The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803, Volume II, 1521-1569
by
Emma Helen Blair
Part 3 out of 5
all Christians ought in like case; for we saw that the Lord had been
pleased to place us under his protection and grant us prosperity and
favor. We beseech him to guide us in his service and to preserve us
in that of his majesty.
As far as we have seen, in all the places to which we have thus far
come, we think that his majesty could turn them into great kingdoms
and seigniories, if your highness send us the supply of men, arms,
ammunition, and artillery; for in our present condition we need
everything, and find ourselves in the midst of many and warlike
peoples--who, on account of the Portuguese, have declared war against
us throughout the whole of the archipelago.
The memorial of things which this camp needs accompanies this
letter. [89] Your highness will order that they be supplied with great
speed and diligence, for without them we shall incur great peril,
and the camp will have no means of support; but with them we shall
attain what his majesty desires.
As your highness probably knows, we brought no brands for the royal
fifths of his majesty, so that some articles of gold which were found
in the graves of these heathens have not been marked. In respect to
this and all other articles which were found and delivered to us,
we have done our duty. The general ordered that the persons who found
anything should deposit all such articles until your highness shall
command otherwise. We beg your highness to order that the right
measures be taken in this case; also in regard to the fifths, and
the procedure which must be adopted in these regions in all matters
pertaining to the service of his majesty and other duties. A general
edict was published that any person obtaining gold, pearls, jewels,
and precious stones, should lose all, unless they are registered in
the register of his majesty, for lack of the said brands with which
to mark the fifths. We notify the officials residing in that city
[Mexico], so that in case anything should appear that is not noted
in the register, they shall take the necessary steps in regard to it.
The specimens of gold, cinnamon, and wax were found in a port called
Butuan, where we, the treasurer, and the factor, went by order of the
general to investigate a certain report which we had heard concerning
things to be found in the island of Beguendanao [Mindanao]. We found
the aforesaid port, and in it two Moro junks which were trading
there. According to orders received, we made peace with the lord of
the said port, and gave him the message and the present which the
general sent him. We gave him to understand that with his pleasure we
were going to trade in his land, and that we would favor and protect
him in everything in the name of his majesty. He answered us through
the Moros, who served as interpreters, that he was pleased with our
offers. We learned that the Moros felt very uneasy about the embassy,
and we think that they influenced the said ruler and the natives
by their vile designs. We were obliged to trade with them because
they gave no opportunity to the natives to trade with us. The said
Moros demanded in exchange for their goods nothing but _testones_,
and it was agreed that for each weight of gold six of silver should
be given. At this rate we bartered for the specimens of gold, wax,
and cinnamon, which we send to his majesty and to your highness. The
money belonged to some deceased persons, a memorandum of which we
send to the officials of the royal exchequer.
We beseech his majesty, and your highness in his royal name,
that, inasmuch as the said Moros and others take all the gold,
pearls, jewels, precious stones and other things of which we have
no information,--thus injuring the natives, both by giving us no
opportunity to plant our holy faith among them, and by taking the said
gold, they should, if they continue the said trade, lose their property
and be made slaves, for they preach the doctrine of Mahomet. This
matter, as well as the necessary supplies to be sent for our aid,
your highness will order to be looked after with great diligence;
because all that we ask for in the memorandum is of great necessity
in our present critical condition. May your highness add and send
whatever may seem best to you, so that we may be able to accomplish
in these regions what his majesty desires. There is great need of
the Christian religion among these natives, as well as of the men
and other things asked in the memorandum. May our Lord keep the most
powerful persons of your highnesses, and cause you to prosper with
large kingdoms and seigniories.
From Cubu, May xxviii, in the year MDLXV.
Most powerful sirs, we are the faithful servants of your highnesses,
who very humbly kiss your most powerful feet.
_Guido de Labecares_
_Andres Cauchela_
_Andres de Mirandaola_
Memorandum of the Supplies and Munitions Asked to Be Sent from Nueva
Espana to His Majesty's Camp at the Port of Cubu
Memorandum of things--not only articles of barter, but arms and
military supplies--which are necessary, to be provided immediately
from Nueva Espana in the first vessels sailing from the said Nueva
Espana to these Felipinas Islands; of which the following articles
must be speedily furnished:
Articles
First: twelve pieces of heavy artillery, and among
them culverins and reenforced cannon and swivel-guns
for the fortress which is to be built, xii
Fifty more bronze _bersos_ [small culverins], of the
sort brought from Espana with double chambers, 1
Twenty falcons with double chambers, xx
A dozen new scaling ladders, xii
Balls for the artillery and the molds for making them,
Two hundred _quintals_ [90] of powder cc
Fifty _quintals_ of fuses, l
Two hundred _quintals_ of lead, cc
Fifty _quintals_ of saltpetre, l
Thirty _quintals_ of rock sulphur, xxx
Three hundred arquebuses (not of the worthless
supply there in Mexico); and with them some with
flints, all with horn powder-flasks (large or small)
together with their molds and gear, which are to be
in good condition, ccc
One hundred corselets with their fittings, c
Two hundred _morions_ and helmets, cc
Fifty coats-of-mail, of rather heavy mail, 1
One hundred tapir hides, c
One hundred white blankets for light and serviceable
body armor, c
Three hundred pikes with their iron points, ccc
Fifty cavalry lances, 1
Fifty good broadswords, of which there is great need, 1
Twelve foreign cannoniers, for those whom we brought
with us are of little account, xii
Three hundred well-disposed soldiers who are to remain
here, (a third or half of them to be sailors), ccc
A dozen carpenters to build the vessels which must
be built here, xii
Two smiths, with their forges and tools, ii
Four pairs of bellows with their tubes, iiii
Twelve negroes for these forges, and among them
four sawyers, xii
An artificer or two to make arquebuses and locks
for them, ii
Two other locksmiths, ii
Fifty _quintals_ of tow, 1
A surgeon and a physician, with their drugs; and two
other barbers, [91] because only one remains here, iiii
Three hundred good shields, ccc
Two hundred _quintals_ of wrought iron plates, not
as it comes from the mine, cc
Thirty _quintals_ of the finest steel, xxx
One hundred tanned cow-hides, c
Three hundred pickaxes, ccc
Two hundred iron shovels, cc
A royal ropemaker, who is in Mexico,
One hundred Venetian sail-cloths, c
Ten _quintals_ of sailmakers' twine, x
Two bales of paper, ii
Four balances divided into three parts, iiii
Six weights for large balances, vi
Fifty horn lanterns, 1
Two hundred _fanegas_ of salt, cc
Two hundred casks of wine, cc
One hundred casks of vinegar, c
Two hundred casks of oil, cc
Five hundred _arrobas_ [92] of sugar, d
One dozen barrels of raisins and almonds, since
by not having brought them the men have suffered
great-privations, xii
Ten large hogsheads of flour, x
Blankets for the men,
Shirts in quantity,
Doublets in quantity,
Breeches of woolen cloth and linen in quantity,
Hempen sandals in quantity,
Cowhide shoes in quantity,
Hats,
All in quantity for military supplies.
For barter, the following:
Two bolts of Valencian scarlet cloth, with odds
and ends, ii
_Item_ seven bolts of Toledo scarlet cloth, vii
Six cases of headdresses, vi
A great quantity of beads, blue, green, and yellow;
ten breadths of each sort, xxx
Two pieces of crimson velvet, ii
Three dozen colored hats, xxxvi
One case of large gilded coins for the coast of China, i
Two bales and two boxes of linens, iiii
Two _quintals_ of _Muzavetas_, ii
Four pounds of fine coral of all sorts, iiii
Three _quintals_ of glass, (one blue), iii
One thousand bundles of glass beads--green and yellow, m
Five hundred dozen hawks' bells, d
Coins and small bars of fine silver for trade in China,
Six large caldrons of pitch, vi
Two large caldrons, such as are used for bucking linen;
but they must be large and very strong, because they
are to be used in making saltpetre, ii
One thousand sailneedles, m
Two hundred hogsheads hooped with hoops of iron, cc
Two saddles with long stirrups, with colored velvet
trimmings, and all rivets, bits, and stirrup-irons
to be gilded, ii
Two cavalry saddles with colored trimmings, all to
be of good quality, ii
Six gilt swords with daggers of good quality which
are for the S.S. on the coast of China and for those
in the islands of Japan, vi
All of the aforesaid goods should be sent as soon as possible, on
the first ships that sail, for all these things are very necessary,
that we may maintain ourselves in these parts.
List of articles needed by the said fleet for the oared vessels which
are to be built here for his majesty. The list follows:
First: four hawsers, of one hundred and twenty _brazas_
[93] each; each five _quintals_, xx _quintals_
Two large cables, of eighty _brazas_ each; each one
to weigh six _quintals_, xii _quintals_
Six hawsers, of one hundred and thirty _brazas_ each;
each to weigh three _quintals_, xviii _quintals_
Two large cables additional, of one hundred and twenty
_brazas_ each; each to weigh ten _quintals_, xx _quintals_
_Item_ common sails for rigging, thirty _quintals_,
xxx _quintals_
We need one hundred _quintals_ of cordage of all sorts,
c _quintals_
Two grapnels, each to weight four _quintals_,
viii _quintals_
Four anchors, to weigh five _quintals_ apiece,
xx _quintals_
Six grapnels, to weigh three _quintals_ apiece; five
or six more, each to weigh from five to six _arrobas_,
xxxiii _arrobas_ [sic]
Four grapnels, three _arrobas each_,
xii _arrobas_
Twelve French saws, xii
Four frame-saws, iiii
Six hand-saws, vi
Two grindstones, ii
Five hundred pieces of cloths from Teguintepeq
for sails, d
One hundred _quintals_ of tar, c
Fifty _quintals_ of pitch, l
For _sallotes_ ropes which are necessary, four pieces
of one hundred and fifty _brazas_ each, to weigh
three _quintals_ apiece, xii _quintals_
Four hawsers of one hundred _brazas_ each, to weigh
four _quintals_ apiece, xvi
Two workmen, oar makers, to make oars from the wood
hereabout, ii
Two hundred pulleys; with both eyes and sheaves, cc
One hundred _quintals_ of grease, c
Two hundred sheep-skins with the wool on, cc
All this cordage to be _agave_ and hemp.
Also two anvils of two _arrobas_ each, ii
Also two small ones from six to seven pounds, ii
One anvil, i
Two screws for filing, ii
A half-dozen boys for ironworking, vi
Three or four bellows-pipes for forges, iiii
One hundred heavy coats of mail, c
The powder and fuse which have been asked for,
Likewise three or four pairs more of bellows are
asked for, iiii
Twelve more negroes, xii
Two hundred more iron axes shod in Mexico, cc
Two hundred mattocks, cc
One hundred more pieces of Tequantepeque [Tehuantepec]
and Venetian canvas, c
One pair of large fishing-nets which may come in the
hogsheads mentioned above, ii
Ear-rings, glassware, and fine coral,
The coins and bars of silver, just as they have been
asked for,
The caldrons of pitch, because those that were made
in Mexico were worthless,
One dozen caldrons with three compartments, xii
Four syringes, and the cupping glasses and the lancets
which are likewise ordered,
Sail-needles with large eyes,
Workmen who understand how to build vessels,
Six cables for the flagship, of fourteen or sixteen
_quintals_ each
The steel that is asked for. [Certain shapes and
sizes of steel spikes are specified, with drawings
to illustrate; five, thirty, forty, and fifty
respectively, of the various kinds are asked for.]
[_Endorsed:_ "List of articles which are required for his majesty's
camp situated in the port of Cubu of the West."]
Relation of the Voyage to the Philippine Islands, By Miguel Lopez
de Legazpi--1565
Illustrious Sire:
I wrote to your excellency from Puerto de la Navidad giving as full
an account as possible up to that port. Now I shall do the same, for
I consider it a debt justly due, and I shall always consider it so
whenever the opportunity presents itself. I am enjoying good health,
thanks be to our Lord; and the same can be said of the whole camp,
a thing which ought not to be looked upon as of little importance. May
our Lord grant to your excellency the good health that I wish.
On Tuesday, November 21, three hours before dawn, I set sail with the
fleet that was at Puerto de la Navidad. For five days the fleet sailed
southwest, but on the sixth we directed our course westward until we
reached the ninth degree. We sailed on in this latitude in search of
the island of Los Reyes, in order that we might go from that point
to the Felippinas. A week after we had taken this course, we awoke
one morning and missed the _patache_ "San Lucas," with Captain Don
Alonso de Arellano in command. There had been no stormy weather to
make it lose sight of us; nor could it have been Don Alonso's fault,
for he was a gallant man, as he showed. It is believed that it was
due to the malice or intent of the pilot. And as he had already been
informed about the expedition that we were making, and the course we
were to sail, and as he was fully instructed as to what he must do in
case he should lose sight of us (as actually happened), and whither
he must proceed to await us, we expected all the time that we would
find the vessel in some of these islands. But up to this time we have
heard nothing of it, which gives me not a little uneasiness. After the
fleet had sailed for fifty days in the same course between nine and
ten degrees, a degree more or less, we reached land, which proved to
be an island inhabited by poor and naked fishermen. This island was
about four leagues in circumference, and had a population of about
two hundred men. That same day we sailed between two other small
islands, which were uninhabited and surrounded by many reefs, which
proved very troublesome to us for five or six days. At the end of
that time we decided that the fleet should continue its course along
the thirteenth degree of latitude, so that we might strike a better
land of the Filipinas, which the pilots were finding already, and
should not strike Vindanao. We followed our course in this latitude,
and on Monday, January 21, we came in sight of land, which afterward
proved to be one of the Ladrones Islands, called Gua. We directed our
bows to that island, but we were no more than two leagues from it when
fifty or sixty _praus_ under sail surrounded the fleet. These _praus_
were furnished with lateen sails of palm mats and were as light as
the wind; this is a kind of boat that sails with remarkable speed,
either with the wind or at random. In each canoe were from six to eight
Indians, altogether naked, covering not even the privy parts, which
men are wont to cover. They laughed aloud, and each of them made signs
inviting us to his own town (for they were from different villages)
and promising to give us food there. At break of day we coasted the
island and the next morning we cast anchor in a very good port. The
day had scarcely begun when a great number of those _praus_ appeared
about us. There were so many of them, who came to trade with us, that
some of our men who counted them affirm that there were more than four
or five hundred of them around the ships. All that they had to sell
us were articles of food, namely, potatoes, rice, yams, cocoa-nuts,
sugar-cane, excellent bananas, and several other kinds of fruit. They
also brought ginger, which grows in this island in so great quantity
that it is a thing to wonder over; and they do not till or cultivate
it, but it comes up and grows of itself in the open fields, just as
any other herb. The natives shouted at us, each one inviting us to buy
of him. The men of the fleet began to give them the face-cards from
old playing cards, and to put bits of woolen cloth and other objects
around their necks and on their heads. The Indians seeing this asked
for these articles, and adorned themselves therewith as they had seen
our men do. In these transactions many ridiculous things happened,
and many jests were played. Afterward our men began to give them
nails, which the Indians liked so well that they desired nothing else
after that. They would smell them before taking them. For each nail
they gave measures of rice containing about half a _fanega,_ more or
less. After the rice was drawn up into the boat by means of a rope,
because the Indians would not trade outside of their canoes, and the
packages were opened, it was found that only the top layer was rice
and the rest straw and stones. The Indian who had practiced this jest
would clap his hands in glee, and laugh long and loud, and go from that
vessel to another, to play the same trick. Then again they would take
the nails, and take flight without giving anything in return. These and
many other deceptions were practiced by them. They are so great thieves
that they even tried to pull out the nails from our ships. They are
better proportioned than the Spaniards. Often they attain the great
strength fitting to their statures. One of them went behind one of
our soldiers and snatched away the arquebuse from his shoulder. When
good opportunity offered, they discharged their weapons on those who
were taking in water. Notwithstanding that some of the natives on land
were shot down, the others did not discontinue trading with our ships;
but rather those on the ships, after they had sold their goods, went
ashore in their canoes, and there with their hardened clubs, stones,
and slings (which comprise their weapons, and which they manage very
skilfully) they took the place of those who were fighting, and those
who were fighting embarked in the canoes, and came also to the ships
to trade. All this seems to be the proceeding of savages, as these
people really are, for they have only the form of men. They have no
laws, or chiefs whom they obey; and therefore every one goes wherever
he wishes. They eat no meat. A soldier who went ashore received a
wound in the hand. The wound was apparently small; and indeed it was
through negligence of the wounded man himself that he died within
two weeks. One day, after a slight engagement between my men and the
natives, we got ready at sunset to sail, without noticing the absence
of a young roustabout who, either through carelessness, or because
he had not heard the call to assemble, must have advanced too far
on the mountain. As our small boats reached the ships, the Indians,
who had not lost sight of us during the hour while we remained there,
came out upon the shore. As the boy came down from the mountain to the
shore, the Indians, when they saw him, fell upon him and in a moment
with great cruelty tore him to pieces, giving him at least thirty
lance thrusts through the body. When the men of our ships saw the
Indians discharging blows, and discovered that they did not have the
boy with them, they returned to shore with great fury; but at their
arrival the natives had already fled up a hill. They found the boy
as I have said above; and I charged the master-of-camp to punish the
natives for this act. At midnight he went ashore, and marched inland,
but meeting no Indians, he arranged his men in an ambuscade on shore,
in which he killed a few of them and wounded many others. Our men
burned many houses all along the coast. The town inland on this island
is large and thickly populated, and abounds in all things which are
raised in the island. There our men found about two pounds of very
good sulphur, and took one of the natives alive, who was brought to
the ship, and whom I am sending to that Nueba Espana. This island is
called Ladrones, which according to the disposition of the inhabitants,
is the most appropriate name that could have been given it. Eleven
days after reaching this island, we set sail following our course
in the aforesaid latitude. After sailing eleven days more with good
weather, we finally came in sight of Filippinas, where we finished
our voyage. According to the experiments and opinions of the pilots,
we covered more than two thousand leagues from Puerto de la Navidad
to this island, although I have heard that they were deceived as to
the distance. On the afternoon of the same day in which we came to
this land, we cast anchor in a beautiful bay, called Cibabao, and
there we remained seven or eight days. Meanwhile we sent two boats,
one south and the other north (for this island is located north and
south) to see whether they could find some good port or river. One
of them returned minus a gentleman of my company, called Francesco
Gomez, and with the report that, for ten leagues north, they had found
neither port nor river. The gentleman was killed by some Indians,
after he disembarked to make blood-friendship with them, a ceremony
that is considered inviolable. This is observed in this manner: one
from each party must draw two or three drops of blood from his arm
or breast and mix them, in the same cup, with water or wine. Then the
mixture must be divided equally between two cups, and neither person
may depart until both cups are alike drained. While this man was about
to bleed himself, one of the natives pierced his breast from one side
with a lance. The weapons generally used throughout the Filipinas
are cutlasses and daggers; lances with iron points, one and one-half
palms in length; _lenguados_, [94] enclosed in cloth sheaths, and a
few bows and arrows. Whenever the natives leave their houses, even if
it is only to go to the house of a neighbor, they carry these weapons;
for they are always on the alert, and are mistrustful of one another.
While we were in this bay, Indians and chiefs came in several
boats, displaying prominently a white flag at the bow of one of
them. Another flag was raised on the stern of the flagship as a
sign that they could approach. These people wear clothes, but they
go barefooted. Their dress is made of cotton or of a kind of grass
resembling raw silk. We spoke to them and asked them for food. They
are a crafty and treacherous race, and understand everything. The best
present which they gave me was a sucking pig, and a cheese of which,
unless a miracle accompanied it, it was impossible for all in the fleet
to partake. On the occasion of the death of the gentleman whom they
killed, the natives scattered themselves through the island. They are
naturally of a cowardly disposition, and distrustful, and if one has
treated them ill, they will never come back. They possess, in common
with all these islands, swine, goats, hens of Castile, rice, millet,
and in addition a great variety of excellent fruit. The people wear
gold earrings, bracelets, and necklets. Wherever we went we found
a great display of these articles. Although people say that there
are many mines and much pure gold, yet the natives do not extract it
until the very day they need it; and, even then, they take only the
amount necessary for their use, thus making the earth their purse.
Leaving this bay, we sailed south until we reached the end of the
island, where the land turns west. Just south of this island are
other islands between which and this island there is a straight
channel running west. The fleet passed through this channel, and on
the second day from our departure from Cibabao, after having sailed
nearly thirty leagues, we reached a port of Tandaya Island.
In this port a small river empties itself into the sea through an
estuary. Some of our boats sailed up this river and anchored at the
town of Cangiungo. The natives received them neither with peace nor
war; but they gave our men food and drink. When they were about to eat,
an Indian came to them, who spoke a few words in the Castilian tongue,
saying "Comamos" ["let us eat"], "bebamos" ["let us drink"], and
answering "si" ["yes"], when questioned by Anton Batista "Billalobos
[Villalobos]" and "Captain Calabaca." It seems that he had traded with
the people of the fleet of Billalobos, according to what was gather
from him. And because he said this, this native vexed the ruler of the
village, and never came back. The next day I wished to go to the same
village, and found the natives hostile. They made signs that we should
not disembark, pulled grass, struck trees with their cutlasses, and
threateningly mocked us. Seeing that in this case cajolery could not
suffice, we withdrew in order not to disturb them; but as we departed,
they began to shower sticks and stones after us, and I was obliged to
order the soldiers to fire their arquebuses at them; and they never
appeared again. This town has a population of twenty or thirty Indians.
On arriving at that port, I despatched Captain de Goite with a boat
and a frigate, well supplied with men and provisions, to discover
some port along the coast. On the way he was to examine thoroughly
the town of Tandaya, which was not very far from where we were, and
other towns of the island of Abbuyo. Deceived by the appearance of the
coast, he sailed on past the coast for fifteen leagues, without seeing
anything. Finally he reached a large bay on which was situated a large
town containing many families; the people had many swine and hens,
with abundance of rice and potatoes. He returned to the fleet with
this news, which gave us not a little content, for all were longing
for land-products. The fleet left this port, and in the afternoon of
the next day we reached the above-mentioned bay, where we anchored in
front of the large town of Cavalian. One thing in especial is to be
noted--namely, that wherever we went, the people entertained us with
fine words, and even promised to furnish us provisions; but afterward
they would desert their houses. Up to the present, this fear has not
been in any way lessened. When we asked the people of this village for
friendship and food, they offered us all the friendship we desired,
but no food whatever. Their attitude seemed to me to be quite the
contrary of what had been told me by those who had gone there; for
they had said that, in this village of Cavalian, which is located on
the island of Buyo, Spaniards were received and were well treated. Now
they did not wish to see us, and on the night of our arrival, we were
made thoroughly aware of this; for they embarked with their wives,
children, and property, and went away. The next day, a chief called
Canatuan, the son of Malate [95] who is the principal chief of the
town, came to us; but I detained him in the ship, until provisions
should be sent us from land (paying for them to their satisfaction),
because of his not returning to the village and because his father
was very old and blind. But this proved no remedy, to make them give
us anything but words. It was determined that the people should go
ashore. And so they went, and we made a fine festival, killing for
meat on that same day about forty-five swine, with which we enjoyed
a merry carnival--as payment for which articles of barter were given
to the chief whom I had with me. The latter sent us ashore with an
Indian, to give these articles to the owners of the swine.
This chief, Canutuan, by signs and as best he could, informed me of the
names of the islands, of their rulers and people of importance, and
their number. He also promised to take us to the island of Mancagua,
[96] which was eight leagues from this island. We set sail with the
Indian, and when we reached Macagua I sent him and three others, who
went with him to their village in a canoe, after giving them some
clothes. He was quite well satisfied, according to his own words,
and became our friend.
This Macagua, although small, was once a thickly-populated
island. The Castilians who anchored there were wont to be kindly
received. Now the island is greatly changed from former days, being
quite depopulated--for it contains less than twenty Indians; and these
few who are left, are so hostile to Castilians, that they did not even
wish to see or hear us. From this island we went to another, called
Canuguinen. [97] Here we met with the same treatment. As the natives
saw our ships along the coast, they hastened to betake themselves to
the mountains. Their fear of the Castilians was so great, that they
would not wait for us to give any explanation.
From this island the fleet directed its course towards Butuan,
a province of the island of Vindanao; but the tides and contrary
winds drove us upon the coast of an island called Bohol. Here we
cast anchor, and within a small bay of this island we made some
necessary repairs to the flagship. One morning the _almiranta_
[98] sighted a junk at some distance away. Thinking it to be one
of the smaller _praus,_ the master-of-camp despatched against it a
small boat with six soldiers, after which he came to the flagship to
inform me of what he had done. Seeing that he had not sent men enough,
I despatched another small boat with all the men it could hold; and
the master-of-camp himself with instructions how he was to proceed,
reached the boat and junk, which were exchanging shots. The junk
seeing that the boat contained 10 few men, defied them. When the
second boat arrived it found some of the men wounded, and that the
junk had many and well-made arrows and lances, with a culverin and
some muskets. The junk defied the second boat also. Shouting out in
Castilian, "a bordo! a bordo!" ["board! board!"] They grappled it, and
on boarding it, one of our soldiers was killed by a lance-thrust in the
throat. Those aboard the junk numbered forty-five soldiers. Fourteen
or fifteen of them jumped into a canoe which they carried on their
poop deck, and fled. Eight or ten of the others were captured alive,
and the remainder were killed. I have been assured that they fought
well and bravely in their defense, as was quite apparent; for besides
the man they killed, they also wounded more than twenty others of
our soldiers. In the junk were found many white and colored blankets,
some damasks, _almaizales_ [99] of silk and cotton, and some figured
silk; also iron, tin, sulphur, porcelain, some gold, and many other
things. The junk was taken to the flagship. Its crew were Burnei
Moros. Their property was returned to them, and what appeared, in our
reckoning, its equivalent in articles of barter was given to them,
because their capture was not induced by greed. My chief intent is
not to go privateering, but to make treaties and to procure friends,
of which I am in great need. The Burneans were much pleased and
satisfied with this liberality displayed toward them, thus showing
how fickle they were.
On the same day that the boats went to the junk, I despatched the
_patache_ "San Joan" with orders to go to Butuan and sail along its
coast, and to find out in what part of this island the cinnamon is
gathered, for it grows there. They were also to look for a suitable
port and shore where a settlement could be made. While the _patache_
went on this mission, I kept the boat of the Burneans and the
pilot. This latter was a man of experience, and versed in different
dialects; and he informed me of much regarding this region that I
wished to know. Among other things he told me that, if the Indians
of this land avoided this fleet so much, I should not be surprised,
because they, had great fear of the name of Castilla. He said that
while we were among these islands no Indian would speak to us; and
that the cause for this was that about two years ago, somewhat more
or less, some Portuguese from Maluco visited these islands with eight
large _praus_ and many natives of Maluco. Wherever they went they
asked for peace and friendship, saying that they were Castilians,
and vassals of the king of Castilla; then when the natives felt quite
secure in their friendship, they assaulted and robbed them, killing
and capturing all that they could. For this reason the island of
Macagua was depopulated, and scarcely any inhabitants remained there.
And in this island of Bohol, among the killed and captured were more
than a thousand persons. Therefore the natives refused to see us
and hid themselves--as in fact was the case. Although, on my part,
I did my best to gain their confidence, giving them to understand
that the Portuguese belong to a different nation and are subjects of a
different king than we, they did not trust me; nor was this sufficient,
for they say that we have the same appearance, that we wear the same
kind of clothing, and carry the same weapons.
In this island of Bohol live two chiefs, one called Cicatuna and the
other Cigala, who through the Bornean's going inland to call them,
came to the fleet. From these chiefs I heard the same thing that I
had been told by the Burnei pilot and his companions, in regard to the
great robberies that the Portuguese committed hereabout, in order to
set the natives against us--so that, on our coming, we should find no
friends. This fell out as they wished, because, although Cicatuna and
Cigala made friendship with me, we could put no confidence in them;
nor would they sell us anything, but only made promises.
While in this island, I despatched a frigate to reconnoiter the coast
of certain islands that could be seen from this island. The chief pilot
and Joan de Aguire accompanied it, and it was supplied with sufficient
food, men, and provisions. Coming to the entrance between two islands,
they were caught by the tide and drifted to the other entrance of the
channel; and, in order to return, they sailed around the island. On
this island they saw a town where the Moro pilot declared that he
was known, and that he was on friendly terms with its inhabitants;
but under pretense of friendship, the natives, treacherously killed
him with a lance-thrust. The space of one week had been given to them,
but it took much longer; for the return could be accomplished only
by sailing around the island which was one hundred and fifty leagues
in circumference.
When the _patache_ returned from Butuan, it reported that they had
seen the king, and that two Moro junks of the large and rich island
of Luzon were anchored in the river which flows near the town. The
Moros sold our men a large quantity of wax. When the men of Luzon saw
our _tostones_ they were very much pleased with them, and they gave
nearly twenty marks of gold, which they had there in that island,
giving for six _tostones_ of silver one of gold; and they said that
they had more gold, if our men would give them more _tostones_, and
that in exchange for the latter they would give them ten or twelve
_quintals_ of gold which they had there in that island. The soldiers
of the _patache_ were so desirous to plunder the junks, that they
besought permission to do so from the captain; thus importuned,
and because his own desire was not less keen, he was on the point
of granting it. Fortunately the officials (the treasurer and factor)
aboard the _patache_ opposed this, saying that it was not fitting to
his majesty's service, and that it would stir up the land and set it
against us. As the men of Luzon had put some earth within the cakes of
wax that they had sold, in order to cheat us with it; and inasmuch as
they, moreover, insisted that the natives should not give anything in
exchange for any other kind of trade-goods, but only for _tostones_,
and had uttered many lies and slanders against us--the soldiers said
that this was sufficient to justify the war; and that the war would
not be the cause of stirring up the natives, because the latter
were not at all well-disposed toward the Moros. Finally they did
not touch the Moros, being persuaded to this by the captain and the
officials. By my instructions, in case they should meet any strange
or piratical junk that proved hostile, they returned to the station
of the fleet, bringing a small quantity of gold, wax, cinnamon, and
other things. Nevertheless the natives of the island would have sold
them a quantity of gold had not the Moros prevented it.
While in the bay of the island of Bohol, I was very anxious about
the frigate, since it was to be gone but one week; while twenty-one
days had passed, and it was nowhere to be seen. Meanwhile a _prau_
which I had despatched with two soldiers and the chiefs Cicatuna
and Cigala to the island of Cubu to endeavor to ascertain some
news concerning it, had returned, bringing no news whatever of its
whereabouts. On Holy Saturday, three hours before daybreak, while
we were thus plunged in great anxiety and grief, fearing that our
companions might have been lost, captured, or killed, the shout "the
frigate! the frigate!" was heard in our fleet. Turning my glance,
I beheld it entering the bay. Only the Burnei pilot was missing;
the others looked well and strong, although they had suffered from
hunger. On arriving, they informed us that the island which they had
coasted had a circuit of one hundred and fifty leagues, and that
on their return they had passed between it and the opposite coast
of Cubu. [100] They reported that this island of Cubu was densely,
populated, containing many large villages, and among them were many
people inhabiting the coast, and inland many cultivated districts. The
above-mentioned soldiers who went to Cibu in the _prau_ with Cicatuna
and Cigala said that the same thing was to be observed on the other
coast, and that the port of the town of Cibu admitted of anchorage,
and was excellent. I decided to take the fleet to that island--a plan
I carried out, with the intention of requesting peace and friendship
from the natives, and of buying provisions from them at a reasonable
cost. Should they refuse all this I decided to make war upon them--a
step which I considered justifiable in the case of these people;
for it was in that same port and town that Magallanes and his fleet
were well received. King Sarriparra and nearly all the natives were
baptized, and admitted to our holy faith and evangelical teaching,
voluntarily offering themselves as his majesty's vassals. Magallanes
and more than thirty of his companions were afterward killed while
fighting in behalf of this island against the people of Matan, a
thickly-populated island situated near this one. Afterward the two
islands made peace privately between themselves, and the inhabitants
of the town of Cibu killed many of the Spaniards of the same fleet,
and drove the remaining few away from their land. Hence we see that all
this is sufficient occasion for any course whatever. In accordance with
this last opinion the fleet left the port of Bohol and we reached the
port of Cibu on Friday, April 27, 1565. We had scarcely arrived when
an Indian came to the flagship in a canoe, who said that Tupas, the
ruler of the island, was in the town, and that he was going to come
to the fleet to see me. A little later there came from the village,
an Indian, an interpreter of the Malay language, who said, on behalf
of Tupas, that the latter was getting ready to come to see me, that
he would come on that very day, and that he would bring ten of the
principal chiefs of that island. I waited for them that whole day;
but as I saw that the people were much occupied in removing their
possessions from their houses and carrying them to the mountain, and
that during all this day and until noon of the next, Tupas, the son
of Saripara, who killed the men of Magallanes, did not come, I sent a
boat with father Fray Andres de Hurdaneta and the master-of-camp, in
order that, in their presence, the government notary, with Hieronimo
Pacheco, interpreter of the Malay tongue (which is spoken by many of
the natives of this land), might request the natives, as vassals of
the king of Castilla, to receive us peaceably. They were to assure the
people that I did not come to do them any harm, but on the contrary
to show them every favor, and to cultivate their friendship. Three
times this announcement was made to them, with all the signs and kind
words possible to win their friendship. But at length--seeing that
all our good intentions were of no avail, and that all the natives
had put on their wooden corselets and rope armor [101] and had armed
themselves with their lances, shields, small cutlasses, and arrows;
and that many plumes and varicolored headdresses were waving; and
that help of men had come in _praus_ from the outside, so that their
number must be almost two thousand warriors; and considering that
now was the time for us to make a settlement and effect a colony, and
that the present port and location were exactly suited to our needs,
and that it was useless for us to wait any longer; and seeing that
there was no hope for peace, and that they did not wish it, although
we had offered it--the master-of-camp said to the natives through an
interpreter: "Since you do not desire our friendship, and will not
receive us peacefully, but are anxious for war, wait until we have
landed; and look to it that you act as men, and defend yourselves
from us, and guard your houses." The Indians answered boldly: "Be it
so! Come on! We await you here." And thereupon they broke out into
loud cries, covering themselves with their shields and brandishing
their lances. Then they returned to the place whence they had set out,
hurling their lances by divisions of threes at the boat, and returning
again to their station, going and coming as in a game of _canas_. [102]
Our men got ready and left the ships in boats; and as the boats left
the ships for the shore, in accordance with the order given them,
some shots were fired from the ships upon the multitude of _praus_
anchored near a promontory, as well as at the landsmen upon shore,
and upon the town. But, although they had showed so great a desire
for war, when they heard the artillery and saw its effects, they
abandoned their village without waiting for battle, and fled through
the large, beautiful, and fertile open fields that are to be seen
in this region. Accordingly we remained in the village, which had
been left totally without provisions by the natives. We pursued the
enemy, but they are the lightest and swiftest runners whom I have
ever seen. When we entered the village, all the food had been already
taken away. However, I believe that there will be no lack of food. In
exchange for our hardships this is a good prospect, although there
is no hope of food except through our swords. The land is thickly
populated, and so fertile that four days after we took the village
the Castilian seeds had already sprouted. We have seen some little
gold here, on the garments worn by the natives. We are at the gate
and in the vicinity of the most fortunate countries of the world, and
the most remote; it is three hundred leagues or thereabouts farther
than great China, Burnei, Java, Lauzon, Samatra, Maluco, Malaca,
Patan, Sian, Lequios, Japan, and other rich and large provinces. I
hope that, through God's protection, there will be in these lands no
slight result for his service and the increase of the royal crown,
if this land is settled by Spaniards, as I believe it will be. From
this village of Cubu, I have despatched the ship with the father prior
[Urdaneta] and my grandson, Phelipe de Zauzedo, with a long relation
of the things which I boldly write here to your excellency. They will
inform his majesty at length, as persons who have been eyewitnesses
of all especially of what has taken place here, the state of the new
settlement, and the arrangements made for everything. It remains to
be said that, since this fleet was despatched by the most illustrious
viceroy, my master, of blessed memory, and further, chiefly because of
being an enterprise that every gentleman should all the more favor,
inasmuch as it pertains naturally to your excellency, as the heir
of the glory resulting from this expedition--your excellency should
favor it in such a manner that we may feel here the touch of your
most illustrious hand, and so that aid should be sent as promptly as
the necessity of our condition demands. For we shall have war not
only with the natives of this and other neighboring islands of the
Philipinas (which is of the lesser import), but--a thing of greater
consequence--we shall have to wage war with many different nations
and islands, who will aid these people, and will side against us. On
seeing us settled in this island the Portuguese will not be pleased,
nor will the Moros and other powerful and well-armed people. It might
happen that, if aid is delayed and is not sent by you to us with all
promptitude, the delay will prove a sufficient obstacle, so that no
result will follow from the work that we have accomplished. I beg his
majesty to send us some aid with the promptness, which rightly should
not be less man in that city of Espana, where his majesty resides. And
because it is worth knowing, and so that your excellency may understand
that God, our Lord, has waited in this same place, and that he will be
served, and that pending the beginning of the extension of his holy
faith and most glorious name, he has accomplished most miraculous
things in this western region, your excellency should know that on
the day when we entered this village one of the soldiers went into
a large and well-built house of an Indian, where he found an image
of the child Jesus (whose most holy name I pray may be universally
worshiped). This was kept in its cradle, all gilded, just as it was
brought from Espana; and only the little cross which is generally
placed upon the globe in his hand was lacking. This image was well
kept in that house, and many flowers were found before it, no one
knows for what object or purpose. The soldier bowed before it with
all reverence and wonder, and brought the image to the place where
the other soldiers were. I pray the holy name of this image which we
have found here, to help us and to grant us victory, in order that
these lost people who are ignorant of the precious and rich treasure
which was in their possession, may come to a knowledge of him.
Copia de Vna Carta Venida de Se|-
Uilla a Miguel Saluador de
Valencia. La Qual Narra El Ventu|Roso Des-
Cubrimiento Que los Mexicanos Han
Hecho, Naue-|Gando con la Armada
Quesu Magestad Mando Hazer en|
Mexico. Con Otros Cosas Mar-
Auillosas, y de Gran| Prone-
Cho Para Toda la Chris-
Tiandad: Con|Dignas
De Ser Vistas y
Leydas.
¶_En Barcelona, Per Pau Cortey, 1566._
Desto de la China ay dos relaciones, y es, que a los dezisiete de
Nouiembre del ano de mil y quinietos y sessenta y quatro, por mandado
de su Mage. se hizo vna armada en el puerto de la Natiuidad e la
mar del Sur, cient leguas de Mexico, de dos naues, y dos pataysos,
para descubrir las yslas dela especieria, que las llaman Philippinas,
por nuestro Rey, costaron mas de seyscientos mil pesos de Atipusque
hechas a la vela.
¶Partieron el dicho dia del puerto, y nauegaron seys dias juntas:
y a los siete les dio vna barrusca, que se aparto dellas el Patays,
que era de cincuenta toneladas, y lleuana venyte [_sc._ veynte]
hombres: el qual nauego cincuenta dias, y al fin dellos, vio tierra,
que eran muchas islas entre las quales vio vna mas grande, y alli
surgio. ¶Acudieron ala costa gente dela isla la qual es mas blanca que
los Indios nuestros: y las mugeres muy mas blancas que los hombres,
como las mugeres de cosas de palma texidas, y labradas encima con
sedas de colores. Porgala. trahen los dientes colorados, y horadados,
y enlos agujeros vnos clauicos de oro. Y los hombres con calcas de
lieco de algodo con senogiles de seda, con muchas piecas de oro. ¶Entre
ellos vino vno q parescia de mas calidad, vestido todo de seda, con vn
alfange, la empunadura, y guarniciones de oro, y piedras. ¶Los nuestros
les pidieron mantenimientos, y diero se losa trueque de bugerias:
pero ellos pidiero hierro y dio seles: y quando vieron los clauos,
no querian otro sina clauos, y estos pagauan con oro en poluo. Trayan
algunos vnas dagas de azero muy galanas, y muestran ser gente politica
y de mucha razo. Vsan depeso y medida: diero alos nuestros gamos,
puercos, gallinas, codornizes, arroz, mijo, y pan de palmas: de todo
esto ay grande abudancia. Estuno alli el Patays casi treynta dias,
esperando las otras naues, y como no vinieron, determino de boluer
a Mexico: y al tiepo que salio dela isla, encontro vn junco, que es
navio de casi cient toneladas, enla qual venian sessenta Indios,
y como vieron el Patays, todos se echarona nado, y se fueron a la
tierra, que estana cerca. Entraron dentro algunos soldados, por
mandado del capitan, y hallaron que yua cargado de porcellanas,
y mantas, y liencos pintados, y otras cosas dela tierra, y algunos
canutillos de oro molido, delos quales no tomaron mas que vno, y
algunas porcellanas, y algunas mantas: y delo demas, de todo poco,
para traher lo por muestra. Estuuo este Patays en yr y en boluer,
dozientos, y treynta dias. Huuieron de menester subir mas de quarenta
grados hazia el norte. Huuo desde el puerto do partieron, hasta esta
isla, mil y sete cientas leguas. ¶Las otras tres naues dentro de
cincuenta dias hallaron muchas islas, y aportaro en algunas dellas,
y passaron en cada vna dellas muchas cosas, que estan grande la
relacion, que ocupa veynte pliegos de papel. En fin aportaron a vna
isla grande que se llama Iubu, y alli hizieron amistad conel rey
della, que se hizo desta manera. Saco se el rey sangre del pecho,
y el capitan assi mesmo, y echada la sangre de entrabos en vna copa
de vino la partiero por medio, y el vno benio la vna mitad, y el
otro la otra mitad: y aquello dizen q haze la amistad inuiolable. Co
todo esto tuuiero ciertas passiones, y robaro vn lugarejo: y en vna
casa pobre hallaron vn nino Iesus, destos que traen de Flandes, con
su velo, y pomo enla mano, tan fresco como si se acabara de hazer
entonces. En aquella isla qui sieron poblar, porq es muy abundate de
todos los mantenimientos, y comencaron a hazer vn fuerte, y hiziero
fuera del vna yglesia, dopusieron el nino Iesus, y la llamaro del
nombre de Iesus: y la isla la llaman sant Miguel, porque se entro
enella el dia de su Aparicion. Y de alli alos Malucas dode esta
la especieria, ay cient y cincueta leguas, y ala China dozientas,
y a Malach quinientas leguas. Y hallaron alli canela finissima que
la hauian los dela isla trahydo de los Malucas y gengibre, y cosas
de seda galanas. Y de alli embiaron delas tres naues la capitana
de Mexico, do llego despues que hauia llegado el Patays, y estauan
aderecando otras dos naues para socorro. Hay muchas otras islas por
alli muy grandes, y son del mismo modo desta. Entre las otras hay vna
tierra tan rica de oro, que no lo estiman en nada: y hay tata catidad
de canela que la quema en lugar de lenares de tan luzida gente, q la
ygualan con Espana. Hay alli vn rey q tiene ala continua mil hobres
de guarda: y estima se tanto que ninguno de sus vassallos le vee la
cara sino vna vez enel ano: y si le han de hablar para tratar conel
algo, le habla por vna zebratana: y quado de ano a ano se dexa ver,
le da muy grandes riquezas. Son gente muy prima, hazen brocados,
y sedas texidas de muchas maneras. Tienen en tan poco el oro, q dio
este rey por vn pretal de cascaueles, tres barchillas de oro en poluo:
porq alli todo quanto oro ay es en poluo. Cargaron estas tres naues
quando tornaron tanta cantidad de oro en aquella isla, que moto el
quinto q dan al rey vn millon y dozientos mil ducados. ¶Andan por alla
Moros contratando con naues, y trocado cosas de su tierra por oro, y
mantas, y especieria, y por clauos y otras cosas. Encontro la armada
con vna naue dellos, y tomola, aunque se defendio de tal manera,
q mato vno dellos, y hirieron mas de veynte. Y trahian muchas cosas
de oro y mantas, y otras especierias que hauian rescatado. Hay tantas
islas que dize que son seteta cinco mil y ochocientas. En esta isla
de Iubu do hazen poblacion, es do mataron a Magallanes. Y dizen, que
los Portugueses con ciertas Carauelas aportaron por alli, haura dos
anos, llamadose Espanoles, y vassallos del rey de Castilla, y robaron
muchas islas, y las saquearon, y lleuaron mucha gente captiua, porque
como veyan q nuestra armada se haiza enla nueua Espana, tomassen los
nuestros co los dela tierra mal credito. Y assi quando los nuestros
llegaron, pensando que eran ellos, huyan alos motes con sus joyas,
y haziendas. Y se ha visto el general en harto trabajo por
apaziguarlos, y darles a entender que son ellos, y cierto deue ser
hombre cuerdo, porque por la relacio se vee hauer tenido mucho
sufrimiento, por no topar con ellos, y los ha lleuado con mucho
amor, sin hazer agrauio a nadie. Ello escosa grade, y de mucha
importacia: y los de Mexico esta muy vfanos con su descubrimiento,
q tienen entedido q seran ellos el coracon del mundo. Trahe eneste
nauio de auiso q es venido agora aca, gegibre, canela, oro en poluo,
vna arroua de conchas riquissimas de oro, y blancas, joyas de oro,
cera, y otras cosas para dar muestra delo que en aquella tierra ay,
y muchas bugerias, y otras cosas muy galanas. Y aunque no las traxeran,
harto trahian en hauer descubierto y hallado la nauegacion por aquestas
partes, que es cosa de mucha calidad. Con la flota sabremos mas delo
que supiere auisare a V.M. &c.
Copy of a Letter Sent from Seuilla
To Miguel Saluador of
Valencia. Which Narrates the Fortunate
Discovery Made By the Mexicans Who
Sailed in the Fleet Which His Majesty
Ordered to Be Built in
Mexico. With Other Wonderful
Things of Great Advantage
For All Christendom:
Worthy of
Being Seen and
Heard.
¶_Printed in Barcelona, By Pau Cortey, 1566._
Of this discovery, two relations have come from China: namely, that
on the seventeenth of November, [103] in the year one thousand five
hundred and sixty-four, a fleet was made ready by order of his majesty
in Puerto de le Natividad, (which is situated on the Southern Sea,
one hundred leagues from Mexico), consisting of two ships and two
_pataches_, in order to discover the spice islands, which are named
Philippinas, after our king. This fleet, when ready for sailing,
cost more than six hundred thousand _pesos_ of Atipusque. [104]
¶These vessels set sail from port on the above-mentioned day,
voyaging in company for six days. On the seventh a squall struck them,
separating from the others the _patache_, a vessel of fifty tons'
burden, and carrying a crew of twenty men. [105] This vessel sailed
for fifty days, at the end of which time land was sighted. This proved
to be a number of islands, among which they saw one larger than the
others, where they cast anchor. ¶On the shore of the island were
gathered the natives, who are lighter complexioned than our Indians,
the women being of even lighter hue than the men. Men and women were
clad alike in garments woven from the palm, and worked along the edges
with different colored silks. By way of adornment, they color their
teeth, and bore them through from side to side, placing pegs of gold
in the holes. The men wear drawers of cotton cloth, silken garters,
and many pieces of gold. ¶Among them was one man who seemed of higher
rank than the others, clad wholly in silk, and wearing a cutlass,
of which the hilt and sword guard were gold and precious stones. ¶Our
men asked them for food, giving them various trinkets in exchange. But
they asked for iron, which was given to them; and when they caught
sight of the nails, they desired nothing else, and paid for them
with gold-dust. Some of them wear very neatly-made steel daggers, and
they appear to be a polite and intelligent people. They use weights
and measures. They gave our men deer, swine, poultry, quail, rice,
millet, and bread made of dates--all in great abundance. The _patache_
remained here for about thirty days, waiting for the other ships;
but, as these did not come, they determined to return to Mexico. As
they left the island, they met a junk, which is a vessel of about one
hundred tons' burden, in which were sixty Indians. When these caught
sight of the _patache_, all threw themselves into the water, and
swam to the shore, which was not far away. Some soldiers, by command
of the captain, boarded the junk, and found it laden with porcelain,
cloths, figured linens, and other products of their country, together
with some beads of hammered gold. Of these latter they took but one,
with some of the porcelain and cloth--a little of each thing--to
carry as specimens. In going and returning this _patache_ consumed
two hundred and thirty days. They were compelled to run to the north,
beyond the fortieth degree. From the port of departure to that island,
they sailed one thousand seven hundred leagues. ¶Within fifty days,
the other three vessels discovered many islands. They anchored at
some of these, and in each one they suffered many hardships. So long
is the relation of this, that it fills twenty sheets of paper. [106]
Finally they landed at a large island named Iubu, where they made
friendship with its king. This was done in the following manner. The
king drew some blood from his breast, and the captain did the same. The
blood of both was placed in one cup of wine, which was then divided
into two equal parts, whereupon each one drank one half; and this,
they assert, constitutes inviolable friendship. Notwithstanding
this, they had certain conflicts, and sacked a little village. In
a poorly-built house was found an image of the child Jesus, such
as comes from Flanders, with his veil and the globe in his hand,
and in as good condition as if just made. They wished to settle in
that island, because of the abundance of all kinds of food. They
began the construction of a fort, outside of which they erected a
church, wherein the child Jesus was placed, and they called the church
_Nombre de Jesus_ ["Name of Jesus"]. They named the island Sant Miguel,
because of landing there on the day of his apparition. From here to the
Malucos, where the spice is found, there is a distance of one hundred
and twenty leagues; to China, two hundred; and to Malach [Malacca],
five hundred. They found in this island the finest cinnamon, which
its people acquire through trade with the Malucos; besides ginger
and articles of fine silk. Of the three vessels, the flagship was
despatched from that island to Mexico, where it arrived later than
the _patache_, and where two other vessels were being prepared as
a relief. There are many other very large islands in that region,
in appearance quite like the above-named island. Among others is a
region so rich in gold, that the amount is beyond estimation. And
there is so great abundance of cinnamon that it is burned instead of
wood by those people, who are as luxurious as those of Spain. They
have a king there who has a constant body-guard of one thousand men,
and who is esteemed so highly that none of his subjects see his face
oftener than once a year. If they find it necessary to converse with
him on any matter, they speak to him through a long wooden tube. And
when he annually permits himself to be gazed upon, his subjects
give him many valuable things. These people are quite advanced. They
possess brocaded and silken fabrics of many different kinds. They hold
gold in so little estimation that this king gave three _barchillas_
[107] of gold dust (for there all their gold is in the form of dust)
for one string of hawk's bells. Those three vessels loaded so much
gold in that island that the king's fifth amounted to one million two
hundred thousand ducats. ¶Moros frequent that district in ships for
purposes of trade, bartering the products of their country for gold,
cloths, spices, cloves, and other articles. The fleet encountered one
of their vessels and captured it, although its occupants defended
themselves so valiantly that one of the Spaniards was killed, and
more than twenty wounded. They had much gold, cloth, besides spices,
which they had acquired in trade. So many are the islands that they
are said to number seventy-five thousand eight hundred. That island
of Iubu, where the colony was planted, is the place where Magallanes
was killed. [108] It is said that the Portuguese with some caravels
landed there about two years ago, claiming to be Spaniards and subjects
of the king of Castilla, and plundered many islands, sacking them and
seizing many of the natives. Consequently, when those people heard that
our fleet had been made ready in Nueva Espana, our men were held in
bad repute among the natives of that region. Therefore when our men
arrived, the inhabitants, thinking them to be the Portuguese, fled
to the mountains with their jewels and possessions. The general has
experienced much trouble in appeasing them, and in making the natives
understand who the Spaniards are. Surely he must be a discreet man,
for the relation shows that he has exercised much forbearance in not
coming to blows with them; and he has shown them much friendliness,
without causing offense to anyone. This is a great and very
important achievement; and the people of Mexico are very proud of
their discovery, which they think will make them the center of the
world. The vessel that has just come here [109] with the news of
this discovery has brought ginger, cinnamon, gold-dust, an _arroba_
of the richest gold _conchas_ and _blancas_, [110] gold ornaments,
wax, and other articles, in order to furnish proof of what this land
contains, besides many trinkets and pretty articles. And even had they
not brought these things, they bring enough in having discovered and
found the route for navigation to these districts, which is a most
notable event. When the fleet comes, we shall know more--of which,
when it is known, I shall advise you, etc.
Letters to Felipe II of Spain, By Miguel Lopez de Legazpi--1567-68
Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:
Captain Martin de Goyti came with me on this expedition to serve
your majesty as captain of a company of soldiers, at the order of Don
Luis de Velasco (who is in glory), who was viceroy of Nueva Espana;
since then, on account of the death here of the master-of-camp, Mateo
del Saez, I have committed his duties to the above-named captain. In
both capacities he has served and is serving your majesty faithfully
and loyally in every way; and he takes great care and pains, for he
is a very prudent and rigorously just man, and possessed of many
good qualities for this office. Furthermore, he has shown himself
in the wars to be skilful and courageous and of great valor, as an
old soldier who has served your majesty many years in Italy and has
always been the first in all labors and perils which have occurred. By
great diligence and care he has induced many of the natives to become
vassals of your majesty; and by his great industry and diligence has
been one of the chief means of our being able to maintain ourselves
in this land. It is well and fitting, if in this discovery any
service has been rendered to your majesty, that you recompense him,
for he also has served and toiled in it. May God, our Lord, watch
over your majesty's royal person and increase your kingdom for many
years. Done at Cebu, July 12, 1567. Sacred royal Catholic majesty,
whose royal feet your humble and faithful vassal kisses,
_Miguel Lopez De Legazpi_
Very exalted and powerful Lord:
At the end of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-four,
I left Nueva Espana by way of the South Sea, for the discovery of
these islands of the West, by order and commission of his majesty;
and having arrived at these Filipinas islands, I sent a vessel
back to Nueva Espana to discover the return route, and to give his
majesty an account of the voyage, and inform him that a colony had
been settled in this island of Cubu. What has happened since then is,
that in these fortunate times of his majesty and your highness there
have been discovered and are being discovered many islands and lands,
in which God, our Lord, and his majesty and your highness may be very
well pleased with the great growth of our holy Catholic faith. And,
not to be prolix with long relations of affairs and details concerning
this land, I will refer you to those which I am writing to the royal
Council of the Indies. It seemed to me that your highness would be
pleased with specimens of the weapons with which these natives fight;
accordingly they are bringing to your highness a Chinese arquebuse,
of which there are some among these natives. Although they are very
dexterous in handling these guns, when on the sea, aboard of their
_praus_, they carry them more to terrify than to kill. And likewise
they bring you a half-dozen lances and another half-dozen daggers,
a cutlass, two corselets, two helmets, and a bow with quiver and
arrows, all which they use. Moreover, that your highness may see how
scrupulous these people are in their dealings, I send your highness
a pair of balances and one of their steelyards. I beg humbly your
highness to receive my desire to serve you ever as a faithful servant,
and pardon my boldness.
Very exalted and powerful lord, may our Lord watch over the very
exalted and powerful and royal person of your highness, and may he
augment you with more kingdoms and seigniories for many and fortunate
years. From this island of Cubu, July 15, 1567. Your highness's very
faithful servant who kisses your royal hands.
_Miguel Lopez De Legazpi_
Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:
On the vessel which I sent to New Spain to discover the return route,
I gave your majesty a relation of the events of the voyage, and of
our arrival and settlement in these islands, up to the time of the
ship's departure. The succeeding events in this camp may be seen by
the relation which I send with this letter.
Last year a vessel [111] was sent from Nueva Espana for this island
with news of the arrival of the flagship which went from here. It
arrived here on the fifteenth of October of last year, in great
extremity and trouble, for on the way they killed the captain and
a son of his, and some others, and raised mutinies, rebellions,
and other troubles, as may be seen from the evidence thereof which I
send. As it brought no other assistance, nor any of the articles which
we sent for from here, nor any command or order from your majesty
(nor have these things been sent here since then); and since after
so long a time the flagship has not returned, nor have we received
the assistance that was hoped for with it--the men of this camp are
in extremities and distressed. Because it has not been permitted them
to rob, or make war upon, or in any way harm the natives, and as they
see so great delay in the sending of aid, some have not been lacking
in treacherous and damnable purposes and desires, from which God,
our Lord, has been pleased up to now to deliver your majesty's loyal
and faithful servants--who with all loyalty and zeal have served you
and are now serving you in these regions--and I hope therefore that
in his divine goodness he will continue to do so.
There have been some islands discovered in this neighborhood,
and more are being continually found of which we knew nothing, and
which are inhabited by many people. There is disclosed a very great
foundation and opening for both the spiritual and the temporal, from
which God our Lord and your majesty may derive much profit, and our
holy Catholic faith be much increased, if your majesty will give the
necessary orders, and provide the suitable religious and laborers who
may work diligently in this great vineyard of the Lord. And from what
has been hitherto seen much fruit may be had in their conversions,
without much difficulty, because there are not known among them either
the temples or the rites and ceremonies of other peoples--although they
are a people extremely vicious, fickle, untruthful, and full of other
superstitions. They all have many specimens of gold, and this they
trade and wear as jewelry; but there is only a small quantity of it,
by reason of there being no headmen or great lords among them. In some
islands we have been informed of and have seen mines of gold, which,
if the islands were peopled with Spaniards, would, it is believed,
be rich and profitable. In other islands there is an abundance of
cinnamon, of which they make little use. They make no exportation of
it, and therefore it is of little worth to them. Seventy _quintals_
of it, more or less, have been carried upon this ship for your
majesty; and there may be carried every year as much as your majesty
wishes--enough indeed to supply all Christendom.
I have resided continuously on this island of Cubu, awaiting the orders
which your majesty may be pleased to have sent. I have barely succeeded
in maintaining the forces with the least possible harm to the natives,
and I shall try to do the same until I see your majesty's command, and
know your royal will; because if we should make war upon these people,
I think that great harm would ensue, but little advantage would be
gained, and we should suffer hardships greater than those which have
been suffered, although they have been bad enough. By the blessing
of peace, we have succeeded in attracting into the obedience of your
majesty many towns. As they have come from all this neighborhood of
which possession has been taken in your royal name, the list of the
towns accompanies this letter. And as these people are fickle and
treacherous, and know not how to obey or serve, we ought to have here
a fort and a number of Spaniards, who by good treatment might restrain
them and make them understand what justice is; and who may settle in
other places most convenient for the security of all those of this
region. For this purpose married men should be sent and those who
would have to remain permanently in this land. I beg your majesty to
be pleased to have provided with all despatch what is most in accord
with your royal pleasure, and give the commission to some one in Nueva
Espana, who with all care and special diligence, will provide all
that is necessary, without there being so much delay as in the past.
For the security of these parts, and in order to get this needed
security, it would be fitting and necessary to have built half a
dozen galleys. For this, and even to provide them with crews there
is reasonable provision here, provided you send officers and workmen
to build the vessels, as has been written to the royal _Audiencia_
of Mexico. With these vessels all these islands may be protected,
as well as many others that are farther away from them; and it might
even be possible to coast along the shores of China and to trade on
the mainland. They would be very profitable and effective. Your majesty
will cause to be provided in this regard what is most pleasing to you.
In November of last year arrived, very near where we are, a large
fleet of Portuguese who were coming from India to Maluco, where they
must have thought that we were. Having arrived near our settlement,
they stopped a few days, giving out that they were coming in search of
us. They sent two small boats to reconnoiter our colony and station,
afterward resolving to continue their voyage without stopping here. It
may well be imagined that they were not pleased to see Spaniards in
these parts.
Farther north than our settlement, or almost to the northwest not
far from here, are some large islands, called Luzon and Vindoro,
where the Chinese and Japanese come every year to trade. They bring
silks, woolens, bells, porcelains, perfumes, iron, tin, colored
cotton cloths, and other small wares, and in return they take away
gold and wax. The people of these two islands are Moros, and having
bought what the Chinese and Japanese bring, they trade the same goods
throughout this archipelago of islands. Some of them have come here,
although we have not been able to go there, by reason of having too
small a force to divide among so many districts.
The people who remain here are very needy and poor, on account
of having had, hitherto, no advantages or profits in the islands;
and they have endured many miseries and troubles, with very great
zeal and desire to serve your majesty, and are worthy of receiving
remuneration. I humbly beg your majesty to be pleased to be mindful
of their services, to grant them all favor (since these regions and
districts contain sufficient for it), because a hundred merit it, and
have served well and will serve much more in the future. Therefore I
beg your majesty in addition, that your majesty approve the duties
and offices given and assigned for these districts, and that your
majesty confirm them to the persons who hold them, together with
the greater favors that you may confer on them; for in these men are
found the necessary qualifications, and they fulfil their duties with
all fidelity.
As this ship was about to sail, there arrived at this port two small
galleys from Maluco, carrying certain Portuguese with letters from
the captains of the fleet that came to these regions last year for
the assistance and fortification of Maluco. In these letters they
ask us to go out to their fleet, as your majesty will see by the very
letters which accompany this present letter, together with the copy of
the one I sent back to them. Some of those who came with the letters
gave us to understand that, if we would not go willingly, they would
take us by force; and that very shortly they would attack us in so
great force that we could not resist them. I do not consider that
they have any right to attack us or make war on us, since we, on our
part, are causing them no trouble or harm; and although they come,
we cannot do anything else than wait for them, notwithstanding that
we are few and short of ammunition and other war material, since help
has not come from Nueva Espana as we expected; and we have neither
vessels nor equipment in order to escape. May God provide in this
what he sees necessary, and as is your majesty's pleasure,--whose
sacred royal Catholic person may our Lord watch over for many and
prosperous years with increase of more kingdoms. From this island
of Cubu, July 23, 1567. Your sacred royal majesty's very humble and
faithful servant who kisses your hands and feet.
_Miguel Lopez De Legazpi_
Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:
When I arrived in these Filipinas islands in the year sixty-five,
I despatched a ship to discover the return route to Nueva Espana. I
also sent to your majesty a relation of the events of the voyage,
and of my colonization in this island of Cubu, where I should
await the reply that your majesty should be pleased to have sent
me; and stated that I was writing to Nueva Espana that they should
provide me with all the most necessary things; and those we lacked
most. Seeing so much delay on all sides, last year I sent another
ship with the relation of all that had occurred here, begging your
majesty to be pleased to order that we should be helped and provided,
with all possible expedition, with the things that we have asked for,
and which were extremely necessary and important; and that the matter
be committed to some one in Nueva Espana, who should provide and have
charge of it, because although they sent us reenforcements of men,
they sent us nothing else that we had asked for. They said that
they had not your majesty's commission for it, and that they were
expecting every day the warrant that your majesty will be pleased to
give in this case, so that by virtue of it they could supply us with
what was needed. This great delay has subjected us to hardship and
distress, and to great danger and risk--especially through our lack
of powder and ammunition, and rigging and sails for the vessels, of
which we are quite destitute, and of which there are not, and cannot
be, any here. I beg your majesty to have the goodness to have these
things seen to, as is most in accordance with your royal pleasure,
with the expedition required in a matter of so great importance; and
that henceforth this matter be entrusted to some one in Nueva Espana,
at your majesty's pleasure, who shall administer it as is most fitting
to your royal service and the good of those here.
By the vessel that left last year, I sent your majesty seventy
_quintals_ of cinnamon which we got in trade with the natives; and
this vessel about to sail carries one hundred and fifty _quintals_
more. There is abundance of it, and we could send more, were it
not for the lack of articles of barter; for those we bring are
valueless, and these natives do not desire them. There are also
other drugs, aromatics, and perfumes which our people do not know;
nor do the natives know them, for they have but little curiosity,
and care nothing for these things. In some places there are oysters,
and indications of pearls; but the Indians neither know of them nor
fish for them. There are gold mines; pepper might be had also if it
were cultivated and cared for, because pepper trees have been seen,
which some chiefs keep in their houses as curiosities, although they
value the pepper at little or nothing. The country is healthful and
has a fair climate, although it is very rough and mountainous. All
trade therefore is by sea, and almost all the natives live on the
sea-coast and along the rivers and creeks that empty into the sea. In
the interior there are few settlements, although in some islands there
are blacks living in the mountains, who neither share nor enjoy the
sea, but are most of the time at war with the Indians who live down
on the seacoast. Captives are made on both sides, and so there are
some black slaves among the Indians.
If this land is to be settled, to pacify and place it under your royal
dominion, in order to civilize its inhabitants and bring them to the
knowledge of our holy Catholic faith, for it cannot be sustained by
way of trade, both because our articles of barter have no value among
them, and because it would be more expense than profit--in order to
possess it for pacification, it is most necessary and important that
your majesty maintain here a half-dozen galleys, with which to explore
all this archipelago, and make further discoveries. Likewise they
could coast along China and the mainland, and find out what there is
there, and achieve other things of great importance. The galleys could
be built here at very slight cost, because there is plenty of wood
and timber. Your majesty would have only to provide tackle, sails,
anchors, and the heavy bolts and nails for these vessels. You would
also have to send from Nueva Espana two skilled ship-builders, two
forges, and two dozen negroes from those that your majesty maintains
at the harbor at Vera Cruz who might be taken without causing any
shortage. Pitch, oakum, and grease, which are not to be had here,
could be made without any further cost. The ships could be manned by
slaves bought from these natives, or taken from those places which
do not consent to obey your majesty.
Likewise if the land is to be settled, the mines here ought to
be worked and fitted up. Since at first it will be difficult and
costly and very laborious, for many causes and reasons, your majesty
ought to do us the favor of giving up your royal rights and fifths,
or a part of them, and for a time suitable, to those working the
mines, so that they might reconcile themselves to undertaking it and
expending their possessions therein; your majesty ought likewise to
give them permission to buy the slaves, whom these natives barter
and sell among themselves, and whom they can use on their estates and
for their advantage, without taking them from their land and native
home. In everything your majesty will examine and provide according to
your pleasure. May our Lord keep your sacred royal Catholic majesty,
and increase your kingdoms and seigniories for many and prosperous
years, as your royal heart desires. From this island of Cubu, June
26, 1568. Your sacred royal Catholic majesty's faithful and humble
servant who kisses your royal feet.
_Miguel Lopez De Legazpi_
Negotiations Between Legazpi and Pereira Regarding the Spanish
Settlement at Cebu--1568-69
(I, Fernando Riquel, [112] notary-in-chief of the royal armada which
came forth to discover the Islands of the West, and to govern them
for his majesty the king Don Felipe, our sovereign, certify and truly
testify to all who may see the present, or its duplicates authorized
in public form, that while his excellency Miguel Lopez de Legazpi,
governor and captain-general for his majesty of the above-mentioned
royal armada, was located with the people thereof in this island and
port of Cubu in the said Felipinas, there came to the said port a
certain Portuguese armada, the chief commander of which, they said,
was named Gonzalo Pereira. He, after arriving at this said port and
remaining therein a few days, sent certain ordinances and documents
to the said governor, to which the latter replied sending also other
documents of his own; and the ordinances and documents of the said
commander-in-chief, Gonzalo Pereira, remained in the hands of me,
the above-mentioned Fernando Riquel; while the papers and documents
which the said governor sent in response to the said captain-general,
under his own signature, remained in the hands of the captain-general
himself. The duplicates, signed and authorized by Pero Bernaldez,
notary-public of the Portuguese fleet aforesaid, I, the above-mentioned
Fernando Riquel, possess, and do insert and incorporate them one
with another; and the copies thereof, one placed after another,
constitute what now follows, arranged according to the order in which
they were presented.)
As for the requisition and protest which I, Goncallo Pereira,
commander-in-chief of this fleet of the king, our sovereign, do make
to the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, captain-general
of the fortress and settlement which he has recently established in
this our island of Cebu: you, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public in this
fleet, are directed to lay it before him, and with his reply--or, if
he be unwilling to give one, without it--to return to me. You shall
present to him the document and documents, which I must send him,
to the effect that it is true that, coming from India in order to
favor and increase the Christian communities in these islands, which
had been persecuted by the unbelievers, I learned in Borneo that his
grace had entered into this our charge and conquest, and established
himself in this island of Cebu, and that he had entered by accident
and not intentionally through his having encountered severe storms,
and had reached land in this possession of ours. Wherefore I arrived
on the sixth of October, one thousand five hundred and sixty-six, from
Borneo, having come in quest of him to aid and assist him in his need,
as was my duty as a Christian, and because of the close relationship
and friendliness of our sovereigns which obliged me to do this, and
nothing less, in order to fulfil on our part, the compact made between
the emperor Don Carlos, whom may God preserve, and the royal sovereign
Don Joham the Third, whom may God maintain in glory. As it turned out
I did not see him, owing to the stress of weather which constrained
me to go directly to Maluco--whence I sent Antonio Rombo Dacosta and
Baltesar de Sousa in two _caracoas_ [113] to visit his grace, and
ascertain from him what he needed from our fleet, offering him most
willingly everything that it contained. From the fortress likewise,
the same offers were made by Alvoro de Mendonca its commander; but
his grace neither accepted nor besought anything from the fleet or
from the fortress. And hearing from Antonio Rombo that there was great
need of many things, through lack of which much hardship was suffered,
I left Maluco again on the thirteenth of October one thousand five
hundred and sixty-seven, in search of his grace, very well provided
with everything necessary for his aid--no inconsiderable amount--at the
cost of his highness and of his captains. And I failed again to see
him, in spite of all my efforts, in consequence of setting out late,
and having encountered a very violent monsoon. On the twenty-sixth of
August, one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight I returned to Maluco,
only to retrace for a third time my way. And our Lord was pleased to
allow me to arrive at this our port where I encountered him in peaceful
wise without any hostile manifestation whatsoever. And I did not take
from and defend against him any vessels or supplies, a thing both
easy and profitable for us to do; but, on the contrary, I favored his
grace in every way, and gave him the title of governor. But--seeing
that the fortress was being strengthened more and more each day upon
the land; and that he was trying to enter into communication with the
people about, and constraining them in some measure by force of arms
to obedience in the payment of tribute to his majesty the king Don
Felipe; and entering into agreements, in the name of his majesty, with
the people near and far to the effect that they might sail safely all
around the land and through the waters of this archipelago,--I am in
considerable apprehension, for all this region belongs to the conquest
and demarcation of the king our sovereign; and I cannot persuade myself
that his grace comes here with the delegated authority and consent of
the king Don Felipe, who is so closely connected and allied with the
king our sovereign. Wherefore I request his grace, both one and many
times, on the part of the very Catholic and Christian sovereigns,
[114] to send me word as to the cause of his coming and his stay,
and to show the commission which he brings; for if the consent of
the sovereigns is in any wise therein contained, I wish to conform
thereto, as I am very desirous to give help and favor in every way
which will be of service to the said sovereigns--as, in letters,
and in the interviews held, I have given his grace to understand
thoroughly. And if his grace is not willing to do anything in this
matter, and will not consent to come with all his camp and join
this fleet, as I have also asked him to do, I summon him, on behalf
of the very Catholic and Christian sovereigns, to depart from this
land and archipelago of ours forthwith, with all his camp, fleet,
and munitions of war, and leave it free and unembarrassed to the said
lord thereof. And otherwise I protest that all the loss and damage
which may ensue in this matter will fall upon his grace, and that he
will be obliged to give account of them to God and to the sovereigns
our lords. Given in this galley "San Francisco," in the port of Cebu,
on the fourteenth of October one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.
_Goncalo Pereira_.
(_Notification:_ On the fifteenth day of the said month of October of
the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, I, Pero Bernaldez,
notary-public for the king our sovereign in this his fleet, went at
the command of Goncalo Pereira, the captain-general thereof, to the
camp of Cebu of which the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi
is the commander; and I presented to him in his lodgings there,
two hours, somewhat more or less, after noon on the said day, month,
and year, and delivered to him, word for word, the demand and protest
above mentioned, given to me by Afonso Alvarez Furtado, factor of the
fleet, who was granted due authority for this business by the said
commander-in-chief. At this delivery were present the said factor
and Baltesar de Freitas, the notary of the fleet; Andres d'Ibarra,
captain; Guido de Levazaris, his majesty's treasurer; Amador de
Arrayaran, first ensign, and Graviel da Rabeira, head _aiguazil_,
of the camp--all of whom signed here with me, Pero Bernaldez, notary,
who writes these presents.
_Pero Bernaldez_,
_Alfonso Alvarez Furtado_,
_Baltesar de Freitas_.
And then the said Miguel Lopez, after the said demand had been read by
me, said that he had heard it, and begged that a copy thereof might be
given him, to which he would reply in due form; and, that there may be
no doubt about the matter, Lopez says upon another line that it will
be truly done. And I, Pero Bernaldez, who drew up this writing in the
said day, month, and year, and at the said hour, do witness thereto,
in company with the said witnesses already mentioned.
_Andres de Ybarra_,
_Guido de Lavezaris_,
_Amador de Arrayaran_,
_Graviel de Ribera_.)
_Authorization:_ Guoncallo Pereira, commander-in-chief of these
south-by-east regions: by my authorization power is granted to Alfonso
Alvarez Furtado, factor of the king our sovereign in this his fleet,
so that he may, for me, and in my name, present and require from
his highness all the papers and documents which may serve the ends
of justice, with all the powers which I myself should have in these
affairs which I am carrying on with the very illustrious Miguel Lopez
de Legazpi, general of the fleet and forces of Nova Spanha. Therefore,
in certification of the above, I, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of
this fleet, signed this document on the galleon "San Francisco,"
in the port of Cebu, on the thirteenth day of the month of October,
in the year of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ one thousand five
hundred and sixty-eight.
_Goncalo Pereira_,
_Pedro Bernaldez_.
(_Reply:_ This is the copy of the answer which the very illustrious
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi sent to Goncalo Pereira, captain-general
of the armada in the South Sea. I, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of
this fleet for the king our sovereign, copied the summons of the said
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi.)
I, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general for his
majesty the king Don Felipe, our sovereign, of his forces and
the royal fleet, for the discovery of these islands of the West:
inasmuch as certain demands, contained in a summons which Pero
Bernaldez--notary-public, as he said, of his armada--read to me on
behalf of the very illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general of
the Portuguese armada, have been made upon me on the petition of
Alonso Alvarez [Furtado], factor of the said armada (as in the said
summons to which I refer, is set forth, at greater length); therefore
replying to the said demand and to the things contained therein,
I say that I came by command of his majesty the king Don Felipe,
our sovereign, and with his royal fleet as the governor and general
thereof, with the purpose of discovering the lands and islands of
the West, which are and always were within his demarcation, in order
to propagate and teach therein the gospel and the evangelical law,
and to spread the Christian sway of our holy Catholic faith--the thing
which, most of all, his majesty purposes in these parts. In the course
of my expedition I arrived at these islands, where I was obliged to
provide myself with certain supplies which I needed and which I did
not have at hand; and in search of which I went about among the said
islands for many days without being able to secure them, until by
chance I arrived at this port of Cubu, where I was obliged to spend
the winter. I sent from here the flagship, in which I came, to Nueva
Spana with a report of all that had happened during the expedition;
and I wrote to his majesty saying that I would await here his answer
and despatches in order to learn whither he commanded me to go. And it
was because no despatch or answer came to me from his majesty that I
stayed here so long, and not from any intention or desire to settle
or remain in this land. As a matter of fact, in my instructions
I am commanded not to make entry in the islands of Maluco, or to
infringe the treaty made between the kings of Castilla and Portugal,
our sovereigns. In a clause contained therein, moreover, I am ordered
to come to these Felipinas islands and seek for certain people, lost
here, who had belonged to the armada of Rui Lopez de Villalobos; and,
in case I found them alive, to ransom them at his majesty's expense
and deliver them out of their subjection to the infidels, in order to
return them to their native lands and to the Christian faith in which
they were born and reared. This I have successfully accomplished;
of those who had come over in the said armada one was found in the
island of Tandaya, and I ransomed him. And I have also received notice
that two Spaniards were sold by the natives of the island aforesaid
to the Indians of Burney, which piece of information has made me
desirous of knowing their whereabouts and what was done with them,
that I might bestow upon them the same benefit of ransom. By this
it is clearly seen and inferred that his majesty is convinced and
believes that the Filipinas islands are within his demarcation, for
on the one hand he orders me to come to them, and on the other not
to infringe the royal treaty of our kings and sovereigns. And in this
faith and belief I came and have remained here in his royal name, and
not with the intention of injuring the most Christian king of Portugal
or harming any of his possessions, or in any way to transgress the said
treaty. And even though the lands belong to his majesty, my will and
intention has, up to the present time, not been to settle in them or
in any others until I should have the authority of his majesty; and
the assurances and letters of protection which have been given to the
natives of this land were so given, to the end and purpose that the
warriors and soldiers who go and come from one place to another in
search of provisions should not be harmed or injured or robbed. In
this, indeed--even though the lands do belong to his highness,
as is set forth in the said summons--a service has been done him;
for all was done with the intention of protecting and preserving the
natives thereof. Moreover, just as soon as I arrived at these islands
I endeavored to learn and ascertain if the Portuguese had come here,
and if they had any intercourse and commerce with the natives; and
if the said natives did them any service, or paid them tribute, or
if the Portuguese derived any other advantage from them. And the said
natives assured me that this was not the case, and that they neither
knew them nor had ever seen them. This assurance emboldened me in
thinking myself the more authorized to provide and supply myself from
among them, without harm to anyone. As regards the tributes mentioned
in the summons aforesaid, the fact is that on a few occasions no
supplies were to be bought; and, in order not to make war upon the
natives and do them any injury, or to take the supplies from them by
force, we persuaded them to give us some provisions by means of which
our people might be maintained. Some of them gave and have given,
of their own free will, a certain amount of rice and other food,
but nothing whatsoever through which his majesty has derived any
profit--on the contrary, a large amount of gold has been paid out for
the provisions aforesaid; and this, moreover, the natives gave, when,
and in what manner, and in what quantity they themselves desired,
without suffering any violence or receiving any reward. Everything
which I have enumerated was to protect and defend the natives
aforesaid, without doing them any harm or injury whatsoever. And
as for what his grace says in the summons aforesaid about sending
Antonio Runbo de Acosta and Baltesar de Soza to visit me, and how
they came in the month of July of the past year to this camp, with
letters from his grace and other captains entreating me to go to
their fleet and fortress of Maluco with all my people, together with
other offers, I would say that they were received in this camp with
all peace and amity and good will, in accordance with the custom of
the land. And through them personally I replied to his grace giving
them the reasons for my coming and my stay in this land, which are
those above-mentioned; and telling him that I was unable to accept the
kindness which was proffered me in the fleet and fortress of Maluco,
inasmuch as it would be contrary to the commands and orders which I
bore from his majesty. And certain persons who came in company with
Antonio Runbo, gave us to understand very differently from what had
been written me in the letters, and stated and declared that the said
captain-in-chief was on his way with all his fleet, with the intent of
coming here and taking prisoners all the Castilians that they should
encounter. The same purpose was indicated in a letter which Antonio
Lopez de Segueira, captain of a galley, wrote at Point Coavite to the
master-of-camp Mateus del Saz (may he rest in peace). Consequently,
the horizontal rampart of this camp was constructed, in order to guard
the munitions and the property of his majesty; for up to that time
there had been no fort or protection therefor whatsoever, save only
a palisade of palm-logs driven into the ground to keep the natives
from doing damage at night--for concerning all the rest our minds
were fully at peace, as was natural in the case of people who had no
idea or intention of remaining in the land, but only of awaiting the
message from his majesty and then going whither his majesty should
command. And so I stated and declared to the said Antonio Ronbo that
what I needed was ships to leave the land; and I intimated the same
to his grace at our interviews, and begged him to give me two ships
of his own, with which I might depart, on condition of my paying for
them from his majesty's possessions here. And the same I say today,
as the most expeditious means of departing hence and leaving the land
in the hands of its rightful owner; and if I have the said ships I
will do so now, in order to give satisfaction to his grace. Without
them, we are absolutely obliged to await the ships which are to come
from Nueva Spana in order that we may depart; and when they come I
promise to fulfil and accomplish what I specify above, without any
injury attaching to any one whomsoever from my stay in this island. And
although the intention and offers of his grace seem favorable, pacific,
and impelled by Christian feeling, the statements made public by the
people of his fleet are very much in opposition thereto; for they say
and declare that he comes only to take us prisoners, and that he has
sent for reenforcements from many sources to carry this purpose into
effect, and (which has the worst sound of all), that he is sending
for reenforcements from among the Mahometan Moros and pagans, to
fight against Christians and vassals of his majesty. This I do not
believe, as the fleet of his grace is so large and powerful that he
may do what he pleases, especially with people who desire to serve
him and who will vindicate themselves in everything pertaining to the
service of God and of the sovereigns our lords. And as regards the
request he makes, in the said summons, to be shown what authority I
have for entering these islands, I say, that I am ready and prepared
to show it to him as often as he may desire to see it, as I have
told him personally. And I likewise on my own part beg him, and if
necessary even summon him, in the name of his majesty, once, twice,
and thrice, and as many times as I am by law required: to show me if
he have any order or command from the kings our lords in order that
I may obey and fulfil it, as I am required to do; or if he has order
and command from his highness to trouble and make war upon the vassals
of his majesty who may be in these regions. Without that, I find no
cause or adequate reason, nor can I believe that his grace desires,
to do me violence or any injury, in transgression of the peace and
amity and relationship which is so close and intimate between the
kings our sovereigns; moreover, it would be a matter of very great
displeasure to God our lord. And if, through unwillingness to do so,
injuries and scandals should arise and increase on one side or the
other, I declare that it will be the fault and blame of his grace,
and that he will be obliged to give an account therefor to God and to
our sovereigns and lords. And this is what I say and respond to the
said summons, not consenting to the protests contained therein. And
I sign it with my name, and request you, the present notary, to read
and make known this my answer to the said captain-in-chief in person,
and that the same be incorporated and inserted in the said summons; and
that testimony thereof be given me, as well as the copies necessary,
in due form. Done in Cubu, the fifteenth day of the month of October,
of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.
_Miguel Lopez de Legaspi_.
_Notification:_ In the island and port of Cubu, in the galleon said
to be called "San Francisco," I, Fernando Riquel, notary-in-chief,
and government notary at the instance of Andres de Mirandaola, factor
and inspector for his majesty, read this response and summons to the
very illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general of the royal fleet of
Portugal, in person, _de verbo ad verbum_ exactly in accordance with
the tenor thereof. He said that he had heard it, and would reply. The
said Andres de Mirandaola in virtue of his authority presented
it, in the name of the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi,
governor and captain-general of the royal fleet for the discovery
of the islands of the West, there being present, as witnesses to
all above-mentioned, Alonso Alvarez Furtado, factor of the royal
fleet of Portugal; Pedro Dacuna de Moguemes, captain-general of the
sea of Maluco: Sancho de Vasconcellos, nobleman; Guoncallo de Sousa,
nobleman of the household of his highness, the king of Portugal; Pero
Bernaldez, notary public; and Christoval Ponze, scrivener, notary,
all of whom signed it together with me, the said Fernando Riquel.
_Andres de Mirandaola_,
_Pero Dacunha de Moguemes_,
_Sancho de Vasconcellos_,
_Afonso Alvarez Furtado_,
_Guoncallo de Sousa_,
_Pero Bernaldez_,
_Christoval Ponce de Leon_.
In testimony thereof
_Fernando Riquel_.
(This copy herewith above-written was well and faithfully compared
with the original by me, Pero Bernaldez, notary public of this fleet,
without there being found any interlineation or erasure of a kind
which would occasion doubt: only the word _perjuizio_ [harm], and
the interlineations _premio_ [reward], and _dha_ [for _dicha_--said]
are scratched out. Everything there is correct, and the said Fernao
Riquel, notary-in-chief, was present at the comparison and subscribed
his name here with me, together with Baltesar de Freitas, notary of
the fleet, who affixed here his assent, on this day, the twenty-ninth
of December of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.
_Pero Bernaldez_.)
(This copy was compared before me, Baltesar de Freitas, notary of
the fleet, on the said day, month, and year, aforesaid.
_Baltesar de Freitas_.)
(On the said day, month, and year above-mentioned, I was present at
and saw the correction and comparison of this copy.
_Fernando Riquel_.)
(_Authorization:_ In the island and port of Cubu, on the fifteenth
day of the month of October of the year one thousand five hundred and
sixty-eight, the very illustrious Miguel Lopez Legazpi, governor and
captain-general for his majesty over his people and royal fleet for
the discovery of the islands of the West, before me, Fernando Riquel,
notary-in-chief and government-notary, and in the presence of the
witnesses hereunto subscribed, said that, in the name of his majesty
he gave and granted all and every authority he possessed--as in such
case is by law required, and it may and ought to be sufficient--to
Andres de Mirandaola (who was present), factor and overseer of the
royal estate of his majesty, in order that in his place, and as if it
were he himself, the said Mirandaola might present whatever summons,
protests, and replies, and other documents whatsoever, that might prove
necessary, to the very illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general of
the Portuguese fleet anchored in this port, in regard to the affairs
under negotiation at the present moment between them concerning the
service of God our Lord, and that of the kings our sovereigns; and in
testimony thereof I sign the present with his name, the witnesses being
Martin de Goiti, the master-of-camp, and Captain Diego de Artieda.
_Miguel Lopez de Legaspi_.
Done before me,
_Fernando Riquel_.)
(This copy was well and faithfully compared with the original by me,
Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, without there being found
any interpolation or erasure which would occasion doubt; and the said
Fernao Riquel was present at the comparison, and signed here with
me--together with Baltesar de Freitas, notary of this fleet of the king
our lord, who affixed here his assent--on this day, the twenty-ninth
of December of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.
_Pero Bernaldez_.)
(This copy was compared before me, Baltesar de Freitas, notary of
the fleet, in the said day, month, and year, aforesaid.
_Baltesar de Freitas_.)
(On the said day, month, and year, above-mentioned, I was present at
the correction of this copy.
_Fernando Riquel_.)
_Second Summons:_ Replying to this reply to my first summons, made
by the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, general of the camp
and of the people of Nova Spanha, I declare that the essence, subject,
and right of all this matter is not contained in words, but in deeds;
and that his grace has up to the present time acted in a way very
displeasing to God, to his majesty and to the king our sovereign,
as I shall set forth in detail. As regards his grace's coming by
authority of his royal majesty, the king Don Felipe, in order to
discover lands, the islands of the West lying within his demarcation,
and to propagate Christianity therein, as should be the principal
purpose of so Christian a prince; and bearing withal instructions not
to enter into aught, or in any way infringe the treaty and agreement
made between the emperor Don Carlos and the king our sovereign Don
Joan the Third (both of whom I pray God may have in glory): this does
not absolve, but rather condemns him, inasmuch as he has acted in a
manner so contrary to his instructions, neither making discoveries,
nor founding any Christian communities, nor limiting himself to
his own demarcation, but hastening with great speed to penetrate so
many leagues through our demarcation--contrary to the faith, oath,
agreement, and instructions of his true king and lord. He would indeed
be able to say that he was ignorant of the bound and limit of these
two demarcations, if Father Urbaneta had not told and requested him
to settle such of the Ladrones Islands as, on his way around them,
he might discover; if his majesty had not charged him not to enter,
under any consideration, into the territory belonging to the king
our sovereign; and if he had not been told and informed by the
ships which were in this vicinity that the islands belonged to us,
all which will appear, in proper time, in documents sworn before a
notary. His grace's saying, in his letter written to me at Maluco,
that he entered into this our conquest in consequence of stormy weather
surprised me not a little, for the Portuguese in their voyages from
Portugal to India (although even more exposed to inclement weather,
to more violent winds, and to rough and heavy seas), never encountered
a tempest of such violence as to endure for more than twenty-four
hours, or in which, however far one of our ships might run, (with
sails either furled or spread forth to the wind) they ever passed
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