maulmain to Singapore, rice laden. I then requested
to see the ship's papers, which request was readily granted. Accordingly
the register, clearance bills of lading, and crew list, were speedily
produced and examined, not omitting the Master's certificate. These but
corroborated what I previously knew. Putting a few questions to the
Captain, and comparing his answers with the papers, I learned the
following facts--viz., that the barque was American built, that she had
been upwards of five months in Maulmain; that she had been transferred
on the 10th December, after the cargo was in, and on the day in which
she cleared, and only one day previous to her sailing; that the captain
had no certificate or bill of sale, nor, in fact, any papers respecting
the transfer on board; that he, the Captain, was an American, and had
commanded the barque previous to her transfer.
Taking the register up again and closely scrutinizing it, I observed
what had previously escaped my attention--viz., that the register, which
is a printed form, with spaces for written insertions, had been first
written with a lead pencil, and over that with ink. No professional
registrar or shipmaster would, I felt certain, have so prepared it.
Looking again at the crew list I made another discovery, that all the
names of the crew were written in one handwriting, from the mate to the
boys. Now I well knew that some of the crew, and especially the mates,
would be able to write, and of the mate's ability to use a pen I
speedily satisfied myself by making him produce his logbook, wherein his
name, &c., was written; or, if unable to write, the usual X, his mark,
would have been affixed to each name. I had now no doubt about the
papers, believing them to be false. I then requested the Master to take
his papers and go on board the Alabama, which, however, he positively
refused to do, unless forcibly compelled; stating that "this was an
affair that flag (pointing to the English colours flying at his peak)
wouldn't stand." He still persisting in his refusal to go on board our
ship, I took possession of his vessel, pending Captain Semmes' decision.
Finding that the Mountain wouldn't come to Mahomet, Mahomet went to the
Mountain; for, after calling a man out of my boat and stationing him at
the wheel, I dispatched the boat back to the Alabama with a report of
the irregularity of the papers, and a request for further instructions.
To my surprise, Captain Semmes came himself and stopped at the gangway,
and told the Captain he had come to examine the ship's papers. Captain
Pike signifying his assent, we went into the cabin, and the papers being
produced, I pointed out some of the discrepancies and acts previously
mentioned.
Captain Semmes then sharply interrogated Pike, insisting upon additional
documents to prove the legality of the transfer. None being forthcoming,
Captain Semmes put some questions, as only a lawyer can (Captain Semmes
not only having studied, but practised law), the answers to which only
convinced Captain Semmes that what he had suspected was true--viz., that
the ship was sailing under false colours, and was to all intents and
purposes an American vessel.
Captain Pike of course protested, to which Captain Semmes replied by
ordering the destruction of the vessel. Captain Semmes returning to the
Alabama, I ordered the English flag to be hauled down, and directed the
Mates and crew to pack their luggage, and hold themselves in readiness
to go on board our ship. The First Lieutenant coming off, our boats got
off a few stores, and the prisoners were transferred to the Alabama.
By 5.20 had applied the torch, and regained our ship 5.30. The steamer
Kwang-Tung was observed near our burning prize. We then shaped our
course for Malacca, intending to land our prisoners there.
About 7.30 the same evening, Mr. Smith, captain's clerk, and self had
the boatswain and a seaman down in the steerage; and putting them on
oath obtained the following additional particulars--viz., that they
shipped on board the Martaban at Hong Kong and Singapore respectively;
that she was then an American vessel, and called the Texan Star, of
Galveston or Boston (she having had two American registers); that she
left Maulmain as the Texan Star, and on leaving there hoisted American
colours; that the name Martaban, of Maulmain, was painted by the
captain's nephew two days after leaving that port; that the English flag
was hoisted for the first time when the Alabama hove in sight this day;
and that no articles were signed by them at Maulmain; nor, indeed, was
any agreement made by the crew to serve in a British vessel, all hands,
in fact, believing her to be American. The Mate having also made a few
admissions, they and the preceding depositions were shown to Captain
Semmes, who, after sending for Captain Pike, put the following questions
to him--viz.:
What is your name?--Samuel B. Pike.
Where were you born?--At Newbury Port, Massachusetts.
Are you a naturalized citizen of any foreign government?--I am not.
How long have you been in command of the Martaban, formerly the Texan
Star?--Two years and a half.
In what part of the United States was the Texan Star registered?--She
was built and registered at Boston.
Has she but one register in America?--There was a change of owners, and
she has had two American registers.
Who were the owners under the last American register?--John Alkerm,
Samuel Stevens, George L. Rogers, and myself.
What proportion of the ship did you own?--One-sixth.
When did you sail from the last port in the United States?--A year ago
last July.
It is stated in the present British register that Mr. Mark Currie is the
owner?--That is as I understand it.
Do you state upon your oath that the sale was a _bona fide_ sale?--I do
not state that.
Do you not know that it was intended merely as a cover to prevent
capture?--Yes, I do know it.
This closed the matter; nothing more was necessary. Here was admission
enough to destroy any legal doubt that might have arisen from the
destruction of a vessel under the English flag. What added to our
triumph was the copy of a letter from Captain Pike to his owners, in
which he stated that "he had taken such precautions as would deceive
Semmes and all the Confederates." Had the Texan Star escaped, how Yankee
cuteness would have been extolled! Why, as the Bostonians have presented
a gold chronometer to the master of the barque Urania for such a daring
deed as hoisting the American flag over his American vessel in a neutral
port (Cape Town), whilst the Alabama was lying there, I say, had the
Texan Star escaped from the Alabama, nothing short of the Presidency, or
a statue in marble, or the deed graved in letters of gold, or some other
equally ridiculous token of admiration, would have awaited the gallant
master, and the fame of his clever trick would have been handed down to
Yankee posterity.
Captain Semmes thus resumes his diary on the 25th December:--At daylight
sent the prisoners of the Texan Star on shore, with a note to the
Commander. Malacca is a pretty little village, or at least the
sea-point, viewed from our anchorage, with a picturesque hill in the
rear, on which is situated the fort and lighthouse. The flagstaff was
decorated with flags and signals in honour of Christmas Day. A couple of
boats with some English officers and citizens ran off, and visited us
for a few minutes. Got under way at 9.30, under steam; at night anchored
near Parceelar Hill in 25 fathoms water.
_Saturday, December 26th_.--At 6 A.M. got under way, and stood out for
the lightship, and soon made a couple of American-looking ships ahead,
at anchor; steamed up to the first, which refused to show colours. Sent
a boat on board, when she proved to be the American ship Senora, from
Singapore. Captured her, and steamed to the second, which in like manner
refused to show colours. Upon sending a boat on board, she proved to be
the American ship Highlander, also from Singapore. Captured her. Both of
these ships were very large, being over a thousand tons each. They were
both in ballast, bound to Aycaab for rice. At 10 A.M., having sent off
the crews of the two prizes in their own boats, at their own election,
fired the ships, and steamed out. Passed the lightship at about 11 A.M.,
and discharged the pilot.
From the 26th December to the 13th of January the Alabama steadily
pursued her course, meeting with little adventure. Only four sail were
seen in the period, and these all proved to be neutrals. On the last day
of the year 1863 the North Indian Ocean was entered, and the ship's head
once more laid in the direction of the Cape.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
_The Emma Jane--Quilon--An alarm--Landing prisoners--Johanna and
Mohilla--Friendly authorities--Slavery--A trading monarch--Distance
lends enchantment to the view--Cousins-german of the Sultan--Princes
gardens--Mahommedan sympathy--Off again._
On the 14th January, as the Alabama was lazily drifting in a
north-easterly direction, near the Malabar coast, a ship was discovered
running down towards her. The useful decoy--the United States flag--was
at once hoisted, and the same colours were run up by the stranger. A gun
brought the Yankee vessel to, and the Alabama forthwith took possession
of the Emma Jane of Bath, Maine, bound from Bombay to Amherst in
ballast, and at 8.30 P.M. the prize was set fire to.
About this period the cruiser experienced a series of calms, and she
drifted with the current rather than sailed. On the 16th of January the
Ghaut Mountains were made, and Captain Semmes makes the following entry
in his journal.
_Saturday, January 16th._--At meridian made the town of Quilon, and bore
up east 1/2 south for the town of Angenga, which we made about 2 P.M. At
4.30 came to in the road abreast of the fort, and despatched a
Lieutenant on shore to see about landing my prisoners. In the evening
the residing magistrate's son came on board, and I arranged the matter
with him. There being no external trade or shipping at Angenga, the
prisoners could not well get away by sea; but my visitor stated that
there was lagoon navigation inland all the way to Cochin, some
seventy-five miles to the northward, and that at Cochin there were
always means of reaching Bombay and other ports. Native boats were
passing every day between Angenga and Cochin, and if I would send the
necessary provisions on shore for the prisoners, his father would see
them transported to Cochin. I sent a Lieutenant on shore after night
with the son, to arrange the matter with the father; and as the boat was
delayed much beyond her time, and we heard some firing as of revolvers
and muskets, and as there was also some surf running, I became uneasy,
and despatched the First Lieutenant in another boat to look into the
matter. The chief magistrate had only been at public worship--the cause
of the detention of the boat. Both boats returned about 11.30 P.M.
_Sunday, January 17th._--At daylight I sent all the prisoners on shore,
where they were landed apparently in the presence of half the
village--the native boats taking them through the surf--and at 9.30 got
under way. The town of Angenga was formerly of some importance as a
shipping port for the produce of the country--cocoa-nut oil, pepper, &c.
But all its trade has passed to its more prosperous rival--Cochin. It is
about fifty miles from Travancore, the residence of The Rajah. There is
water communication all the way, and the journey is generally made (in
canoes) in the night to avoid the heat of the sun. The natives are
nearly as black as the Africans, but with straight hair and European
features. A large number of them visited the ship this morning. They
were fine specimens of physical development, and wore scarcely any other
covering than a cloth about the loins. They were sprightly and chatty,
and in their quaint canoes made quite a picture.
* * * * *
On the 17th January the Alabama left Angenga, arriving without further
adventure on the 21st at the Island of Minicoy, and after three weeks
more of fine weather, found herself off the island of Comoro.
* * * * *
_Tuesday, February 9th_.--At 3.30 A.M. passed in sight of the N.E. end
of Comoro. Soon after daylight made the Islands of Johanna and Mohilla.
At 1.30 P.M. came to anchor about three-quarters of a mile from the
shore. Despatched the Paymaster to the-town to arrange for fresh
provisions. In the afternoon visited by several canoes, with a couple of
poles lashed across the gunwales, attached to a float in each, to
maintain their stability. Stalwart naked negroes were for the most part
their occupants. Many of them spoke a little English. Among others, a
dignitary of the Church came on board with the compliments of the chief
priest (Mahommedan). We made arrangements with him for the supply of the
ship. One of his companions asked me to which of the belligerent parties
I belonged to, the North or the South. I replied, to the South. "Then,"
said he, "you belong to the side which upholds slavery." "Yes," said I,
"we belong to the country where the black man is better taken care of
than in any other part of the world." The churchman seeing me put on the
defensive, as it were, came to my aid, and said: "Oh, we are
slaveholders here; being Mahommedans, we have no prejudices that way;
our only trouble is, we cannot get slaves enough. The English, who have
no control over us, we being an independent government, are strong
enough to interfere in everybody's business, and to say to us, that we
bring over from the main no more slaves. The slaves themselves would
gladly come to us, as they are much better off than under their native
chiefs, who are continually making war upon and enslaving one another."
My informant was himself a full-blooded African negro, as black as the
ace of spades, but with an immaculate white turban on his head, and the
flowing robe and loose jacket of the Mahommedan.
_Wednesday, February 10th_.--Visited by the King's Dragoman this
morning, who came to pay the respects of the authorities, to say he was
glad to see us in Johanna. In the course of conversation, he was pleased
to say that our ship was well known to him, and the news of our having
appeared off the Cape some months ago had driven off all the Yankee
whalers, several of which had been accustomed to resort hither. King
Abdallah, he said, resided on the east side of the island. The king
himself would come to see us, but was very busy just now patting up a
sugar-mill, which he had just received from the Mauritius.
The island is a beautiful, picturesque spot. There is quite a mountain
in the interior, and the higher parts of Johanna are densely wooded; the
mountain-sides being in some places so steep that the tops of some trees
touch the trunks and roots of others.
The inhabitants are a mixture of Arabs and negroes. They are intelligent
and sprightly, and had not only heard of the American war, but said it
bore heavily on them, as they were now compelled to pay a much higher
price for their goods, which are mostly cotton. We have driven away,
they say, all their Yankee trade. The Sultan is a young man of
twenty-eight, with a moderate harem of only five wives.
_Thursday, February 11th_.--Visited the town to get sights for my
chronometers--which puts the town at 44.26.30 N., just 30" less than
Captain Owen's determination. The town, as viewed from the anchorage, is
a picturesque object, with its tall minaret, its two forts, one perched
on a hill commanding the town, and the other on the sea-beach, and its
stone houses; but the illusion is rudely dispelled on landing. You land
on a beach of rocks and shingle, through a considerable surf even in the
calmest weather. The beach was strewn with the washed clothes of the
ship, and a set of vagabonds of all colour, save only that of the
Caucasian, were hanging about looking curiously on. The town is
dilapidated and squalid to the last degree--the houses of rough stones,
cemented and thatched; the streets five feet wide, and rendered, as it
would seem, purposely crooked.
It was the second day of the fast of Ramadan, and groups of idlers were
congregated in the narrow porticoes reading the Koran. The language,
which is peculiar to the island, is very soft and pleasing to the ear.
We visited one of the principal houses. The walls were filled with a
number of small niches, receptacles for everything imaginable--coffee-cups,
ornaments, &c. A number of couches were ranged round the room.
A crowd of half-clad, dirty children gathered round us, but no female
made her appearance. We took our sights among the gaping multitude, all
of whom were very civil and polite, and returned on board about 5 P.M.,
having seen all the outside life that was to be seen at Auzuan. The
inside life was, of course, out of our reach.
Upon coming on deck this morning I was struck with the soft picturesque
beauty of the hills, as shone upon by the morning sun lighting up the
tops and sides, and throwing the valleys and ravines into shade. At
night I am lulled by the roar of the sea upon the beach. It is
delightful to sniff the fragrance of the land as it comes off to us
upon the dew-laden wings of the softest of breezes. My fellows on shore
looked rueful and woe-begone--nature had no charms for them--there was
no liquor to be had! If I were to remain here long, I should send them
on shore as a punishment.
_Friday, February 12th_.--This is the Mahommedan Sabbath, but they do
not keep it so grimly as the Puritans. We had a number of visitors on
board, and among others, several princes, cousins-german of the Sultan,
one of them being the Commander-in-Chief of the army. He gave me an
account of the affair of the Dale. Some years ago two Yankee whalers
came in. One of them obtained provisions to the amount of two hundred
and fifty dollars, telling the people he was too poor to pay for them in
money, but that he would give them a bill on the Consul at Zanzibar. To
this they assented; the skipper then ran off with his ship in the night,
without giving the bill. They seized the other Captain and took him on
shore, to keep him as a hostage while his ship should go in pursuit of
the runaway and get the promised bill. But they thought better of it in
a few hours, and released him. The Dale came the next season and
demanded twenty-five thousand dollars, threatening to burn the town if
the money was not paid. They could not pay them, there being probably
not so much money in the island. The Yankees then set fire to one end of
the town, cannonaded the fort, doing some damage, and withdrew. This is
about the usual origin of Yankee shipmasters' complaints to their
government. I made a present of a captured Yankee clock to each of the
princes, and gave them a package of writing-paper. They seemed anxious
to get some finery for their wives, but I told them we were not in that
line, like Yankee whalers.
_Saturday, February 13th_.--Visited the town again to-day. Called at the
houses of a couple of the princes, in which I found everything dirty,
with an attempt at tawdry finery. A black _houri_ was set to fan me. We
were served with rose syrup. Walked to the prince's garden--a beautiful
wilderness of cocoa and betel nuts, sweet orange and mango, with
heterogeneous patches of rice, sweet potatoes and beans, and here and
there a cotton plant. Two or three slave huts were dotted about, and
walls of loose stones ran along crooked lanes and bye-ways. As we came
off, some of the inhabitants were at evening prayer, and others
preparing to take their evening meal. People met us everywhere with
kindly greetings, and the Cadi, a venerable-looking old man, wished me a
safe return to my own country.
_Sunday, February 14th_.--Visited in force again to-day by the princes,
and other chief men. In the afternoon the high-priest visited me. He was
a fine-looking man--Arab by descent--with a well-developed forehead,
and easy, gentlemanly bearing. He wore a sword, and was evidently looked
upon with great respect by his attendants. He expressed much sympathy
with our cause, and said he would pray to Allah for our success. The
Yankee whalers, he said, invariably stole some of their slaves. Said
they could not do very well without the whalers, as they were the only
traders to the island, and brought them many useful things.
_Monday, February 15th_.--Received on board some bullocks and fruit;
paid our bills, and were taken leave of affectionately by the simple
people. At meridian moved out of the anchorage under steam, amid the
cheers, given in real English fashion, by the many boatmen that
surrounded us.
CHAPTER XXXV.
_"Man overboard!"--Blowing hard--Three Years--Wearing out--The Cape
again--Seizure of the Tuscaloosa--Towards Europe--War News--What the
Alabama effected--Case of the Rockingham--The last capture--The
Tycoon--Nineteen overhauled--In the Channel--At Cherbourg._
From the middle to the 28th February there was but little excitement on
board the Alabama. On that day the usual routine of life on a man-of-war
was broken by the cry of "Man overboard." The vessel was at once hove
to, but before a boat could be lowered a gallant fellow, Michael Mars,
leapt overboard, and swimming to the rescue of his shipmate, fortunately
succeeded in saving the man's life.
On the third of March they saw the first Cape Pigeon and Albatross, and
on the 4th Captain Semmes writes as follows:--
The gale still continues, though moderating very fast; sea not so
turbulent, though the surf is thundering into it now and then, and
keeping the decks flooded. 'Tis three years to-day since I parted with
my family in Washington, on the day in which Washington's great republic
was humiliated by the inauguration as President of a vulgar democratic
politician, in whom even the great events in which, by a singular
destiny, he has been called to take a part, have not been able to sink
the mountebank. These three years of anxiety, vigilance, exposure, and
excitement, have made me an old man, and sapped my health, rendering
repose necessary, if I would prolong my life. My ship is wearing out,
too, as well as her commander, and will need a general overhauling by
the time I can get her into dock. If my poor services be deemed of any
importance in harassing and weakening the enemy, and thus contributing
to the independence of my beloved South, I shall be amply rewarded.
* * * * *
The Alabama still kept on through gales, with creaking cordage and
jerking tiller ropes, until on the 11th of March the Cape was sighted,
off which they were knocked about until the 20th instant; lying in the
track of vessels bounding before the gale at the rate of ten or twelve
knots an hour, and only able to see them when within a mile of the ship.
Arrived in Table Bay, Captain Semmes received intelligence of the
seizure of the Tuscaloosa, upon which he at once wrote a despatch to
Admiral Walker.[15]
[Footnote 15: For papers relating to the seizure of this vessel, see
Appendix.] The Cape was left on the 25th of March, the vessel's head
being laid towards Europe, and on the 29th the following entry is found
in the journal:--
"I have at length had a little leisure to read the late papers received
at the Cape. The Yankee Government and people, and with them a great
portion of the English press and people, seem to have jumped suddenly to
the conclusion that we are beaten, and that the war must soon end by our
submission! Mr. Lincoln has even gone so far as to prescribe the terms
on which our States may re-enter the rotten "concern"--to wit, by a
reorganization of the States government by one-tenth of the people.
Verily, the delusion of these men in the matter of this war is
unaccountable. No power on earth can subjugate the Southern States,
although some of them have been guilty of the pusillanimity of making
war with the Yankees against their sisters. History will brand them as
traitors and cowards. As for the tone of the English press, I am not
surprised at it. England is too rich to be generous. Our war for her is
a sort of prize-fight, and she is looking on in about the same spirit
with which her people lately viewed the prize fight between King and
Heenan. Hurrah one; well done the other."
* * * * *
From March 29th to April 22d there were no events calling for special
attention, save that on the sixteenth the intelligence was learned from
the master of a French ship that there were no American vessels at the
Chincha Islands, though in July, 1863, there were between seventy and
eighty American sail there. This speaks volumes of the terror the
Alabama had excited.
The night of the 22d of April was employed in giving chase to a strange
sail, which was overhauled at daybreak on the following morning; and the
United States flag having been responded to by a display of the same
colours, the Alabama boarded and took possession of the guano-laden
ship, Rockingham, which was employed as a target, and then set fire to.
The cargo being claimed as the property of neutrals, Captain Semmes
examined the ship's papers and entered the following in his journal:--
CASE OF THE ROCKINGHAM.
"Ship under United States colours and register. Is from Callao, bound to
Cork for orders, and loaded with guano. This guano purports to be
shipped by the Guano Consignment Company to Great Britain. One Joseph A.
Danino, who signs for Danino and Moscosa, certifies that the guano
belongs to the Peruvian Government; and Her Britannic Majesty's Acting
Consul at Lima certifies that the said Joseph A. Danino appeared before
him and 'voluntarily declared' 'that the foregoing signature is of his
own handwriting, and also that the cargo above mentioned is truly and
verily the property of the Peruvian Government.'
"As this is the only certificate of the neutrality of the cargo among
the papers, and as nobody swears to anything in this certificate, there
is no testimony at all. The ship being enemy's property, and the cargo
being presumed to be enemy's property also, from being found on board
the ship, it was incumbent on the neutral parties, if there are any such
in the case, to have documented their property by sworn certificates;
and this rule of law is so well known, that the absence of an oath would
seem to be conclusive as to the fraudulent attempt to cover. Ship and
cargo condemned."
* * * * *
This capture was followed by that of the Tycoon, on the 27th of the same
month; and as no claim of neutrality of cargo was made, the ship was
burned. This, as it afterwards turned out, was the last of the Alabama's
prizes. Nineteen other vessels were overhauled before she reached
Cherbourg, but not one of them sailed under the Stars and Stripes. When
it is remembered that no less than sixty-five American ships had been
taken by the gallant cruiser, it is not much to be wondered at that the
Yankee flag was a _rara avis_ on the high seas.
From the 25th of May to the 10th of June the Alabama was making her way
north, and on the last-named date she was abreast of the Lizard, and was
boarded by a Channel pilot. "I felt," writes Captain Semmes, "great
relief to have him on board, as I was quite knocked up with cold and
fever, and was too ill-qualified physically for exposure to the weather
and watching through the night. And thus, thanks to an all-wise
Providence, we have brought the cruise of the Alabama to a successful
termination."
Little could Captain Semmes have imagined, when he penned these lines,
that the cruising days of his vessel were so soon to end. The vessel
entered Cherbourg on the morning of the 11th. Two days after news was
received that the Kearsarge would shortly arrive there, intelligence
which was confirmed next day by the appearance of that vessel.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
_The Kearsarge--Preparations--The iron-clad--State of the Alabama--Out
of the harbour--The Deerhound--The Captain's address--Armaments of the
combatants--Plan of action--The engagement--Rapid fire--Badly
wounded--Sinking--The end of the Alabama--In the water--Gallant
conduct--Surgeon Llewellyn--The Deerhound to the rescue--The enemy's
boats--Not a wrack--The informing spirit_.
It was written that the Alabama was never to behold the ports of her
country!
The latest entries in the diary of Captain Semmes are of an interest too
great to permit us to exclude them, prior to the narration of the
memorable duel which closes the history of a vessel whose renown, short
as her career has been, may challenge that of any ship that has spread a
sail upon the waters, and casts a lustre even upon the heroic history of
the Confederate States.
On Tuesday, June 14th, Captain Semmes writes:--
"Great excitement on board, the Kearsarge having made her appearance off
the eastern entrance of the breakwater, at about 11 A.M. Sent an order
on shore immediately for coal (one hundred tons), and sent down the
yards on the mizen-mast, and the topgallant yards, and otherwise
preparing the ship for action.
"_Wednesday, June 15th._--The Admiral sent off his _aide_ to say that he
considered my application for repairs withdrawn upon my making
application for coal, to which I assented. We commenced coaling this
afternoon. The Kearsarge is still in the offing; she has not been
permitted to receive on board the prisoners landed by me, to which I had
objected in a letter to the Admiral. Mailed a note yesterday afternoon
for Flagofficer Barrow, informing him of my intention to go out to
engage the enemy as soon as I could make my preparations, and sent a
written notice to the U.S. consul, through Mr. Bonfils, to the same
effect. My crew seems to be in the right spirit, a quiet spirit of
determination pervading both officers and men. The combat will no doubt
be contested and obstinate; but the two ships are so equally matched, I
do not feel at liberty to decline it. God defend the right, and have
mercy upon the souls of those who fall, as many of us must!"
* * * * *
It has been denied that the captain of the Kearsarge sent a challenge to
the Alabama. Captain Semmes, indeed, says nothing of it himself. What
the Kearsarge did--and with a particular object, there cannot be a
doubt--was, as recorded, to enter the breakwater at the east end, and
"at about 11 A.M., on Tuesday, she _passed through the west end without
anchoring_." These are the words of a French naval captain, who speaks
of what he saw. Few will deny that among brave men this would be
considered something equivalent to a challenge. It was more than a
challenge--it was a defiance. The officer we have quoted adds, that
"anyone could then see her outside protection." It is easy to see
everything after the event. The Kearsarge looked bulky in her middle
section to an inspecting eye; but she was very low in the water, and
that she was _armed_ to resist shot and shell it was impossible to
discern. It is distinctly averred by the officers of the Alabama that
from their vessel the armour of the Kearsarge could not be
distinguished. There were many reports abroad that she was protected on
her sides in some peculiar way; but all were various and indistinct, and
to a practical judgment untrustworthy. Moreover, a year previous to this
meeting, the Kearsarge had lain at anchor close under the critical eye
of Captain Semmes. He had on that occasion seen that his enemy was not
artificially defended. He believes now that the reports of her plating
and armour were so much harbour-gossip, of which during his cruises he
had experienced enough.
Now the Kearsarge was an old enemy, constantly in pursuit, and her
appearance produced, as Captain Semmes has written, great excitement on
board the Alabama. And let us here call attention to what the officers
and men of the illustrious Confederate ship had been enduring for the
space of two years. During all this time they had been homeless, and
without a prospect of reaching home. They had been constantly crowded
with prisoners, who devoured their provender--of which they never had
any but a precarious supply. Their stay in any neutral harbour was
necessarily short as the perching of a hawk on a bough. Like the hawk's
in upper air, the Alabama's safety as well as her business was on the
high seas. Miserably fed, hunted, eluding, preying, destroying--is this
a life that brave men would willingly have to be continuous? They were
fortified by the assurance of a mighty service done to their country.
They knew that they inflicted tremendous damage upon their giant foe.
They were, perhaps, supported by the sense that their captain's
unrivalled audacity had done more harm to the United States than the
operations of many thousand men. But their days were wretched; their
task was sickening; it demands an imagination that can fix its eye upon
stern, barren duty as a planet never darkened, always visible, for such
a life as this to be carried on uncomplainingly and without a passionate
longing for the bare exercise of hard blows. In addition, they read of
the reproaches heaped upon them by comfortable shore-men. They were
called pirates, and other gloomy titles. The execrations of certain of
the French and English, and of all the United States press, sounded in
their ears across the ocean; but from their own country they heard
little. The South was a sealed land in comparison with the rest of the
world. Opinion spoke loudest in Europe, and though they knew that they
were faithfully, gallantly, and marvellously serving their country in
her sore need, the absence of any immediate comfort, either physical or
moral, helped to make them keenly sensitive to virulent criticism, even
to that of avowed and clamorous enemies.
It was this state of mind through the whole crew which caused the
excitement on board the Alabama when the Kearsarge steamed in and out of
the breakwater. Now, and at last, our day of action has come! was the
thought of every man on board. The chivalrous give and take of battle
was glorious to men who had alternately hunted and fled for so dreary a
term. They trusted for victory; but defeat itself was to be a
vindication of their whole career, and they welcomed the chances gladly.
The application for coal at a neutral port was in itself a renunciation
of any further hospitality from the harbour, as Captain Semmes was
aware. The Port-admiral contented himself with pointing it out to him. A
duel is not an unpopular thing in France. The prospective combat of two
apparently equally-matched ships of war would have been sufficient to
have melted any scruples entertained by Frenchmen in authority; they
were only too happy to assist towards an engagement between Federals and
Confederates, the latter being as popular in France as in England, to
say nothing for the sympathy excited for the Alabama. French officers
agreed with Captain Semmes in thinking that there was marked offence and
defiance in the manoeuvres of the Kearsarge, and that he could hardly do
less than go out and meet her. We have done our best to show that the
Captain, whether in his heart he felt the mere chances to be equal or
not, was anxious to persuade himself that they were so. He knew his
opponent to be the heavier in ship, battery, and crew, but "I did not
know that she was also iron-clad," he says. Personally he desired the
battle; the instigations of an enthusiastic crew, unanimous for action,
as also of friendly foreign officers, are to be taken into account.
Those who venture, now that we are enabled to measure by results, to
cast blame upon him, should first, in justice, throw themselves into his
position. President Davis may deplore the loss of a vessel that did a
mighty service, but we doubt not that he will endorse the honourable
words of Mr. Mason in his justification of Captain Semmes, and rejoice
that the man who was the ship, is saved for further service to the
Confederacy.
On Sunday, in the morning, being the 19th June, the Alabama steamed out
of Cherbourg harbour by the opening to the west, and steered straight to
meet the Kearsarge, accompanied by the French iron-clad La Couronne. The
late foul weather had given way to a gentle breeze, and the subsiding
swell of the Atlantic wave under a clear sky made the day eminently
favourable for the work in hand. All Cherbourg was on the heights above
the town and along the bastions and the mole. Never did knightly
tournament boast a more eager multitude of spectators. It chanced
fortunately that an English steam-yacht, the Deerhound, with its owner,
Mr. John Lancaster, and his family, on board, was in harbour at the
time. The Deerhound followed the Alabama at a respectful distance, and
was the closest witness of the fight. Some French pilot-boats hung as
near as they considered prudent. At the limit of neutral waters the
Alabama parted company with her, escort, and the Couronne returned to
within a league of the shore.
Left to herself at last, the Alabama made her final preparations for the
coming struggle. Mustering all his ship's company upon the deck, Captain
Semmes addressed them as follows;--
"OFFICERS AND SEAMEN OF THE ALABAMA:"
"You have, at length, another opportunity of meeting the enemy--the
first that has been presented to you since you sunk the Hatteras! In the
meantime, you have been all over the world, and it is not too much to
say that you have destroyed, and driven for protection under neutral
flags, one-half of the enemy's commerce, which, at the beginning of the
war, covered every sea. This is an achievement of which you may well be
proud; and a grateful country will not be unmindful of it. The name of
your ship has become a household word wherever civilization extends.
Shall that name be tarnished by defeat? The thing is impossible!
Remember that you are in the English Channel, the theatre of so much of
the naval glory of our race, and that the eyes of all Europe are at this
moment upon you. The flag that floats over you is that of a young
republic, which bids defiance to her enemy's, whenever and wherever
found. Show the world that you know how to uphold it. Go to your
quarters."[16]
[Footnote 16: The above is a correct report of Captain Semmes' address
on this occasion. Various statements have appeared as to the way in
which it was continued: received. Captain Semmes states, "The only
replies that were made were shouts from the seamen of 'Never! never!'
when I spoke of the name of their ship being tarnished by defeat."]
It took three-quarters of an hour for the Alabama to come within range
of the Kearsarge. At the distance of one mile, the Alabama opened fire
with solid shot. The Kearsarge took time to reply. After ten minutes the
firing was sharp on both sides.
According to the statement of the Captain of the Kearsarge, her battery
consisted of seven guns--to wit, two 11-inch Dahlgrens--very powerful
pieces of ordnance; four 32 pounders, one light rifle 28 pounder. She
went into action with a crew of 162 officers and men.
The armament of the Alabama consisted of one 7-inch Blakeley rifled gun,
one 8-inch smooth-bore pivot gun, six 32 pounders, smooth-bore, in
broadside. The Alabama's crew numbered not more than 120. On this head
Captain Winslow speaks erroneously. He sets down the Alabama's crew at
150 officers and men. The Alabama had a formidable piece in the Blakeley
rifled gun, but she was destitute of steel shot.
It will thus be seen that there was inequality between the antagonists.
Captain Winslow speaks of the Alabama having "one gun more" than the
Kearsarge. His two great Dahlgrens gave the balance altogether in his
favour. But in an estimate of the rival capabilities of the two vessels,
the deteriorated speed of the Alabama should be considered as her
principal weakness. Cherbourg had done little to repair the copper of
her bottom, which spread out in broad fans and seriously impeded her
cutting of the water; and it had been found impossible to do more than
to patch up the boilers for the day's business. They were not in a state
to inspire the engineers with confidence. The Kearsarge, on the other
hand, was in first rate condition and well in hand. She speedily showed
that she could overhaul the Alabama. In fact, the Alabama entered the
lists when she should have been lying in dock. She fought with an
exhausted frame. She had the heroism to decide upon the conflict,
without the strength to choose the form of it. After some little
manoeuvring this became painfully evident to Captain Semmes. The
Kearsarge selected her distance at a range of five hundred yards, and
being well protected she deliberately took time and fired with sure
effect.
Captain Semmes had great confidence in the power of his Blakeley rifled
gun, and we believe it is a confidence not shaken by its failure to win
the day for him. He wished to get within easy range of his enemy, that
he might try this weapon effectively; but any attempt on his part to
come to closer quarters was construed by the Kearsarge as a design to
bring the engagement between the ships to a hand-to-hand conflict
between the men. Having the speed, she chose her distance, and made all
thought of boarding hopeless.
It was part of the plan of Captain Semmes to board, if possible, at some
period of the day, supposing that he could not quickly decide the battle
with artillery. It was evidently Captain Winslow's determination to
avoid the old-fashioned form of a naval encounter, and to fight
altogether in the new style; his superior steam power gave him the
option. When the Alabama took her death-wound she was helpless. We must
interpret the respectful distance maintained by the Kearsarge up to the
very last, and the persistent plying of her guns while the side of the
sinking ship was visible, as a settled resolution on Captain Winslow's
part to trust to guns alone, and throughout, so that a dangerous
proximity might be shunned. That much homage was paid by him to the
hostile crew, and that his manoeuvre was creditably discreet, few will
deny.
The crew of the Alabama, seamen and officers, were in high spirits
throughout the engagement, though very early the slaughter set in and
the decks were covered with blood. Their fire was rapid and admirable.
It has been said in the House of Lords by no less a person than the Duke
of Somerset, that her firing was positively bad; and that she hit the
Kearsarge only three times during the action. By Captain Winslow's own
admission the Kearsarge was hit twenty-eight times by shot and shell--or
once to every fifth discharge. No seaman knowing anything of an actual
engagement on the deep will object to the accuracy of such an aim. Had
the Kearsarge shown the same blank sides as the Alabama, another tale
might have been told. Captain Semmes, however, perceived that his shell
rebounded after striking her, and exploded harmlessly. This led him to
rely upon solid shot. The Alabama, not being thus or in any way
shielded, was pierced with shell, and soon showed vast rents in her
after-part. Her pivot-gun was a distinct mark for the enemy, and a
single shell exploding near it killed and wounded half the number of men
by whom it was worked. Each ship fought her starboard broadside, and
steamed in a circle to keep that side to the enemy. So, for an hour,
this, to a distant spectator, monotonous manoeuvre continued, without
perceptibly narrowing the range. Captain Semmes was standing on the
quarter-deck when the chief engineer sent word to say that the ship was
endangered by leakage. The first lieutenant, Mr. Kell, was sent below to
inspect the damage. He returned with word that the ship was sinking.
Captain Semmes at once ordered the ship to be put about and steered
towards shore. But the water was rising in her: the fires were speedily
extinguished. The Alabama's shot from slackening had now ceased. It was
evident to all on board that she was doomed. To have continued firing
would have been to indulge a stupid rancour, and to act in such a manner
is not in the nature of a seaman like Captain Semmes. On the contrary,
his thoughts were directed towards saving the lives of his crew. He gave
command for the Confederate flag to be hauled down.
Many wild stories are being told of something like a mutiny of the crew
at this desecration of the Southern banner; of how they implored the
Captain to spare them the disgrace of it; and of a certain quartermaster
drawing his cutlass, daring any hand on board to haul down the flag, and
being dramatically threatened with a loaded pistol by Mr. Kell, the
First Lieutenant, and so brought to his senses. The fact is, that the
flag came down quietly and decorously. All on board perceived that there
was no help for it, and that it would be a shocking breach of humanity
to imperil the lives of the wounded men.
The general detestation of the Yankee was yet more strongly instanced
when the men were struggling for life in the water. The head of every
man was pointed away, as if instinctively, from the vessel that stood
nearest to rescue him. One who was hailed from the Kearsarge with the
offer of a rescue, declined it civilly, and made his way for the neutral
flag. The men swam as if they had still an enemy behind them, and not
one that was ready to save. Tardy as were the boats of the Kearsarge in
descending to perform this office, they found many of the poor fellows
still painfully supporting themselves above the surface. Of these, both
men and officers, when, after being hauled into the boats, they had
dashed the blinding salt water from their eyes and discovered among whom
they were, many sprang overboard again, preferring any risk to the
shelter of the Federalists. Hatred to the flag of the old Union and love
of their Captain appear to have been their chief active passions. When
taken on board the Deerhound, the question as to the safety of Captain
Semmes was foremost in every mouth.
Captain Semmes asserts that shots were fired at the Alabama after the
signal of surrender. We will not attempt to substantiate a charge like
this: but French officers maintain it to be an undeniable fact that,
after the Confederate flag had been lowered, the Kearsarge fired no less
than five shots into her. We believe that Captain Winslow does not deny
the charge; but asserts that he was unaware of the act of surrender. In
his letter to the _Daily News_, he declares the accusation that he had
been guilty of this act to be "twaddle" (we quote his own phrase).
The master's mate of the Alabama, Mr. Fullam, was despatched in the
dingey to the Kearsarge with a request that assistance might immediately
be given in rescuing the lives of the wounded men. It was promised, but
the fulfilment of the promise, owing, as we trust it may be proved, to
circumstances incidental to the fight, was, as we have said, tardy.
Captain Winslow expressed himself in kindly terms with regard to his old
shipmate in the days when the Union was not a mockery of its name;
Captain Semmes having served with him in the same vessel many years
back. During Mr. Fullam's absence the Alabama had gone down stern
foremost. All the wounded had been stretched in the whale-boat for
transmission to the Kearsarge. The surgeon of the Alabama, an
Englishman, Mr. David Herbert Llewellyn, son of an incumbent of a
Wiltshire parsonage, and godson of the late Lord Herbert of Lea, was
offered a place in this boat. He refused it, saying that he would not
peril the wounded men, and he sank with the Alabama. The rest of the
crew, with their captain, were already in the waves. Mr. Lancaster
meantime had steamed up to the Kearsarge, requesting permission to
assist in saving life, and he was soon among them, throwing lines from
the yacht, and picking up many exhausted men in his boats. The loss of
men by drowning was nineteen, including an officer (Mr. Llewellyn),
carpenter, and assistant-engineer. The loss in killed and wounded was
twenty-eight, of whom seven were killed. Not a wrack of the Alabama was
secured by the victors in this memorable sea-fight. The captain and his
officers dropped their swords into the deep; the men drove their oars
into the bottoms of the boats. One spirit--the spirit of the
unconquerable Confederation of the Southern States--animated all. Not a
man who was able to support himself in the water, swam towards the
Kearsarge.
So sank the Alabama. It would have been glorious for her to have won,
but it was not disgraceful that the day went against her. She fought
against odds such as brave commanders are not in the habit of declining;
she fought to the water's edge. An end like this, and the splendid
antecedents she points to, have made her name and that of her captain
household words. Her flag has been indeed a "meteor flag," and that it
shall "yet terrific burn" we may reckon to be probable, when it is
remembered that the informing spirit, of which the good vessel was but
the gross body, is alive, and prepared once more to offer himself to the
land of his choice for service upon the seas.
APPENDIX.
* * * * *
No. I.
CAPTURES OF THE SUMTER.
_Ably Bradford_--Of New York, from New York to Puerto Caballo. Captured
25th July, 1861, N.E. of Laguayra, Venezuela.
Sent to New Orleans. Recaptured by enemy.
_Albert Adams_--Of Massachusetts. Captured 5th July, 1861, four leagues
off Cienfuegos.
Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.
_Arcade_--Of Maine, from Portland, Maine, to Guadaloupe. Captured 26th
November, 1861, in lat. 20 deg. 27' N., long. 57 deg. 15' W.
Burned.
_Ben Dunning_--Of Maine. Captured 5th July, 1861, four leagues off
Cienfuegos.
Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.
_Cuba_--Of Maine, from Trinidad to English ports. Captured 4th July,
1861, in lat. 21 deg. 29' N., long. 84 deg. 06' W.
Sent to Cienfuegos. Retaken by enemy.
_Daniel Trowbridge_--Of Connecticut, from New York to Demerara. Captured
27th October, 1861, in lat. 17 deg. 54' N., long. 56 deg. 30' W.
Burned.
_Ebenezer Dodge_--Of Massachusetts, from New Bedford to South Pacific
(whaling). Captured 8th December, 1861, in lat. 30 deg. 57' N., long. 51 deg.
49' W.
Burned.
_Golden Rocket_--Of Bangor, Maine. Captured 3d July, 1861, in lat. 21 deg.
29' N., long. 84 deg. 06' W. Valued at $35,000.
Burned.
_Investigator_--Of Maine, from Spain to Newport, Wales. Captured 18th
January, 1862, in Straits of Gibraltar. Valued at $15,000,
Released on ransom bond.
_Joseph Maxwell_--Of Pennsylvania. Captured 27th July, 1861, seven miles
from Puerto Caballo.
Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Governor-General of Cuba.
_Joseph Parkes_--Of Massachusetts, from Pernambuco to Boston. Captured
25th September, 1861, in lat. 6 deg. 20' N., long. 42 deg. 24'W.
Burned.
_Louisa Kilham_--Of Massachusetts. Captured 6th July, 1861, five miles
from Cienfuegos.
Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.
_Machias_--Of Maine, from Trinidad to an English port. Captured 4th
July, 1861, in lat. 21 deg. 29' N., long. 84 deg. 06' W.
Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.
_Montmorency_--Of Maine, from Newport, Wales, to St. Thomas. Captured
25th November, 1861, in lat. 18 deg. 30' N., long. 58 deg. 40' W. Valued at
$20,000.
Released under ransom bond.
_Naiad_--Of New York. Captured 6th July, 1861, five miles from
Cienfuegos.
Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.
_Neapolitan_--Of Massachusetts, from Messina to Boston. Captured 18th
January, 1862, in Straits of Gibraltar.
Burned.
_Vigilans_--Of Maine, from New York to Island of Sombrero. Captured 3d
December, 1861, in lat. 29 deg. 10' N., long. 57 deg. 22' W. Valued at $40,000.
Burned.
_West Wind_--Of Rhode Island. Captured 6th July, 1861, five miles off
Cienfuegos.
Sent to Cienfuegos. Released by Captain-General of Cuba.
* * * * *
CAPTURES OF THE ALABAMA.
_Alert_--Of New London, from New London to the Indian Ocean (whaling).
Captured 9th September, 1862, off Flores. Valued at $20,000.
Burned.
_Altamaha_--Of New Bedford, from New Bedford (whaling). Captured 13th
September, 1862, in lat. 40 deg. 34' N., 25 deg. 24' W. Valued at $3,000.
Burned.
_Amanda_--Of United States, from Manilla to Queenstown. Captured 6th
November, 1863, in lat. 7 deg. 00' S., long. 103 deg. 19' E. Valued at $104,442.
Burned.
_Amazonian_--Of New York, from New York to Monte Video. Captured 2d
June, 1863, in lat. 15 deg. 09', long. 55 deg. 04'. Valued at $97,665.
Burned.
_Anna F. Schmidt_--Of Maine, from Boston (_via_ St. Thomas) to San
Francisco. Captured 2d July, 1863, in lat. 26 deg. 14', long. 37 deg. 51'.
Valued at $350,000.
Burned.
_Ariel_--Of New York, from New York to Aspinwall. Captured 7th Dec.,
1862, off Cape Maize. Valued at $261,000.
Released on bond.
_Baron de Castine_--Of Castine, from Bangor to Cardenas. Captured 29th
October, 1862, in lat. about 39 deg. 18' N., long. about 69 deg. 12' W. Valued
at $6,000.,
Released on bond.
_Benjamin Tucker_--Of New Bedford, from New Bedford (whaling). Captured
14th September, 1862, off Flores. Valued. at $18,000.
Burned.
_Bethia Thayer_--Of Maine. Captured 1st March, 1863, in lat. 29 deg. 50' N.,
long. 38 deg. 31' W. Valued at $40,000.
Released on bond.
_Brilliant_--Of New York, from New York to Liverpool. Captured 3d
October, 1862, in lat. 39 deg. 58' N., long. 50 deg. 00' W. Valued at $164,000.
Burned.
_Charles Hill_--Of Boston, from Liverpool to Monte Video. Captured 25th
March, 1863, in lat. 1 deg. 22', long. 26 deg. 08'. Valued at $28,450.
Burned.
_Chastelaine_--Of Boston, from Martinique to Cienfuegos. Captured 27th
January, 1863, in lat. 17 deg. 19' N., long. 72 deg. 21' W. Valued at $10,000.
Burned.
_Contest_--Of the United States, from Yokohama, Japan, to New York.
Captured 11th November, 1863, in lat. 4 deg. 48' S., long. 106 deg. 49' E.
Valued at $122,815.
Burned.
_Courser_--Of Province Town, from Province Town (whaling). Captured 16th
September, 1862, off Flores. Valued at $7,000.
Burned.
_Crenshaw_--Of New York, from New York to Glasgow. Captured 26th
October, 1862, in lat. 40 deg. 11' N., long. 64 deg. 32' W. Valued at $33,869.
Burned.
_Dorcas Prince_--Of New York, from New York to Shanghai. Captured 26th
April, 1862, in lat. 7 deg. 36', long. 31 deg. 57'. Valued at $44,108.
Burned.
_Dunkirk_--Of New York, from New York to Lisbon. Captured 7th October,
1862, in lat. about 41 deg. 00' N., long. 53 deg.. Valued at $25,000.
Burned.
_Elisha Dunbar_--Of New Bedford, from New Bedford (whaling). Captured
18th September, 1862, in lat. 39 deg. 50' N., long. 35 deg. 25' W. Valued at
$25,000.
Burned.
_Emily Farnum_--Of New York, from New York to Liverpool. Captured 3d
October, 1862, in lat. 39 deg. 58' N., long. 50 deg. 00' W.
Neutral cargo, Released and made a Cartel.
_Emma Jane_--Of Maine, from Bombay to Amherst (in ballast). Captured
14th January, 1864, in lat. 7 deg. 57' S., long. 76 deg. 09' W. Valued at
$40,000.
Burned.
_Express_--Of Callao, from Callao to Antwerp. Captured 6th July, 1863,
in lat. 28 deg. 28', long. 30 deg. 20. Valued at $121,300.
Burned.
_Gildersliene_--Of London, from Sunderland to Calcutta. Captured 25th
May, 1863, in lat. 12 deg. 04', long. 35 deg. 10'. Valued at $62,783.
Burned.
_Golden Eagle_--Of United States, from San Francisco (_via_ Howland's
Island) to Cork. Captured 21st February, 1863, in lat. 29 deg. 28' N., long.
44 deg. 58' W. Valued at $61,000.
Burned.
_Golden Rule_--Of New York, from New York to Aspinwall. Captured 26th
January, 1863, off Jamaica. Valued at $112,000.
Burned.
_Hatteras_--Of United States Navy, gunboat. Sunk 11th January, 1863, off
Galveston. Valued at $160,000.
Sunk.
_Highlander_--Of the United States, from Singapore to Aycaab (in
ballast). Captured 26th December, 1863. Valued at $75,965.
Burned.
_Jabez Snow_--Of Cardiff, from Cardiff to Monte Video. Captured 29th
May, 1863, in lat. 12 deg. 54', long. 35 deg. 18'. Valued at $72,881.
Burned.
_John A. Parks_--Of Maine, from New York to Monte Video. Captured 2d
March, 1863, in lat. 29 deg. 25' N., long. 37 deg. 47' W. Valued at $66,157.
Burned.
_Justina_--Of the United States. Captured 25th May, 1863, in lat. 12 deg.
04', long. 35 deg. 10'. Valued at $7,000.
Ransomed.
_Kate Cory_--Of Westport (whaler). Captured 15th April, 1863, in lat. 4 deg.
08', long. 32 deg. 01'. Valued at $10,568.
Burned.
_Kingfisher_--Of Massachusetts, from Fair Haven (on whaling expedition).
Captured 23d March, 1863, in lat. 2 deg. 08' N., long. 26 deg. 08' W. Valued at
$2,400.
Burned.
_Lafayette_ (1)--Of New York, from New York to Belfast. Captured 23d
October, 1862, in lat. 39 deg. 34' N., long. 63 deg. 26' W. Valued at $110,337.
Burned.
_Lafayette_ (2)--Of New Bedford (whaler). Captured 15th April, 1863, in
lat. 4 deg. 08', long. 32 deg. 01. Valued at $20,908.
Burned.
_Lamplighter_--Of Boston, from New York to Gibraltar. Captured 15th
October, 1862, in lat. 41 deg. 32' N., long. 54 deg. 17' W. Valued at $117,600.
Burned.
_Lauretta_--Of Boston, from New York to Madeira and Mediterranean.
Captured 28th. October. 1862, in lat. 39 deg. 18' N., long. 67 deg. 35' W.
Valued at $32,880.
Burned.
_Levi Starbuck_--Of New Bedford, from New Bedford to the Pacific
(whaling). Captured 2d November, 1862, in lat. 36 deg. 13' N., long. 66 deg. 01'
W. Valued at $25,000.
Burned.
_Louisa Hatch_--Of Rockland, from Cardiff to Point de Galle. Captured
4th April, 1863, in lat. 3 deg. 12', long. 26 deg. 9'. Valued at $38,315.
Burned.
_Manchester_--Of New York, from New York to Liverpool. Captured 11th
October, 1862, in lat. 41 deg. 08' N., long. 55 deg. 26' W. Valued at $164,000.
Burned.
_Morning Star_--Of Boston, from Calcutta to London. Captured 23d March,
1863, in lat. 2 deg. 08' N., long. 26 deg. 08' W. Valued at $61,750.
Released on bond.
_Nora_--Of Boston, from Boston to Calcutta. Captured 25th March, 1863,
in lat. 1 deg. 22', long. 26 deg. 08'. Valued at $76,-636.
Burned.
_Nye_--Of New Bedford, from New Bedford (whaling barque). Captured 24th
April, 1863, in lat. 5 deg. 45', long. 31 deg. 53'. Valued at $31,127.
Burned.
_Ocean Rover_--Of Massachusetts, from Massachusetts (out whaling).
Captured 8th September, 1862, off Flores. Valued at $70,000.
Burned.
_Ocmulgee_--Of Edgartown. Captured 5th September, 1862, in about lat. 37 deg.
20' N., long. 28 deg. 08' W. Valued at $50,000.
Burned.
_Olive Jane_--Of the United States, from Bordeaux to New York. Captured
21st February, 1863, in lat., 29 deg. 28' N., long. 44 deg. 58' W. Valued at
$43,208.
Burned.
_Palmetto_--Of New York, from New York to St. John's, Porto Rico.
Captured 3d February, 1863, in lat. 27 deg. 18' N., long. 6 deg. 16' W. Valued
at $18,430.
Burned.
_Parker Cook_--Of Boston, from Boston to Aux Cayes. Captured 30th
November, 1862, in lat. 18 deg. 59' N., long. 68 deg. 45' W. Valued at $10,000.
Burned.
_Punjaub_--Of Boston, from Calcutta to London. Captured 15th March,
1863, in lat. 8 deg. 36' N., long. 31 deg. 43' W. Valued at $55,000.
Released on bond.
_Rockingham_--Of the United States, from Callao to Cork. Captured 23d
April, 1864, in lat. 15 deg. 52' S., long. 31 deg. 44' W. Valued at $97,878.
Burned.
_Sea Lark_--Of New York, from New York to San Francisco. Captured 3d
May, 1863, in lat. 9 deg. 39' S., long. 32 deg. 44' W. Valued at $550,000.
Burned.
_Sonora_--Of the United States, from Singapore to Aycaab (in ballast).
Captured 26th December, 1863, off Malacca. Valued at $46,545.
Burned.
_Starlight_--Of Boston, from Fayal to Boston. Captured 7th September,
1862, off Flores. Valued at $4,000.
Burned.
_Talisman_--Of New York, from New York to Shanghai. Captured 5th June,
1863, in lat. 14 deg. 35', long. 36 deg. 26'. Valued at $139,195.
Burned.
_Texan Star_--Of the United States, from Maulmein to Singapore. Captured
24th December, 1863, off Malacca. Valued at $97,628.
Burned.
_Tonawanda_--Of Philadelphia, from Philadelphia to Liverpool. Captured
9th October, 1862, in lat. 40 deg. 03' N., long. 54 deg. 38' W. Valued at
$80,000.
Released on ransom bond.
_Tycoon_--Of the United States, from New York to San Francisco. Captured
27th April, 1864. in lat. 11 deg. 16', long. 32 deg. 6'.
Burned.
_Union_--Of Baltimore, from Baltimore to Jamaica. Captured 5th December,
1862, off Cape Maise. Valued at $15,000.
Released on bond.
_Union Jack_--Of Boston, from Boston to Shanghai. Captured 3d May, 1863,
in lat. 9 deg. 39', long. 32 deg. 44'. Valued at $77,000.
Burned.
_Virginia_--Of New Bedford, from New Bedford (whaling). Captured 17th
September, 1862, in lat. 40 deg. 03' N., long. 32 deg. 46' W. Valued at $25,000.
Burned.
_T.B. Wales_--Of Boston, from Calcutta to Boston. Captured 8th November,
1862, in lat. 29 deg. 15' N., long. 57 deg. 57' W. Valued at $245,625.
Burned.
_Washington_--Of New York, from Chincha Islands to Antwerp. Captured
27th February, 1863, in lat. 30 deg. 19' N., long. 40 deg. 01' W. Valued at
$50,000.
Released on bond.
_Wave Crest_--Of New York, from New York to Cardiff. Captured 7th
October, 1862, in lat. about 41 deg. 00' N., long. 53 deg.. Valued at $44,000.
Burned.
_Weather Gauge_--Of Province Town, from Province Town (whaling).
Captured 9th September, 1862, off Flores. Valued at $10,000.
Burned.
_Winged Racer_--Of the United States, from Manilla to New York. Captured
10th November, 1863, in Strait of Sunda. Valued at $150,000.
Burned.
No. II.
COURSE OF THE SUMTER.
FROM NEW ORLEANS, 30TH JUNE, 1861, TO GIBRALTAR, 18TH JANUARY, 1862.
1861.
July 1 Lat. 26.18 N. Long. 87.23 W.
2 23.04 86.13
3 21.29 84.06
4 No observation.
5 Off the Jardinelles.
6 At Cienfuegos, Cuba.
7 do do
8 Off the Caymans.
9 Off Jamaica.
10 to 15 No observation.
16 to 24 At St. Anne's, Curacao.
25 to 27 At and off Puerto Caballo.
28 Off Tortuga.
29 to
Aug. 5 At Port of Spain.
6 9.14 59.10
7 8.31 56.12
8 7.19 53.34
9 6.10 50.48
10 4.29 48.25
Aug. 11 Lat. 2.38 N. Long. 47.48 W.
12 4.10 49.37
13 4.56 50.55
14 4.49 51.19
15 16 At Cayenne.
17 5.56
18 Off the mouth of the Surinam.
19 to 31 At Paramaribo.
Sept. 1 No observation.
2 4.50 50.20
3 3.05 48.44
4 00.44 47.12
5 1.03 44.48
6 to 15 At Maranham.
16 00.17 S. 42.59
17 2.19 N. 41.29
18 3.38 40.57
19 4.33 40.41
20 4.46 41.00
21 5.12 41.59
22 5.37 42.12
23 5.25 42.19
24 5.35 41.27
25 6.20 42.27
27 6.24 43.10
28 6.10 44.20
29 6.55 45.08
30 7.33 45.28
Oct. 1 7.39 45.55
2 8.19 46.23
3 8.30 46.21
4 8.55 46.58
5 9.13 47.21
6 8.31 47.08
7 8.13 47.13
8 8.52 46.44
9 7.21 46.30
10 6.22 45.48
Oct. 11 Lat. 6.38 N. Long. 45.13 W.
12 6.56 44.41
13 7.04 44.47
14 8.31 45.46
15 9.36 48.11
16 10.22 50.05
17 11.37 51.49
18 13.01 53.12
19 13.33 53.46
20 13.46 54.06
21 14.00 54.07
22 14.21 54.16
23 14.36 54.37
24 15.20 54.51
25 16.54 55.30
26 18.13 56.04
27 17.54 56.30
28 17.03 57.07
29 16.54 57.33
30 16.40 58.16
31 16.54 57.59
Nov. 1 16.52 57.25
2 16.32 56.55
3 16.35 57.38
4 16.43 57.45
5 17.10 59.06
6 16.39 59.54
7 16.00 60.46
8
9 15.08 61.54
10 to 23 At Martinique.
24 16.12
25 18.11 58.48
26 20.07 57.12
27 22.22 56.27
28 24.22 57.12
29 25.51 57.36
30 27.16 58.29
Dec. 1 27.38 58.20
2 28.12 58.09
3 29.10 57.22
Dec. 4 Lat. 30.03 N. Long. 55.09 W.
5 30.19 53.02
6 29.35 52.02
7 29.27 51.35
8 30.57 51.49
9 31.35 51.14
10 32.39 49.47
11 32.48 49.32
12\
13/ 33.28 47.03
14 33.49 44.47
15 34.00 42.05
16 33.24 40.43
17 33.24 40.00
18 33.53 38.43
19 34.30 36.40
20 34.17 35.31
21 35.17 33.05
22 No observation.
23 36.29 32.32
24 27.31 31.30
25 36.08 28.42
26 35.09 25.56
27 35.00 22.49
28 35.17 20.53
29 35.43 18.59
30 35.39 17.33
31 35.22 16.27
1862.
Jan. 1 35.53 13.14
2 35.52 9.36
3 35.49 7.00
On the 4th of January the Sumter reached Cadiz, and on the 17th left for
Gibraltar. She entered that port on the following day, where she was
finally put out of commission.
* * * * *
COURSE OF THE ALABAMA.
1862.
Aug. 25 Lat. 39.15 N. Long. 26.30 W.
26 39.39 26.07
27 39.59 24.34
Aug. 28 Lat. 39.58 N. Long. 21.30 W.
29 38.56 19.23
30 37.23 19.06
31 Lat. by acc. 36.23 21.54
Sept. 1 Lat. 35.33 22.17
2 35.29 24.22
3 36.16 25.56
4 37.22 28.08
5 No observation.
6\
to | Off Flores.
11/
12 40.17 34.05
13 40.34 35.24
14 40.12 33.02
15 40.03 32.46
16 Off Flores.
17 40.03 32.46
18 39.50 35.25
19 38.32 35.03
20 37.20 36.26
21 36.35 36.58
22 35.21 37.26
23 34.43 38.38
24 34.52 48.28
25 34.59 41.10
26 35.35 41.36
27 37.12 43.13
28 37.40 42.00
29 37.09 43.13
30 38.87 45.03
Oct. 1 40.27 46.31
2 40 to 40.30 48 to 48.20
3 39.58 50.00
4 39.52 50.41
5 40.19 51.14
6 41.02 53.50
7 No observation.
8 Lat. (D.R.) 41.00 Long. (D.R.) 55.43
Long. Chro. 54.37
9 Lat. 40.03 Long. 54.38
10 41.13 53.45
11 41.08 55.26
Oct. 12 Lat. 41.42 N. Long. 56.48 W.
13 Assumed 40.30 59.28
14 41.21 59.31
15 41.32 59.17
16 (D.R.)42.16 59.18
17 (D.R.)42.06 59.46
18 Supposed 41.25 59.10
19 40.21 62.08
20 40.28 62.40
21 40.18 62.40
22 By acct. 40.16 64.17
23 39.34 63.26
24 40.04 62.05
25 39.57 63.18
26 40.11 64.32
27 39.47 68.06
28 39.18 67.35
29 No observation.
30 39.18 69.12
31 37.51 67.34
Nov. 1 36.15 65.55
2 36.13 66.01
3 35.17 67.11
4 34.27 63.30
5 31.34 61.27
6 29.05 61.22
7 29.03 59.22
8 29.15 57.57
9 27.51 58.24
10 25.40 57.50
11 24.05 57.36
12 22.58 57.37
13 22.08 57.43
14 21.11 57.49
15 20.40 58.24
16 18.00 59.27
17 15.51 60.20
18 13.15 63.01
21 12.10 64.35
22\
to | At Island of Blanquilla.
25/
26 13.12 65.30
Nov. 28 Lat. 16.19 N. Long. 66.06 W.
29 17.45 67.15
30 18.59 68.45
Dec. 1 19.40 69.49
2 20.04 71.50
3 20.12 72.58
4 \
to | Off Cape Maise, Jamaica, and Cuba.
12 /
13 18.47 78.28
14 18.16 80.43
15 18.39 83.06
16 19.16 84.10
17 19.18 84.25
18 19.47 85.46
19 20.00 85.31
20 21.20 86.32
21 22.06 88.40
22 21.26 91.15
23 20.18 91.50
24 \
to | At the Arcas.
31 /
1863.
n. 1 \
to | At the Arcas.
5 /
6 21.11 93.13
7 22.35 94.26
8 24.36 94.45
9 26.19 94.11
10 27.45 94.42
11 28.51 94.55
12 28.03 93.08
13 27.05 90.37
14 25.58 88.58
15 26.16 88.35
16 23.43 87.35
17 21.45 85.34
18 19.50 82.51
19 18.30 80.34
20 \
to | At Port Royal.
25 /
Jan.26 Lat. 17.50 N. Long. 74.52 W
27 17.19 72.21
28 17.56 70.28
29 At San Domingo.
30 19.31 67.38
31 21.45 68.06
Feb. 1 24.08 68.18
2 26.17 68.06
3 27.18 66.10
4 28.00 64.11
5 27.10 61.30
6 25.44 60.32
7 26.36 60.15
8 25.41 58.48
9 24.51 57.55
10 24.32 56.53
11 24.52 56.34
12 25.15 56.36
13 26.08 55.32
14 27.09 53.17
15 28.29 50.07
16 28.45 46.57
17 28.11 45.01
18 28.15 44.37
19 28.04 44.29
20 28.32 45.05
21 29.28 44.58
22 29.33 44.57
23 30.21 43.55
24 30.32 42.50
25 30.22 41.03
26 30.23 40.42
27 30.19 40.01
28 30.07 39.38
March 1 29.50 38.31
2 29.25 37.47
3 28.42 36.59
4 27.02 35.44
5 26.04 35.23
6 24.09 32.20
7 24.30 35.12
8 22.36 34.32
9 20.22 33.53
Mar. 10 Lat. 18.26 N. Long. 33.17 W.
11 16.18 32.36
12 13.57 31.47
13 11.31 31.25
14 9.24 31.48
15 8.36 31.43
16 7.46 30.21
17 7.53 30.34
18 7.14 29.26
19 5.59 28.01
20 4.32 27.00
21 2.47 26.23
22 2.11 26.24
23 2.08 26.08
24 1.41 26.13
25 1.22 26.08
26 1.12 26.32
27 No observation.
28 00.46 26.19
29 00.18 26.10
30 00.34 S. 25.35
31 00.39 25.19
April 1 1.00 25.20
2 2.10 26.02
3 2.52 25.58
4 3.12 26.09
5 3.25 27.04
6 3.46 28.00
7 3.57 30.07
8 4.01 Long. (D.R.) 31.17
9 4.08 32.01
10 \
to | At Fernando de Noronha.
22 /
23 4.42 31.49
24 5.45 31.53
25 6.22 31.44
26 7.36 31.57
27 8.16 32.18
28 8.19 31.40
29 8.22 31.07
30 9.02 31.39
May 1 9.17 32.17
May 2 Lat. 9.37 S Long. 32.34 W
3 9.39 32.44
4 8.48 32.34
5 10.06 32.45
6 10.24 32.30
7 12.08 33.07
8 12.30 33.52
9 12.55 34.49
10 13.29 36.07
11 \
to |At Bahia.
21 /
22 13.04 37.36
23 12.33 36.39
24 11.34 34.54
25 12.04 35.10
26 11.39 34.47
27 12.15 35.05
28 12.54 35.18
29 13.31 35.38
30 14.19 35.36
31
June 1 14.44 35.15
2 15.01 34.56
3 15.09 35.04
4 14.46 34.57
5 14.35 36.26
6 15.17 35.26
7 16.07 35.37
8 15.55 35.28
9 16.55 35.36
10 16.17 34.35
11 15.32 33.46
12 17.25 34.24
13 19.21 35.37
14 19.54 35.18
15 22.38 35.11
16 23.41 35.36
17 23.54 35.53
18 24.16 37.15
19 24.57 39.01
20 25.48 40.18
21 25.46 40.16
June 22 Lat. 25.55 S. Long. 40.21 W.
23 25.24 38.40
24 25.19 36.36
25 25.56 33.44
26 Lat.(D.R.) 26.40 30.16
27 26.01 28.29
28 25.57 30.31
29 26.35 32.59
30 25.56 35.12
July 1 25.38 36.38
2 26.14 37.51
3 26.31 37.33
4 27.27 34.37
5 27.58 31.43
6 28.28 30.20
7 29.45 27.36
8 30.00 24.20
9 29.57 21.16
10 29.29 17.47
11 28.00 15.12
12 26.44 13.32
13 28.13 13.27
14 29.21 11.31
15 30.07 8.06
16 Lat.(D.R.)30.39 4.05
17 30.16 00.20
18 29.54 3.04 E.
19 at.(D.R.)29.47 5.32
20 29.57 7.23
21 30.43 10.19
22 31.33 12.37
23 31.59 14.12
24 33.24 14.51
25 33.56 15.34
26 33.26 16.37
27 33.46 17.17
28 33.46 17.31
29 \
to | At Saldanha Bay, and the Cape.
Aug. 16 /
17 34.03 17.11
18 33.24 16.56
19 32.52 17.09
Aug. 20 Lat. 32.45 S. Long. 16.55 E.
21 33.14 15.41
22 32.13 16.08
23 31.43 15.30
24 31.24 14.34
25 31.18 13.37
26 27.57 14.12
27 No observation.
28 \
to | At Angra Pequena.
30 /
31 26.51 14.40
Sept. 1 No observation.
2 28.37 10.13
3 29.43 8.59
4 30.04 8.46
5 30.24 9.28
6 30.35 11.16
7 31.17 11.07
8 31.41 11.16
9 32.30 12.49
10 33.16 15.20
11 33.10 16.37
12 33.43 16.03
13 33.51 17.34
14 34.28 17.43
15 34.26 17.30
16 \
to | At Simon's Town.
24 /
25 35.26 18.15
26 37.28 17.58
27 37.52 19.03
28 39.02 23.07
29 39.02 27.20
30 39.12 31.59
Oct. 1 39.15 35.46
2 38.27 39.02
3 38.46 42.49
4 38.43 46.56
5 38.47 49.20
6 38.44 53.33
7 37.51 57.30
Oct. 8 Lat. 38.04 S. Long. 60.23 E.
9 38.16 64.15
10 38.26 68.57
11 38.28 72.40
12 38.46 77.12
13 38.15 80.29
14 37.47 83.42
15 35.23 89.55
16 35.23 89.55
17 32.59 93.28
18 30.59 96.17
19 28.26 98.43
20 25.33 99.42
21 22.41 100.12
22 21.13 100.10
23 18.52 100.10
24 15.45 101.25
25 Lat. (D.R.) 12.26 Long. (D.R.) 102.00
26 10.27 102.13
27 9.55 Long. 101.50
28 9.38 101.51
29 9.20 101.53
30 9.09 102.14
31 8.53 102.50
1 8.55 103.51
2 9.30 103.28
3 9.17 103.31
4 8.31 103.06
5 7.22 103.15
6 7.00 103.19
7 6.59 103.27
8 \
to | Off Flat Point.
10 /
11 4.48 106.49
12 4.19 108.00
13 3.59 107.25
14 3.44 109.05
15 3.03 109.27
16 2.44 109.16
17 \
to | Off the Malays.
23 /
Nov. 24 Lat. 3.40 N Long. 109.45 E.
25 Supposed Lat. 3.50 Supposed Long. 110.30
26 4.36 111.42
27 4.51 111.54
28 4.51 111.54
29 5.01 111.47
30 6.14 110.31
Dec. 1 7.30 108.42
2 8.30 107.15
3 \
to | At Cindore.
14 /
15 8.24 106.48
16 7.18 107.27
17 (D.R.) 6.11 106.12
18 4.48 105.10
19 \
and | At Island of Aor.
20 /
21 \
to | At and off Singapore.
26 /
27 4.08 100.11
28 Supposed 4.46 99.40
29 Supposed 5.29 98.16
30 5.39 96.40
31 Off N. end of Sumatra.
1864.
Jan. 1 6.23 93.35
2 5.39 93.08
3 5.29 92.33
4 6.05 Long. (D.R.) 91.40
5 6.29 90.37
6 6.07 88.40
7 5.39 87.22
8 5.22 84.53
9 5.05 82.09
10 5.14 79.50
11 5.49 78.25
12 7.26 76.02
13 7.33 76.01
14 7.57 76.09
15 8.25 76.08
Jan. 16 At Quilon.
17 Lat. 8.40 N. Long. 76.32 E.
18 8.31 76.30
19 8.05 75.05
20 7.29 74.28
21 No observation.
22 7.52 70.22
23 7.04 67.17
24 7.03 64.28
25 6.27 61.49
26 5.33 59.19
27 5.01 56.36
28 4.02 53.46
29 2.43 51.00
30 00.50 48.42
31 1.31 S. 47.20
Feb. 1 3.15 46.13
2 4.48 45.40
3 6.47 44.44
4 8.24 44.26
5 10.18 43.47
6 10.42 44.00
7 10.44 43.50
8 10.45 43.42
9 \
to | At Islands of Johanna and Mohilla.
16 /
17 13.41 43.04
18 14.15 42.45
19 15.03 42.24
20 16.00 41.45
21 17.02 41.31
22 18.43 41.20
23 19.49 41.23
24 20.29 41.19
25 21.18 41.44
26 23.36 41.15
27 25.31 40.00
28 27.11 37.51
29 29.16 36.17
March 1 31.32 34.37
2 33.20 32.22
3 35.05 29.49
March 4 Lat. 35.11 S. Long. 23.28 E.
5 35.51 26.43
6 39.09 24.58
7 35.10 24.03
8 35.49 21.39
9 35.46 20.29
10 35.42 20.13
11 35.08 18.21
12 33.57 17.06
13 33.35 16.10
14 34. 3 15.20
15 33.48 15.23
16 32.50 16.31
17 33.10 16.22
18 No observation.
19 32.57 15.55
20 33.51 17.31
21 \
to | At the Cape.
24 /
25 34.02 18.10
26 33.41 15.52
27 31.50 12.39
28 31.36 10.09
29 30.25 8.25
30 28.53 6.55
31 28.00 4.50
April 1 26.13 2.40
2 24.17 0.24
3 22.35 1.29 W.
4 21.01 3.13
5 19.37 4.44
6 18.41 4.22
7 17.15 3.44
8 17.42 5.50
9 18.00 8.53
10 18.12 11.47
11 18.25 14.42
12 18.47 17.13
13 18.55 19.43
14 18.58 22.33
15 19. 9 25.--
16 19.17 26.42
April 17 Lat. 19.12 S. Long. 27.33 W.
18 19.22 28.57
19 19.13 29.36
20 18.49 30.01
21 18.18 30.26
22 17.23 30.56
23 15.52 31.44
24 15.19 32. 6
25 13.59 32. 4
26 13. 5 32.22
27 11.16 32. 6
28 10. 5 31.46
29 8. 9 31.29
30 5.26 30.12
May 1 2.25 30.38
2 00.13 30.41
3 1.43 N. 31.28
4 3.30 32.38
5 5. 6 34.19
6 7.15 36. 7
7 9.40 37.36
8 11.54 38.43
9 14.13 39.43
10 16.43 40.33
11 18.37 41.09
12 20.10 41.25
13 20.33 41.19
14 20.53 41.09
15 21.12 40.55
16 22.05 41.16
17 22.57 41.50
18 24.33 41.57
19 26.32 41.50
20 28.04 41.33
21 29.24 40.42
22 30.25 39.54
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