The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803, Volume II, 1521-1569
by
Emma Helen Blair
Part 1 out of 5
Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803
explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
beginning of the nineteenth century
Volume II, 1521-1569
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.
Contents of Volume II
Preface
Expedition of Garcia de Loaisa--1525-26
[Resume of contemporaneous documents--1522-37]
Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra--1527-28.
[Resume of contemporaneous documents--1527-28]
Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos
[Resume of contemporaneous documents--[1541-48]
Expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi--1564-68.
[Resume of contemporaneous documents--1559-68]
Warrant of the Augustinian authorities
in Mexico establishing a branch of their
brotherhood in the Philippines--1564
Act of taking possession of Cibabao, Fernando
Riquel; Cibabao, February 15, 1565
Proclamation ordering the declaration of
the gold taken from the burial-places of the
Indians. M.L. de Legazpi; Cubu, May 16, 1565
Letters to Felipe II of Spain. M.L. de
Legazpi and others; Cubu, May 27 and 29,
and June 1, 1565
Letter from the royal officials of the
Filipinas to the royal Audiencia at Mexico,
accompanied by a memorandum of the necessary
things to be sent to the colony. Guido de
Labecares and others; Cubu, May 28, 1565
Relation of the voyage to the
Philippines. M. L. de Legazpi; Cubu, [1565]
[1]Copia de vna carta venida de Seuilla a
Miguel Saluador de Valencia. (Barcelona,
Pau Cortey, 1566)
Letters to Felipe II of Spain. M.L. de Legazpi;
Cubu, July 12, 15, and 23, 1567 and June
26, 1568
Negotiations between Legazpi and Pereira
regarding the Spanish settlement at
Cebu. Fernando Riquel; 1568-69
Bibliographical Data
Illustrations
Portrait of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi; photographic
reproduction from painting in Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar,
Madrid. _Frontispiece_
Portrait of Fray Andres de Urdaneta; photographic reproduction
from painting by Madrazo, in possession of the Colegio de
Filipinas (Augustinian), Valladolid.
Signatures of Legazpi and other officials in the Philippines;
photographic facsimile from original MS. of their letter of
June 1, 1565, in the Archivo general de Indias, Seville.
The Santo Nino of Cebu (image of the child Jesus found there
by Legazpi's soldiers in 1565); from a plate in possession
of the Colegio de Filipinas, Valladolid.
Preface
The next attempt to reach the Spice Islands is made by Garcia Jofre
de Loaisa. A synopsis of contemporary documents is here presented:
discussion as to the location of the India House of Trade; concessions
offered by the Spanish government to persons who aid in equipping
expeditions for the Moluccas; instructions to Loaisa and his
subordinates for the conduct of their enterprise; accounts of their
voyage, etc. Loaisa's fleet departs from Spain on July 24, 1525, and
ten months later emerges from the Strait of Magellan. Three of his
ships have been lost, and a fourth is compelled to seek necessary
supplies at the nearest Spanish settlements on the west coast of
South America; Loaisa has remaining but three vessels for the long
and perilous trip across the Pacific. One of the lost ships finally
succeeds in reaching Spain, but its captain, Rodrigo de Acuna, is
detained in long and painful captivity at Pernambuco. The partial
log of the flagship and an account of the disasters which befell
the expedition are sent to the emperor (apparently from Tidore) by
Hernando de la Torre, one of its few survivors, who asks that aid be
sent them. Loaisa himself and nearly all his officers are dead--one
of the captains being killed by his own men. At Tidore meet (June
30, 1528) the few Spaniards remaining alive (in all, twenty-five out
of one hundred and forty-six) in the "Victoria" and in the ship of
Saavedra, who has been sent by Cortes to search for the missing fleets
which had set out from Spain for the Moluccas. Urdaneta's relation
of the Loaisa expedition goes over the same ground, but adds many
interesting details.
Various documents (in synopsis) show the purpose for which Saavedra
is despatched from Mexico, the instructions given to him, and letters
which he is to carry to various persons. Among these epistles, that
written by Hernando Cortes to the king of Cebu is given in full;
he therein takes occasion to blame Magalhaes for the conflict with
hostile natives which resulted in the discoverer's death. He also asks
the Cebuan ruler to liberate any Spaniards who may be in his power,
and offers to ransom them, if that be required. Saavedra's own account
of the voyage states that the time of his departure from New Spain
was October, 1527. Arrivingat the island of Visaya, he finds three
Spaniards who tell him that the eight companions o Magalhaes left at
Cebu had been sold by their captors to the Chinese.
Undaunted by these failures, another expedition sets forth (1542) to
gain a footing for Spanish power on the Western Islands--that commanded
by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos; it is under the auspices of the two most
powerful officials in New Spain, and is abundantly supplied with men
and provisions. The contracts made with the king by its promoters
give interesting details of the methods by which such enterprises were
conducted. Various encouragements and favors are offered to colonists
who shall settle in those islands; privileges and grants are conferred
on Alvarado, extending to his heirs. Provision is made for land-grants,
hospitals, religious instruction and worship, and the respective
rights of the conquerors and the king. The instructions given to
Villalobos and other officials are minute and careful. At Navidad
Villalobos and all his officers and men take solemn oaths (October 22,
1542) to carry out the pledges that they have made, and to fulfil
their respective duties. In 1543 complaint is made that Villalobos
is infringing the Portuguese demarcation line, and plundering the
natives, which he denies. An account of his expedition (summarized,
like the other documents), written by Fray Jeronimo de Santisteban
to the viceroy Mendoza, relates the sufferings of the Spaniards from
hardships, famine, and disease. Of the three hundred and seventy men
who had left New Spain, only one hundred and forty-seven survive to
reach the Portuguese settlements in India. The writer justifies the
acts of Villalobos, and asks the viceroy to provide for his orphaned
children. Another account of this unfortunate enterprise was left
by Garcia Descalante Alvarado, an officer of Villalobos; it also is
written to the viceroy of New Spain and is dated at Lisbon, August 1,
1548. Like Santisteban's, this too is a record of famine and other
privations, the treachery of the natives, and the hostility of the
Portuguese. Finally, a truce is made between the Castilians and
the Portuguese, and part of the former embark (February 18, 1546)
for the island of Amboina, where many of them perish.
Nearly twenty years elapse before any further attempt of importance is
made to secure possession of the Philippine Archipelago. In 1564 this
is begun by the departure from New Spain of an expedition commanded by
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, with which enterprise begins the real history
of the Philippine Islands. Synopses of many contemporaneous documents
are here presented, covering the years 1559-68. This undertaking has
its inception in the commands of Felipe II of Spain (September 24,
1559) to his viceroy in New Spain (now Luis de Velasco) to undertake
"the discovery of the western islands toward the Malucos;" but those
who shall be sent for this are warned to observe the Demarcation
Line. The king also invites Andres de Urdaneta, now a friar in Mexico,
to join the expedition, in which his scientific knowledge, and his
early experience in the Orient, will be of great value. Velasco thinks
(May 28, 1560) that the Philippines are on the Portuguese side of the
Demarcation Line, but he will follow the royal commands as far as he
safely can. He has already begun preparations for the enterprise, the
purpose of which he is keeping secret as far as possible. By the same
mail, Urdaneta writes to the king, acceding to the latter's request
that he accompany the proposed expedition. He emphasizes the ownership
of "the Filipina Island" (meaning Mindanao) by the Portuguese, and
thinks that Spanish ships should not be despatched thither without the
king's "showing some legitimate or pious reason therefor." Velasco
makes report (February 9, 1561) of progress in the enterprise;
the ships have been nearly built and provisioned, and Legazpi has
been appointed its general. Urdaneta advises (also in 1561) that
Acapulco be selected for their embarcation, as being more convenient
and healthful than Navidad. He makes various other suggestions for
the outfit of the expedition, which show his excellent judgment and
practical good sense; and asks that various needed articles be sent
from Spain. He desires that the fleet depart as early as October,
1562. Legazpi in a letter to the king (May 26, 1563) accepts the
responsibility placed upon him, and asks for certain favors. Velasco
explains (February 25 and June 15, 1564) the delays in the fleet's
departure; he hopes that it will be ready to sail by the following
September, and describes its condition and equipment. Velasco's death
(July 31) makes it necessary for the royal _Audiencia_ of Mexico to
assume the charge of this enterprise. Their instructions to Legazpi
(September 1, 1564) are given in considerable detail. Especial stress
is laid on the necessity of discovering a return route from the
Philippines; and Urdaneta is ordered to return with the ships sent
back to New Spain for this purpose. By a letter dated September 12,
the members of the _Audiencia_ inform the king of the instructions
they have given to Legazpi, and their orders that he should direct
his course straight to the Philippines, which they regard as belonging
to Spain rather than Portugal. In this same year, Juan de la Carrion,
recently appointed admiral of the fleet, writes to the king, dissenting
(as does the _Audiencia_) from Urdaneta's project for first exploring
New Guinea, and urging that the expedition ought to sail directly
to the Philippines. He says that he has been, however, overruled by
Urdaneta. Legazpi announces to the king (November 18) his approaching
departure from the port of Navidad; and Urdaneta writes a letter of
similar tenor two days later. On that date (November 20) they leave
port; and on the twenty-fifth Legazpi alters their course so as to
turn it from the southwest directly toward the Philippines. This
displeases the Augustinian friars on board; but they consent to go
with the fleet. After various difficulties and mistakes in reckoning,
they reach the Ladrones (January 22, 1565), finally anchoring at
Guam. The natives prove to be shameless knaves and robbers, and
treacherously murder a Spanish boy; in retaliation, their houses
are burned and three men hanged by the enraged Spaniards. Legazpi
takes formal possession of the islands for Spain. Proceeding to the
Philippines, they reach Cebu on February 13, and thence make various
journeys among the islands. They are suffering from lack of food,
which they procure in small quantities, and with much difficulty,
from the natives--often meeting from them, however, armed hostility. A
Spanish detachment succeeds in capturing a Moro junk, after a desperate
engagement; its crew are set at liberty, and then become very friendly
to the strangers, giving them much interesting information about the
commerce of those regions. Finally the leaders of the expedition decide
to make a settlement on the island of Cebu. It is captured (April 28)
by an armed party; they find in one of the houses an image, of Flemish
workmanship, of the child Jesus, which they regard as a valuable prize,
and an auspicious omen for their enterprise. The fort is built, and
a church erected; and a nominal peace is concluded with the natives,
but their treachery is displayed at every opportunity.
On May 28, 1565, the officials of the Western Islands write a report
of their proceedings to the _Audiencia_ of New Mexico. They have
ascertained that the hostility of the natives arises from the cruelty
and treachery of the Portuguese, who in Bohol perfidiously slew five
hundred men and carried away six hundred prisoners. The Spaniards ask
for immediate aid of soldiers and artillery with which to maintain
their present hold, and to relieve the destitution which threatens
them. They advise the speedy conquest of the islands, for in no other
way can trade be carried on, or the Christian religion be propagated.
Another account of the expedition is given by Esteban Rodriguez, pilot
of the fleet; it contains some interesting additional details. On
June 1, 1565, the ship "San Pedro" is despatched to New Spain with
letters to the authorities, which are in charge of the two Augustinian
friars, Urdaneta and Aguirre. The log of the voyage kept by the pilot
Espinosa is briefly summarized. When they reach the coast of Lower
California the master of the vessel and Esteban Rodriguez, the chief
pilot, perish from disease. The ship reaches Navidad on October 1,
and Acapulco on the eighth, "after all the crew bad endured great
hardships." Of the two hundred and ten persons who had sailed on the
"San Pedro," sixteen died on the voyage, and less than a score were
able to work when they arrived at Acapulco, all the rest being sick.
The previous record of the expedition is now continued. Legazpi makes
a treaty with the chiefs of Cebu, who acknowledge the king of Spain
as their suzerain. Gradually the natives regain their confidence
in the Spaniards, return to their homes, and freely trade with the
foreigners. Legazpi now is obliged to contend with drunkenness and
licentiousness among his followers, but finds that these evils do not
annoy the natives, among whom the standard of morality is exceedingly
low. They worship their ancestors and the Devil, whom they invoke
through their priests (who are usually women). Legazpi administers
justice to all, protects the natives from wrong, and treats them
with kindness and liberality. The head chief's niece is baptized, and
soon afterward marries one of Legazpi's ship-men, a Greek; and other
natives also are converted. The Spaniards aid the Cebuans against their
enemies, and thus gain great prestige among all the islands. They
find the Moros keen traders, and through them obtain abundance of
provisions; the Moros also induce their countrymen in the northern
islands to come to Cebu for trade. An attempt to reduce Matan fails,
except in irritating its people. A dangerous mutiny in the Spanish
camp is discovered and the ringleaders are hanged. The Spaniards
experience much difficulty in procuring food, and are continually
deceived and duped by the natives, "who have no idea of honor," even
among themselves. Several expeditions are sent out to obtain food,
and this opportunity is seized by some malcontents to arouse another
mutiny, which ends as did the former. On October 15, 1566, a ship from
New Spain arrives at Cebu, sent to aid Legazpi, but its voyage is a
record of hardships, mutinies, deaths, and other calamities; it arrives
in so rotten a condition that no smaller vessel could be made from
it. A number of men die from "eating too much cinnamon." Portuguese
ships prowl about, to discover what the Spaniards are doing, and the
infant colony is threatened (July, 1567) with an attack by them.
A petition (probably written in 1566), signed by the Spanish officials
in the Philippines, asks for more priests there, more soldiers and
muskets ("so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise,
they may be compelled to it by force of arms"), rewards for Legazpi,
exemptions from taxes for all engaged in the expedition, grants
of land, monopoly of trade, etc. A separate petition, by Legazpi,
asks the, king for various privileges, dignities, and grants. Still
other requests are made (probably in 1568) by hit son Melchor, who
claims that Legazpi had spent all his fortune in the service of Spain,
without receiving any reward therefor.
Certain documents illustrative of this history of Legazpi's
enterprise in 1565 are given in full. An interesting document--first
published (in Latin) at Manila in 1901, but never before, we think,
in English--is the official warrant of the Augustinian authorities in
Mexico establishing the first branch of their order in the Philippines
(1564). It was found among the archives of the Augustinian convent
at Culhuacan, Mexico; and is communicated to us in an English
translation made by Rev. T. C. Middleton, of Villanova College. The
other documents are: the act of taking possession of Cibabao (February
15); a proclamation that all gold taken from the burial-places of the
natives must be declared to the authorities (May 16); several letters
written (May 27 and 29, and June 1) by Legazpi and other officials
to the king; a letter (May 28) from the officials to the _Audiencia_
at Mexico, with a list of supplies needed at Cebu. To these is added
a specially valuable and interesting document--hitherto unpublished,
we believe--Legazpi's own relation of his voyage to the Philippines,
and of affairs there up to the departure of the "San Pedro" for
New Spain. As might be expected, he relates many things not found,
or not clearly expressed, in the accounts given by his subordinates.
Next is presented (in both original text and English translation)
a document of especial bibliographical interest--_Copia de vna carta
venida de Sevilla a Miguel Salvador de Valencia_. It is the earliest
printed account of Legazpi's expedition, and was published at Barcelona
in 1566. But one copy of this pamphlet is supposed to be extant; it
is at present owned in Barcelona. It outlines the main achievements
of the expedition, but makes extravagant and highly-colored statements
regarding the islands and their people.
In a group of letters from Legazpi (July, 1567, and June 26, 1568)
mention is made of various interesting matters connected with the
early days of the settlement on Cebu Island, and the resources and
commerce of the archipelago. He asks again that the king will aid his
faithful subjects who have begun a colony there; no assistance has
been received since their arrival there, and they are in great need
of everything. The Portuguese are jealous of any Spanish control in
the Philippines, and already threaten the infant colony. He sends
(1568) a considerable amount of cinnamon to Spain, and could send
much more if he had goods to trade therefor with the natives. Legazpi
advises that small ships be built at the Philippines, with which to
prosecute farther explorations and reduce more islands to subjection;
and that the mines be opened, and worked by slave-labor.
The Spanish settlement on Cebu was regarded with great jealousy by
the Portuguese established in the Moluccas, and they sent an armed
expedition (1568) to break it up. As the two nations were at peace,
the Portuguese commander and Legazpi did not at once engage in war,
but carried on protracted negotiations--a detailed account of which is
here presented, from the official notarial records kept by Legazpi's
chief notary, and transmitted to the home government. Legazpi claims
that he has come to make new discoveries for his king, to propagate
the Christian religion, and to ransom Christians held captive by the
heathen in these regions; and that he had regarded the Philippines as
being within the jurisdiction of Spain. If he has been mistaken, he
will depart from the islands at once, if Pereira will provide him with
two ships. The latter refuses to accept Legazpi's excuses, and makes
vigorous complaints against the encroachments of the Spaniards. Pereira
summons all the Spaniards to depart from the islands, promising to
transport them to India, and offering them all aid and kindness, if
they will accede to this demand; but Legazpi declines these proposals,
and adroitly fences with the Portuguese commander. These documents
are of great interest, as showing the legal and diplomatic formalities
current in international difficulties of this sort.
_The Editors_
Documents of 1525-1528
_Expedition of Garcia de Loaisa_
1525-26
_Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra_
1527-28
[Resume of contemporaneous documents, 1522-37]
Translated and synopsized by James A. Robertson, from Navarrete's
_Col. de viages_, tomo v, appendix, pp. 193-486.
Expedition of Garcia de Loaisa
1525-26
[These documents are all contained in Navarrete's _Col. de viages_,
tomo v, being part of the appendix of that volume (pp. 193-439). They
are here summarized in even briefer form than were the documents
concerning the voyage of Magalhaes, indicating sources rather than
attempting a full presentation of the subject. Navarrete precedes
these documents with an account of Loaisa's voyage covering one
hundred and ninety pages--compiled, as was his account of Magalhaes,
from early authors and the documents in the appendix.]
A memorandum without date or signature [2] describes to the king
the advantages that would arise from establishing the India House of
Trade at Corunna rather than at Seville: the harbor of Corunna is more
commodious; it is nearer the resorts of trade for the northern nations;
much trade now going to Portugal will come to Corunna; larger ships can
be used and better cargoes carried; it is nearer to sources of supply,
and expeditions can be fitted out better from this place; and it will
be impossible for the captains or others to take forbidden merchandise,
or to land articles on the return voyage--as they could do at Seville,
because of having to navigate on the river. (No. i, pp. 193-195.)
1522. The king and queen, after the return of the "Victoria" issue
a document with thirty-three concessions to natives of their kingdom
who should advance sums of money, etc., for fitting out expeditions
for the spice regions; these privileges are to cover the first five
expeditions fitting out. The interests and rights of the sovereigns
and of the contributors are clearly defined. These fleets are to trade
in the Moluccas, or in any other lands and islands discovered within
Castile's demarcation. The House of Trade for the spice regions is
to be established at Corunna. (No. ii, pp. 196-207.)
Madrid, April 5, 1525. Fray Garcia Jofre de Loaisa, a commander of
the order of St. John, [3] is appointed captain-general of the fleet
now fitting out at Corunna for the Moluccas, and governor of those
islands. His powers are outlined, being such as were usually given
in such expeditions. As annual salary he is to have, during the
voyage, "two thousand nine hundred and twenty ducats, which amount
to one million, ninety-four thousand five hundred maravedis." He
is to have certain privileges of trade, being allowed to carry
merchandise. Rodrigo de Acuna is appointed captain of the fourth ship,
with a salary of three hundred and seventy-five thousand maravedis. He
may invest fifty thousand maravedis in the fleet, such sum being
advanced from his salary. The accountant for the fleet, Diego Ortiz de
Orue, is instructed to fulfil the duties incident to his office (these
are named), and to keep full accounts. Instructions are issued also
to the treasurer, Hernando de Bustamante, who is ordered "to obey our
captain and the captain of your ship, and try to act in harmony with
our officials, and shun all manner of controversy and discord." He must
discuss with the captains and officials questions pertaining to his
duty, for the better fulfilment thereof. (Nos. iii-vi, pp. 207-218.)
Toledo, May 13, 1525. The crown reserves the right to appoint persons
to take the place of any officials dying during the expedition. In
case Loaisa should die, his office as governor of the Moluccas is to
be filled in the following order: Pedro de Vera, Rodrigo de Acuna,
Jorge Manrique, Francisco de Hoces. His office as captain-general falls
first to Juan Sebastian del Cano; then to those above named. Further,
the chief treasurer, factor, and accountant are next in succession; and
after them a captain-general and other officers shall be elected by the
remaining captains, treasurers, factors, and accountants. Instructions
are given to Diego de Covarrubias as to his duties as factor-general
of the Moluccas. He is to exercise great care in all matters connected
with trade, selling at as high rates as possible. (Nos. vii, viii,
pp. 218-222.)
A relation by Juan de Areizaga [4] gives the leading events of
Loaisa's voyage until the Strait of Magellan is passed. The fleet
leaves Corunna July 24, 1525, and finishes the passage of the strait
May 26, 1526. On the voyage three ships are lost, the "San Gabriel,"
"Nunciado," and "Santi Spiritus." The "Santiago" puts in "at the coast
discovered and colonized by. . . Cortes at the shoulders of New Spain,"
to reprovision. Loaisa is thus left with only three vessels. (No. ix,
pp. 223-225.)
The deposition of Francisco Davila--given (June 4, 1527) under oath
before the officials at Corunna, in order to be sent to the king--and
several letters by Rodrigo de Acuna, dated June 15, 1527, and April
30, 1528, give the interesting adventures of the ship "San Gabriel"
and its captain after its separation from Loaisa's fleet. The vessel
after various wanderings in the almost unknown seas near South American
coasts, and exciting adventures with French vessels on the coast of
Brazil, finally reaches Bayona May 28, 1527, in a wretched condition
and very short of provisions. She carried "twenty-seven persons and
twenty-two Indians," and is without her proper captain Acuna, who had
been left in the hands of the French. Abandoned by the latter on the
Brazilian coast, he was rescued by a Portuguese vessel and carried
to Pernambuco "a trading agency of the King of Portugal," where he
was detained as prisoner for over eighteen months. In his letter to
the King of Portugal, Acuna upbraids him for treatment worse than the
Moors might user "but," he adds, "what can we expect when even the sons
of Portuguese are abandoned here to the fare of the savages? There are
more than three hundred Christians, the sons of Christians, abandoned
in this land, who would be more certain of being saved in Turkey than
here.... There is no justice here. Let your majesty take me from this
land, and keep me where I may have the justice I merit." Late in the
year 1528, Acuna is ordered to Portugal, as is learned from another
document, dated November 2 of that year. Before leaving Pernambuco he
desires that a testimony of everything that has happened since his
departure from Spain until his arrival at Pernambuco be taken down
by the notary-public, this testimony being taken from the men who had
come with him, "and the Frenchmen who were present at my undoing, and
others who heard it from persons who were in the ships of the French
who destroyed me." Acuna desires this in case any accident befall him
while on the way to Portugal, and "that the emperor may be informed of
the truth, and that I may give account of myself." This testimony is
much the same as that contained in the other documents. (Nos. xxiii,
pp. 225-241; and no, xv, pp. 313-323.)
June 11, 1528. Hernando de la Torre, captain-general and governor
in the Moluccas, sends the king a log of the fleet up to June 1,
1526, followed by the adventures of the flagship, "Sancta Maria de
la Victoria," after its separation from the rest of the fleet, with a
description of the lands and seas in its course. The log was made by
the pilot of the "Victoria," Martin de Uriarte. De la Torre prefaces
these accounts with a letter in which he asks for aid, "of which we are
in sore need." He says "all the captains of the ships, caravels, and
the tender, seven in number; the treasurer, accountants, and officials,
both general and private, ... are dead or lost, until now only the
treasurer of one of the ships is left" and he [de la Torre] has been
elected captain, "not because they found in me any good qualifications
for the office, but only a willing spirit." He gives account to the
king "of all that has happened, as I am obliged to do, and because
of my office it is more fitting for me than any other to do so." Some
notable events mentioned in the log are: the entrance into the Santa
Cruz River on January 18, 1526; their arrival on the twenty-fourth at
the cape of Las Virgines, near which Juan Sebastian del Cano's ship
founders in a storm; and the passage of the strait, beginning March 29,
by three ships and the tender, the last-named being lost on Easter
Day. A detailed description of the strait follows. On September 4,
"we saw land, and it was one of the islands of the Ladrones which the
other expedition had discovered," where they find a Spaniard who had
fled from the ship of the former expedition. On September 10 they
depart from this island for the Moluccas. October 8 they land at
an island where the friendly advances of the natives are checked by
a native from Malacca, who declares that the Castilians would kill
all the inhabitants. On the tenth, "the eleven slaves we had seized
in the island of the Ladrones fled in the same canoe that we had
seized with them." On the twenty-first they anchor at "Terrenate,
one of the Malucos, and the most northern of them." November 4,
they have news that the Portuguese are fortified in other islands
of the archipelago. Negotiations with the Portuguese are detailed at
some length. "The islands having cloves are these: Terrenate, Tidori,
Motil, Maquian, Bachan." A description of these islands follows, and
then the pilot adds, "All these islands of Maluco and those near by
are ... mountainous." March 30, 1528 a Castilian vessel anchors at
Tidore, one of three sent by Cortes [5] to seek news of Loaisa. The
two others had been blown from their course five or six days before
reaching the Ladrones. This ship, under command of Captain Saavedra
Ceron, had ransomed three men of the caravel "Santa Maria del Parral,"
one of Loaisa's ships, on an island to the north of Tidore. These men
declare that their ship had been captured by the natives, the captain
and most of the crew killed, and the remainder made prisoners. The
accusation is made that these three men, in company with others, had
themselves killed their captain. The document closes with various
observations as to recent events, and states various needs of the
Spaniards. The governor praises Saavedra, declaring that because of
his diligence he is worthy of great rewards. (No. xiv, pp. 241-313.)
Letters and documents follow which give details of the voyage of
Loaisa, and events in the Moluccas until the year 1535. From a letter
written (May 3, 1529) by Hernando de Bustamante and Diego de Salivas
it is learned that Jorge Manrique, captain of the "Santa Maria del
Parral," had been killed by his own men; and that sixty-one of those
sailing in the fleet died a natural death, nine were drowned when the
"Santi Spiritus" was wrecked, nine were killed by the Portuguese,
and four were hanged. A writ handed to the king from the Council of
the Indies says that German factors denied the report of the death
of Loaisa; and it is advised that one or two caravels be sent from
New Spain--from Colima, or Guatemala, or Nicaragua--to find out the
truth of this report.
A letter from Hernando de la Torre states that "Juan Sebastian del
Cano, who was captain of the ship wrecked in the strait," became
captain-general at Loaisa's death and "died a few days afterwards;"
and that of the one hundred and twenty-three men of the "Victoria,"
and twenty-five others who came with Saavedra, only twenty-five men
were left. In an investigation concerning matters connected with
Loaisa's expedition, Juan de Mazuecos declares (September 7, 1534)
that Loaisa had died of sickness, four hundred leagues from the Strait
of Magellan; and that all who ate at his table had died within the
space of forty days. Like depositions concerning this expedition are
taken from several others, among them being Fray Andres Urdaneta. A
document made up from the above investigations says that Loaisa's
death was in the last of July, 1526, and that the Ladrones number
in all thirteen islands, "in which there are no flocks, fowls, or
animals." (Nos. xvi-xxv, pp. 323-400. These documents are much alike.)
The noted Augustinian Urdaneta [6] wrote an account of this disastrous
enterprise, and of subsequent events, covering the years 1525-1535;
this relation is the best and most succinct of all the early documents
regarding Loaisa's expedition. It bears date, Valladolid, February 26,
1537; and the original is preserved, as are the majority of the Loaisa
documents, in the Archivo general de Indias in Seville. Urdaneta,
as befits an actor in the events, uses the first person, and gives a
very readable and interesting account of the expedition. He describes a
Patagonian thus: "He was huge of body, and ugly. He was clad in a zebra
skin, and on his head he bore a plume made of ostrich feathers; [7] he
carried a bow, and on his feet had fastened some bits of leather." He
describes, briefly and graphically, the storms that scattered the
ships and caused the foundering of the "Santi Spiritus." Shortly after
entering the strait, "a pot of pitch took fire on the commander's
ship, and the ship began to burn, and little was lacking that we did
not burn in it, but by God's help, and the great care exercised,
we put out the fire." "We left the strait in the month of May,
five hundred and twenty-six [_sic_] [8]--the commander's ship,
two caravels, and the tender. A few days afterward we had a very
great storm, by the violence of which we were separated from one
another, and we never saw each other again.... In these adversities
died the accountant Tejada and the pilot Rodrigo Bermejo. On the
thirtieth of July died the captain-general Fray Garcia de Loaisa,
and by a secret provision of his majesty, Juan Sebastian del Cano
was sworn in as captain-general ... On the fourth of August ... died
Juan Sebastian del Cano, and the nephew of the commander Loaisa,
[9] who was accountant-general." When they reached the Ladrones "we
found here a Galician ... who was left behind in this island with
two companions from the ship of Espinosa; and, the other two dying,
he was left alive.... The Indians of these islands go about naked,
wearing no garments. They are well built men; they wear their hair
long, and their beards full. They possess no iron tools, performing
their work with stones. They have no other weapons than spears--some
with points hardened with fire, and some having heads made from the
shin bones of dead men, and from fish-bones. In these islands we took
eleven Indians to work the pump, because of the great number of sick
men in the ship." The trouble with the Portuguese in the Moluccas
is well narrated. Of the people of Java, Urdaneta says: "The people
of this island are very warlike and gluttonous. They possess much
bronze artillery, which they themselves cast. They have guns too,
as well as lances like ours, and well made." Others of their weapons
are named. Further details of negotiations with the Portuguese are
narrated, as well as various incidents of Urdaneta's homeward trip in
a Portuguese vessel by way of the Cape of Good Hope. He disembarks at
Lisbon on June 6, 1636, where certain papers and other articles are
taken from him. The relation closes with information regarding various
islands, and the advantages of trading in that region. He mentions
among the islands some of the Philippines: "Northwest of Maluco lies
Bendenao [Mindanao]...in this island there is cinnamon, much gold,
and an extensive pearl-fishery. We were informed that two junks come
from China every year to this island for the purpose of trade. North
of Bendenao is Cebu, and according to the natives it also contains
gold, for which the Chinese come to trade each year." (No. xxvi,
pp. 401-439.)
Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra
1527-28
[These documents are printed in the latter part of the appendix to
volume v of Navarrete's _Col. de viages_; and although the voyage
of Saavedra is connected so intimately with that of Loaisa, it
is thought better to present it separately therefrom, as a whole,
inasmuch as this was the first expedition fitted out in the New World
for the islands in the far East. It is evident thus early that the
vantage point of New Spain's position as regards these islands was
clearly recognized. The letter from Cortes to the king of Cebu is
given entire, as being somewhat more closely within the scope of this
work than are the other documents.]
Granada, June 20, 1526. By a royal decree Cortes is ordered to despatch
vessels from New Spain to ascertain what has become of the "Trinidad"
[10] and her crew that was left in the Moluccas; to discover news of
the expedition of Loaisa, as well as that under command of Sebastian
Cabot which had sailed also to the same region. [11] He is advised to
provide articles for trade and ransom, and to secure for the expedition
the most experienced men whom he can find--it is especially desirable
that the pilot should be such. The king has written to Ponce de Leon
and other officials to furnish all the help necessary. (No. xxvii,
pp. 440-441.)
May, 1527. Following the custom of the king in fitting out expeditions,
Cortes issues instructions to the various officers of the fleet. Alvaro
de Saavedra, a cousin to Cortes, is appointed to the double office
of inspector-general and captain-general of the fleet. Two sets of
instructions are given him, in each of which appears the following:
"Because as you know you are going to look for the captains Frey
Garcia de Loaisa and Sebastian Caboto, and if it is our Lord's will,
it might happen that they have no ships; and if they have a supply
of spices, you shall observe the following, in order that it may be
carried on these ships. You shall note what they give, and to whom it
is delivered, and you shall have the said captains and the officials
they took with them sign this entry in your book." The first matter
is to look for the above-mentioned captains. If they have discovered
any new lands he must make careful note of that fact, and of their
location and products. He is to go to Cebu to ascertain whether the
pilot Serrano [12] and others made captives there are still alive,
and, if so, to ransom them. He is to use all diligence in seeking
information as to all men of Magalhaes's expedition who were left in
those regions. Antonio Guiral is appointed accountant of the fleet; and
the same general injunction contained in the other two instructions
is also specified in his. Cortes writes in an apologetic vein to
those of Cabot's fleet, asking them to inform him fully of events
"in order that he may serve his majesty." He writes also to Cabot
himself informing him of the purpose of Saavedra's expedition, adding,
"because, as his Catholic majesty considers the affairs of that spice
region of so much importance, he has a very special care to provide
everything necessary for it." He mentions the arrival in New Spain of
the tender that had accompanied Loaisa and become separated from him
shortly after leaving the strait. [13] He assures Cabot that Saavedra
goes simply to look for him and the others and will be subservient to
him in all that he may order. A letter is written also to the king
of the land or island at which Saavedra should anchor assuring him
of only good intentions, and asking friendship and trade. Another
letter to the king of Tidore thanks him in the name of the emperor
for his good reception of Magalhaes's men who remained in that
island. (Nos. xxix-xxxiii, pp. 443-461; No. xxxv, pp. 463, 464.)
_Letter from Hernan Cortes to the King of Cebu_ To you the honored and
excellent King of Cebu, in the Maluco region: I, Don Hernando Cortes,
Captain-general and governor of this New Spain for the very exalted and
most powerful Emperor, Caesar Augustus, King of the Spains, our Lord,
send you friendly greeting, as one whom I love and esteem, and to
whom I wish every blessing and good because of the good news I have
heard concerning yourself and your land, and for the kind reception
and treatment that you have given to the Spaniards who have anchored
in your country.
You will already have heard, from the account of the Spaniards whom
you have in your power--certain people sent to those districts by the
great emperor and monarch of the Christians about seven or eight years
ago--of his great power, magnificence, and excellency. Therefore, and
because you may inform yourself of what you most wish to know, through
the captain and people, whom I send now in his powerful name, it is
not needful to write at great length. But it is expedient that you
should know, that this so powerful prince, desiring to have knowledge
of the manner and trade of those districts, sent thither one of his
captains named Hernando de Magallanes with five ships. Of these ships
but one, owing to the said captain's lack of caution and foresight,
returned to his kingdoms; from its people his majesty learned the
reason for the destruction and loss of the rest. Now although he was
sorely afflicted at all this, he grieved most at having a captain who
departed from the royal commands and instructions that he carried,
especially in his having stirred up war or discord with you and
yours. For his majesty sent him with the single desire to regard you
all as his very true friends and servants, and to extend to you every
manner of kindness as regards your honor and your persons. For this
disobedience the Lord and possessor of all things permitted that he
should suffer retribution for his want of reverence, dying as he did
in the evil pretension which he attempted to sustain, contrary to
his prince's will. And God did him not a little good in allowing him
to die as he did there; for had he returned alive, the pay for his
negligence had not been so light. And, in order that you and all the
other kings and seigniors of those districts might have knowledge of
his majesty's wishes, and know how greatly he has grieved over this
captain's conduct, some two years ago he sent two other captains with
people to those districts to give you satisfaction for it. And he gave
orders to me--who, in his powerful name, reside in these his lands,
which lie very near yours--that I too despatch other messengers for
this purpose, in order that he might have greater assurance, and that
you might hold more certain his embassy, ordering and charging me
especially that I do it with much diligence and brevity. Therefore
I am sending three ships with crews, who will give the very full and
true reason of all this; and you may be able to receive satisfaction,
and regard as more certain all that I shall say to you, for I thus
affirm and certify it in the name of this great and powerful lord. And
since we are so near neighbors, and can communicate with each other in
a few days, I shall be much honored, if you will inform me of all the
things of which you wish to be advised, for I know all this will be
greatly to his majesty's service. And over and above his good will,
I shall be most gratified thereat and shall write you my thanks;
and the emperor our lord will be much pleased if you will deliver
to this captain any of the Spaniards who are still alive in your
prison. If you wish a ransom for it, he shall give it you at your
pleasure and to your satisfaction; and in addition you will receive
favors from his majesty, and reciprocal favors from me, since, if you
wish it so, we shall have for many days much intercourse and friendship
together. May twenty-eight, one thousand five hundred and twenty-seven.
_Hernando Cortes_.
(No. xxxiv, pp. 461-462.)
A relation of the voyage was written by Saavedra and set down in the
book of the secretary of the fleet. The two ships and one brig set
sail in October, 1527, from the port of "Zaguatenejo, which is in
New Spain, in the province of Zacatala," on the western coast. When
out but a short distance his surgeon dies and is buried at sea. Soon
after this one of the ships begins to take water, and so rapidly
that it is necessary to bring men from the other vessels to keep her
afloat. On December 29 the Ladrones are sighted; and soon afterward
they anchor at an island (not of this group), whose inhabitants show
previous contact with Castilians by crying as a signal "Castilla,
Castilla!" He relates the finding of one of the three men at the island
of Vizaya. This man relates that after a year's captivity his master
had taken him to Cebu, where he learned from the natives that they had
sold to the Chinese the eight companions of Magalhaes who were left
on that island. The natives of Cebu "are idolaters, who at certain
times sacrifice human beings to their god, whom they call Amito,
and offer him to eat and to drink. They dwell near the coast and they
often voyage upon the sea in their canoes, going to many islands for
plunder and trade. They are like the Arabs, changing their towns from
one place to another. There are many fine hogs in this island, and
it has gold. They say that people from China come hither, and that
they trade among these islands." Another relation of this voyage
was presented by Vicente de Napoles in 1634, in an investigation
at Madrid. Early in the voyage the ships become separated, and
Saavedra's vessel never again sees its companions. [14] He tells of
seeing "an island which is called Mondana, and which the Portuguese
call Mindanao." The finding of the three Castilians is narrated,
also the meeting with the survivors of Loaisa's expedition; their
negotiations with the Portuguese; and their final return to Europe
in a Portuguese vessel are recounted. [15] (No. xxxvii, pp. 476-486.)
Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos--1541-46
[Resume of contemporaneous documents, 1541-48.]
Translated and synopsized, by James A. Robertson, from
_Col. doc. ined.,_ as follows: _Ultramar_, ii, part i, pp. 1-94;
_Amer. y Oceania,_ pp. 117-209, and xiv, pp. 151-165.
The Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos--1541-46
[The expedition of Villalobos, [16] although productive of slight
immediate result, paved the way for the later and permanent
expedition and occupation by Legazpi. For this reason--and, still
more, because this was the first expedition to the Western Islands (in
contradistinction from the Moluccas), which included the Philippine
group, and because these latter islands received from Villalobos
the name by which history was to know them,--these documents, which
for lack of space cannot be here fully presented, deserve a fuller
synopsis than do those pertaining to the preceding expeditions of
Magalhaes, Loaisa, and Saavedra. The documents thus abstracted are to
be found in _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar,_ ii, part 1, pp. 1-94; and in
_Col. doc. ined. Amer. y Oceania,_ v, pp. 117-209, xiv, pp. 151-165.]
Jalisco, March 28, 1541. The _adelantado_ of Guatemala, Pedro de
Alvarado, [17] writes the king, Felipe II, regarding his contract
with the viceroy of New Spain, Antonio de Mendoza [18] for expeditions
of discovery along the coast and among the Western Islands. Alvarado
with eleven vessels has called at one of the ports of New Spain, "to
excuse the differences and scandals that were expected between Don
Antonio de Mendoza ... and myself, in regard to the said discovery,
because of his having sent Francisco Vasquez to the said provinces [of
the West] with a fleet." They have agreed to make their discoveries,
both by land and sea, in partnership "in the limits and demarcation,
contained in the agreement that was made with me, considering it as
certain that, because of the many ships and people, and the great
supply of provisions at our command, we shall know and discover
everything that is to be seen in those regions, and bring it to the
knowledge of God our Lord, and to the dominion of your majesty." It
is determined to divide the fleet into two parts, "one to go to the
Western Islands, which should make a hurried trip among them, noting
their products; and the other should coast along Tierra-firme." Three
large ships and a galley, with a crew of three hundred skilled men
under command of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos, "a man of great experience
in matters of the sea," are destined for the voyage to the Western
Islands. This fleet is to set out within three months to prosecute
its discovery, "for all this time has been and is necessary to repair
the vessels." Alvarado tells the king "that all this has been at great
labor and expense; and not only our own possessions, but those of many
of our friends are risked in it--and I especially ... as I came from
those kingdoms impoverished and in debt to so great an extent, have
remained in so great necessity that, if your majesty do not help me
with some gift and gratification, as has ever been your custom toward
those who serve you, I can not maintain myself." By the agreement made
with the king, no covenant for explorations and discovery was to be
made with any other person for seven years. Alvarado has heard that
"the Marquis del Valle [19] persists in begging ... this conquest,
and wishes to despatch people to undertake it," and the king is asked
to grant no license for this. The _adelantado_ had determined to go
upon this expedition in person, but has been dissuaded from it by
his friends. Antonio de Almaguer has been received as an official
of the fleet in place of the previous appointee, who is dead, by
virtue of a royal decree permitting Almaguer's appointment to any
office that he might desire, in case of the death or absence of the
previous appointee. The latter had given the necessary pledges which
have been sent to the India House of Trade at Seville. The king is
asked to confirm this appointment. (No. i, pp. 1-7.)
Talavera, July 26, 1541. The contract made by the king with Alvarado in
1538 and 1539, and with Mendoza in 1541, provided for the discovery,
conquest, and colonization of the islands and provinces of the
southern sea toward the west. Alvarado had offered to undertake this
expedition within fifteen months after arriving in Guatemala, sending
westward two galleons and one ship, sufficiently provisioned for two
years, with full crew and equipment, and the necessary artillery;
and other vessels for discovery about the American coasts. If lands
and islands shall be discovered, he promises to send thither, for
their colonization, "ten additional ships, eight hundred soldiers,
and three hundred of them cavalry, should the nature of the land
be such that horsemen are necessary for it." He is also to send
"ecclesiastics and religious for the instruction and Christian training
of the natives of those regions." All this is to be at Alvarado's
expense, without the king being obliged to recompense him for any
outlay, except by the privileges granted him. "Likewise you offer,
that after the discovery ... you shall keep masters, carpenters,
and other workmen, as many as thirty, in a shipyard that you own in
the said province of Guatemala, in order that what shall have been
discovered, may be aided and preserved more easily." Also he is to
employ as many men as may be necessary in building vessels for the
space of ten years. He is to be governor of Guatemala for seven years,
"and as many more as we choose; unless, the _residencia_ being taken
from you now at our order by ... our auditor of the royal _Audiencia_
and chancellery of New Spain should show crimes for which you should
be deprived of your trust although you shall be obliged to render an
account whenever I order it" Four per cent of all profits of the fifth
part of "all gold, silver, precious stones, pearls, drugs, spices,
and of all other metals and things found and produced in the said
lands, and of which the rights pertain to us," and four per cent of
all tributes, are assigned forever to Alvarado (provided that such sum
does not exceed six thousand ducats each year), and are divided in due
ratio between the provinces discovered. This is clear of all rights or
taxes. In answer to Alvarado's request for a tenth of all lands and
vassals discovered,--selected as he may see fit, and accompanied by
the title of duke, with the dominion and jurisdiction of the grandees
of Castile,--the king grants him four per cent _pro rata_ in each
part, and the title of count, "with the dominion and jurisdiction
that we shall decree, at the time when we shall order the said title
bestowed. This shall be granted after the said discovery, and after
you shall have signified what part you have selected, provided that we
shall not have to give you your said part from the best or the worst
of the said islands and provinces, or the chief city of a province,
or a seaport." Other privileges are: the life-title of governor and
captain-general of all places discovered, with an annual salary of
three thousand ducats, plus one thousand ducats over and above this
sum, to be paid from the incomes and profits accruing to the king from
these discoveries, but these shall not be paid unless the incomes and
profits reach that figure; his heir shall be governor of two hundred
leagues of land, with the same salary and gratification, and under
the same condition Stone forts may be built, at his own expense,
in such places as he may select, which he and two generations of
his heirs shall hold, with an annual salary and gratification of
one hundred and fifty thousand maravedis for each one of the forts,
to be paid under the same conditions as the foregoing. He shall have
the perpetual office of high constable in all lands discovered and
conquered. No similar agreement shall be made with others for seven
years, if he fulfil his promises. Provision will be made later as to
the natives of the lands discovered. Men and goods may pass freely from
Puerto de Caballos (conquered by Alvarado) to Guatemala, and orders
are to be given by the king that the governor of Honduras shall place
no obstacles in the way of such passage; and meanwhile Alvarado's
claims to the above port are to be investigated. The governor of
Honduras will be required to furnish Indians as porters, for whose
services the current price must be paid, as well as for all carts
and other equipment used, but as much as possible must be carried
by waterways. One hundred and fifty negro slaves may be taken from
"these our kingdoms, or from the kingdom of Portugal for the said
fleet or for the preparation of the said fleet, free of all taxes;"
but the _adelantado_ must send an account to Spain, signed by the
officials of Guatemala, that such disposition of them has been made;
if not so employed, then the sum of six thousand maravedis is to be
paid for the rights of each slave. More slaves may be taken after
the discoveries have been made. The governors of all ports, etc.,
are to be commanded to accord good treatment to the fleet, should
it anchor at their respective ports. For ten years all goods taken
to the newly-discovered lands shall be free from all taxes. For
the same length of time the colonists shall not pay the tenth to
the king, but after the tenth year, they shall pay one-ninth, and
so on each year until they shall pay one-fifth; but for trade and
booty the fifth shall be paid from the beginning. There is to be no
duty on goods taken "from these our kingdoms to the said province
of Guatemala for the preparation of the said fleet" for the first
voyage. All personal property that Alvarado takes to the islands
or provinces discovered is to be during his life free from duty,
provided it shall not exceed in any year the sum of three thousand
ducats. Those going on the expedition who take horses, may take
two Indian slaves apiece. Land is to be assigned to the colonists,
of which they are to have perpetual ownership after a four years'
residence. [20] _Encomiendas_ of the Indians may be assigned "for such
time as you wish, under the instructions and ordinances given you." The
treaties with the Portuguese crown in regard to the demarcation and
the Moluccas must be strictly obeyed. [21] The agreement with Mendoza,
viceroy of New Spain, that he shall have a one-third interest in the
fleet is confirmed. No excise duty is to be levied "for ten years,
and until we order to the contrary." A hospital is provided for by
one hundred thousand maravedis taken from fines. The hospital also
is to receive the rights of _escobilla_ [22] and the sweepings in
the founding of metals. Lawyers and attorneys are prohibited from
engaging in their callings in the lands and islands discovered. The
royal officials appointed by the king are to be taken in the fleet, as
well as ecclesiastics "for the instruction of the natives of the said
islands and provinces to our holy Catholic faith." For the latter,
Alvarado is to pay the "freight, provisions, and other necessary
supplies fitting to their persons, all at your own cost." Ransoms
for captured native princes or seigniors pertain to the king, but,
on account of the labors and expenses of the undertaking, one-sixth
shall be given to the king and the remainder shall be distributed
among the conquerors, first subtracting the king's fifth; but of the
booty falling into the hands of the conquerors after the death of a
prince or chief killed in battle, or obtained by justice or otherwise,
one-half shall be the king's, and shall be delivered to his officials,
first withdrawing his fifth. In case of doubt regarding the collection
of the king's rights in any treasure, "especially of gold, silver,
precious stones, and pearls, and that found in graves or other places
where it shall have been hidden," and in other goods, the following
order is to be observed: one-fifth of everything taken in battle, or
taken from villages, or for ransoms shall be paid the king; he shall
receive one-half of all treasure found in graves or places of worship,
or buried, and the person finding the treasure shall have the other
half; but any person not announcing his find shall lose "all the
gold, silver, precious stones, and pearls, and in addition one-half
of his other possessions." The strict observance of the contract is
ordered. This contract was first made in 1638; in 1639, a section
was inserted confirming the partnership of Alvarado and Mendoza,
in which the latter was to receive one-third of all profit; in 1541,
in accordance with the new agreement between the two men, a clause
was added to this contract, giving equal rights to each. (No. ii,
pp. 7-26.)
Mexico, September, 1542. On the fifteenth of this month Mendoza
commissions Gonzalo Davalos as his treasurer on the expedition, Guido
de La Bezaris [23] as his accountant, and Martin de Islares as his
factor. The treasurer is to receive an annual salary of seventy-five
thousand maravedis, "to be paid from the profits that shall pertain
to me in those lands, it being understood that if this amount is not
reached, I am not obliged to pay it from any other source." The usual
duties of treasurer are to be observed by him. On the eighteenth of the
month very full instructions are given to Villalobos by Mendoza. The
principal injunctions of these instructions follow: he will report
at Puerto de la Navidad, where the vessels for the expedition have
been prepared; these will be delivered to him by Mendoza's agent,
who shall make a full declaration of everything in the equipment
of the vessels "except the merchandise and articles of barter,
the slaves, the forge ... because they must be under the charge of
the treasurer and officials whom I am sending in the fleet for that
purpose; and other things I specify in their instructions, and in
those of Juan de Villareal [his agent] in regard to it." He shall
sign this declaration in the records of the notary and in the books
of the accountant and treasurer. All the "artillery, ammunition,
war supplies, and weapons, shall be given into the charge of the
captain of artillery, and all the vessels of the fleet into the charge
of the commander of the fleet, together with all their equipment,
tackle and rigging, and provisions." In each ship, a pilot, master,
boatswain, and notary shall be appointed. Each ship shall be put in
charge of its master, and the notary for that ship shall take full
notes of everything transferred to the former's keeping. The master
shall also have care of the artillery of his vessel, such charge
being imposed by the captain of artillery. For greater security
the merchandise and articles for traffic, and the officials having
them in charge, are to be apportioned among the vessels. An account
must be taken in each vessel of its captain and crew (both sailors
and soldiers), giving for each man his father's name and his place
of birth. Villalobos is to have special watch over the treasurer,
accountant, and factor. The men of the ships are to be divided into
watches, no one being excused "except for legitimate cause." "And when
you are ready to sail, you shall make full homage, . . . according
to Spanish custom, that you will exercise well and faithfully the
said office of lieutenant-governor and captain-general, . . . and
that you will deliver to me, and to no one else, the discoveries and
profits pertaining to me, according as his majesty orders in his royal
provision, and that neither directly nor indirectly will you exercise
any deceit or wrong in anything." The officers and all others shall
take oath to obey him as captain-general, "and that there will be
no mutinies or rebellions." The officials appointed by the king to
guard his interests are to be received, and the best of treatment
shall be accorded them. When a settlement has been made one or two
vessels shall be sent back, sufficiently equipped, with news of such
settlement, and of all he has accomplished. "Likewise you shall send
me specimens of all the products of the land that you can secure,
... of the manner of dressing [of the inhabitants], and their mode
of life, what is their religion or sect, the character of their life
and government, their method of warfare with their neighbors; and if
they have received you peaceably, if you have made a treaty of peace
with them, or your status among them." The spread of religion is to be
sought especially. To this end "you shall try to ensure that those in
your charge live as good Catholics and Christians, that the names of
our Lord and his most blessed Mother, as well as those of his saints,
be revered and adored, and not blasphemed; and you shall see to it
strictly that blasphemies and public sins be punished." All letters
sent in the ships returning must be assured safe delivery. Mendoza is
to be first informed of all news brought by the ships. In these ships
shall be sent also both Mendoza's and the king's profits, as well as
those of the individuals of the fleet, provided the latter shall not
prevent the sending of either his or the king's. In affairs of moment
Villalobos must consult freely with many people of the fleet, among
whom are named "father prior Fray Geronimo, Fray [blank in manuscript],
[24] who was prior of Totonilco, Jorge Nieto, the inspector Arevalo,
Gaspar Xuarez Davila, Francisco Merino, Matias de Alvarado, Bernardo de
la Torre, and Estrada." If Villalobos should determine to return with
all the fleet, those wishing to remain shall do so, and he shall leave
them a captain and sufficient stores. Persons are to be appointed to
look after the property and belongings of the dead, and to see that
no fraud is exercised, in order that his heirs may be secured. Entry
must be made, in the method in vogue in Spain, of all things sent
back in the ships. All settlements must be made on the shore, and a
fort must be erected at some distance from the natives' habitations,
in which the articles for trade must be securely stowed. No soldier
shall be permitted, without leave, and under severe penalties "to
go to the Indian settlements or enter their houses ... and no one
shall take anything by force, in the camp or in the town, contrary
to the will of the Indians where you shall have made peace." Men are
to be appointed who shall attend to the buying of all provisions,
"because not having knowledge of the products of the land, [your
men] would buy more in accordance with appetite than with reason,
where-from much damage would ensue, because the products of the land
would be placed at a higher figure, and the value of the articles
for barter ... would be lowered;" the prices for trafficking shall
be assigned to these buyers and they must not go over them, but try
to buy at a lower figure. The trafficking of the merchandise shall
be also in charge of experienced persons. "You shall advise your men
that, whenever they speak of the emperor, Our Lord, among the natives,
they shall speak of his greatness, and how he is the greatest Lord
of the earth, and that they have been sent by one of his captains of
these regions." (Nos. ii, iii, pp. 7-46.)
Puerto de Navidad, October 22, 1542. Villalobos certifies before a
notary that he has received from Juan de Villareal, Mendoza's agent,
"four ships, one small galley, and one _fusta,_ [25] to wit: the
admiral's ship, named 'Santiago;' the 'San Jorge,' 'San Antonio,' and
'San Juan de Letran;' the galley 'San Christoval,' and the _fusta_
'San Martin'--with all equipment, ammunition, artillery, weapons,
provisions, etc.,... in the name of his lordship [Mendoza] ... in
order to go with the said vessels and with the soldiers of his most
illustrious lordship, upon the pursuit and prosecution of the said
voyage." He promises in full terms to carry out to the letter all
instructions and to give true and complete accounts of everything to
Mendoza or his agents. This oath is attested in the form prescribed
by the royal notary-public. This same day the oath of obedience is
taken by the captains and soldiers, and the pilots and seamen. The
oath taken by the captains is, in part, as follows: "Your graces,
captains Bernaldo de la Torre, Don Alonso Manrrique, Francisco Merino,
Mathias de Alvarado, Pero Ortiz de Rueda, Christoval de Pareja, and
gentlemen of this fleet, of which Rui Lopez de Villalobos goes as
general for his most illustrious lordship, swear before God, Our Lord,
and blessed Mary his Mother, on the holy words written in this book
of the holy gospels, and on this sign of the cross [on which each one
of them placed his right hand] that, as good, faithful, and Catholic
Christians, you promise and pledge your faith and word, and homage as
knights and nobles, by right, of Spain, once, twice, and thrice, to be
faithful and obedient, and to hold as your captain-general Rui Lopez
de Villalobos, here present; and you will observe the instructions
he has given you, in so far as the good of the business requires it;
and you will be obedient and will hearken to his orders. And you
shall declare and advise, each one of you, what you deem suitable
and necessary for the good of this expedition, whether he asks it
or not, although you think he may be vexed or angry at hearing what
you wish to tell him; only you shall state the fundamental reason
why your assertion is good, in everything making it a point of your
desire to come directly to the question, and not to give your advice
with passion, or servilely, but with all freedom." If he send them on
missions they must report to him alone. "And none of you shall rouse
up mutinies, scandals, seditions, or conspiracies; nor shall you talk
against your captain-general or the expedition; rather if you learn
or foresee anything of such matters, you shall tell and inform your
general thereof, so that it may be remedied." The soldiers swear to
be obedient to the commands of Villalobos and his captains, and to
follow the general's banners, day or night, holding him as chief;
they must be loyal and true in every sense of the word, both on sea
and land. The pilots (who are named) and the seamen also take like
oath to fulfil their duties completely, acknowledging Villalobos as
general. They are to obey the latter "both now on the said voyage,
and in the Western Islands." They must try to accomplish the voyage
in the shortest time possible, and must take part in no mutinies or
uprisings. In his instructions to his captains Villalobos requires
the following: No soldier is to be admitted to the fleet who does not
bear a certificate of confession and communion. If there be any such,
he must confess within three days to the religious in the fleet, or be
put on short rations of water until he does confess. Severe punishment
for blasphemy of "the name of God, our Lord, his glorious Mother, or
of any of the saints" is stipulated, varying in degree according to
the blasphemy. The religious are to receive every consideration, that
the natives may see "how we honor the ministers of the Gospel." All
weapons are to be kept in a special place in each ship and given to the
men only when necessary, and they shall be regularly inspected. Most
stringent rules are laid down as to the distribution of water, and the
water butts must be inspected each day by the "steward, master, pilot,
or boatswain," and every four days by the captain in person, to see
that the regulations pertaining thereto are strictly observed. Likewise
the amounts of food to be given are carefully stipulated, the amounts,
as in the case of the water, being different for soldiers, sailors,
negroes, and Indians. Fire is guarded against by ordering all fires,
except the lantern, out at four in the afternoon, unless to cook
something for a sick man, and then that fire shall be immediately
extinguished. Watches are to be maintained day and night. Those caught
sleeping at their posts are to be severely punished. If the culprit be
an individual who holds an office, for the first offense he shall lose
his office; for the second he shall be thrown overboard. A soldier (not
of gentle birth) for the first offense shall be made to pass under the
keel three times; and for the second be thrown overboard. The captain
must stand one watch each night. Each captain shall have a body-guard
of six men. All fire must be kept away from the powder. At the least
appearance of mutiny immediate measures are to be taken; if it is
not possible to inform Villalobos, then the captain is empowered to
execute summary justice. The captain is to keep a compass in his room,
which he shall constantly consult, and must keep close watch on the
course. In case one vessel be separated from the fleet and reach any
land, the captain must see that the natives are well treated. The men
"shall not enter their houses, towns, or temples, or talk to the women;
nor shall they take anything to eat, or any other articles, before you
appoint a man who understands trading, and he shall buy for all what
they may need. And you shall try to find out the products of the land,
and to procure specimens thereof, and ascertain the character of the
people and the land; so that, when we meet you there, you may advise me
of everything, and his most illustrious lordship may have knowledge
of it all." The captain must under no consideration disembark at
this land himself, but must send a trustworthy agent with armed men
to arrange peace and friendship with the natives. They must return
two hours before nightfall. If peace be made, then a trader will be
appointed. They are to be careful that "God our Lord be not offended
because of the Indians you take with you; and they must examine the
instructions of the pilots and see that the latter abide by these
instructions." (Nos. v-viii, pp. 46-65.)
1543. An extensive correspondence ensues between Villalobos and
Jorge de Castro, after the fleet, had reached the Philippines,
[26] in which the latter, especially in his letters of July 20 and
September 2, requests the former to leave the lands falling within the
demarcation of the Portuguese monarch; and to cease his depredations
among the natives. Villalobos replies to these letters under dates
of August 9 and September 12 respectively, justifying his expedition,
and his conduct toward the natives, and stating that the requirements
given him are to respect the Portuguese demarcation, which he has
done. (No. ix, pp. 66-94.)
Cochin, in Portuguese India, February 22, 1547. Fray Geronimo de
Santisteban writes to the viceroy of New Spain an account of the
expedition of Villalobos. He names and describes very briefly
the islands in their course; at one of these they cast anchor,
and he gives a description of its people and resources. "February
29 we saw the islands of Bindanao [Mindanao], San Juan, and San
Antonio." [27] One of the vessels had been badly damaged in a
storm before reaching the island named Matalotes. At Mazaua Bay
they began first to experience famine and sickness. As food was
refused them on the island of Sarrangan, and their men attacked,
they determined to take it by force. The island was soon gained,
and "Rui-Lopez labored with that people with entreaties and gifts
to make friendship, and to induce them to return to their houses,
but in vain." Then began the hunt for food in various places, but
much opposition from the natives was encountered. Santisteban says
"If I should try to write, to your lordship in detail of the hunger,
need, hardships, disease, and the deaths that we suffered in Sarragan,
I would fill a book ... In that island we found a little rice and sago,
a few hens and hogs, and three deer. This was eaten in a few days,
together with what remained of the ship food. A number of cocoa-palms
were discovered; and because hunger cannot suffer delay, the buds which
are the shoots of the palms were eaten. There were some figs and other
fruits. Finally we ate all the dogs, cats, and rats we could find,
besides horrid grubs and unknown plants, which all together caused
the deaths, and much of the prevalent disease. And especially they ate
large numbers of a certain large variety of gray lizard, which emits
considerable glow; very few who ate them are living. Land crabs also
were eaten which caused some to go mad for a day after partaking of
them, especially if they had eaten the vitals. At the end of seven
months, the hunger that had caused us to go to Sarragan withdrew us
thence." The booty of the island was but little, for the natives had
carried away and hidden the greater part of their possessions. The
vessel of Villalobos and two small brigs put out from this place
of famine to go to the upper islands, the other vessels having
been sent on ahead on various commissions. After sailing for forty
leagues, the large vessel was unable to advance farther, and put in
at a bay called Sacayan [Cagayan], to await good weather, while the
two small vessels went on ahead [because according to Alvarado they
could navigate nearer the shore] in search of food. Troubles from the
natives still pursued these smaller vessels. At one part of Mindanao
they tried to secure food. Fourteen of the crew were left ashore,
ten of whom were killed. The two brigs anchored at Mindanao, remaining
there for more than fifty days, awaiting the arrival of the ship and
galley. From this place they went to Tandaya, [28] where they were
well received by the natives. Here the sick men were left, while the
others went in search of the rest of their men, but failed to find
them where they had been left. A letter was found which directed the
searchers to the "islands of Talao, which are forty leagues south
of Maluco." Returning to Tandaya, it was found that the men left
there had been taken off by the "Sant Juan." Here Santisteban and
his party remained for two months, until the king of Tidore sent in
quest of Villalobos. A description of these people follows. Finally
Villalobos, forced to do so by hunger, cast anchor in Portuguese
possessions. Negotiations with the Portuguese followed. The "Sant
Juan" was despatched to New Spain May 16, 1545, but it was unable
to make the journey and returned within five months. Finally the
remnants of the expedition were taken in Portuguese vessels to Ambon
[Amboina], where Villalobos died; and thence to Malacca, where only
one hundred and seventeen of the three hundred and seventy who left
New Spain arrived, thirty remaining in Maluco. Santisteban justifies
Villalobos, saying "Your lordship will bear in mind your promise to Ruy
Lopez ... to be a father to his children. In the judgment of certain
men, Ruy Lopez performed no services for your lordship, for which
his children deserve recompense. I know most certainly that, in the
judgment of God and of those who regard his works without passion, he
did everything possible for the service of your lordship, and that he
grieved more over not having fulfilled exactly your lordship's design
than over all the other losses, sorrows, and persecutions that he
endured." (_Col. doc. ined. Amer. y Oceania,_ tomo xiv, pp. 151-165.)
Garcia Descalante Alvarado, who accompanied Villalobos, left an account
of the expedition, dated Lisbon, August 7, 1548, and addressed to the
viceroy of New Spain; it deals more fully with the later adventures
of the expedition. A brief synopsis follows. The fleet left the port
of Joan Gallego [Navidad] on All Saints' Day, 1542. They passed, at a
distance of one hundred and eighty leagues, two uninhabited islands
which they named Santo Thomas [San Alberto] [29] and Anublada, or
"Cloud Island" [Isla del Socorro]; and eighty leagues farther another
island, Roca Partida or "Divided Rock" [Santa Rosa]. After sailing for
sixty-two days they came to a "lowlying, densely-wooded archipelago,"
which they named the Coral Archipelago, anchoring at one of the
islands, Santisteban [San Estevan]. The next islands they named Los
Jardines, or "The Gardens," from their luxuriant foliage. January 23,
1543, they passed a small island, whose inhabitants hailed them in
good Castilian, saying "Buenos dias, matalotes" [30] [meaning to say
"Good morning, sailors"], for which the island was named Matalotes. The
next island passed they named Arrecifes or Reefs, the significance
of which is apparent. February 2, they anchored in a beautiful bay
which they called Malaga [Baganga] and the island Cesarea Karoli
[Mindanao], "which the pilots, who afterwards sailed around it,
declared to have a circuit of three hundred and fifty leagues." After
a month's residence on the island, they left in search of the island
of Mazagua, but contrary weather forced them to anchor at an island
named Sarrangar and by them called Antonio, [31] where they had
trouble with the natives, who were attacked by the Castilians under
command of Alvarado. The people defended themselves valiantly with
"small stones, poles, arrows, and mangrove cudgels as large around
as the arm, the ends sharpened and hardened in the fire," but were
finally vanquished; they abandoned this island afterwards and went to
Mindanao. "Upon capturing this island we found a quantity of porcelain,
and some bells which are different from ours, and which they esteem
highly in their festivities," besides "perfumes of musk, amber, civet,
officinal storax, and aromatic and resinous perfumes. With these they
are well supplied, and are accustomed to their use; and they buy these
perfumes from Chinese who come to Mindanao and the Philipinas." They
found a very small quantity of gold. The booty was divided among the
company, during which a controversy arose as the soldiers objected to
both Villalobos and the viceroy of New Spain having separate shares
therein, claiming that it was sufficient to pay the former the seventh
which he asked, with the choice of one jewel. After this was settled,
the general ordered maize to be planted "which was done twice,
but it did not come up. This irritated them all, and they said they
did not come to plant, but to make conquests." To their complaints,
and requests to change their location, Villalobos replied "that he
came for the sole purpose of discovering the course of the voyage,
and of making a settlement." "The offensive arms of the inhabitants
of these islands are cutlasses and daggers; lances, javelins, and
other missile weapons; bows and arrows, and culverins. They all,
as a rule, possess poisonous herbs, and use them and other poisons
in their wars. Their defensive arms are cotton corselets reaching to
the feet and with sleeves; corselets made of wood and buffalo horn;
and cuirasses made of bamboo and hard wood, which entirely cover
them. Armor for the head is made of dogfish-skin, which is very
tough. In some islands they have small pieces of artillery and a few
arquebuses. They are universally treacherous, and do not keep faith,
or know how to keep it. They observe the peace and friendship they
have contracted only so long as they are not prepared to do anything
else; and as soon as they are prepared to commit any act of knavery,
they do not hesitate because of any peace and friendship that they
have made. Those who carry on trade with them, must hold themselves
very cautiously. Certain Spaniards who trusted in them were killed
treacherously, under pretense of friendship." The Castilians endured
much hunger on this island of Sarrangar, and a number of them died. A
ship was despatched to Mindanao to make peace, and to arrange terms of
trade, and for food, and was received with apparent friendliness. A
boat with six men was sent ashore, but was attacked by the natives;
one man was killed and the others badly wounded. Failing to obtain
food here, Villalobos set out with twenty-five men for the island
of Santguin [Sanguir]. They anchored midway at a small island where
"the natives had fortified themselves on a rock ... in the sea,
with an entrance on only one side; this was strongly fortified with
two defenses, and its summit was enclosed by very large and numerous
trees. The approach was from the water side. The houses within were
raised up high on posts, and the sea quite surrounded the rock." The
people refusing to give provisions, "we fought with them, the combat
lasting four hours. Finally we carried the place, and as they would
not surrender, they were all killed, with the exception of some
women and children." One Spaniard was killed and a number wounded;
and, after all but little food was found. On his return to Sarrangan,
Villalobos despatched his smallest ship to New Spain to solicit aid,
on August 4, 1543. Another vessel started on the same day to "some
islands ... which we call Felipinas, after our fortunate prince,
which were said to be well supplied with provisions," for the
purpose of securing food. Three days after this the troubles with
the Portuguese began, with the arrival of the deputy sent by Jorge
de Castro. Meanwhile the numbers of the Spaniards and the Indian
slaves brought from New Spain were being decimated through the
famine they experienced. Expeditions were sent out to gather food,
but resulted disastrously. The Portuguese intrigued with the natives
not to sell provisions to the Castilians, and to do them all the harm
possible. On the arrival of the ship sent to the Philippines for food,
it was determined "to go to the Felipinas, to a province called Buio,"
[32] a salubrious land, "and abounding in food." Further misfortunes
met them through stormy weather and the hostility of the natives,
who treacherously killed eleven of the Spaniards in one vessel sent
ahead to procure provisions. Further trouble with the Portuguese
followed at the island of Gilolo, the king of which was hostile to the
Portuguese. In these straits, Villalobos determined to appeal to the
king of Tidore for aid and supplies, as he was formerly friendly to the
Spanish; but his hopes were disappointed. Then he sent to Terrenate,
at the instance of the king of Gilolo, to demand from the Portuguese
the Castilian artillery in that island. [33] Finally treaties were made
between the two kings and the Castilians. Alvarado was sent (May 28,
1544) to the Philippines to conduct back certain of the boats that had
been sent thither when the expedition left the island of Sarrangan. At
Mindanao, he was told of three provinces; "the first is Mindanao, and
it has gold mines, and cinnamon; the second is Butuan, which has the
richest mines of the whole island; and the third Bisaya, [34] likewise
possessing gold mines and cinnamon. Throughout this island are found
gold mines, ginger, wax, and honey." At the bay of Resurrection on
this island he found a letter left previously by Villalobos and two
others,--one by Fray Geronimo de Santisteban dated in April, saying
that he with eight or ten men was going in search of the general in
one of the small vessels; that fifteen men had been killed by the
natives, and that twenty-one remained at "Tandaya in the Felipinas,
at peace with the Indians;" that one of the small vessels had been
shipwrecked and ten men drowned at the river of Tandaya; and other
news. The other letter was from the captain of the ship sent to New
Spain, saying that he had set out too late to return to New Spain,
and had taken the twenty-one men from Tandaya, and was going now
in search of Villalobos. Alvarado coasted among many of the islands
meeting with various adventures. He heard that in the "island of Zubu,
there were Castilians living, since the time of Magallanes, and that
the Chinese were wont to go thither to buy gold and certain precious
stones." He returned on October 17 to Tidore where he found Villalobos
and the other Castilians. A detailed account of the adventures of one
of the two small vessels sent to the Philippines follows. Reunited
at Tidore, the Spaniards began to repair the ship in order to return
to New Spain. Meantime Jorge de Castro was superseded by Jordan de
Fretes, and a truce was arranged between the two nationalities. A
ship left Tidore May 16, 1545, for New Spain, but it was unable to
get beyond range of the islands, and returned to Tidore October 3
of the same year. The Spaniards began to desert to the Portuguese,
arousing the suspicions of the king of Tidore. The negotiations with
the Portuguese and the discord among the Castilians are minutely
detailed. On February 18, 1546, those wishing to do so embarked in
the Portuguese fleet, arriving at Ambon, where a number of them died,
including Villalobos. They left here on May 17, going by way of Java
to India. A list of the surviving members of the expedition concludes
the relation. (_Doc. ined. Amer. y Oceania_, tomo v, pp. 117-209.)
Expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi--1564-68
[Resume of contemporaneous documents, 1559-68.]
Illustrative Documents--
Warrant of the Augustinian authorities in Mexico establishing
the first branch of their brotherhood in the Philippines; 1564.
Act of taking possession of Cibabao; February 15, 1565.
Proclamation ordering the declaration of gold taken from the
burial-places of the Indians; May 16, 1565.
Letters to Felipe II of Spain; May 27 and 29, and June 1, 1565.
Letter to the royal Audiencia at Mexico; May 28, 1565
Legazpi's relation of the voyage to the Philippines; 1565.
[35]Copia de vna carta venida de Seuilla a Miguel Saluador
de Valencia; 1566.
Letters to Felipe II of Spain; July, 1567, and June 26, 1568.
Negotiations between Legazpi and Pereira regarding the Spanish
settlement at Cebu. Fernando Riquel; 1568-69.
_Sources_: See Bibliographical Data at end of this volume.
_Translations_: The resume of documents, 1559-69, is translated and
arranged, by James A. Robertson, from _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar,_
tomo ii, pp. 94-475, and tomo iii, pp. v-225, 244-370, 427-463. Of
the illustrative documents, the first is translated by Reverend
Thomas Cooke Middleton; the second and eighth by Arthur B. Myrick;
the third and fourth by James A. Robertson; the fifth, sixth, and
seventh by Alfonso de Salvio.
Resume of Contemporaneous Documents, 1559-68.
[The following synopsis is made from documents published in
_Col. doc. ined. Ultramar,_ tomos ii and iii, entitled _De las Islas
Filipinas_. Concerning these documents the following interesting
statements are taken from the editorial matter in tomo ii. "The
expedition of Legazpi, which is generally believed to have been
intended from the very first for the conquest and colonization of
the Philippines, set out with the intention of colonizing New Guinea;
and in any event only certain vessels were to continue their course
to the archipelago, and that with the sole idea of ransoming the
captives or prisoners of former expeditions" (p. vii). "The course
laid out in the instructions of the viceroy [of New Spain, Luis de
Velasco] [36] ... founded upon the opinion of Urdaneta, was to New
Guinea. The instructions of the _Audiencia_ prescribed definitely the
voyage to the Philippines" (p. xxiv). Copious extracts are given from
the more important of these documents, while a few are used merely
as note-material for others. With this expedition begins the real
history of the Philippine Islands, From Legazpi's landing in 1564,
the Spanish occupation of the archipelago was continuous, and in a
sense complete until 1898, with the exception of a brief period after
the capture of Manila, by the English in 1762.]
Valladolid, September 24, 1559. The king writes to Luis de Velasco,
viceroy of New Spain and president of the royal _Audiencia_,
that he provide "what seems best for the service of God, our Lord,
and ourselves, and with the least possible cost to our estate; and
therefore I order you, by virtue of your commission to make the said
discoveries by sea, that you shall despatch two ships ... for the
discovery of the western islands toward the Malucos. You must order
them to do this according to the instructions sent you, and you
shall stipulate that they try to bring some spice in order to make
the essay of that traffic; and that, after fulfilling your orders,
they shall return to that Nueva Espana, which they must do, so that
it may be known whether the return voyage is assured." These ships
must not enter any islands belonging to the king of Portugal, but they
shall go "to other nearby islands, such as the Phelipinas and others,
which lie outside the above agreement and within our demarcation,
and are said likewise to contain spice," The necessary artillery,
articles of barter, etc., will be sent from the India House of Trade
in Seville. "I shall enclose in this letter the letter that you think I
should write to Fray Andres de Urdaneta of the order of Saint Augustine
in that city [Mexico], in order that he embark on those vessels because
of his experience in matters connected with those islands of the spice
regions, as he has been there." The viceroy must issue instructions
to the vessels that they "must not delay in trading and bartering,
but return immediately to Nueva Espana, for the principal reason
of this expedition is to ascertain the return voyage." The letter
enclosed to Urdaneta states that the king "has been informed that when
you were a secular, you were in Loaysa's fleet, and journeyed to the
Strait of Magallanes and the spice regions, where you remained eight
years in our service." In the projected expedition of the viceroy,
Urdaneta's experience will be very valuable "because of your knowledge
of the products of that region, and as you understand its navigation,
and are a good cosmographer." Therefore the king charges him to embark
upon this expedition. (Tomo ii, nos. x and xi, pp. 94-100.)
Mexico, May 28, 1560. Yelasco writes to the king in answer to this
letter, saying that he will do his utmost to fulfil his commands in
regard to the voyage. He says "it is impossible to go to the Filipinas
Islands without infringing the contents of the treaty, because the
latter are no less within the treaty than are the Malucos, as your
majesty can see by the accompanying relation, made solely for myself
by Fray Andres de Urdaneta. This latter possesses the most knowledge
and experience of all those islands, and is the best and most accurate
cosmographer in Nueva Espana." He asks the king to show this relation
to any living members of Loaysa's expedition in order to verify
it. The king should redeem the Spaniards captured by the natives
in the Philippines and other islands near the Moluccas. To do this
and to reprovision the ships would not be in violation of the treaty
made with Portugal. In case the ships should depart before the king's
answer is received, the viceroy will order them to act in accordance
with the above-mentioned relation. The vessels of the expedition will
consist of two galleys of two hundred and one hundred and seventy
or one hundred and eighty tons respectively, and a _patache_. [37]
Wood, already fitted, is to be sent in the galleys, with which to
make small boats for use among the islands. "The man in charge of
the work, writes me that the cables and rigging necessary for these
vessels will be all ready, by the spring of sixty-one, at Nicaraugua
and Realexo, ports in the province of Guatimala where I have ordered
these articles made, because they can be made better there than in all
the coast of the Southern Sea; and because they can be brought easily
from those ports to Puerto de la Navidad, where the ships must take
the sea." The artillery and other articles sent from Spain for the
vessels have arrived. The letters written by the king to Urdaneta and
the Augustinian provincial were delivered, and both have conformed
to the contents thereof. "It is most fitting that Fray Andres go on
this expedition, because of his experience and knowledge of these
islands, and because no one in those kingdoms or in these understands
so thoroughly the necessary course as he; moreover, he is prudent and
discreet in all branches of business, and is of excellent judgment." He
assures the king that the return voyage to Spain will be made as
quickly as possible. In a postscript he adds that all due secrecy has
been observed in regard to the purpose of the fleet, and it has been
given out that it is for the trade with Peru and for coast defense;
however it is rumored that they are for the voyage westward. The
same ship carried to the king a letter from Urdaneta accepting the
service imposed upon him. He relates briefly his connection with the
expedition of Loaysa and his experiences in, and return from, the
Moluccas. "And after my return from the spice region until the year
fifty-two, when our Lord God was pleased to call me to my present
state of religion, I busied myself in your majesty's service, and
most of the time in this Nueva Espana ... both in matters pertaining
to war ... and those of peace." Notwithstanding his advanced age and
his feeble health, he will undertake this new service. In a separate
and accompanying paper Urdaneta sends his opinion concerning the
Philippines and neighboring islands, which the viceroy has mentioned
in his letter. In this relation Urdaneta declares that "it is evident
and clear that the Filipina Island [Mindanao] is not only within the
terms of the treaty, [38] but the point running eastward from this
said island lies in the meridian of the Malucos, and the greater
part of all the said island lies farther west than the meridian of
Maluco." [39] He quotes the terms of the treaty to emphasize the fact
that the Filipina Island is within Portugal's demarcation. "Therefore
it seems that it would be somewhat inconsistent for your majesty to
order the said vessels to the Filipina Island without showing some
legitimate or pious reason therefor." He advises the king to despatch
the expedition strictly within his demarcation, asking him, however,
to allow the ships to go to the Philippine Islands for the purpose
of redeeming the Spanish captives, "without going to the Malucos,
or engaging in trade, except to buy some things which may be worth
seeing as specimens, or food and other articles necessary for the
voyage." The best pilots and experienced men should be engaged for
this expedition, "so that the most accurate relation possible may be
made both of the lands newly-discovered and their longitude, and the
route from Nueva Espana to the said Filipina Island, and the other
islands of its neighborhood, so that it shall be understood where
the one hundred and eighty degrees of longitude of your majesty's
demarcation end. Therefore it seems that not only is it a just cause
to go to the Filipina Island in search of your said vassals ... but
there appears to be a necessity for it, since they were lost in your
majesty's service." These men will be very useful because of their
knowledge of the language of the infidels and their acquaintance with
those regions. (Tomo ii, nos. xii and xiii pp. 100-113.)
The king replies to Urdaneta from Aranjuez, (March 4, 1561), accepting
his offer "to go to the Western Islands in the vessels that Don Luis
de Velasco, our viceroy of those regions, is sending thither by our
command ... I feel much pleasure at your willingness to undertake this
expedition and your understanding that it will be for the service of
God, our Lord, and of ourselves ... I charge you that, in accordance
with your offer, you make this expedition, and do therein all that
is expected from your religion and goodness. In regard to the advice
you sent everything has been sent to the said viceroy, so that he
may arrange what is most suitable according to his orders." (Tomo ii,
no. xvi, pp. 118, 119.)
Nueva Espana, February 9, 1561. The viceroy writes to the king
concerning the fleet. Two ships and one small vessel are being built,
and will be provisioned for the trip to the Western Islands and the
return to New Spain. They will be fully equipped by about the end
of the present year. "It is necessary that your majesty have two
pilots sent me for this expedition--men skilled and experienced in
this navigation of the Ocean Sea; for, although I have three, I need
two more, so that they may go two and two in the ships.... I have
appointed Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, [40] a native of the province
of Lepuzcua, and a well-known gentleman of the family of Lezcano,
as the general and leader of those embarking in these vessels--who
all told, soldiers, sailors, and servants, number from two hundred
and fifty to three hundred people. He is fifty years old [41] and has
spent more than twenty-nine years in this Nueba Espana. He has given a
good account of the offices he has held, and of the important affairs
committed to him. From what is known of his Christian character and
good qualities hitherto, almore suitable man, and one more satisfactory
to Fray Andres Urdaneta, who is to direct and guide the expedition,
could not have been chosen; for these two are from the same land,
and they are kinsmen and good friends, and have one mind." (Tomo ii,
no. xiv, pp. 113-117.)
Mexico, 1561. Urdaneta, in a memorial to the king, points out the
greater advantages of Acapulco as a port, than those possessed by
Puerto de la Navidad. It has a more healthful location than the
latter, is nearer Mexico City, and supplies can be taken there
more easily. The lack of necessities, "such as wine, oil, etc.,
from Espana," and its unhealthful location have debarred workmen from
going to Puerto de la Navidad; and hence the completion of the vessels
has been retarded, and about a year must pass yet before they will
be finished. "It is of great advantage that the port whence the men
embark be healthful,... because if they embark from an unhealthful
land, many fall sick before embarking, and many die afterwards while
at sea ... The port of Acapulco appears to have a good location,
so that a dockyard might be fitted up there, where vessels can be
built, and may there take and discharge their cargoes; for it is one
of the foremost ports in the discovery of the Indies--large, safe,
very healthful, and with a supply of good water. It abounds in fish;
and at a distance of five or six leagues there is an abundance of
wood for the buttock-timbers of the vessels, and, some distance
farther, of wood for decks and sheathing, and pines for masts and
yards." Further, the district about this port is reasonably well
populated. Urdaneta says that if material for making the artillery be
sent from Spain, and good workmen, the artillery can be made in New
Spain; as well as anchors. "In this land there is copper in abundance,
from which artillery can be made," which only needs to be refined. The
Augustinian makes some interesting observations regarding social and
economic conditions in Mexico, and suggests that it would be very
advantageous to compel many youths who are growing up in vagabondage
to learn trades, "especially the _mestizos_, mulattoes, and free
negroes." Weapons, ammunition, and defensive armor must be sent from
Spain for this expedition. Urdaneta requests that hemp-seed be sent, in
order that ropes may be made in New Spain. He tells of a plant _pita_
[agave], growing in this country which can be used as a substitute
for hemp, and many plants of it must be planted near the ports. The
pitch, tar, and resin, the instruments and charts for navigation, etc.,
must be sent hither from Spain. They need good seamen and workmen. The
king is requested to allow them to make use of any workmen in the other
provinces of "these parts of the Indies," paying them their just wages;
likewise to take what things they need, paying the just price. It
is advised that the necessary trees for shipbuilding be planted near
the ports, and that ranches be established near by to furnish food.
The second section of this document treats of the navigation to
the Western Islands: and Urdaneta maps out various routes which
should be followed, according to the time of the year when the fleet
shall depart on its voyage of discovery. These routes all have to do
primarily with New Guinea as the objective point of the expedition,
the Philippines being considered as only secondary thereto. Speaking
of the Ladrones and their inhabitants, Urdaneta says: "The islands
of the Ladrones are many, and thirteen [42] of them are said to
be inhabited. The inhabitants are naked and poor. They eat rice,
have many cocoa palms, and use salt. They fish with hooks made from
tortoise-shell, being destitute of articles made from iron. They
place a counterweight in one end of their canoes, and rig on them
lateen-like sails made of palm-mats. It is quite important to explore
this island thoroughly, or any of the others, in order to discover
and ascertain accurately the navigation that has been made up to
that point, and their distance from Maluco and the Filipinas Islands
... Those islands are somewhat less than three hundred and seventy
leagues from Botaba [one of the Ladrones]." The "modern maps that have
come to this Nueva Espana," are in his opinion incorrect, as certain
coasts are drawn more extensive than is actually the case. Calms
must be avoided and the trade winds caught, in order to facilitate
navigation. The errors of former expeditions must be avoided, as well
as a protracted stay at the Philippines--"both because of the worms
that infest that sea, which bore through and destroy the vessels;
and because the Portuguese might learn of us, during this time,
and much harm might result thereby." Besides. Spaniards as well as
natives cannot be depended upon to keep the peace. By leaving New
Spain before the beginning of October, 1562, much expense and the
idleness of the ships will be avoided. In case land be discovered
within Spain's demarcation. Urdaneta requests the king to provide
for its colonization by supplying a captain and some of the people
and religious--or even that the general himself remain there, "if
the natives thereof beg that some Spaniards remain among them." He
asks the king to ascertain the truth of the report that the French
have discovered a westward route "between the land of the Bacallaos
and the land north of it." [43] If it be true then trade might be
carried on more economically from Spain direct to the west than by
way of New Spain, and the fleets will be better provided with men
and equipments. (Tomo ii, no. xvii, pp. 119-138).
Mexico, May 26,1563. Legazpi writes to the king that "the viceroy
of this New Spain, without any merit on my part, has thought best
to appoint me for the voyage to the Western Islands, to serve your
majesty, putting under my charge the fleet prepared for it--not
because this land has few men who would do it better than I, and by
whom your majesty would be served better on this voyage, but rather,
because no one would give himself up to it with a more willing spirit,
as I have ever done in my past duties." He assures his majesty that he
will have the utmost care in this expedition. For the better success of
the voyage he has "asked the viceroy for certain things, which seemed
to me necessary ... and others of which, in the name of your majesty,
he should grant me, which although they were not of so great moment
that they were fitting to be asked from so exalted and powerful a
personage, the viceroy defers and sends them to you, so that your
majesty may order your pleasure regarding them." He asks these things
for "so important a voyage" not as "a remuneration for my work, since
that is due your majesty's service, but as a condescension made with
the magnificence that your majesty always is accustomed to exercise in
rewarding his servants who serve him in matters of moment." (Tomo ii,
no. xviii, pp. 139, 140.)
Mexico, 1564. The viceroy writes to Felipe on February 25 and again
on June 15, excusing the non-departure of the fleet. In the first he
says that the delay is due to the proper victualing of the vessels
for a two-years' voyage, and the non-arrival of certain pieces of
artillery, etc., which were coming from Vera Cruz; the things that
were to be sent, from the City of Mexico could not be sent until the
fleet was launched, as they would spoil if left on land. Everything
will be ready by May. In the second letter he excuses the delay as,
owing to calms and contrary winds, the vessels bearing the "masts,
yards, and certain anchors" for the fleet did not arrive at Puerto de
la Navidad until June 10. It still remained to step the masts and make
the vessels shipshape, and to load the provisions; and they will be
ready to sail by September. "Four vessels are being sent, two galleons
and two _pataches_; ... they are the best that have been launched
on the Southern Sea, and the stoutest and best equipped. They carry
three hundred Spaniards, half soldiers and half sailors, a chosen lot
of men.... Six religious of the order of Saint Augustine go with it,
among them Fray Andres de Urdaneta, who is the most experienced and
skilled navigator that can be had in either old or new Espana." He
encloses a copy of the instructions to Legazpi, in order that the king
may assure himself that his commands have been obeyed. The best pilots
have been secured. The questions of routes, seasons, and other things
have been discussed with Urdaneta and others who have made the voyage
before. "I trust ... that the expedition will come to a successful
end, and that your majesty will be very much served therein, and in
all that shall hereafter occur in it." Notice will be given to the
king of the departure of the fleet by the first vessel leaving for
Spain after that event. (Tomo ii, nos. xix and xx, pp. 140-145).
Mejico, September 1, 1564. After the death of Luis de Velasco,
instructions are issued to Legazpi by the president and auditors of
the royal _Audiencia_ of Mexico, the chief provisions of which here
follow. Before the royal officials of this expedition, namely, "Guido
de Labezaris, treasurer, Andres Cauchela, accountant, and Andres de
Mirandaola, factor," he will take possession of the vessels and their
equipment. The flagship will be the "Sant Felipe," in which Legazpi
will embark; the "Sant Andres" will carry the commander of the fleet;
[44] Captain Juan de la Isla and Captain Hernan Sanchez Munon will
command the _pataches_, the "Sant Juan de Letran" and the "Sant
Lucas," respectively. Legazpi's first duty is to appoint pilots,
masters, boatswains, notaries, artillery officers, and all other
necessary officials. Inventories of the equipment of the fleet, and
of the merchandise, etc., carried, are to be made and signed by him;
and a copy of the same shall be given to the officials of the royal
_hacienda_ [treasury]. He shall apportion the cargo, provisions,
etc., among the different vessels, as he judge best. Martin de
Goiti is to have entire charge of all the artillery, ammunition,
etc., "as he is a person to be trusted," and he shall be given a
memorandum of all such things. The men embarking in the fleet shall
pass a general review; their names, age, parentage, occupation in
the fleet, and pay, shall be enrolled in a book; and they shall
be apportioned to the various vessels of the fleet. In Legazpi's
ship will embark Captain Mateo del Saz, appointed master-of-camp,
two officials of the royal _hacienda_, and those "gentlemen to whom
has been given the preference for attendance on you and the standard,
and the other necessary persons;" the royal standard and the ensign
shall be carried on his vessel. "In the admiral's ship you shall
appoint as captain thereof, and as admiral of the whole fleet,
the man who is, in your judgment, most suitable." This vessel must
carry one of the royal officers. The soldiers and sailors must see
that the arquebuses delivered to them are kept in good order. Great
care must be exercised in regard to the provisions, and they must be
apportioned in set quantities, "as the voyage is of long duration." To
this end no useless person shall be taken, and no Indians or negroes
(male or female)--beyond a dozen of the latter for servants--or women
(married or single) shall accompany the fleet. When the fleet is upon
the point of embarking, the Augustinian religious shall be taken on
board, who go "to bring the natives of those regions to a knowledge
of our holy Catholic faith." They are to have good quarters and to
receive good treatment. Before setting sail "you shall have care that
all the people have confessed and received communion." The general
must perform homage and take oath to "perform well and faithfully
the said office and duties of governor and captain-general." Also
the oath of obedience and faithfulness to Legazpi shall be taken by
all embarking in the fleet, "that they will not mutiny, or rebel,
and will follow the course marked out by you, and your banner." The
general must guard carefully the morals of his men, and shall punish
"blasphemy and public sins with all severity." The property of
the dead shall be kept for their heirs, persons being appointed to
administer it. The admiral, captains, pilots, and masters shall be
given ample instructions concerning the course before setting sail,
which they must follow to the letter. The men are to be divided
into watches, no one being excused, except for sickness. The fleet,
setting sail, shall proceed "in search of and to discover the Western
Islands situated toward the Malucos, but you shall not in any way or
manner enter the islands of the said Malucos, ... but you shall enter
other islands contiguous to them, as for instance the Filipinas, and
others outside the said treaty, and within his majesty's demarcation,
and which are reported also to contain spice." They are to labor for
the evangelization of the natives, to ascertain the products of the
islands, and to discover the return route to New Spain. The route
to be taken on the westward journey will be by way of the "island
Nublada, discovered by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos" and Roca Partida;
then to the islands Los Reyes, the Coral Islands--"where you may
procure water,"--and thence to the Philippines; passing perhaps the
islands of Matalotes and Arrecifes, in which event they shall try to
enter into communication with the natives. "When you have arrived at
the said Filipinas Islands, and other islands contiguous to them and
the Malucos, without however entering the latter, ... you shall try to
discover and examine their ports, and to ascertain and learn minutely
the settlements therein and their wealth; the nature and mode of life
of the natives; the trade and barter among them, and with what nations;
the value and price of spices among them, the different varieties of
the same, and the equivalent for each in the merchandise and articles
for exchange that you take from this land; and what other things may
be advantageous. You shall labor diligently to make and establish
sound friendship and peace with the natives, and you shall deliver to
their seigniors and chiefs, as may seem best to you, the letters from
his majesty that you carry with you for them.... You must represent
to them his majesty's affection and love for them, giving them a few
presents ... and treating them well. And you may exchange the articles
of barter and the merchandise that you carry for spice, drugs, gold,
and other articles of value and esteem.... And if, in your judgment,
the land is so rich and of such quality that you should colonize
therein, you shall establish a colony in that part and district that
appears suitable to you, and where the firmest friendship shall have
been made with you; and you shall affirm and observe inviolably this
friendship. After you have made this settlement, if you should deem
it advantageous to the service of God, our Lord, and of his majesty,
to remain in those districts where you have thus settled, together
with some of your people and religious, until you have given advice
of it to his majesty and this royal _Audiencia_ in his name, you
shall send immediately to this Nueva Espana, one or more trustworthy
persons ... with the news and relation of what you have accomplished,
and where you have halted. What you shall have obtained in trade shall
be brought back. This you shall do in such manner that with all the
haste, caution, and diligence possible, they shall return to this land,
in order that the return route hither may be known and learned; for
this latter is the chief thing attempted, since already it is known
that the journey thither can be made in a brief time. If you determine
to make the return in person to this land, you shall leave there,
where you have settled, persons in your stead and some people and
religious, but making sure that the commander left by you with such
people and religious is a thoroughly trustworthy man, and that he is
amply provided with the necessary supplies until aid can arrive. To
this man you shall give orders that he preserve with your friends
the friendship that you shall have established, without offending
or ill-treating them in any way; and that he be ever prepared and
watchful, so that no harm may come through his negligence." News
of any Spaniards left among these islands from the expedition
of Villalobos is to be earnestly sought; and Spaniards and their
children are to be ransomed when found, and brought back to Spanish
territory. Information is to be sought concerning the natives of the
Philippines. The Spaniards must ascertain whether the Portuguese have
built forts or made settlements in these islands since the treaty was
made, or since Villalobos arrived there. The exploration in Spain's
demarcation is to be as thorough as possible. Any land colonized
must be well chosen, regard being had to its easy defense. As much
treasure as possible must be sent back with the ship or ships that
return with news of the expedition. Further emphasis is laid on the
good treatment of the natives, "who, as we are informed, are men
of keen intellect, of much worth, and as white as ourselves." "In
whatever port, island, or land" they shall make explorations, they
are to gather information "of the customs, conditions, mode of life,
and trade of their inhabitants; their religion and cult, what beings
they adore, and their sacrifices and manner of worship. Information
must be obtained of their method of rule and government; whether
they have kings, and, if so, whether that office is elective, or by
right of inheritance; or whether they are governed like republics, or
by nobles; what rents or tributes they pay, and of what kind and to
whom; the products of their land most valued among them; what other
things valued by them are brought from other regions. And you shall
ascertain what articles taken by you from here are held in highest
estimation among them." Possession, in the king's name, shall be
taken of all the lands or islands discovered. The pilots shall make
careful logs. The powerful rulers of these districts are to be told
that the proposed destination of the fleet was not to their islands,
but the exigencies of the weather rendered a stay there imperative,
in order that they may not say "that you carry very little merchandise
to go a-trading in lands so distant" They shall request friendship
and alliance and trade; and presents shall be given these rulers from
the most valuable articles in the cargo. Legazpi must be watchful of
his own safety, carrying on negotiations with the natives through his
officers, thus guarding against treachery. The person transacting such
business shall be accompanied by armed men, and the negotiations must
be carried on in sight of the vessels. Hostages must be procured when
possible. No soldiers or sailors shall go ashore without being ordered
to do so. Sleepless vigilance must be exercised to see that the natives
do not cut the anchor-cables, and thus send the ship adrift. To guard
against treason and poison, invitations to festivities or banquets
must not be accepted, nor shall any food be eaten unless the natives
partake of it first. If no settlement can be made because of the
unwillingness of the natives, or because of the scarcity of men, then
the expedition--the entire fleet, if Legazpi deem best--shall return,
after having first made peace and friendship, trying to bring enough
treasure, etc., to pay the expenses of the expedition. It is advisable
to leave some of the priests in any event, "to preserve the friendship
and peace that you shall have made." If any Portuguese are met among
the islands of Japan, part of which lie in Spain's demarcation, any
hostile encounter must be avoided, and the Spaniards must labor for
peace and friendship. In case they obtain such peace and friendship,
then they must try to see the charts carried by the Portuguese. Whether
the latter are found or not in these Japanese islands, Legazpi must
try to ascertain whether any Theatins [45] have been sent thither to
convert the natives. Finding these latter, information as to those
regions and the actions of the Portuguese therein must be sought. In
case the Spaniards and Portuguese come to blows, and the victory
remain to the former, a few Portuguese prisoners shall be sent to
New Spain. If the Portuguese have unlawfully entered the limits of
Spain, Legazpi shall, with the advice of his captains and the royal
officials, take what course seems, best. If vessels are encountered
in the Japanese archipelago or in districts contiguous thereto,
Legazpi must try to effect peace and friendship, declaring that he was
compelled to enter those districts because of contrary winds; he must
gather all the information possible from them, concerning themselves
and the Portuguese. Should these vessels thus encountered prove to be
armed fleets or pirates, any conflict with them must be avoided. In
case of a fight, let him depend on his artillery rather than on
grappling. Any prisoners must be well treated, "and after having gained
information of everything that seems best to you, you shall allow them
to go freely, giving them to understand the greatness of the king,
... and that he wishes his vassals to harm no one." Pirates are to
be dealt with as shall be deemed best. All trading must be at the
lowest possible price, and fixed figures shall be established. Native
weights must be used. The royal officials are to have entire charge
of all trading, of whatever nature, and no individual shall presume,
under severe penalties, to trade for himself, for in that case prices
will be raised by the natives. These officials shall trade first,
merchandise to the value of fifty thousand pesos of gold dust [46]
for the king, and then ten thousand pesos for private individuals;
then another fifty thousand for the king, and so on; but all drugs,
spices, and some other articles are the king's alone, and no one may
trade for them without his express permission. Careful entries of
all trading must be made, and the king shall receive one-twentieth
of all the return cargo of individuals in the fleet. Any merchandise
belonging to private individuals who do not embark in the fleet shall
be traded last, and seven per cent of its returns shall be paid to
the king. Slaves may be bought, for use as interpreters, but good
treatment is to be accorded them. No Indian shall be captured, nor
shall any soldier buy any slave during the time of the voyage; but
when a settlement is made they may do so, unless the king order the
contrary. Several of them shall be sent to New Spain, however, that
"they may be seen here, and from them may be ascertained the products
of their lands." In the fortress of any settlement made, two houses
shall be constructed, one for Legazpi, and the other for the safe
keeping of the artillery and stores; and a ditch and drawbridge are to
be made at the entrance to it. The people of the settlement shall live
outside the fortress, but in one place. Careful watch must be kept;
and the soldiers must take good care of their weapons, having them
always in readiness. The soldiers and others are to be prohibited
from "going to the villages of the natives of those regions without
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