The Philippine Islands 1493-1898, Vol. 4 of 55
by
Edited by E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson

Part 2 out of 5



and they begin to die. Those who return come broken down and sick;
and alms must be given them, in order that they may remain alive. I
advise and assure your Majesty that they appeal to us with great
facility for clothing, weapons, and money.

109. I have to undertake many different trades and offices here
for I must serve as workman and overseer, judge and mediator;
I must take care of the hospitals and of the dead, as well as
the property of the deceased. Not one real of said property has
been lost. I am sending today forty-five marcos of gold, credited
to the accounts of the dead. There remain here pending law-suits,
appealed to the Audiencia of Mexico, in greater amount. There is so
much administration by land and sea, and so many details, that it is
impossible to mention them. All this gives me great satisfaction, for
I am happier when many cares attend my duties. What has wearied me,
and still is unusually wearisome, is the accounts of the officials of
your Majesty's royal exchequer, on account of their extravagance and
careless administration. In this ship I am sending the accounts, even
in their present shape, from which your Majesty will see whether there
has been any trouble. I enclose also the examination of the officials
and the residencias that have been taken. In these residencias,
because it was not best to discuss it, no charges were made, since
no Indians had been apportioned to the royal crown. On this account,
the treasury has but little income at present. I shall endeavor to
improve these matters in the future, as I have said. The books of
said officials of the royal treasury have been copied according to
your Majesty's orders, as given in the clause of instruction for
taking the accounts, and are being sent.

119. These officials of the royal treasury asked permission of your
Majesty to have Indians, as appears by a letter sent them as an answer
on the fleet by which I came, and according to what they say. In that
letter your Majesty says this is not convenient. Notwithstanding,
when Guido de Lavesares became governor, he gave them encomiendas of
Indians. It seemed to me that they neglected their duties, depending
upon other means of subsistence; and that they try to flatter and
please the governor so that he will give them another encomienda;
that the natives are angry, and that these same officials presume to
draw a salary besides. Thus it seemed best to me to apportion their
Indians to the royal crown of your Majesty. Therefore I promulgated
a decree that they should have no Indians, and that their salaries
should be paid from the royal treasury according to its contents. They
have appealed from this. Will your Majesty examine and provide what
is necessary? Where your Majesty possesses so slight an income as
is the case at present in these islands, it was a mistake to send,
at the beginning, three officials with a salary as great as those
of Mexico receive. For this very reason, their letters-patent state
that they are to be paid only from the profits of this land; yet
they have taken from the stores for barter and from your Majesty's
treasury at various times and seasons, what they could. I did not take
an itemized account of this, for at the time of settlement, either
they had nothing, or it was hidden; and they allowed themselves to be
imprisoned. Upon this question judgment has been suspended, and I refer
it to your Majesty, so that you may make such provision as is best. My
opinion is that for the present the officials of your Majesty's royal
exchequer here should not hold positions simply for ostentation, but
for actual service--since there is so much to be administered here,
and it is necessary that they should go about to make collections
and to inspect the work in the shipyards, as well as in other places
where they might be needed. It would be better to give them lower
salaries, and if they proved themselves efficient in their duties,
then they should be given an increase in the shape of an encomienda
or another office, after having closed the account; for in this land,
as all are soldiers, there are no guarantors or others to ensure the
pay of the many officials. There are people of gentle birth here, as
well as diligent and able soldiers, who could fill all the positions
satisfactorily, while the accounts would be well kept--all of which
is necessary, so far away from your Majesty. Will your Majesty please
issue the necessary orders in this?

112. Although from the letter that I am writing to the viceroy
of Mexico one can understand something of what concerns religious
instruction and the friars in this country, still I state the matter
here as I understand it. Although, according to their rule, they
may hold property in common, they cannot do so here; for the houses
are built of wood and bamboo, while there are no other holdings
for them. To all friars, priests, and lay brethren something must
be given, so they are each granted an annual income of one hundred
pesos, and one hundred fanegas of rice. I think there is a lack of
religious instruction here; for there are only thirteen friars who
can say mass, and I am not sure that any one of these understands the
language of the natives. I am told that these islands alone require
one thousand priests. Those friars who are to come here must be
men who are missed elsewhere, since they come to lead an apostolic
life. It is very necessary for your Majesty to send friars from all
the orders--especially the Franciscans, and many of them, for they
live among the Indians, and we need not support them. Your Majesty's
only expense, so far as they are concerned, will be certain articles
for their vestments, from Nueva Espana. I entreat your Majesty to
provide for this most carefully, for it is necessary.

113. When I arrived, there were two ecclesiastics, one of whom died
of disease, and one only is left. Many are needed. The ecclesiastics
complain of the friars sent them. During my term all will be peace.

114. There is a decree of concession in these islands, issued
by your Majesty, to the effect that for ten years your Majesty's
fifth of the gold should be made one-tenth. [11] The city claims
that this concession is continued. As all are soldiers and are
poor, it is necessary and just that your Majesty concede this in
this instance. Likewise there is exemption for thirty years from
customs. This amounts to a mere pittance here, and what is brought
hither or carried away belongs to the soldiers, who support themselves
with this help; for they are given nothing, except a few encomiendas to
some, and rations to others who are poor and sick; and these customs
duties should be allowed to all, to prevent them from begging.

115. Up to the present time there have been no duties on exports
or imports, or any other duties. And as I came during so hard
times, and the people were so poor and few I did not dare to impose
them. It seems to me too soon to talk of duties until it can be made
profitable. This amounts to but a small sum, and whatever is brought
from China by the vessels is but a small matter; and if we did not
treat them well, they would not return. Deprived of what they bring,
we would suffer. Therefore I mean to defer this until we have some
galleys fitted up, and possess a firmer grip in this country,

116. In this island the natives have a quantity of gold, in the form
of jewelry, with which they trade. There are many reports of gold
mines. Because it is reported that the best mines are those in the
province of Ylocos, I sent thither the sergeant-major from this camp
with forty arquebusiers. He reached those mines, and reports that they
are located in a very rough country, twenty leagues inland; that the
way thither is obstructed by great forests; and that the country is
very cold, and has great pine forests. He brought some metal, all of
which I am sending to the viceroy of Mexico; this appears to be worth
something. As it is necessary to march afoot and to carry their food,
and the country is hostile, and the soldiers poor, it seems a pity to
send them to lose what they have, in a district where they can obtain
no profit; for the operation of the mines requires tranquillity among
the people, the service of many men, and abundant supplies. I shall
endeavor to have the troops return, when food can be taken there,
and will inform your Majesty thereof.

117. When the sergeant-major was returning from the mines,
he discovered on an islet the two friars who were going with the
captains in May. They say that the captains attempted to rob them;
but, upon seeing that they had neither gold nor silver, because all
the alms that had been given them had been deposited, by my advice,
in a place of safety, the captains said that they would not take them
to China since they were not taking thither anything for presents. A
Chinese who was going with them as interpreter was also robbed of what
I had given him. They beheaded two other Chinese who had been with
Limahon, and were presented to the friars, so that they could not, on
returning to their own country, relate what had occurred. It is said
that the captains had determined to circulate there in China the story
that Limahon and the master-of-camp had both been killed in the fight,
whereupon the Castilians being without a leader, returned to Manila and
allowed the corsairs opportunity to escape. But the latter remained,
in order to verify the axiom that they have in China, that they may
not flee. This is so evil a race that if today the whole world were
given them, tomorrow they would commit a thousand treasons to steal
one single real. We shall live here always on our guard, and shall
do our duty, God helping.

118. As I have informed your Majesty, the master-of-camp, Martin
de Goite, died; and after his death, Guido de Lavesares appointed
Captain Juan de Saucedo as master-of-camp. This captain assisted
in the expedition against the corsair, and it was under his charge
in Pangasinan. At my arrival I did not discuss with him and the
captains the matter of residencia, for they were artful enough, and
at variance with one another. Moreover it was rather the moment for
burying troubles and proceeding to business. Therefore neither in his
office nor in that of the captains appointed (in greater number than
was necessary) by Guido de Lavesares, did I make, nor have I made,
any innovation; for there are so few people here. Juan de Saucedo,
master-of-camp, went to Ylocos to collect tribute from some Indians of
an encomienda that he had there. There he had an attack of illness,
from which he died in a short time. This is the sickness that kills
old and young. Upon this occasion of the death of the master-of-camp
the Chinese fabricated their lie, and complained that we did not
give them anything; while in reality we spent a considerable sum
from your Majesty's royal exchequer to supply them with provisions,
ship's stores, and other articles, in order that they might take the
fathers to China. I believe that God wills it thus, and that it is
well that they owe something, so that they may pay it at once. It is
not safe to go unarmed or carelessly in that country, or in this;
nor must one begin an attack without having a fort to receive the
return blow, and be able to sustain it. I refer to what I have said
above, and I beseech your Majesty once more to have this expedition
undertaken. As I before remarked, two merchant-ships remained here, and
we treated them kindly and with justice. When they were leaving, they
asked me what message I had for their country. I told them to convey
my compliments to the said captains, and to say that I had very kind
feelings for all the people of China; and that this was my message.

119. Since this letter was written, we have received word that the
ship sent by the viceroy this year with the usual help was lost. It
was the pilot's fault, or at least they say that it was. May God find
a remedy for this loss, for I dare not speak of it.

120. With this I enclose a copy of the letter that I have written to
the viceroy. With it I send a list of all that is needed here. This
ship sets sail at a favorable season, the beginning of June of 76;
and, please God, another will leave in about a month, as it lacks
but a little carpenter-work. We have been working at it five months.

121. In the investigation and accounts, the officials excused
themselves, saying that they had no instructions; so I made a few
ordinances adapted to the life here. I am sending these with the
present letter.

122. I am sending also the investigations that were made in regard
to no ship leaving last year; and about not compelling any one to
assay gold that is mined and traded with here.

123. I am sending the originals, and translations of the letters
from China, together with the residencias; and other papers,
consisting of a Chinese map and another small map that I had made
here, some stories of China, and those that they call "Flowers of
Silver"--all in a box directed to the viceroy of Nueva Espana, so
that it may be sent to your Majesty. It may be, as I believe, that,
in the accounts of the officials of your Majesty's royal treasury,
I also have not fulfilled well the duty of accountant, as is done at
court. I humbly beg your Majesty that these faults may be pardoned,
and that I may be advised of them, so that in the future my work
may be more correct. When these ships are despatched, I shall begin
to examine the accounts of last year, and shall send them by the
first ship. I shall set down fully in these your Majesty's actual
income here. I do not venture to send it with the other papers but
will send it by itself. The only data accompanying this letter are
in a statement of the money paid into the treasury last year, 1575;
and I hope, God helping, that this amount will soon increase.

124. Because, as I have said, this year's ship from Nueva Espana was
lost, will your Majesty please order new copies of all the papers
sent in it.

125. Your Majesty sent me twelve magistracy titles for the regidores of
this city, with a decree. I gave them to those magistrates whom I found
living here, who numbered five, seven having died before my arrival,
counting one who had become a friar. Therefore I guided myself by the
precedent that there should be twelve. In addition to these five, there
are the three officials of this royal exchequer, which makes the number
eight; a high-constable of the city, who was already provided, and him
I have left undisturbed; one Antonio Alvarez, one Franciso Banon, and
one Marcos de Herrera who are among the earliest settlers. The truth of
the matter is that we would better not discuss these magistracies now,
for everything is in turmoil. Your Majesty also had a decree sent, so
that the city might have the boundaries that I should assign to it;
but I have not yet determined this, as I had some doubts and wished
to investigate the matter thoroughly; for, if once they are assigned,
the natives are bound. I shall advise your Majesty of my decision.

126. We have shipped in this vessel ninety bundles of cinnamon
belonging to your Majesty; and as many more, which remained here,
will be shipped in the next vessel, which will sail next month. I
have gathered articles of barter, in order to send a commander of
troops to Mindanao for next year's barter; then I will advise you of
what is in that island.

127. A book will also be found in the box which is a narration of the
country, rents, and tributarios of China, which is in substance what
is contained on the Chinese map. There is also another small book
resembling a collection of sea-charts, and some papers upon which
are depicted their officials of justice, which are sold in the shops
of that land. Because I am writing to the viceroy in Mexico and am
sending your Majesty a copy of the letter, where what I do not write
here is written, I close, beseeching your Majesty to be so kind as
to order that this country be provided for, since it is so easy; and
to grant favors to all of us who are serving you here. May our Lord
preserve the Royal Catholic person of your Majesty, and bestow upon
you greater kingdoms and seigniories, as is the wish of your servants
and vassals. Manila, in the island of Lucon, in the Filipinas, June 7,
1576. Royal Catholic Majesty, your Majesty's loyal vassal and servant,
who kisses your royal hands.

_Doctor Francisco de Sande_

[In the same legajo, there is a letter from the city of Manila,
dated June 2, 1576, which also contains an account of the affair of
the pirate Limahon. It is endorsed thus: "Let it be abstracted in a
report. Done." The abstract of the letter follows, and is doubtless
the work of one of the royal clerks or secretaries. Certain
instructions and remarks of the king or council appear in the
margin of the abstract. Opposite that for clauses 71-81, which
discuss the proposed conquest of China, are the following remarks:
"Reply as to the receipt of this; and that, in what relates to the
conquest of China, it is not fitting at the present time to discuss
that matter. On the contrary, he must strive for the maintenance of
friendship with the Chinese, and must not make any alliance with the
pirates hostile to the Chinese, nor give that nation any just cause
for indignation against us. He must advise us of everything, and if,
when the whole question is understood better, it shall be suitable to
make any innovation later, then he will be given the order and plan
that he must follow therein. Meanwhile he shall strive to manage what
is in his charge, so that God and his Majesty will be served; and he
shall and must adhere strictly to his instructions as to conquests and
new explorations. We shall see to it carefully that he is reenforced
annually from this land with men, weapons, ammunition, and everything
needed for aid. The viceroy of Nueva Espana will be informed of this,
and ordered to attend to it carefully. Religious will be sent also,
to give instruction; and all supplies that are possible at the present
time will be sent. The governor must be very zealous, and encourage
the people there, and give them to understand the care that is and
will be taken for them here, in protecting, aiding, and favoring them;
and he must govern in all matters as is expected from his good sense
and prudence. Write to the viceroy to send lead, for he [Sande] asks
for it." Opposite clauses 82-85, treating of the characteristics of
the Philippines and of their inhabitants: "Tell him that the report
of that land has been read, and has occasioned gladness, and that he
should continue to advise us thus of what is necessary; also that he
show much honor and favor to the captains and soldiers." Opposite
clause 86, treating of the reestablishment of Cebu: "Write that
this is well done; and that he shall strive to have people gathered
in the principal _presidio_ [military post]." Opposite clause 89,
treating of Maluco: "Let there be no innovation in what pertains to
the Malucos." Opposite clause 90, treating of the encomiendas made
by Legazpi: "In what has been allotted, let there be no innovation;
and let that which is granted hereafter be allotted in accordance with
the deserts and services of each one." Opposite clause 91: "None of the
documents that he mentions as being enclosed with this letter appear to
have come. He said in his letter that they were all coming in one box
directed to the viceroy, and this has not arrived." "Have this relation
brought." "It has not arrived, as said above." Opposite clause 92:
"Bring these decrees." "They have not arrived." Opposite clauses 93
and 94: "As for what he says concerning the four galleys, let them
be used to defend that port and country." Opposite clause 95: "The
viceroy should be advised to send as many of those people [gunners,
etc.] as possible. Write to him to that effect." Opposite clauses
96, 97, and 98: "_Yden_" ["the same"] Opposite clause 100: "Tell
him to manage this as seems best to him;" and opposite clause 101,
"_Yden_." Opposite clause 102, treating of Legazpi's and Lavezares's
grants in Bitis and Lubao: "He is to observe what is ordered about
this in another letter." Opposite clause 105, treating of gratuities,
etc.: "Have the instructions taken by Legazpi brought. Bring the
book containing the ordinances made here, after the arrival at and
occupation of the islands is brought; the instructions given before
that time were given by the viceroy." Opposite clause 106, treating
of vacant encomiendas: "Write that, when necessity requires, and the
matter can be remedied in no other way, he remedy it as well as he can,
especially considering the necessities of the land, taking special
care of his Majesty's estate. In the above-named book is the method to
be followed in regard to encomiendas. Let him adhere to that method,
and let all the encomiendas falling vacant be allotted, until there
be given a contrary order." Opposite clause 108: "These ordinances are
brought, and a decree is being despatched that, since we have learned
that these ordinances are not observed, he is ordered to enforce
them." Opposite clause 109: "Let them be despatched." Opposite clause
110, treating of the encomiendas in possession of royal officials:
"This can be passed by and overlooked, because the land is new, until
other provision be made. In accordance with this, let those Indians
be returned." Opposite clause 111, treating of salaries of royal
officials: "Let the officials be allowed to collect their salaries from
the products of the country which are put into the treasury, as the
property of his Majesty, until other provision be made--both of money
placed therein hitherto and to be put therein in the future." Opposite
clause 112, treating of religious: "Write that they are already sent,
and that we shall see to it that more are sent continually, as well as
ecclesiastics." Opposite clause 114: "Let it be done thus, and a decree
will be sent to this effect by his Majesty." Opposite clause 116:
"Let it be done thus." Opposite clause 121: "Let them be given to a
reporter, and let him bring them immediately." Opposite clause 122:
"_Yden_. He has been informed already that the box containing all
these documents has not been sent by the viceroy." Opposite clause 123:
"Answer that these papers have not arrived. When they come they will be
examined, and he will be advised of our pleasure." Opposite clause 124:
"It shall be sent, and so advise him." On the outside is the following
endorsement: "Answered inside. Let all that is requested be brought."

These marginal remarks and provisions offer a good example of the
Spanish method of treating the communications received from royal
officials. They show a distinct business-like method, that sought to
dispose of such communications in the briefest time.]





Relation and Description of the Phelipinas Islands

[This document (which, in the archives at Sevilla, is separated
from the preceding one) is, although dated on June 8, 1577, partly
a duplicate of Sande's first report, dated June 7, 1576, which
immediately precedes this one in the present volume. We therefore omit
such part of it as repeats matter contained therein, and present all
that gives additional or new information.]

The natives are all very idle. If they would but apply themselves to
work a little of the time, they could have all they wanted; but as it
is a hot country and they are barbarians, they go naked. Nevertheless,
all know how to raise cotton and silk, and everywhere they know how to
spin and weave for clothing. There is no need for anyone to spend any
gold; for they catch the fish which they eat; the wine is made from
the palms, which are very abundant; and from these same trees they
obtain also oil and vinegar. In the mountains there are wild boars,
deer, and buffalo, which they can kill in any desired number. Rice,
which is the bread of the country, grows in abundance. Therefore
they are afflicted by no poverty, and only seek to kill one another,
considering it a great triumph to cut off one another's heads and
take captives.

In this island there is much gold, in sheets, among the natives; and,
although they trade but little, they understand the value of the gold,
and know how to adulterate it by mixing it with silver, tin, copper,
brass, and other metals brought from China. They have established
the value and qualities of gold as follows:

There is a very base gold that has no name, with which they deceive;
and a second grade, called _malubai_, which is worth two pesos. Another
quality, called _bielu_, is worth three pesos; and another, called
_linguingui_, is worth four. The quality called _oregeras,_ for which
the Chinese name is _panica_, is worth five pesos; and this is the best
gold in which they trade. It is of sixteen or even eighteen carats,
and of this are made all their trinkets and jewelry. The best gold
obtained is another grade called _guinogulan_ [12] which means "the
lord of golds;" it weighs about twenty-two carats. From this is made
the jewelry which they inherit from their ancestors, with which they
never part; and even should they wish to sell these ornaments, there is
no one who would give for them more than five pesos in silver. Neither
will they give more, even for good gold; and they do not take it in
exchange for supplies, or for the goods which they sell. Consequently
this is the reason that gold is so valued in this country. It may
be illustrated in this way. Should a Spaniard buy food or anything
else from a native, the Moro immediately takes out the touchstone
which he carries with him; and, even if the value be not over two
reals, he takes great pains to see if the gold be conformable to the
aforesaid standard. Although it may be stamped and assayed, the Indian
will trust to no reckoning but his own. Neither is there any rule by
which to pay, beyond the weight and value of the gold; this applies
likewise to the orejeras or panica, for all the gold which is used
in trade is mixed with other substances, to make the other grades of
base gold. Although I have intended and tried to remedy this, it is
impossible, as the majority of them are silversmiths for this very
purpose; and if any restrictions were made, they would think that they
were about to be ruined. It has seemed to me that the country is very
new for establishing any other currency than gold, which here is like
the king's fifth of silver in Nueva Espana. I have written to this
effect to the viceroy, a copy of which letter accompanies this, and
a report concerning this matter; also an account of the gold paid to
the royal treasury, and the trade effected by all the Spaniards. The
Chinese will not take the panica at more than four pesos of texuela
to the tae[l] which, they say, is of that value in their country and
they lose one llealla by so doing. This is the weight called _tae_,
and comes from China. It weighs more than one onza, two adarmes; so
that three taes and thirteen maes are worth two Castilian marcos, or
one livra. [13] When I came here the viceroy of Mexico sent an assayer,
saying that one had been requested from here. After his arrival no
one brought him anything to assay, as he was young and inexperienced
in treating gold. Losses suffered at the beginning by those who
tried to have gold assayed caused us to abandon the attempt. The
Moros understand the laws of gold better than we do. I have given
notice of [original illegible]. It may be of service to the royal
estate. I have given information thereof which will accompany this,
and I think that it is impossible to exercise more diligence. I have
ordered that, when the gold enters into possession of the officials
of the royal estate, they shall value it before a notary, so that it
shall be issued in the same way that it entered. This is done because
there seems to be no other remedy, as the Moros, with their standards,
buy up all the money of current gold, and necessarily at the prices
which they themselves give to it in their debts and traffic.

As provisions were wont to be sent from Nueva Espana every year,
there were also sent reals until I came. Since then, none have been
sent; nor has any money been given to me. On the other hand, I have
announced to the public that it is outrageous that we do not serve
your Majesty by sending some gold from here; and that even to think of
their sending money from there would be to argue that we do not know
how to look for it as well as they do in Nueva Espana. It has been
a thankless task to make this ruined land profitable, for he who has
Indians, or some wealth, keeps it for himself; everyone else comes,
with loud complaints, to ask the governor to give them enough to
eat from the royal estate. Accordingly, when I came here the royal
treasury had no possibility of income, as his Majesty will see from
the accounts and from a memorandum which I am sending. Although but
a short time has passed, the condition of things has improved, and
the affairs of the royal estate have been put into as good order as
in Mexico, considering their extent.

I have succeeded in obtaining for the royal crown all the Indians
possible, especially those who are useful, and whose tributes are
increasing. They are conveniently near Spaniards, so that the latter
can more easily make collections, and also profit by the supplies. Thus
I will always do, although I have had, and still have, considerable
trouble in it.

These natives have not been able to pay their tributes, on account
of living scattered and far away; and their country has been at
war until now. They have not been taxed, as the number of people
is not known. They are so skilful in hiding themselves, that
private soldiers have to be sent from here for the collection of
the money. These latter collect what they wish, and say that they
have collected so much, and not a penny more, and that the entire
village is composed of honest men. Whoever goes brings back the same
account of these peoples. Therefore little is paid, and the returns
to the royal treasury are few I have made investigations, however,
and have imprisoned some of the soldiers, and prevented others from
collecting the tributes; but it is only vain endeavor. On account of
the few people in this country justice cannot be executed for this
or any of the offenses common here.

No one here is willing to accompany a man who goes on horseback, or
serve him in any way. Therefore, I am served only by my servants; but,
nevertheless, I have in my house all who wish to come there to live and
to eat; and I help them to the extent of my ability. They are served by
my slaves and servants in due order. There are many of them, but in my
house permission is not given to live with the liberty that is desired
by young men. In due season, or when your Majesty may be pleased to
provide more troops, the present customs may be suitably changed--my
intention being only to establish a reform in this direction.

_Item_: The voyages to this country are all by sea, and in ships which
are often wrecked, many soldiers being thus lost. Those who have
the good fortune to escape with their lives lose their arquebuses,
coats-of-mail, swords, and daggers, which constitute their military
equipment. Since I have been here, I have often helped many of those
thus left destitute, who had no other means of succor, although not
at so moderate cost to the royal estate as for the poor. In this
case I have not spent from the royal estate until after reviewing
all other expenses of like nature, and consulting your Majesty. This
expense seems to be as necessary as the first provision of weapons
and clothing to the soldiers. Nevertheless, it is wise to warn them
to be more careful in navigation, and more resolute in guarding
their belongings. In my opinion it will be convenient for your
Majesty to have the goodness to send instructions on this point,
stating especially whether it is possible to give aid, in weapons and
clothing, in a moderate quantity, from the royal treasury. It should
be always forbidden to give money from the royal treasury even once,
although it may thus happen that some soldiers, nobles, and cavaliers
may suffer want, for lack of money with which to clothe themselves. It
is not convenient to grant encomiendas to all; and although they
may ask for food at the houses of their friends, they are in need
of clothing. The only means of income here is the payment of the
tributes to the encomenderos, whom I have tried to convince that
all the soldiers be maintained thereby, as it is a very convenient
method; but people of much caprice cannot be persuaded to this,
nor can they clear their heads from vapors. On account of the small
number of troops here, as I have already stated, I have induced the
people to do sentinel-duty and undertake expeditions under leaders--of
whom there are not a few, beginning with a brother of mine. Although
I do my best, it is impossible to avoid giving them some aid. Last
Christmas I aided several with tributes paid by some unapportioned
Indians, declaring that, if they had belonged to the royal crown,
I could not have done so. I allotted the Indians to a captain by the
name of Chacon, and the income arising from them was divided among
several persons. I preferred to have the transaction take place under
authority of the officials, and to have it attested by the government
notary. Therefore this has been recorded, and together with the decree
forwarded to your Majesty. I trust that his Majesty will examine it,
and send me information of what he may be pleased to provide.

In Nueva Espana, when an encomendero dies without an heir, the
Indians under his charge revert to the royal crown. When Guido de
Lavazares was here, he arranged that in such case the Indians should
be re-allotted; and thus it was done, being a law of the land when I
came here. As the country is so new, and but ill pacified, and there
is so great need for people, and this concerns the community, I have
followed the same custom since my arrival--although I have assigned
to the royal crown the majority of Indians who are left ownerless,
thus combining both methods. I have told the people that it is meet
for his Majesty to receive income in order to support the friars and
his servants here, as well as for the alms and assistance which have
been described. Nevertheless, it has seemed to me necessary that
his Majesty be informed of the reassignments, and that he have the
goodness to issue commands therefor which shall be duly obeyed. I
state no reasons for or against this arrangement, since the royal
council may judge better than I. If it be considered convenient to
grant the grace which these persons desire, as a favor proceeding
from the royal person and his royal council, let it not be imagined
that this and similar actions emanate from the governor. I am of
the opinion that his Majesty is the one to grant the favor; and,
if he does so, he will send advices thereof, either secret or public.

The Indians of this country are not simple or foolish, nor are they
frightened by anything whatever. They can be dealt with only by the
arquebuse, or by gifts of gold or silver. If they were like those of
Nueva Espana, Peru, Tierra Templada, Tierra Firme, and in the other
explored places where the ships of Castilla may enter, sound reasoning
might have some effect. [14] But these Indians first inquire if they
must be Christians, pay money, forsake their wives, and other similar
things. They kill the Spaniards so boldly, that without arquebuses we
could do nothing. This was the reason that Magallanes, the discoverer
of these islands, was killed; and that Villalobos and Sayavedra,
and those who came afterward from Nueva Espana were maltreated. All
those who have been killed since the coming of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi
received their death through lack of arquebuses. The Indians have
thousands of lances, daggers, shields, and other pieces of armor, with
which they fight very well. They have no leaders to whom they look
up. The havoc caused by the arquebuse, and their own lack of honor,
make them seek refuge in flight, and give obedience to our orders.

After imprisoning a soldier, it is necessary to give him food while
he is in jail, and also to care for him in sickness. In order to
avoid the expense, he is finally set at liberty. I have exercised all
possible diligence to deal with them so that they will be afraid, and
mend their ways. I have sent the delinquents to work apart, separated
from one another; and have also reprimanded them, and informed them
that they must do right. Thus, by the aid of God, this commonwealth
is entirely reformed. They do not follow the pernicious practice of
gambling, because they are occupied, and because they know that he who
is engaged in these practices cannot be my friend. Among other men,
gambling might be more endurable; but here they attack one another with
knives, blaspheme, and steal, and do great harm to one another. There
is also almost complete reformation from the swearing, drinking,
and like vices which had caused great corruption and the disgrace of
many men. There is also improvement in regard to concubinage among
them. It is desirable that the soldiers should always lead honest
lifes, but as they are young, and the women in this country are so
many and so bad, it is more difficult to correct this evil.

* * * * *

By a decree of your Majesty, I was asked [to fix] the boundaries of the
city. I assigned five leagues around this place where we live, although
as yet these limits are of no use, as in this island there have not
been, nor are there now, any customs duties or other imposts. I came
at a time full of labors, and the people are few and poor. Considering
the losses of the ships of the past year, it seems to me that it is
too soon to obtain any duties from the Chinese ships. I have advised
your Majesty thereof, and exemption from the customs and other duties
has been granted to these islands for thirty years. Consequently,
nothing is demanded from the Spaniards; and, as they are all soldiers,
and should have some profit from what is sent hence to Nueva Espana,
it would be well to increase the customs duties somewhat. It is also
decreed that for the term of ten years there shall be paid the tenth
instead of the fifth of all the gold found here. The city already
demands, at the end of these ten years, that your Majesty renew his
favors. I think that, as a result of this decree, some gold is sent
to Nueva Espana; but, if the entire fifth were taken, the gold would
be traded with the Chinese, and thus so great a quantity would not
be sent to Nueva Espana. May your Majesty be pleased to grant this,
and advise me as to this point.

When I came to this city there were here two ecclesiastics, and besides
them no more in all the islands. One died of illness, and the other
is now alone here, under command of the friars. When at one time
he read a letter of excommunication he was appointed vicar by the
provincial of the order of St. Augustine; and now he complains that
he is commanded by friars. There is great need that ecclesiastics be
sent here, so that the sacraments can be administered and confessions
be heard, as in other colonies.

Although I write to the viceroy of Mexico concerning the religious
instruction in this country (a copy of which letter accompanies this),
I wish to explain more fully to your Majesty that there is a great lack
thereof. Some of the friars sent from Mexico are those who cannot stay
there, and must be sent away. Those who come here to lead the apostolic
life must be orderly persons, and such as are missed in the place from
which they come. But it is of secondary importance to discuss persons,
and it is necessary to refer to important matters which require
remedies. Your Majesty must understand that there is great lack of
religious teachers here, and that the friars labor very diligently,
although they do not usually apply themselves to learn the language,
or to attract the natives. If I am not mistaken, the surest remedy is
for friars and ecclesiastics of all orders to come here, especially
those who cannot possess property; for, as this land is so new and
there are no inheritances, the friars can have no income in common,
except the alms given from the royal treasury. As the Indians are so
avaricious, and adore the gold--which they actually kiss, and consider
of the highest importance--it is exceedingly necessary that the priest
accept no gold, nor should he seek or trouble them for it. He must
only desire food, according to the necessities of nature; and as the
land is well provided therein, at the lowest prices in the world,
he may be well content who wishes nothing more.

* * * * *

As soon as I arrived in this city, I began proceedings in the
residencia, and the examination of accounts, according to your
Majesty's commands. Duplicates of the report were sent in the ship
"Santiago" and also in the ship "San Phelipe," which were unfortunately
lost. In the ship "San Juan" will now be despatched the duplicates,
as your Majesty will note in the letter to the viceroy. There is also
sent an account of everything else which has been done in regard
to the officials. I made all possible endeavor in Mexico to obtain
instructions and papers regarding their, and I brought only those which
I send with the accounts. They said that there were no others, and the
officers of the royal estate declare that they brought no instructions,
and never had any. As your Majesty will see by the accounts there
were no books of the treasurer or factor, and consequently none can
be despatched with the accounts. When these officials were asked,
they said that they kept no books. Only the accountant kept a book;
but Aldave, who served Guido de Lavazares, had a memorandum-book, which
I remit with the accounts. I have issued orders for every official
to keep a book, and to have a common book of the treasury, which
is now done. Moreover, as they said that they had no instructions,
I gave them some orders, according to what I believe is necessary,
copies of which I send to the royal council. The officials rendered
their accounts, although I have not passed upon some things--such as
accounts which are not certified, the tribute collected, and their
salaries. If they hold some funds which I have not found, I cannot
execute what I am commanded to do; although what I have found has
been attended to. For this reason, affairs have been delayed; and
in the meantime investigations have been made, and thus many affairs
are now sent for the consideration of the royal council. Some of my
instructions, however, cannot be carried out, for lack of funds.

On the occasion of the last investigations, it appears that they
reported that they had spent more than they had received; and that
the loans and deposits thus due should be placed to the account
of the royal treasury. As their loans were drawn out as salaries,
I have not permitted this.

The officials of the royal estate have each furnished bondsmen, who
are their securities for two thousand ducats; and they gave them,
little [original illegible] because they came from Nueva Espana
without furnishing bonds, and, as they say, without instructions;
so I have commanded them to find bondsmen for these amounts. Their
sureties are all captains and soldiers, from whom their clothes and
weapons cannot be taken away, nor their means of support; there are,
moreover, no realty holdings here. They regard their accounts, however,
as adjusted, and have almost obliged me to wait for your Majesty
to examine their pleas, so that their misdeeds may be excused. On
this account I am advancing but slowly; and, as our resources for
correcting this evil are so inadequate, may your Majesty be pleased
to declare his pleasure as soon as possible.

The sureties have not fulfilled their agreements; and, although I have
commanded them to give bonds, they do not nor can they do so, as all
are soldiers in this country. The best remedy is for his Majesty to
command that accounts be audited every year. Thus I have ordered,
and they have been audited to the year seventy-six, and accompany
this present report. For this reason most of all should the officials
give bonds, that they are in charge of various small matters and
transactions for which I am not sufficient security. Accordingly,
although they have not yet furnished bonds, I have refrained from
enforcing this order, until his Majesty shall decide what he wishes
done. Guido de Lavazares had appointed Salvador de Aldave as treasurer;
and he still holds the position until your Majesty shall make provision
therefor. Guido de Lavazares does not wish the office; nor do I think
that he is capable of filling an office which requires the keeping
of documents.

In investigating the accounts of the officials, execution was
levied on their goods, some of which have been entered in the royal
treasury. I have commanded half of their salaries to be issued them
for their support, and no more, until your Majesty shall provide
accordingly. Some slaves, clothing, and bedding were left to them, the
same being considered as deposits in the name of the royal estate. His
property was left to Guido de Lavazares, but no salary, since that
is drawn by another man, who holds his office. I offered to give him
an encomienda for his support; but he did not wish it, and asked me
for permission to leave this country. I showed to him a clause of the
instructions regarding the accounts, which said that close watch must
be kept over those who were under surveillance; that, if it were not
for that clause, I would permit him to go; and that I would immediately
inform your Majesty thereof. I also give information regarding the
tributes from the provinces of Bites and Lubao, and elsewhere, which
Guido de Lavazares collected for himself. His property was confiscated,
to which act his wife was opposed, and also the properties of persons
deceased of which there were many. Some of these were placed in
the royal treasury, together with another portion, sent from the
payments from the valley of Purao. All is set down in the accounts,
as is everything concerning this matter, with the proceedings therein.

On continuing the investigation, it was found that property had
been delivered to the person serving in the office of captain of
artillery. When an account was demanded from him, it was many months
before he was obliged to give it, as may be seen by his petitions
accompanying the record of his trial. After waiting six or seven months
(I shall not mention here all the words spoken), and on seeing that
he was so reluctant to present his account and explanation, I took
advantage of a petition which he had made--in which he resigned his
office, and begged that I give it to some one else. This I did, giving
the position to him who was sergeant-major of the camp. After these
changes, I had his property seized. This compelled him to attend to
the account, and he began to be willing to hand it in, as appears very
clearly in the report of his trial, which accompanies this. It might
be well that I should not habitually show similar lenity; but in this
case there could be naught but compassion felt, as he had no judgment
whatever. [15] I was therefore moved; and, by his Majesty's favor,
this captain of artillery has an encomienda of more than a thousand
men, near this city. This I have had set aside for him, and have
commanded that he support himself from half the tributes thereof;
likewise his clothes, and weapons, and his servants, were left to
him. He asked permission to go to Espana, saying that he was married,
and that he had not seen his wife for twenty years. His Majesty will
command what shall be provided in this case.

In the investigation of the former captain of artillery (appointed
by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, at Puerto de la Navidad), inasmuch as no
bonds were taken from this soldier, I have attached the property of
Miguel Lopez, and that of the officials, for not having attended to
their duty in this regard. After seeing the account and investigation
of this matter made by the officials of the royal estate, I decided
to transfer the blame to the account of Miguel Lopez, and to seize
his goods for the same reason.

At my arrival here, Guido de Lavazares had allotted Indians to the
officials of the royal estate. When I entered upon my office, they sent
to ask his Majesty for permission to hold them. They were answered by
a decree, which was shown to me when I came, which declared that this
could not be allowed. For this reason I placed all their salaries to
the account of the royal crown, to which they still belong. Salvador
de Aldave presented a petition, saying that he is not a proprietary
official, but merely holds the office of treasurer until another shall
be provided in his place. This was done in order that his Indians
should not be taken away; and on this account I have allowed him to
keep them. They have all appealed, asking that your Majesty declare
his pleasure. I wish that the officials of the royal estate would
apply themselves more to their duties, and the exercise of diligence
therein, as is very needful where there is so much to be administered;
and that they should be free from other obligations and have no other
means of earning a support.

As his Majesty will have already understood, I have declared that
neither the officers nor other persons here can give bonds. The
labors here are and have been those of which your Majesty will have
knowledge. One and all have served your Majesty for many years, and
as soldiers and among soldiers. If there should be any fault in the
papers, I beg your Majesty to extend his mercy to all, and to deign
to forget these errors. May your Majesty be pleased to pardon me this
boldness, and to command that the accounts be examined. May replies
be sent by the first ship and any faults of mine which may be found
therein be pardoned, and all necessary instructions be furnished to me.

Moreover, in regard to the inquiry which discusses the exchange of
different grades of gold, the people here are of such sort that no
one makes a payment without declaring that he is giving gold of a
good quality; but, on the other hand, the one who collects declares
to the contrary. By the accounts for the year seventy-six, which
are now finished, and by the entire expense account, which I have
examined personally, it seems to me that good faith in the past year
may be deduced. In this country, the heat of the sun is very great;
and for even one week's work, or when a ship is going to be launched,
it is necessary to erect a shelter for the workmen. This is made in
a short time, with poles, bamboo, and palm-leaves. In the shipyards
there is much waste; and, as the wood rots from dampness here, the
soldiers take it at night to use in their houses, and relieve their
misery. This cannot be called a theft, as it is done by menials who
came hither at your Majesty's expense and are engaged in his service.

When I came here I found the country swept by fire, everything in
ruins, and the Indians in rebellion, having taken advantage of the
coming of the pirate [Limahon]. Since then I have not ceased in my
endeavors to promote all possible peace here. I have surrounded the
city with a palisade and rampart, building therein two cavaliers,
which are further strengthened by ramparts--one toward the southeast,
where the pirate landed; and the other toward the northwest. It
seemed to me very important to guard the point formed by the river
and the sea. People declare that after Miguel Lopez de Legazpi came
here the water wore away the land for the distance of two gunshots. I
have all the river staked in, as also the point by the sea; and have
had the latter filled in with earth until it is all level. I think
that it will, therefore, be always stable, if it is repaired from
time to time. I have had the fort of this city repaired, building
ramparts where they were lacking, so that one may walk around it on
the rampart. I have covered two cavaliers, although communication
may be had between them at a pike's length, which could not be done
before. The floors have been covered with wood, so that the pieces of
artillery may be dragged about more easily. I have also constructed
many chests, both for the interior of the fort and for the galleys,
and have mounted all the guns here.

As I advised by the ship "Santiago," I sent to the island of Panay for
galleys to be made. Two built there were launched in this city, and I
have another of sixteen [toneladas?] finished, and one of twenty-five
is in course of construction. It would have been completed four months
ago had it not been for the overhauling of this ship "San Juan," which
carries this letter. Nevertheless, it will be finished inside of two
months, because all the boarding, planking, and sheathing has been
done, and there is nothing more to hinder the workmen on the ship. I
have also had oars brought for all four galleys, and the majority
of them are made. Also the provisions for them and some casks have
been supplied. The oars are not yet ready for use, as there are not
eight quintals of lead in this country. I am expecting supplies from
Nueva Espana, with some men to command the galleys. Besides these
occupations, all the workmen were engaged during the past year, from
Christmas until July, in overhauling the ships "Santiago" and "San
Phelipe." They have been busy since October in overhauling this ship
"San Juan" until its sailing today, to repair damages caused by its
wreck. It is now put in very good condition, with pine masts, which I
took from that of the [original illegible] which are said to be better
than those here; for the wood of this land is very heavy. After the
completion of the galleys which were built here, I have commanded them
to build there a large ship of four hundred toneladas. After completing
the galley, another will be made here of the same style, God willing;
we have bought much iron and everything necessary, as I have written
to the viceroy in his letter. God permitting, we shall build ships
here which would be worth in Nueva Espana one hundred thousand ducats,
and which cost here less than fifteen [thousand]. Consequently the
situation here may be improved thereby. Moreover, some light sail-boats
have been made; we have succeeded in subduing all the natives; search
has been made for mines, and everything possible has been done, as
your Majesty may see by the letter to the viceroy. There has also been
built a hospital in this city, to which I have granted an encomienda,
as I have already advised your Majesty. I have built the church of
San Agustin, the expenses of justice have been paid, and a house
has been built for the friars. As the corsair had burned everything,
they were given three hundred pesos from the royal treasury for this
purpose. As the city was without a public church, I have had as large
a one as possible built of wood. There could not be a better or larger
one in this country; and the work has been going on for five months,
but even yet it is not finished.

He who is governor here must exercise constant vigilance in affairs. He
must know what is being accomplished in the different works, and
when the persons who draw salaries journey to and from different
points. He must be watchful of the provisions and supplies, and in
truth, the governor must be an overseer of all the offices. It is
especially difficult to prevent things from happening behind one's
back. I have also had a house built where the governor lives, as
there was none here before. In truth, I may say that when your Majesty
was pleased to order me to come here, the path was not discovered by
which they brought me on the sea, and the land was neither subdued nor
peopled. I say this without prejudice to the services of my neighbors,
and I humbly beg that your Majesty be pleased to grant me grace and
remember me. In Manila, June the eighth, 1577.

[_Endorsed on front_: "Relation of the condition in which were found
the Filipinas Islands. Their location is described in detail, and the
fertility of the soil for food products, pasturage, the sugar industry,
and that of indigo. The year 1577."]



Bull for Erection of the Diocese and Cathedral Church of Manila


Gregory, Bishop, servant of the servants of God: In perpetual
remembrance of the affair.

Trusting in the safeguard of Him who moves the hinges of the earth,
toward whom are bent the minds of men--through whose providence,
moreover, all things derive their government--we willingly do our share
of the duty entrusted to us from above, to the end that they who now
are in darkness may be enabled to enjoy the true light which is Christ
Jesus, and that the rays of His light may beam upon them. Wherefore,
in accordance with the preeminence of this apostolic see in the regions
of the earth, all and singular, as required by necessity and other
reasonable motives, we plant new episcopal sees and churches, that
by new plantations may be increased the new adhesion of peoples to
the church militant; that everywhere may arise, spread, and flourish
the profession of the Christian religion and the Catholic faith; that
even insignificant places may thereby be enlightened, and that their
inhabitants and the dwellers thereof, girded around with new sees in
charge of prelates of rank, may the more easily win the rewards of
everlasting happiness. In truth, since the soldiers of our very dear
son in Christ, Philip, Catholic Sovereign of the Spains, voyaging
many years ago to the sea known as Mar del Sur ["Southern Sea"],
discovered there very many islands known as the Philippines, near the
continent of China, in some of which (chiefly in Luzon and Zebu) they
made settlements; while the same King Philip sent to the aforesaid
islands not only temporal governors for the purpose of establishing
and maintaining justice therein, but ecclesiastical persons, both
regulars and seculars, that they might administer the sacraments of
the church and confirm converts in the Catholic faith--the result was
that, through the mercy of God, many natives of the said islands were
converted to the said faith. However (albeit matters in the spiritual
realm have thus far been managed in this fashion), with the increase
of Spaniards in those islands the same King Philip, in order that
they might become more peaceful and populous, with this intent sent
thither Spaniards--two hundred men with their wives and children,
and four hundred unmarried men. Daily very many of the said natives,
embracing the aforesaid faith, receive the regeneration of sacred
baptism, although the islands aforesaid are more than two thousand
leagues distant from the province of the Christians known as New
Spain, subject to the rule of the said King Philip, whence supplies
are brought to those islands. It therefore was proper and necessary,
for the welfare of the souls of these natives and other like persons,
as well as for the peace of conscience of the said King Philip, that
in those islands should be some one in charge of spiritual affairs,
with the care of the said souls. Neither should there be wanting the
proper and necessary spiritual and ecclesiastical government in those
regions, to the end that Almighty God may be served more faithfully,
and the gospel law and the said faith be spread and exalted the more,
on this account. After mature deliberation with our brethren on these
points, with their advice, arid at the humble solicitation of the
aforesaid King Philip, by our apostolic authority, by perpetual tenor
of these presents, to the praise and glory of the same Almighty God,
as well as to the honor of His most glorious Mother and ever Virgin
Mary and of all the heavenly court, and to the exaltation of the
aforesaid faith, we separate, exempt, and wholly release the church
of the city known as Manila, in the said island of Luzon, as well
as the city itself, and, in the islands belonging to it and their
districts, territories, and villages, all the inhabitants of either
sex, all the clergy, people, secular and regular persons, monasteries,
hospitals, and pious places, as well as ecclesiastical and secular
benefices, of whatsoever orders of regulars, from our venerable
brother the archbishop of Mexico, and from any other ecclesiastical
and diocesan prelates, under whose jurisdiction they previously may
have been--as well as from all jurisdiction, superiorship, cognizance,
visit, dominion, and power of any one whomsoever. Moreover, by the
aforesaid authority and tenor, we erect and establish forever the
town of Manila into a city, and its church into a cathedral, under
the title of "the Conception of the same Blessed Mary Virgin," to
be held by one bishop as its head, who shall see to the enlargement
of its buildings and their restoration in the style of a cathedral
church. Besides this, in it and the city and diocese he shall have
the word of God preached, the heathen natives of those islands
brought and converted to the worship of the orthodox faith, and
converts instructed and confirmed in the same faith; moreover, he
shall cause to be imparted to them the grace of baptism, with the
administration of the other sacraments of the church. In the church,
city, and diocese of Manila, he shall exercise episcopal jurisdiction,
authority, and power freely. Moreover, in both the aforesaid city
and diocese he shall now, as well as on occasion, erect and establish
dignities, canonries, prebends, and other ecclesiastical benefices,
both with and without parochial charge, with whatever else besides may
be expedient for the increase of divine worship and the health of soul
of those natives. He shall be subject to the said archbishop of Mexico,
and to his successors for the time being, as metropolitan. Moreover,
he shall enjoy all rights as on occasion shall be declared, excepting
as regards gold and silver metals, gems, and precious stones, which
are the right of the said Philip and of the Catholic Sovereigns of
the Spains for the time being. For this reason we ordain that tithes
and offerings of first-fruits [_primitias_], as required by law,
need not be paid. Moreover he shall enjoy all other episcopal rights,
the same as are enjoyed, by law or custom, by other bishops of
the kingdoms of the Spains together with the exaction of the
same as see, table [_mensa_], and other episcopal insignia, and
jurisdictions. Besides, for the future he may freely and lawfully
use, hold, and enjoy the privileges, immunities, and graces which
other cathedral churches and their prelates in the said kingdoms
use, hold, and enjoy, in any manner, through law or custom. Again,
to the same church of Manila we assign the aforesaid people for city,
the said island of Luzon and all the other islands for diocese, and
the natives and inhabitants thereof for clergy and people. Moreover
we grant to the same King Philip power to assign, increase, extend,
lessen, and otherwise change the bounds therein. For his episcopal
table [_mensa_], we apply and appropriate as dowry the yearly
revenue of two hundred ducats, to be paid by King Philip from the
yearly revenues coming to him from the said island of Luzon, until
the fruit of the table itself shall reach the value of two hundred
similar ducats. Moreover we reserve, grant, and assign forever to the
king the right of patronage over the church of Manila; and should
any vacancy occur therein (this the first occasion only excepted),
to present, within one year, to the Roman Pontiff for the time being,
persons fit for that office as bishop and pastor of the same church of
Manila. We also grant the same right of presentation for dignities,
canonries, prebends, and other benefices, from their first erection,
and thereafter as vacancies shall occur, these being similarly given
to the bishop of Manila for the time being, who shall present the same
to Philip, or the king for the time being--who, by reason of the dowry
and the new foundation, is to be consulted in the establishment of
these dignities, canonries, and prebends, the apostolic constitutions,
and ordinances, and other things, to the contrary notwithstanding.

Let no one therefore infringe this page of our separation,
exemption, release, decree of erection, establishment, application,
appropriation, reservation, grant, and assignments, or rashly dare
to contravene. Should anyone, however, presume to attempt it, let him
recognize that he has thereby incurred the wrath of Almighty God, and
of his Blessed Apostles Peter and Paul. Given at Rome, at St. Peter's,
on the sixth day of February in the year of the incarnation of our
Lord one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, and the seventh
year of our pontificate.



Letter from Francisco de Sande to Felipe II


Royal Catholic Majesty:

I have informed your Majesty in other letters concerning the condition
of these your Filipinas islands, and refer you to what I have written
to your Majesty's Royal Council of the Indies, which letters have
probably arrived ere now. Likewise I have informed your Majesty how,
obeying your Majesty's orders, and those of the Royal Council of the
Indies, to obtain the friendship of the king of Borney and Vindanao,
and to render an account of what was done in this matter, I left this
city of Manila with the fleet of galleys and galliots. This I did for
your Majesty on the third day of March, and I proceeded to the island
of Borney with forty sail, counting ships of this country, and with
peaceful intentions, as my actions demonstrated. But the Moro king
of those districts, not wishing peace, came out with his fleet to
fight me on the sea, three or four leagues from the city. I sent him
a written message of peace; but he killed one of the ambassadors (who
were chiefs), and despoiled them of their possessions, as well as the
Moro rowers whom they took with them from this island of Lucon. But
although three of these have returned, the others have not. Finally
he opened hostilities, discharging his artillery. After we had fired
a number of volleys, it was God's pleasure that the Moros should be
conquered and take to flight. Thereupon I employed myself in collecting
the galleys and ships taken from them--in all twenty-seven. Likewise
I secured the artillery, dragging much of the same out of the water,
where they had thrown it--in all one hundred and seventy pieces,
both large and small. In my other letter, however, I did not inform
your Majesty exactly concerning this number, and stated that I had
remained in Borney to settle and populate it, as in fact I did.

After this, when I had subdued four or five thousand Moros who were
settled there--among them an uncle of the king, and a cousin who
served the latter there as captain-general in that war, the king of
Borney persisting in hiding in the mountains and swamps in which that
island abounds--and when I set about collecting and summoning the
people, it was God's will that all my soldiers should fall ill. It
became necessary for me to set sail in order to save my men, as
your Majesty will perceive by the relation which I am sending to the
Royal Council of the Indies. However, I first made an agreement with
those chiefs, who promised to give full obedience to your Majesty;
and that king assured me that he would receive Spaniards. Therefore,
at the first occasion the Spaniards will effect a settlement, a place
will be chosen for them, which is understood to be most healthful;
and your Majesty will be informed thereof.

From Borney I sent seven of the galleys captured there, with artillery,
and two others of your Majesty's ships, for the pacification of the
island of Vindanao. That fleet arrived there after a quiet voyage,
and I shall have news of it this coming September.

In Borney I obtained precise information concerning the entire
archipelago and the mainland, as I found there people from China,
Cauchi, [16] Camboja, Sian, Patane, Pahan, Jabas, Samatra, Achen,
Manancabo, Batachina, Maluco, Vindanao, Limboton, and other islands
thereabout. Concerning these I inform you only that as far as Sian
there dwell Moros; and thence toward the north are idolaters. Moreover,
they are within your Majesty's demarcation and are not included in
the compact [of Zaragoza]; and by employing the proper methods they
can be brought to the service of God and of your Majesty, without
violating the laws of God or nature, or the instructions which your
Majesty has most inviolably charged upon me.

With the artillery which I have taken and still hold, and the galleys
as well, the propagation of the faith and of your Majesty's service
can be carried forward. I take part in these expeditions necessarily,
because of the communications which it is necessary to make, and
to secure the observance of instructions and the obedience of the
soldiers. In this I continue to serve your Majesty with much joy,
and I see to it that all my men shall do the same.

On account of my small force (some of my men being also inexperienced
and ill-armed), and because of a lack of equipment, and my
determination to settle in this island, where there are gold-mines
in two localities, I do not inform your Majesty concerning what
expedition I shall make this coming year; since, whatever it may be,
it is necessary to commence it with the beginning of the year, and
cease before St. John's day. With the first reenforcements which
I received, up to the present time, I made this expedition; and I
found the second reenforcement in this city of Manila, with which I
shall do all things possible in the service of your Majesty and will
inform you thereof by the first vessel.

With this reenforcement I obtained letters and news concerning your
Majesty's health, and that of other royal personages. I derived
therefrom the greatest satisfaction, and I continually beseech our
Lord to grant you, and to preserve, health for many years, as your
Majesty's vassals and servants desire and need.

I am writing more at length to the royal Council, to which I am sending
a relation of what I request herein--which I hope your Majesty will
be pleased to examine, for it will be a great favor.

In other letters I have begged your Majesty to be pleased to grant me
a reward; and I referred the matter, in order that he might urge the
same, to a brother whom I had in Espana. God has taken this brother,
as well as my father also; another brother is serving your Majesty
in the Flemish war. For this reason, I believe, I have not received
it--whence I am in anxiety, since I know what your Majesty ordinarily
does for those who serve him. I entreat your Majesty to have the
goodness to favor me, and to console me in my losses of family,
since only God and your Majesty are left me in this life.

The favor which I beg your Majesty is that you bestow upon me the
robe, with a commandery, of one of the three orders. [17] I entreat
your Majesty to vouchsafe this in my behalf, for it is a thing that
your Majesty is accustomed to bestow upon any worthy soldier, even
when he has not an office like that in which I serve. Likewise I
entreat that Don Joan de Sande, my brother, who, as I have already
stated, has been serving your Majesty in Flanders twelve years,
be given the robe, if he be still alive; and if not, I entreat
the same for Don Bernardino de Sande, my brother, who has served
your Majesty in this country as a soldier, and is now serving you
as a captain of infantry. These brothers, as well as myself, will
serve you better according as we are more highly honored. It is of
great importance that your Majesty do not forget me, who am serving
you in this capacity of governer and captain-general. And also,
because I now have but little recompense, I beg your Majesty to have
the goodness to order it increased, and to allow me some gratuity:
for in the last expedition I spent three thousand ducats of my own,
and every day there arise similar necessities. And, regarding other
favors which I also entreat from the royal Council, may it please
your Majesty to examine the letters, graciously to take cognizance
of them, and to bestow upon me the reward due for the years that I
have spent in your Majesty's service, continuing the service, both in
peace and war, rendered to your Majesty by my ancestors and kinsmen
of a most ancient lineage. And, since God so ordains it, I am alone;
and now I entreat your Majesty to have the goodness to reply to me,
granting me the reward, which I am quite confident of receiving,
and by which I am comforted.

Since in the letter to the Council I am writing more at length, in
this present letter I do otherwise, because of the many and important
matters that take up the time of your Majesty's royal person.

The Portuguese have constructed six fortifications in Maluco, in each
of which they have mounted eight Lombardy guns. The real defense is
for your Majesty to order that no innovation be brought forward in what
pertains to the compact; for I see this with great pain and anxiety for
your royal crown. As for the rest, it would be quite an easy matter.

I brought from Borney twenty-seven ships, among them being twenty-one
galleys and galliots, together with a hundred and seventy pieces of
artillery, as above said, and other war material of which I am sending
an account to the royal Council. These supplies could not be furnished
to this country for a thousand ducats; and with them the condition
of these islands will be greatly improved. May it please our Lord
so to ordain that all men shall recognize your Majesty as their king
and sovereign, as you deserve. May our Lord guard the royal Catholic
person of your Majesty many long years, augmenting your dominion and
kingdoms, as we your vassals desire. At Manila, in the island of Lucon
in the Philipinas, July 29, 1578. Royal Catholic Majesty, I am your
Majesty's loyal vassal and servant; who kisses your royal hands,

_Doctor Francisco de Sande_

[_Endorsed_: "September 12, 1579. To the president of the Indias. Let
it be filed with the other letter, and put away."]



Grant of a Plenary Indulgence to All the Faithful Who Visit Churches
of the Friars Minors


To all the faithful of Christ who view these present letters, health
and apostolic blessing:

With solicitude, as is the duty of our pastoral office, for the
health of the Lord's flock entrusted by divine arrangement to our
unworthy care, we willingly invite the faithful of that flock, all
and singular, to visit churches and perform pious and meritorious
works, in order that with the aid of divine grace, through spiritual
largesses, indulgences (namely), and the pardoning of sins, they may
the more easily reach the joys of everlasting happiness. For in the
Indias, China, and the Philippine Islands, we desire that the churches
already founded, or to be founded within the next ten years, and each
one thereof belonging to the monasteries or houses of the discalced
brethren known as the Order of Minors of St. Francis [18] of Observance
be held in due veneration by the faithful of Christ themselves--that,
frequenting them with befitting reverence, and flocking thither
to those churches with greater readiness for the sake of devotion,
they thereby may find themselves more fruitfully refreshed through
the bestowal of heavenly grace. Therefore, relying on the mercy of
Almighty God and the authority of his blessed apostles Peter and Paul,
we mercifully in the Lord grant and bestow a plenary indulgence and
remission of all their sins, on all the faithful of Christ of either
sex, who, truly penitent and confessed each year, visit devoutly the
aforesaid churches, or any of them, on the first and second day of
the month of August, as well as the feasts of St. Francis, St. Anthony
of Padua, St. Clare, St. Louis, and St. Bernardine; and these during
their visit shall, from the first vespers to sunset of those days and
feasts, pour forth pious prayers to God for the exaltation of Holy
Mother Church, the uprooting of heresies, and the conversion of the
peoples of those regions to the Catholic faith. These presents are
to hold for all times. But, as it would be difficult to have these
present letters carried to all and singular the places where needed,
we desire, and by our apostolic authority decree, that to copies of
them bearing the seal of any person in ecclesiastical rank, the same
respect shall be paid as would be given to the originals themselves,
were they shown. Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, under the seal of
the Fisherman, on the fifteenth day of November, one thousand five
hundred and seventy-eight, the seventh year of our pontificate.





Documents of 1579-82


Decree regulating the foundation of monasteries. Felipe II;
Aranjuez, May 13, 1579.

Letter to Felipe II. Francisco de Sande; May 30, 1579.

Expeditions to Borneo, Jolo, and Mindanao. Francisco de Sande,
and others; April 19, 1578 to June 10, 1579.

Appointments to vacancies in Manila cathedral. Felipe II;
[promulgated from?] Guadalupe, March 26, 1580.

Letter to Felipe II. Goncillo Ronquillo de Penalosa; July 17,
1581.

Ordinance restricting departure from the islands. Goncalo
Ronquillo de Penalosa; March 2, 1582.

Letter to Felipe II. Gonzalo Ronquillo de Penalosa; June 15,
1582.

_Sources_: These documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo
de Indias, Sevilla, except the royal decrees; these are taken from
the original MS. documents in the "Cedulario Indico" of the Archivo
Historico Nacional, Madrid.

_Translations_: The first and fourth documents are translated by
Alfonso de Salvio; the second and third, by James A. Robertson;
the last three, by Jose M. Asensio.



Royal Decree Regulating the Foundation of Monasteries


The King.

To our governor of the Filipinas islands:

Fray Domingo de Salazar, of the Dominican order, and bishop of
the said islands, has reported to us that he is going to reside
in these islands; and that he will take with him religious of his
order to found monasteries, and to take charge of the conversion and
instruction of the natives. He has petitioned us to issue commands
that whatever is done for the above order, as for those of St. Francis
and St. Augustine, be done at our expense and that of the Spaniards
and Indians (as has been done in other parts of our Indias), or as
suits our pleasure, and as it receives the approval of our Council
of the Indies.

Inasmuch as we have provided that monasteries be founded in Nueva
Espana wherever it is necessary, and have ordered that, if the chosen
places be villages belonging to the royal crown, the monasteries are to
be founded at our expense--the Indians of such villages contributing
their labor in the work and erection of the buildings; and that, when
the villages are in charge of encomenderos, the monasteries are to be
founded at our expense and that of the encomenderos, as well as with
the help of the Indians of such villages apportioned as encomiendas:
therefore it is our desire that the same orders be carried out in the
founding of monasteries in those islands. I order you immediately to
ascertain in what districts and places of those islands monasteries
are needed; after which you will take the necessary measures toward
their erection, being careful that the houses be modest, and that
they be not superfluously furnished. If the villages where they are
to be founded belong to our royal crown, you will give orders that
they be erected at our expense, and that the Indians of such villages
contribute their labor towards the work and building of them. And if
the villages are in the charge of private persons, the monasteries are
to be built at our expense and that of the encomenderos; with the aid
of the Indians of such villages apportioned as encomiendas, as above
mentioned. If in the villages live Spaniards holding no encomiendas of
Indians, you will assess them also according to their condition and
property, for they are in like manner under obligation to contribute
toward the building of churches. The sum paid by the said Spaniards
will be subtracted from the share demanded from the said Indians
and encomenderos; for since this is a good work, beneficial to all,
it is only right that all help toward its completion. Being thus a
matter of such importance, you will devote to it all the care that
it requires, remembering that no new monastery of a different order
is to be founded in the same village or its vicinity.

You will be careful always to inform us of what is being done in this
respect, and of the result of the labors of the religious.

_I, The King_

By order of his Majesty:

_Antonio de Heraso_

Aranjuez, May 13, 1579.



Letter from Francisco de Sande to Felipe II


Royal Catholic Majesty:

Last year, seventy-eight, in July, I wrote to your Majesty and advised
you of my expedition to the island of Borney, and its outcome. This
year I sent thither a fleet, which brought news that the city had been
rebuilt. The Moro king there detained the captain until he had placed
his clothing and wives in safety. The captain, in accordance with his
instructions, returned without doing them any damage. I am quite sure
that that king will quietly submit, if we effect a settlement there.

The king of Jolo rendered obedience to your Majesty and surrendered
his artillery. This year he gave as tribute a piece weighing fourteen
quintals that must have been hidden away.

This year of seventy-nine, I sent an expedition to pacify the river
of Mindanao. The king ruling there fled; but, as our people carried
orders not to do any harm there also, peace was made, and some of
the natives returned. If we plant a colony there, that king also
will submit--which cannot be effected in any other way, because of
our distance from there.

In August of seventy-eight a galleon and a large galley with five
hundred men, and other necessary supplies for Maluco, passed Borney. It
is said that one hundred were Portuguese and Spaniards, and the rest
_mestizos_ [19] and people from Yndia. According to a Cafre [heathen],
their hulks were in very poor condition. He says they were going to
Maluco to collect the tribute which was lost three years ago. I am
sending the investigations and accounts of this and of everything to
your Majesty's royal Council, and am writing more in detail. I beg your
Majesty to be so good as to favor this other world by examining this
letter. Because of your Majesty's stringent orders not to go to Maluco,
we have not gone thither. However, the compact, as I have advised your
Majesty is not well considered; and Maluco is not comprehended in it,
and is in your Majesty's demarcation. [20] Thirty vessels leaving and
returning to Sevilla could load cargoes of spices--pepper, camphor,
and other drugs and spices. In these vessels, people could be brought
from Espana, and a few fleets would populate this land, and clearly
we could take possession of all of China; for by way of Nueva Espana
the despatch of vessels will always be a trifling matter, and by way
of the strait of Magallanes I do not believe that we can hope for so
good a result. I am writing in detail regarding this to your Majesty's
royal Council. I am writing also of the method which I think we should
employ--namely, to settle in greater Java, whence we should despatch
a vessel to Sevilla to give information of the route, although I
believe that that made by the ship "Victoria" is not forgotten.

I have built a vessel here of six hundred toneladas, which can
make the said voyage, if your Majesty will so order; and I am now
building another. There is an excellent fleet of galleys; and with
what was captured from the Borneans, and in Jolo and Vindanao, and
with that taken from the Portuguese galley which I said was lost,
we have more than two hundred pieces of artillery. From the useless
pieces I am casting others. Certain Indians in this land have founded
for me one piece weighing ninety quintals; and there is not in the
castle of Milan a piece so well made. Another mold has been made,
and the Indian says that he will make as many as are ordered. From
Nueva Espana no favorable message, in regard to this or other things,
is sent. Therefore if your Majesty wishes that China be yours in
your days-please God, may they be many, as we your Majesty's servants
need--it is necessary for the execution thereof that ships be sent here
from Nueva Espana, since now we have some knowledge of this region,
and the vessels have here a good port, and we know how to proceed.

This archipelago is secure from enemies, blessed be God. We have begun
settlements--one in the province called Cagayan, in the northern part
of this island, and sixty leagues from China.

In other letters I have begged your Majesty to be so kind as to favor
me. Once more I bring this to your memory. I beg your Majesty to
grant me a habit and an encomienda for myself, and another for one of
my brothers. All of my brothers are serving your Majesty in the war,
and I am sure that they deserve the most that I beg and entreat. I am
writing to the royal council. I beg your Majesty to order that my case
be examined, and to honor this office in which I serve you, and bestow
favor upon one who has served you for so many years as I. May our Lord
preserve your Majesty's Catholic and royal person, and increase you
for many years as we, your servants and vassals, desire. Manila, in the
island of Lucon, in Philipinas, May 30, 1579. Royal Catholic Majesty,
your Majesty's loyal vassal and servant, who kisses your royal hands,

_Doctor Francisco de Sande_

[_Endorsed_: "Doctor Francisco de Sande. June four, 1581. He requests
a habit and an encomienda. To the Council of the Indies." "Seen,
and no answer is required."]




Expeditions to Borneo, Jolo, and Mindanao


In the galley named "Santiago," on the nineteenth of the month
of April, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, the very
illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general
for his Majesty of the Western Islands declared: that, inasmuch as
his Lordship is going with a fleet of galleys to the island of Borney,
both to teach the natives there the Christian law, and to reduce them
to the dominion of his Majesty--as well as to ascertain and inform
himself about the customs, past and present, of the said natives,
what law and ceremonies they observe, and the mode of life among
the natives thereabout and in other parts, who are vassals of his
Majesty--in order to attain this he ordered to be conducted, and did
conduct, the following inquiries and procedures:

For the investigation of the above-named matters, the aforesaid
governor summoned to his presence an Indian who, through the medium
and speech of Juan Ochoa Ttabudo, an interpreter, declared his name to
be Magad-china, and himself an inhabitant of Balayan. Without taking
the oath, he promised to tell the truth; and, being interrogated
according to the tenor of this declaration, said that he knows that
the king of Borney is wont to detain many Indians who resort to
Borney for trade and intercourse, and that he does not permit them
to leave the country, especially those Indians whom he knows to be
rich. The witness knows that the king forces them to marry in that
country, so that at their death he may obtain their possessions. In
this way he has seen detained against their will, Indians of Cubu,
the island of Lucon, Balayan, Bonbon, and other districts of
these islands--all rich and influential men. In especial was he
acquainted with an Indian of Manila, a messenger of Raxa Soliman,
by name Simalinquidlan; another named Siparan, a native of Manila;
and a chief named Siganbal, a native of Balayan, whom he (the present
witness) knows to have been detained by the king of Borney, in his
country, and he does not allow them to leave it. The said chief of
Balayan has been detained six years, and some eighty or ninety tacs
of gold were taken from him, besides slaves, and all these were kept
by the king. At the end of the said six years, the said chief fled
returning to Balayan, his native village. In like manner, the present
witness knows that the king of Borney is detaining many Indian chiefs
and _timaguas_ [freemen], and that he will not allow them to leave
his country. Likewise this witness, upon going to Borney to trade,
was detained in the island against his will for eight or nine years,
until the said king of Borney sent him to Balayan to sell a trifle
of _camanguian_ and other articles--whereupon he remained in the
said town, and would not return to Borney. He has seen this done and
practiced by the king of Borney against many persons, both chiefs and
timaguas, of the region about Manila, who are vassals of his Majesty.

Being asked where he learned the worship of Mahoma, and who declared
it to him, he said that the ancestors of the Borneans were natives
of Meca, as he, the present witness, had heard; for the natives
of Balayan, Manila, Mindoro, Bonbon, and that region did not have
knowledge of the said worship until the Borneans had explained it
to them; they have done so with the natives of these islands, and
therefore all these are Moros now, because their ancestors learned
it from the said Moros of Borney. [21] Their language, both spoken
and written, is derived from Meca; and the said Borneans and natives
of Sian and Patan possess and observe their Alcorans--the law and
worship of Mahoma. He said that in the book of the Alcoran, which the
present witness has seen and has heard preached, they say and assert
that they are the enemies of the Christians. Likewise in other books
they say that the Borneans have always desired to make Moros of the
Christians--a thing that he has also heard declared by the _catip_
[caliph?] whom the said Borneans regard as a priest, and who preaches
the said doctrine of Mahoma. This said catip, and others, with like
expressions preach the said doctrine of Mahoma, so that the said
natives observe it. They declare and publish that the law of the
Christians is evil; and their own, good. The witness knows that,
in the former year, seventy-four, the king of Borney undertook to
attack Manila, and to plunder and kill the Spaniards, launching for
the purpose a fleet of one hundred galleys and one hundred small
vessels. In each large vessel were about fifty, and in the smaller
about thirty men--all together, in the judgment of this witness,
making about seven or eight thousand men. All were of one mind, to
kill the Spaniards at Manila. The said fleet left the river of Borney
to begin the said expedition, but, after sailing about twenty leagues,
immediately returned, because the son of the king of Borney was taking
part in the said expedition; and, in order that the Spaniards might
not land at Borney in another part, and kill his father, he did not
continue the said expedition, but returned with the whole fleet,
without his enterprise having any effect. The witness has heard
that the king of Borney wrote letters to Raxa Soliman and Lacandora,
chiefs of Manila, so that they might revolt against the Spaniards,
and saying that all would be protected. Likewise he has heard his
relatives and other Moros tell how in former times the king of Borney
has sent preachers of the sect of Mahoma to Cebu, Oton, Manila,
and other districts, so that the people there might be instructed
in it as were those of Borney. And this witness, in his own time,
has heard the said doctrine preached in Balayan, by a Moro regarded
among them as a priest, by name Siat Saen. Also it is well known that
the said Borneans are wont to plunder the Calamianes, and enslave the
people and take them to Borney. They do the same in other districts
thereabout. The witness has heard that the said king of Borney holds
captive a Spaniard, named Diego Felipe, and two Christian Visayans,
whose names he does not know. This is what he knows, or is currently
reported, and what he has seen. He certified as to its truth, ratified
it, and signed it, in his own language, as did the said interpreter. He
was about thirty-one years old.

_Joan Ochoa Ttabudo_

Before me:

_Alonso Beltran_, his Majesty's notary

[Following this are depositions taken from four other men, two of them
natives of Borneo. The testimonies of all are very similar to the
foregoing, and show the policy of the king of Borneo. One testimony
declares that the king was wont to make the rich and influential
men who might land at his island captains, in order to retain their
wealth. The document continues:]

[_Letter to the king of Borneo_.]

I, Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general for his
Majesty in these islands and districts of the West, by order of his
Majesty, the king of Castilla and Leon, my sovereign, Don Ffelipe,
the greatest king and most powerful sovereign in the world, send
this letter by these messengers to you, Outardo Soltan Lixar, king
of Borney, so that you may know my will, and what I require.

You know already how I, with the other captains and soldiers of the
Castilians live, by order of the king, our sovereign, in Manila, in
the island of Lucon, in Cubu, and in other districts. There in Manila,
Cubu, and other districts it has been rumored that you have tried and
are trying to do us harm, and to make war upon us; that you have tried
to induce and have solicited the natives of Lucon and other districts
to rebel and revolt against us; that you have sent spies to Cubu and
other districts; that you have left your residence for this purpose
of warring against us with a fleet of ships. All these things are
without any reason, and I know not what is the cause therefor; for my
will is good and I desire to show naught but good to all, and ill to
none. Since I am proceeding to confer with you openly and publicly, I
notify you that I am not coming to plunder or to harm you, but to prove
of use to you; for the king, my sovereign, orders thus, and accordingly
I gladly notify you that I am going to you. My sovereign, the king of
Castilla, spends his money through us, the Castilians, and sends us
into all parts of the world, in order that we might proclaim the law
of the true God. For this purpose I came hither; and now I am going
to confer with you, chiefly that you may know your God and Creator,
and to teach you the true law. I wish to do you no ill, nor to seize
your possessions; on the contrary, if you are our friend, I will aid
and defend you, according to the orders of the king, my sovereign. To
this end I offer you peace and friendship on our part, in such wise,
that there may be mutual security, on both sides, to go and to come,
to see one another, to trade and traffic, as is usual among friends.

What you are to do is to admit preachers of the holy gospel, who may
preach the law of the Christians in your lands in all security; and
likewise that any person whatever of your country may have entire
liberty and permission to attend the preaching of the law of the
Christians, and that he who wishes to become a Christian may do so
without any ill befalling him.

Further, I desire that you shall send no preachers of the
sect of Mahoma to any part of these islands, nor to the heathen
among the Tingues [hill-people], nor into other parts of your own
island--inasmuch as the doctrine of Mahoma is a false and evil law,
and the religion of the Christians alone is true, holy, and good.

Further, I desire that you send me a Christian Spaniard, called
Diego Felipe, whom I am told you have there, as well as others if
you have them; and two Visayans, natives of Cubu, Christians whom
we know that you have, and who were captured from their own country;
likewise whomever else you have in your power. You must give to the
heirs of Raxa Soliman and Lacandora, natives of Lucon--vassals of the
king, my sovereign, and his subjects, in his royal name the slaves and
property that you have retained there belonging to them; and whatever
belongs to any other vassals of the king, my sovereign. This I would
do myself, if I had anything of yours or of your people, and would pay
and return it, and would do justice to them in that regard very openly.

_Item_: You must allow those persons whom you have detained, because
they are rich, to go about freely, and give them leave to return to
their own lands, since they are natives of these islands of the king,
my sovereign. They went to trade with you, and you have no right to
constrain them; but you must allow them to go freely with their wives,
children, and possessions.

Likewise, you must forbid your people from asking tribute in these
islands, inasmuch as I collect tribute in them, as it is the right of
our king, my sovereign. I write this letter that you may be advised
of my wishes. You must answer it immediately, and not detain the
messengers, even if they should say that they wish to remain in Borney
with you; for if they are detained, I shall understand that there is
some mischief and deceit on your part against our people. As we are
coming by way of the sea, and have need of food, you must send food
to us, in accordance with what is asked by my messengers, in return
for our money. This shall be paid you, as you wish; and for the same,
we are bringing silver and gold. I shall be glad to receive your
reply and to talk with you. Advise me with all haste. May God grant
you the true light and health.

_Doctor Francisco de Sande_

(On the thirteenth day of April of the above year, I delivered two
copies of this letter, one in the Bornean language, and the other
in that of Manila, to chiefs Magat and Magachina, so that they might
give them to the king of Borney.

I hereby certify to the same:

_Alonso Beltran_, his Majesty's notary) [22]

(On this day, the very illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor
and captain-general for his Majesty in these islands, showed this
letter to father Fray Martin de Rada, religious of the order of
St. Augustine, whom he is taking with him in the said expedition,
so that he might examine it, as a matter resolved on by both. He,
having read it, pronounced it good and said that it could be sent to
the said king of Borney.

I herewith certify to the same:

_Alonso Beltran_, his Majesty's notary

In the chief galley, named "Santiago," while at sea near the island
of Borney, one of the Filipinas islands belonging to his Majesty, on
Sunday, the thirteenth day of the month of April, one thousand five
hundred and seventy-eight, the very illustrious Doctor Francisco de
Sande, governor and captain-general for his Majesty, declared that,
as is well known, his Lordship going with the galleys and ships of
the fleet here amid these islands at this present time--and sailing
with every mark of peace to the port of Borney, and as a token of the
same, with a white flag at the bow of the flagship, in which the said
governor is sailing--it was discovered by the said galley, and by
the _fragata_ [23] sailing in advance of the fleet as a scout-boat,
that the mouth of the river-harbor called Borney was occupied and
blockaded with a great number of vessels. And because it was learned
from other Indians of the said river of Borney that they desired war
instead of peace; and as he did not desire to war upon them, or do
them any damage--to the offense of God, our Lord, or in disobedience
to his Majesty's orders--the said governor ordered the said flagship,
and all the said fleet, to cast anchor, and sent a message by two
Moros of Balayan, his Majesty's vassals in the island of Lucon. These
men were ordered to tell the Borneans, in order that they might know,
that his intentions were peaceful; that, as a token thereof, he was
flying the white flag; and that they should not trouble themselves to
fire any of their artillery upon the Spaniards, for, if the Borneans
did any damage, they would be punished. The said ambassadors took also
two letters, one in the Bornean language, and the other in the Moro
tongue, which they understand. In these letters was affirmed security
of peace, and other matters. And--inasmuch as military affairs cannot
maintain the moderation that may be desired, because of the emergencies
that usually arise--in order that the above might be evident, and
also in anticipation of whatever might happen, the governor ordered
this set down in writing, making therein the present declaration;
that I, the said notary, might certify thereto _in toto_, and file
with these records the original of the said letter, which he ordered
to be written to the said Indians, so that all may be kept together
and serve as evidence of the above matters. Thus Doctor Francisco de
Sande ordered, and he signed it in my presence.

_Alonso Beltran_, his Majesty's notary

On the said day, month, and year, aforesaid, in obedience to the
order of the said governor, the oath was taken and received before
God and the Blessed Mary, and on a sign of the cross, in due form
of law, from Pedro Lucas, a soldier; under which obligation, when
questioned, he declared what he knows, and that present occurrences
are as follows. On this day, Sunday, about four in the afternoon or so,
when the flagship named "Santiago" (wherein were the said governor and
other soldiers and troops) and also the other galleys and war vessels
of his Majesty were sailing toward the port of the said island of
Borney, this witness saw that the said flagship flew a white flag of
peace on the bow of the said flagship. And at the mouth of the said
port he saw a number of ships--in his opinion, some twenty-five or
thirty in all. When the said governor saw the said fleet, and that
war was about to ensue, in order not to have war with them, but that
all might be peace, he ordered the said flagship and also the other
ships and vessels of the said fleet to anchor. They anchored at a
good distance from the said port, in order to give the natives of the
said island to understand that the governor desired not war with them,
but all peace and friendship. This witness saw that the governor gave
two letters to two Moro chiefs of Balayan, vassals of his Majesty,
of the island of Lucon--one letter in the Moro tongue, and the other
in that of Borney. In them he informed the Borneans of his reasons
for coming, and that he desired not war with them, but all peace and
friendship. This witness saw the two Indians leave the said flagship
and embark on a fragata of the said fleet with the said two letters,
in order to deliver them to the Indians in the said war-vessels. The
governor ordered them to return with all haste, with a reply to his
Lordship. This is the extent of his knowledge and what he has seen
this said day. He affirms its truth, by the oath that he took, and
has signed the same. He says that he is thirty years old. Upon this
being read to him, he affirmed and ratified the same.

_Pedro Lucas_

Before me:

_Alonso Beltran_, his Majesty's notary

[Testimony is received also from three others, Juan Manuel Pimentel,
Juan Ochoa, and Gaspar Perez. That of the first is similar to the
above. That of the last contains the information that the two Moros
sent with the letters "as yet have not returned nor sent a reply,
except that we see that the said fleet of the Borneans still holds
the mouth of the said port, and his Majesty's fleet is anchored in
the open sea and in great peril; and this witness has heard some
heavy shots fired by the Borneans at his Majesty's fleet. It is
well known, and this witness has heard the Borneans say, that the
king of Borneo and his people are about to war upon the Spaniards,
both by sea and by land." A portion of the interpreter Juan Ochoa's
testimony is as follows. "This witness saw at the mouth of the said
port a number of Bornean warships, in his judgment numbering some
twenty or twenty-five. When these were seen by the said governor and
by the fragata of the said fleet, the said governor ordered the said
flagship and all the other galleys and ships to anchor, which they did,
anchoring in the open sea, without any shelter. This witness saw that
the flagship was flying a white flag of peace, so that the natives
of the island might understand that the Spaniards desired not war,
but all peace. And on this same day, this witness heard from Bornean
Moros captured in a small boat on that day while on their way from the
said river of Borney to their villages, that the said king of Borney
had heard that the said fleet of his Majesty was going to Borney;
and in order to defend himself and fight with them, he had gathered as
large a fleet as possible, and for the purpose of war had come to the
island of Mohala (distant about one league from the port of Borney),
where his Majesty's fleet was about to anchor and take in water. The
said Bornean Moros told this witness, as being the interpreter,
that they had been captured on the said day, in the said boat."]


Testimony Regarding the Naval Battle when the Port was Captured

After the above events, on Monday, the fourteenth of the said month
of April, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, about noon, the
said governor having seen that the said Borneans had returned no answer
to his letters, nor had they sent back the two above-mentioned chiefs
and six Moros from Balayan (his Majesty's vassals, who accompanied
the chiefs), and because his Majesty's fleet was in great danger,
as it had not made port; that a number of vessels belonging to the
said Borneans were on the point of beginning hostilities, and that
the Borneans showed by certain tokens that they were anxious for
war and not peace--for this reason commencing to fire and discharge
many pieces of artillery at his Majesty's said fleet and soldiers:
therefore he ordered that the said fleet, disposed in good order,
enter the said port, placing at the bow of the said flagship a white
flag of peace, that, if the said Borneans wished peace, he might make
it with them. And at the coming of the said fleet of his Majesty, thus
arranged, the Borneans in the said port--to the number of fifty ships,
large and small, rather more than less--began to resist the entrance
into the port of the said fleet, firing many pieces of artillery at
the said fleet of his Majesty and the Spaniards in it, until, after
some time, the fleet of his Majesty entered the said port, when the
said Borneans retired and fled toward the said river of Borney with
many ships in pursuit of them. Thus did the said fleet anchor in the
said port against the will of the said Borneans. Of all the above,
I, the said notary, testify herewith. These things took place before
me, as a person aboard the said fleet; and I herewith testify to
the same--Andres de Villanueva, the ensign Francisco Banon, Hernan
Ramirez Plata, Juan de Argumedo, and others, being witnesses.

I testify thereto:

_Alonso Beltran_, his Majesty's notary

After the above events, on Wednesday, the sixteenth day of the month of
April, of the said year one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight,
the very illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and
captain-general for his Majesty in the Western Islands, being in
the river of Borney, where there was a great settlement of houses;
and going into a large house, said to belong to the old king of the
said river, found there the said Simagat, a chief of Balayan, and a
vassal of his Majesty, who was one of the messengers sent to the said
king of Borney with two peace-letters. When questioned through the
interpreter, Juan Ochoa Ttabudo, he told what happened in regard to
the letters given them for the said king of Borney, to whom he gave
them; what answer they made to him concerning them; what insults and
ill-treatment they inflicted on him; and what befell Simagachina,
chief of Balayan, who accompanied him. He declared that what happened
is as follows. On Sunday night, the thirteenth of this present month
of April, this witness and the said Simagachina left the flagship,
embarking in one of his Majesty's fragatas, together with six Moros,
five of whom were from Balayan and one from Tondo. They took two
letters from his Lordship for the king of Borney, one written in the
Bornean tongue and the other in that of Manila. When this witness,
and the others abovesaid, had landed in the port of the said river of
Borney where a number of war vessels had gathered to prevent the fleet
of his Majesty from making the said port; and when he had come to a
large galley under command of a Bornean named Salalila--the latter,
on seeing them, ordered them placed in the said galley, and took from
this witness a gold _calenbiga_ that he wore, which weighed about
seven taes of gold. Another Indian, unknown to him, took another from
the said arm, and several other ornaments were seized from him. They
took from him a gold box, two small chains, and another smaller one,
all together weighing eleven taes. On taking away his garment, they
discovered the letters given him by his Lordship. As soon as the
said Salalila and the other Borneans with him saw the said letters,
they laid hands upon them, exclaiming: "What knavery is this that
you have here? It is some sorcery to fight with us." This witness
replied that they were only some letters for the king of Borney from
the Spaniards. Thereupon the said Salalila read the letter that was
written in the Manila tongue, and, after reading it, said jestingly,
"This letter is from Portuguese," and tore it into pieces. The other
letter, written in the Bornean tongue, the said Salalila sent,
together with this witness, in a small boat with certain Bornean
Moros to the king of Borney. The said Magachina and the other Moros
remained in the said fleet with the said Salalila. About three o'clock
next morning they reached the house where the said old king of Borney
lived. The said Borneans gave him the said letter in the presence of
this witness. A Bornean Moro read it; and, when he came to the end,
the said king remarked: "So this is the way that your people write to
me, who am king; while the Castilians are _capie_"--that is to say,
in the Bornean language "men"--"who have no souls, who are consumed
by fire when they die, and that, too, because they eat pork;" and
after certain other words, the said king asked him what he would do,
and if he wished to return to the Castilians. This witness answered,
"No, I do not wish to go now, so that I shall not be killed on the
way." Thereupon the said king of Borney said to him: "Remain here;
and, after the Spaniards are conquered, stay here, and marry. I will
give you a galley to command." This witness, for fear that he would
be killed, answered, "Yes, I will do as you wish." Thereupon the king
asked him as to the ships and people of the Castilians, and this
witness told him that there were eight galleys, thirty-two vireys,
and seven hundred Spaniards under the supreme command of Captain
Bassar. Then the king asked how many pieces of artillery were in each
ship, and their size, and how large a ball each one carried. This
witness answered that each galley carried in its bow three large
pieces; and that four galleys threw balls as large as his head, and
the others balls about one-half that size. He asked further if they
carried broadside pieces, or if they carried any that one man might
take alone; and this witness answered that they did not. Likewise he
asked him what weapons the Spaniards carried, and whether the governor
were young or old. This witness answered that each Spaniard had one
coat-of-mail, two arquebuses (one large and one small), a buckler,
sword and dagger, and a lance; and that the said governor was not
old. He asked him the governor's name, and whether he was recently
come from Espana. This witness answered that he did not know his
name, but that all called him Captain Basar, and that he had come
two years ago to Manila. Then he asked him for the master-of-camp,
Juan de Salcedo, and for many Castilians of Manila. This witness told
him that the said Juan de Salcedo was dead. He also asked him what
Spaniards remained in Manila, about their fort and artillery, whether
ships came annually from Espana, and what soldiers they brought. This
witness said that many Spaniards remained in Manila, for ships came
from Castilla every year bringing many people, all of whom remained;
and that they had built a very large fort containing forty pieces of
artillery. Many other things which he could not remember were asked
him, after which the said king dismissed him; whereupon this witness
went to the house of a relative of his, on the other side of the
river. As he was finishing his breakfast, for it was early morning,
about nine or ten Moros entered, bound him, and took him to the said
house of the king, who asked him anew many questions concerning the
Spaniards, which he does not remember, except that they threatened him
that, if he did not tell the truth, they would kill him, and whether
the said letter was witchcraft. Upon this witness asserting that he had
told the truth, they took him to the prison and thrust both his feet
in the stocks, put a chain about his neck, bound his hands, and set
a Moro named Tumanpate to guard him. While in this condition, a Moro
named Haguandatan entered the said prison, drew a Moro dagger three
palms long, and said to him: "Have no fear. I killed Magachina thus,
and gave him a dagger-thrust near the neck, from which he died." He
was a slave of the king and turned to go, saying that he was going
back to the sea and the fleet to fight with the Castilians. Then many
other Moros came in to kill him, but the jailer forbade it and would
not allow them to kill him. Afterward, about nightfall, he heard many
shouts and outcries from the said river; and, upon his asking the
said jailer what it meant, the latter told him that the Bornean fleet
was fleeing from the Spaniards. Thereupon this witness asked that he
be not killed, and said that he would give him money. Accordingly,
at night the jailer took him from the said prison to a house of his
up the river and told him that the king of Borney and many Indians
had fled up the river; and that he should write a note, so that his
relative should pay his ransom. While here, his relative aforesaid,
named Siandi, came and gave him a culverin [24] of three quintals
weight, with other Spaniards--he alone remaining, for the other man,
his relative, turned back, leaving this witness in the power of the
Spaniards. Likewise this witness declared that when they took him
to the river of Borney, he met on the way a son of the said king of
Borney who was going to fight with the said fleet. This man told him
where he was going, and how the said letters had come to his father;
and thus let him go. And this is the extent of his knowledge, and of
those events. It is the truth. Having read it to him and given him to
understand it, he affirmed and ratified it. He is about thirty years
old. He did not sign it, but the said interpreter did. He said it is
known that the Borneans killed his companion, the said Simagachina.

_Juan Ochoa Ttabudo_

Before me:

_Alonso Beltran_, his Majesty's notary

And after the above events, on the same day, month, and year,
above-mentioned, the said governor in the said flagship and with the
other galleys and small ships in his convoy, entered the bar of the
said river of Borney and came to the village, where it was reported
that the said king of Borney resided; where also were the fragatas of
his Majesty and other vessels that had entered the port, in pursuit of
the said Borneans. And having arrived at the said village with certain
soldiers and troops, the governor entered its chamber, and it remained
for him to give two taes of gold and four slaves. Then the prisoner
was released. Upon this witness going down the river with another
relative of his, named Sicollao, they met a Spaniard named Diego
Martin, and joined a large house which was there, and below the said
river, said to be the house of a son of the said king of Borney. This
house contained a large and well-finished piece of artillery, and a
number of culverins, _frecones_, and other offensive arms. Advancing
toward the houses where it was reported that the old king of Borney
lived, near the said house, they saw a large galley with more than
twenty-four benches on each side. It contained a large swivel-gun and
another smaller piece, both loaded, and having on them some _quinas,_
[25] which appeared to be the arms of the king of Portugal, and each
one furnished with two handles. The said galley contained also four
other culverins mounted in the place where the cargo is stored; and
the galley carried a quantity of ammunition for the said pieces. Some
four or five galleots of sixteen or eighteen benches each were found
also, with many falcons, and culverins, and one of them with a half
_sacre._ [26] After disembarking, the said governor entered a house
reported to be that of the old king of Borney. There he found a large
gourd filled with papers, among which were three letters--two written
in the characters and language of Borney, one bearing a signature,
namely, "Don Leonis Pereyra Martin Ferreyras;" the third was written in
Portuguese, beginning, "Noble and honored king of Borneo." It was dated
at Ebora, March seven, one thousand five hundred and seventy-three,
and bore a signature, namely, "El Rey" ["The King"]. By order of his
Lordship, I, the said notary, took possession of the said letters. The
said governor went also by land to a house, wherein was kept the
gunpowder. He found there eighteen Bornean jars filled with powder,
twenty-four filled with saltpeter, and many loaves of sulphur; more
than five hundred lances and _conpites_, with which the said natives
shoot; many shields, pikes with iron heads, a great quantity of small
and large iron balls of many kinds, and many arrows; and two or three
jars of poisonous herbs. Also at the door of the said arsenal was a
piece of artillery, a broken swivel-gun (also bearing the arms of the
king of Portugal), with its large handles; four other _fresones_, large
and long, with four chambers; two cannon-cases for artillery, one very
large and without any piece; and a stone ball, slightly thicker than
a man's body. Another large house, said to belong to Indian chiefs
and captains, was entered. A number of culverins and some gunpowder
were found there. Then the said governor went to the mosque located
in the said town, where he found a large chair, upon which, they say,
sat the preacher who expounded the doctrine of Mahoma to the said
Borneans. Near this chair was a block of marble containing painted
and gilded pictures of idols. This and the said chair the governor
ordered taken from the said mosque, as well as a trough which the
Borneans said contained water wherein whoever bathed went straight
to heaven at his death. This trough was removed by order of the said
governor, along with other articles, and the idols contained in the
mosque. There were collected also throughout the said town a great
number of projectiles, falcons, and culverins. This ammunition and
artillery was ordered to be collected and kept by the said governor,
so that the said Borneans could not use it. All that happened on this
said day passed before me and many others. I certify thereto--the
treasurer Salvador de Aldave, the ensign Juan de Gamboa, Luis de
Garnica, Francisco Chacon, and many others being witnesses.

I certify thereto:

_Alonso Beltran_, his Majesty's notary

And after the above events, in the settlement on the said river
of Borney, on Sunday, the twentieth day of the month of April of
the said year one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight, the very
illustrious Doctor Francisco de Sande, governor and captain-general
for his Majesty in the islands of the West, with all his soldiers and
troops in line of battle, entered certain houses said to belong to the
said king of Borney, and went through several of them from one part
to another, and said that he was taking, and did take, possession of
them, in the name of his Majesty, King Don Felipe, our sovereign. From


 


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