The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of
by
Richard Hakluyt
Part 6 out of 8
doe assemble themselues at the common Schoole, which I haue aboue
mentioned, and before his image, which is worshipped with burning of
incense and with tapers, they doe thrise bend their knees, and bow their
heads downe to the ground; which not onely the common scholars, but the
chiefe Magistrates do performe. [The summe of Confucius his doctrine.] The
summe of the foresayd doctrine is, that men should follow the light of
nature as their guide, and that they should diligently endeuour to attaine
vnto the vertues by me before mentioned: and lastly, that they should
employ their labour about the orderly gouernment of their families and of
the Common-wealth. All these things are in very deed praise-worthy, if
Confucius had made any mention of almighty God and of the life to come, and
had not ascribed so much vnto the heauens, and vnto fatall necessity, nor
yet had so curiously intreated of worshipping the images of their
forefathers. In which regard he can very hardly or not at all be excused
from the crime of idolatry: notwithstanding it is to be granted, that none
other doctrine among the Chinians approacheth so neere vnto the trueth as
this doeth. [Sidenote: Xequiam author of the second sect, whose followers
are called Cen or Bonzi.] The second sect is of them which followethe the
instructions of Xaquam, or as the Chinians call him Xequiam, whose
opinions, because they are well knowen amongst vs, it were bootlesse for me
to repeat; especially sithens, in the Catechisme composed by our grave
visitour, they are notably refuted. This doctrine doe all they embrace,
which are in China called Cen, but with vs at Iapon are named Bonzi.
[Sidenote: Note.] For this I doe briefly and by the way giue you to
vnderstand, that all words of the Chinians language are of one sillable
onely, so that if there be any word that consisteth of more sillables then
one, it consisteth also of more wordes then one. These sectaries called Cen
doe shaue their beards and their heads, and doe for the most part, together
with diuers of their associates, inhabit the Temples of Xaquam, or of
others which in regard of the same profession haue in their Kalenders beene
canonized for Saints, and doe rehearse certaine prayers after their maner,
either vpon books or beads, vsing other ceremonies after the maner of our
Bonzi. These men haue some inckling of the life to come, and of the
rewardes of good men, and the punishments of the wicked: howbeit all their
assertions are fraught with errours. [Sidenote: The third sect.] The third
sect is of them which are called Tauzu: and those doe imitate a certaine
other man, to be adored, as they thinke, for his holinesse. These also are
Priests after their kinde, howbeit they let their haire grow, and doe in
other obseruations differ from the former. Now, because the sect of
Confucius is the most famous of all the three, and the two other sects
called Cen and Tauzu are not much adicted vnto learning, their religion
preuailing onely among the common sort, the Priests of both the sayd sects
doe leade a most base and seruile life amongst the Chinians, insomuch that
they kneele downe before the Magistrates, and are not permitted to sit
beside them, sometimes, if the Magistrate please, are abased vnto the
punishment of the bastonado: whereas in our Iles of Iapon it is farre
otherwise, Priests, euen of false religion, being had in so great honour
among vs. [Sidenote: The superstition of the Saracens.] LEO. I heard also
(Michael) that the Saracens superstition takes place in China: now, whether
it doth or no, you can resolue vs. MICHAEL. That forren superstition was
brought into China what time the Tartars inuaded the kingdome, and vsurped
the gouernment thereof. All the Saracens therefore in China are originally
descended of the Tartars, who, because they were an infinite number, could
not vtterly be expelled and rooted out of the kingdome, but remaining
still there, haue propagated their posterity, though not their religion.
These therefore are souldiers for the greater part of them, and sometimes
doe obtaine martiall dignities: and except a few ceremonies of their
superstition which is nowe become stale and almost worne out, they doe
liue, altogether after the Chinians fashion, their predecessours being
brought into the same kingdome about foure hundred yeeres agoe. [Sidenote:
Christian religion planted in China.] LINUS. Now (Michael) let vs heare you
say somewhat of the Christian religion, which as we hope hath set most
happy footing in that kingdome. MICHAEL. I could say much concerning those
most wished and acceptable beginnings were they not already published in
Iapon by the letters of the fathers: howbeit I will make a briefe
rehearsall of all things, that I may not seem altogether to haue abandoned
this labour. You know that from the time wherein the fathers of the society
arriued in our Ilands, to the end they might augment Christian religion,
they were in like sort most carefull how they might insinuate themselues
into the innermost parts of the kingdome of China. In the middst of this
endeauour and trauell Francis Xauier, a most deuout man of the foresayd
society, departed out of this present life at the Ile of Sancian (which
some call Sangiam) leauing an example vnto the rest of his associates, how
they should likewise doe their best to plant the religion of Christ in that
nation. [Sidenote: An ancient custome worthy the obseruation.] This man was
seconded by others, who vsed all meanes, and left no practise vnattempted,
that they might bring these good beginnings vnto a prosperours issue:
howbeit they were greatly hindered by reason of an ancient custome in
China, in regard whereof they doe not without great difficulty and
circumspection admit any strangers into their dominions, except those which
hauing a long time executed the office of ambassadours doe ordinarily euery
third yeere present themselues before the king: in the admission of whom
likewise there is maruellous care vsed, that they may not easily espie and
become acquainted with the affaires of the Realme. [Sidenote: The Chinians
contemne other nations.] Hereunto may be added, that the Chinians are great
contemners of other nations, and most constant obseruers of their owne
lawes and customes: in all which respects it came to passe that there was
wonderfull labour and diligence employed aboue thirty yeeres together,
onely to get an entrance, vntill in the yeere one thousand fiue hundred
fourescore and three, two fathers of the foresayd society, that had pretty
skill in the letters and language of China, vtterly despairing of mans
helpe, and depending vpon the prouidence of almighty God, obtained licence
of the Tutan or Vice-roy to build them an house and a Church in the City of
Xauquin, which by reason of the commodiousnesse thereof is the seat of the
Viceroy himselue. This worke being begunne, the sayd fathers of the
society, for the nouelty therof, were a few yeeres right well entreated by
the Magistrates: inasmuch that two others out of India had free and easie
accesse vnto them, one couple remaining still in their foresayd house at
Xauquin, and the other two taking their iourney for the inner prouinces, to
conuert more people vnto the faith: who notwithstanding afterward, other
Magistrates not approouing of their attempts, were constrained to retire.
Nowe all the time wherein the foresayd fathers abode at Xauquin (being more
then fiue yeeres) certaine of the common people were restrained from false
superstition to Christian religion, and seuenty persons were baptised. But
the enemy of mankinde, who omitteth none opportunity for the hinderance of
Christian religion, suggested into the mindes of the Chinians (being, as I
sayd, of their owne nature, a people estranged from the traffique and
acquaintance of other nations, and alwayes being too suspicious of
strangers) that they should exhibit letters of supplication vnto the Caien
and the Tutan their principall Magistrates, to haue the fathers expelled
out of Xauquin: which Magistrates repairing vnto their foresayed house and
Church entered consultation how they might bannish them out of the sayd
City of Xauquin: in which thing verily they vsed great moderation, not any
way offending or exasperating the mindes of the fathers, but onely
signifying that they had regard vnto the estate of their Common-wealth. For
the Tutan or Vice-roy calling the fathers vnto him, and (to let passe other
accidents) vsing courteous and familiar conference with them, declared by
many arguments, that their habitation in the City of Xauquin was not
conuenient, especially sithens so many Magistrates resorted vnto that City,
who would take great offence at the presence of strangers. For the which
cause he perswaded them to accept some part of the money which they had
bestowed in the building of their house, and so to returne either home into
their own countrey, or vnto the port of Macao. Howbeit, such was the
instant supplication of the fathers, and so woorthy of compassion, that the
Tutan or Vice-roy, in the extreame and mediterrane borders of the prouince
of Coantum, assigned vnto them a new habitation at the city called Xaucheo,
commending them also to a certaine Magistrate, who was come from the same
place to salute him. Thither therefore the sayd others, not without great
sorrow and griefe of the Christians, hied themselues, and as we are
informed by their last letters, they haue euen now layed the foundation of
their first building, and haue also written that they are like to liue much
more peaceably and conueniently for the propagating of Christian religion.
These be the first beginnings of Christianity in China, where, euen as in
other places of the Christian Common-wealth, the seed is to be sowen with
great labour and teares, that acceptable fruits may be reaped with
gladnesse. LEO. It is euen as you haue sayd (Michael) and nowe for this
your pleasant and eloquent discourse we do acknowledge our selues much
bounden vnto you.
* * * * *
A Letter written from Goa, the principall City of all the East Indies, by
one Thomas Steuens an English man, and sent to his father, M. Thomas
Steuens: Anno 1579.
After most humble commendations: These shall be to crave your dayly
blessing, with like commendations vnto my mother; and withall, to certifie
you of my being: according to your will and my duety. I wrote vnto you
taking my iourney from Italy to Portugall, which letters I thinke are come
to your hands, so that presuming therupon, I thinke I haue the lesse need
at this time to tell you the cause of my departing, which nevertheless in
one word I may conclude, if I do but name obedience. I came to Lisbon
toward the end of March, eight dayes before the departure of the shippes,
so late that if they had not bene stayed about some weighty matters, they
had bene long gone before our comming: insomuch that there were others
ordained to goe in our places, that the kings prouision and ours also might
not be in vaine. Neuerthelesse our sudden comming tooke place, and the
fourth of Aprill fiue ships departed for Goa, wherein besides shipmen and
souldiers, there were a great number of children which in the seas beare
out better than men, and no maruell, when that many women also passe very
well. The setting foorth from the port I need not to tell how solemne it is
with trumpets, and shooting of ordinance, you may easily imagine it,
considering that they go in the maner of warre. The tenth of the foresayd
moneth we came to the sight of Porto Santo neere vnto Madera, where an
English shippe set vpon ours (which was then also alone) with a few shots,
which did no harme, but after that our ship had layed out her greatest
ordinance, they straight departed as they came. The English shippe was very
faire and great, which I was sorry to see so ill occupied, for she went
rouing about, so that we saw her againe at the Canarian Iles, vnto the
which we came the thirteenth of the sayd moneth, and good leisure we had to
woonder at the high mountaine of the Iland Tenerif, for we wandred betweene
that and great Canaria foure dayes by reason of contrary windes: and
briefly, such euill weather we had vntill the foureteenth of May, that they
despaired, to compasse the Cape of Good hope that yeere. Neuertheless,
taking our voyage betweene Guinea and the Ilands of Capo Verde, without
seeing of any land at all, we arriued at length vnto the coast of Guinie,
which the Portugals so call, chiefly that part of the burning Zone, which
is from the sixt degree vnto the Equinoctiall, in which parts they suffered
so many inconueniences of heats, and lacke of windes, that they thinke
themselues happy when they haue passed it: for sometimes the ship standeth
there almost by the space of many dayes, sometimes she goeth, but in such
order that it were almost as good to stand still. And the greatest part of
this coast not cleare, but thicke and cloudy, full of thunder and
lightening, and raine so vnholesome, that if the water stand a little
while, all is full of wormes, and falling on the meat which is hanged vp,
it maketh it straight full of wormes. Along all that coast we often times
saw a thing swimming vpon the water like a cocks combe (which they call a
ship of Guinea) but the colour much fairer; which combe standeth vpon a
thing almost like the swimmer of a fish in colour and bignesse, and beareth
vnderneath in the water, strings which saue it from turning ouer. This
thing is so poisonous, that a man cannot touch it without great perill. In
this coast, that is to say, from the sixt degree vnto the Equinoctiall, we
spent no lesse than thirty dayes, partly with contrary windes, partly with
calme. The thirtieth of May we passed the Equinoctiall with contentation,
directing our course as well as we could to passe the promontory, but in
all that gulfe, and in all the way beside, we found so often calmes, that
the expertest mariner wondred at it. And in places where there are alwayes
woont to be most horrible tempests, we found most quiet calmes which was
very troublesome to those ships which be the greatest of all other, and
cannot go without good windes. Insomuch, that when it is tempest almost
intollerable for other ships, and maketh them maine all their sailes, these
hoise vp, and saile excellent well, vnlesse the waters be too furious,
which seldome happened in our nauigation. You shall vnderstand, that being
passed the line, they cannot straightway go the next way to the promontory:
but according to the winde, they draw always as neere South as they can to
put themselues in the latitude of the point, which is 35 degrees and an
halfe, and then they take their course towards the East, and so compass the
point. But the winde serued vs so, that at 33 degrees we did direct our
course toward the point or promontory of Good hope.
You know that it is hard to saile from East to West, or contrary, because
there is no fixed point in all the skie, whereby they may direct their
course, wherefore I shall tell you what helps God prouided for these men.
There is not a fowle that appereth, or signe in the aire, or in the sea,
which they haue not written, which haue made the voyages heretofore.
[Sidenote: The variation of the compasse.] Wherfore, partly by their owne
experience, and pondering withall what space the ship was able to make with
such a winde, and such direction, and partly by the experience of others,
whose books and nauigations they haue, they gesse whereabouts they be,
touching degrees of longitude, for of latitude they be alwayes sure: but
the greatest and best industry of all is to marke the variation of the
needle or compasse, which in the Meridian of the Iland of S. Michael, which
is one of the Azores in the latitude of Lisbon, is iust North, and thence
swarueth towards the East so much, that betwixt the Meridian aforesayd, and
the point of Africa it carrieth three or foure quarters of 32. And againe
in the point of Afrike, a little beyond the point that is called Cape das
Agulias (in English the needles) it returneth againe vnto the North, and
that place passed, it swarueth againe toward the West, as it did before
proportionally. [Sidenote: Signes about the Cape of Bona Speransa.] As
touching our first signes, the neerer we came to the people of Afrike, the
more strange kindes of fowles appeared, insomuch that when we came within
no lesse then thirty leagues (almost an hundred miles) and sixe hundred
miles as we thought from any Iland, as good as three thousand fowles of
sundry kindes followed our ship: some of them so great that their wings
being opened from one point to the other, contained seuen spannes, as the
Mariners sayd. A maruellous thing to see how God prouided, so that in so
wide a sea these fowles are all fat, and nothing wanteth them. The
Portugals haue named them all according to some propriety which they haue:
some they call Rushtailes, because their tailes be not proportionable to
their bodies, but long and small like a rush, some forked tailes because
they be very broad and forked, some Veluet sleeues, because they haue wings
of the colour of veluet, and bowe them as a man boweth his elbow. This bird
is alwayes welcome, for he appeareth neerest the Cape. I should neuer make
an end if I should tell all particulars: but it shall suffice briefly to
touch a few, which yet shall be sufficient, if you marke them, to giue
occasion to glorifie almighty God in his wonderfull works, and such variety
in his creatures. [Sidenote: Fishes on sea coast of Africa.] And to speake
somewhat of fishes in all places of calme, especially in the burning Zone,
neere the line (for without we neuer saw any) there waited on our ship
fishes as long as a man, which they call Tuberones, they come to eat such
things as from the shippe fall into the sea, not refusing men themselues if
they light vpon them. And if they finde any meat tied in the sea, they take
it for theirs. These haue waiting on them six or seuen small fishes (which
neuer depart) with gardes blew and greene round about their bodies, like
comely seruing men: and they go two or three before him, and some on euery
side. Moreouer, they haue other fishes which cleaue alwayes vnto their
body, and seeme to take such superfluities as grow about them, and they are
sayd to enter into their bodies also to purge them if they need. The
Mariners in time past haue eaten of them, but since they haue seene them
eate men their stomacks abhorre them. Neuerthelesse, they draw them vp with
great hooks, and kill of them as many as they can, thinking that they haue
made a great reuenge. There is another kind of fish as bigge almost as a
herring, which hath wings and flieth, and they are together in great
number. These haue two enemies, the one in the sea, the other in the aire.
In the sea the fish which is called Albocore, as big as a Salmon, followeth
them with great swiftnesse to take them. This poore fish not being able to
swim fast, for he hath no finnes, but swimmeth with moouing of his taile,
shutting his wings, lifteth himselue aboue the water, and flieth not very
hie: the Albocore seeing that, although he haue no wings, yet he giueth a
great leape out of the water, and sometimes catcheth him, or els he keepeth
himselfe vnder the water going that way on as fast as he flieth. And when
the fish being weary of the aire, or thinking himselue out of danger,
returneth into the water, the Albocore meeteth with him: but sometimes his
other enemy the sea-crow, catcheth him before he falleth. [Sidenote: Note.]
With these and like sights, but alwayes making our supplications to God for
good weather and saluation of the ship, we came at length vnto the point,
so famous and feared of all men: but we found there no tempest, only great
waues, where our Pilot was a little ouerseene: for whereas commonly al
other neuer come within sight of land, but seeing signes ordinary, and
finding bottome, go their way sure and safe, he thinking himselfe to haue
wind at will, shot so nigh the land that the winde turning into the South,
and the waues being exceeding great, rolled vs so neere the land, that the
ship stood in lesse then 14 fadoms of water, no more then sixe miles from
the Cape, which is called Das Agulias, and there we stood as vtterly cast
away: for vnder vs were rocks of maine stone so sharpe, and cutting, that
no ancre could hold the ship, the shore so euill, that nothing could take
land, and the land itselfe so full of Tigers, and people that are sauage,
and killers of all strangers, that we had no hope of life nor comfort, but
onely in God and a good conscience. Notwithstanding, after we had lost
ancres, hoising vp the sailes for to get the ship a coast in some safer
place, or when it should please God, it pleased his mercy suddenly, where
no man looked for helpe, to fill our sailes with wind from the land, and so
we escaped, thanks be to God. And the day following, being in the place
where they are alwayes wont to catch fish, we also fell a fishing, and so
many they tooke, that they serued all the ship for that day, and part of
the next. [Sidenote: Corall.] And one of them pulled vp a corall of great
bignesse and price. For there they say (as we saw by experience) that the
corals doe grow in the maner of stalks vpon the rocks in the bottome, and
waxe hard and red. The day of perill was the nine and twentieth of Iuly.
[Sidenote: Two wayes beyond the cape of Good hope.] And you shall
vnderstand that, the Cape passed, there be two wayes to India: one within
the Ile of S. Lawrence, which they take willingly, because they refresh
themselues at Mosambique a fortnight or a moneth, not without great need,
and thence in a moneth more land in Goa. The other is without the Ile of S.
Lawrence, which they take when they set foorth so late, and come so late to
the point, that they have no time to take the foresayd Mosambique, and then
they goe heauily, because in this way they take no port. And by reason of
the long nauigation, and want of food and water, they fall into sundry
diseases, their gummes waxe great, and swell, and they are faine to cut
them away, their legges swell and all the body becommeth sore, and so
benummed, that they cannot stirre hand nor foot, and so they die for
weaknesse, others fall into fluxes and agues, and die thereby. And this way
it was our chance to make: yet though we had more then one hundred and
fifty sicke, there died not past seuen and twentie; which losse they
esteemed not much in respect of other times. Though some of ours were
diseased in this sort, yet, thanks be to God, I had my health, contrary to
the expectation of many: God send me my health so well in the land, if it
may be to his honour and seruice. This way is full of priuy rocks and
quicke-sands, so that sometimes we durst not saile by night, but by the
prouidence of God we saw nothing, nor neuer found bottom vntill we came to
the coast of India. When we had passed againe the line, and were come to
the third degree or somewhat more, we saw crabs swimming on the water that
were red as though they had bene sodden: but this was no signe of land.
After about the eleuenth degree, the space of many days, more than ten
thousand fishes by estimation followed round about our ship, whereof we
caught so many, that for fifteene days we did eate nothing els, and they
serued our turne very well: for at this time we had neither meate nor
almost any thing els to eate, our nauigation growing so long that it drew
neere to seuen moneths, where as commonly they goe it in fiue, I mean when
they saile the inner way. [Sidenote: They commonly sail from Lisbon to Goa
in 5 moneths.] But these fishes were not signe of land, but rather of deepe
sea. At length we tooke a couple of Birds which were a kinde of Hawks,
whereof they ioyed much, thinking that they had bene of India, but indeed
they were of Arabia, as we found afterward. And we that thought we had bene
neere India, were in the same latitude neere Zocotoro, an Ile in the mouth
of the Red sea. [Sidenote: Running seas very dangerous.] But there God sent
vs great winds from the Northeast or Northnortheast, wherevpon vnwillingly
they bare vp towards the East, and thus we went tenne dayes without seeing
signe of land, whereby they perceived their errour: for they had directed
their course before always Northeast, coueting to multiply degrees of
latitude, but partly the difference of the Needle, and most of all the
running seas, which at that time ran Northwest, had drawen vs to this other
danger, had not God sent vs this winde, which at length waxed larger, and
restored vs to our right course. These running seas be so perillous that
they deceiue the most part of the gouernours, and some be so little
curious, contenting themselues with ordinary experience, that they care not
to seeke out any meanes to know when they swarue, neither by the compasse,
nor by any other triall. [Sidenote: Certaine signs of land.] The first
signe of land were certaine fowles which they knew to be of India: the
second, boughes of palmes and sedges: the third, snakes swimming on the
water, and a substance which they call by the name of a coine of money, as
broad and as round as a groat, wonderfully printed and stamped of nature,
like vnto some coine. And these two last signes be so certaine, that the
next day after, if the winde serve, they see lande, which we did to our
great joy, when all our water (for you know they make no beere in those
parts) and victuals began to faile vs. [Sidenote: They arriued at Goa the
24 of October.] And to Goa we came the foure and twentieth day of October,
there being receiued with passing great charity. The people be tawny, but
not disfigured in their lips and noses, as the Moores and Cafres of
Ethiopia. They that be not of reputation, or at least the most part, goe
naked, sauing an apron of a span long, and as much in breadth before them,
and a lace two fingers broad before them, girded about with a string and no
more: and thus they thinke them as well as we with all our trimming. Of the
fruits and trees that be here I cannot now speake, for I should make
another letter as long as this. For hitherto I haue not seene a tree here
whose like I haue seene in Europe, the vine excepted, which neuerthelesse
here is to no purpose, so that all the wines are brought out of Portugall.
The drinke of this countrey is good water, or wine of the Palme tree, or of
a fruit called Cocos. And this shall suffice for this time. If God send me
my health, I shall haue opportunity to write to you once againe. Now the
length of my letter compelleth me to take my leaue, and thus I wish your
most prosperous health. From Goa the tenth of Nouember, 1579.
Your louing sonne Thomas
Steuens.
* * * * *
A briefe relation of the great magnificence and rich traffike of the
kingdome of Pegu beyond the East India, written by Frey Peter of Lisbon,
to his cousin Frey Diego of Lisbon, from Cochin.
[Sidenote: The coast of India greatly troubled with Moores.] I receiued
your letters in the harbour of Damaon by a carauell of aduise that came
from Malacca, which brought shot, powder, and other prouision for the
furnishing of foure gallies and a great Gallion, which are now in building,
to keepe our coast for feare of great store of men of warre, being Moores,
which trouble vs very sore. At that instant when I receiued your letters I
was newly come from the kingdome of Pegu, where I had remained one yeere
and an halfe, and from thence I departed to the city of Cochin in October
1587. The newes which I can certifie you of concerning these countreys are:
that this king of Pegu is the mightiest king of men, and the richest that
is in these parts of the world: for he bringeth into the field at any time,
when he hath warres with other princes, aboue a million of fightingmen:
howbeit they be very leane and small people, and are brought vnto the field
without good order. [Sidenote: Abundance of golde, siluer, pearles, and
precious stones in Pegu.] He is lord of the Elephants, and of all the golde
and siluer mines, and of all the pearles and precious stones: so that he
hath the greatest store of treasure that euer was heard of in these parts.
The countrey people call him the God of trueth and of iustice. I had great
conference with this king, and with the head captaine of the Portugals,
which is one of the countrey. They demanded of me many questions as
touching the law and faith of Iesus Christ, and as touching the Ten
Commandements. And the king gaue his consent that our Order should build a
Church in his countrey, which was halfe builded; but our peruerse and
malicious Portugals plucked it downe againe: [Sidenote: The great gaine of
the Portugals in Pegu.] for whereas it is a countrey wherein our nation
gaine very much by their commodities, they fearing that by the building of
this Church there would be greater resort thither, and so their trade
should be impaired if their great gaines should be knowen vnto others then
those which found this countrey out first, therefore they were so vnwilling
that the building of this church should goe forward. Our Portugals which
are here in this realme are woorse people then the Gentiles. I preached
diuers times among those heathen people; but being obstinate they say, that
as their father beleeued so they will beleeue: for if their forefathers
went to the diuell so they will. Whereupon I returned backe againe to our
monastery to certifie our Father prouinciall of the estate of this new
found countrey. It is the best and richest countrey in all this East India:
and it is thought to be richer then China.
[Sidenote: Pegu the best and richest countrey in all the East Indies.] I am
afrayd that the warres which his Maiestie hath with England will be the
vtter vndoing and spoile of Spaine: for these countreys likewise are almost
spoiled with ciull warres, which the Moores haue against the Gentiles: for
the kings here are vp in armes all the countrey ouer. Here is an Indian
which is counted a prophet, which hath prophesied that there will a Dragon
arise in a strange countrey, which will do great hurt to Spaine. How it
will fall out onely God doth know. And thus I rest: from this monastery of
Cochin the 28 of December, 1589. [Sidenote: A prophesie of an Indian
against Spaine.]
Your good cousin and assured friend
frier Peter of Lisbon.
* * * * *
A voyage with three tall ships, the Penelope Admirall, the Marchant royall
Viceadmirall, and the Edward Bonaduenture Rereadmirall, to the East
Indies, by the Cape of Buona Speransa, to Quitangone neere Mosambique, to
the Iles of Comoro and Zanzibar on the backeside of Africa, and beyond
Cape Comori in India, to the Iles of Nicubar and of Gomes Polo, within
two leagues of Sumatra, to the Ilands of Pulo Pinaom, and thence to the
maine land of Malacca, begunne by M. George Raymond, in the yeere 1591,
and performed by M. Iames Lancaster, and written from the mouth of Edmund
Barker of Ipswich, his lieutenant in the sayd voyage, by M. Richard
Hakluyt.
Our fleet of the three tall ships abouenamed departed from Plimmouth the 10
of April 1591, and arrived at the Canarie-ilands the 25 of the same, from
whence we departed the 29 of April. The second of May we were in the height
of Cape Blanco. The fift we passed the tropique of Cancer. The eight we
were in the height of Cape Verde. All this time we went with a faire winde
at Northeast, alwayes before the winde vntil the 13 of the same moneth,
when we came within 8 degrees of the Equinoctiall line, where we met with a
contrary winde. Here we lay off and on in the sea vntil the 6 of Iune, on
which day we passed the sayd line. While we lay thus off and on, we tooke a
Portugal Carauel laden by merchants of Lisbon for Brasile, in which Carauel
we had some 60 tunnes of wine, 1200 iarres of oyle, about 100 iarres of
oliues, certaine barrels of capers, three fats of peason, with diuers other
necessaries fit for our voyage; which wine, oyle, oliues and capers were
better to vs then gold. [Sidenote: Three occasions of sicknes neere the
line.] We had two men died before wee passed the line, and diuers sicke,
which took their sicknesse in those hote climates: for they be wonderfull
vnwholesome from 8 degrees of Northerly latitude vnto the line, at that
time of the yeere: for we had nothing but Ternados, with such thunder,
lightning, and raine, that we could not keep our men drie 3 houres
together, which was an occasion of the infection among them, and their
eating of salt victuals, with lacke of clothes to shift them. After we
passed the line, we had the wind still at Eastsoutheast, which carried vs
along the coast of Brasil 100 leagues from the maine, til we came in 26
degrees to the Southward of the line, where the wind came vp to the North,
at which time we did account, that the Cape of Buona esperansa did beare
off vs East and by South, betwixt 900 and 1000 leagues. Passing this gulfe
from the coast of Brasil vnto the Cape we had the wind often variable as it
is vpon our coast, but for the most part so, that we might lie our course.
The 28 of Iuly we had sight of the foresayd Cape of Buona esperansa: vntill
the 31 we lay off and on with the wind contrary to double the Cape, hoping
to double it, and so to haue gone seuentie leagues further to a place
called Agoada de S. Bras, before we would haue sought to haue put into any
harbour. But our men being weake and sicke in all our shippes, we thought
good to seeke some place to refresh them. With which consent we bare vp
with the land to the Northward of the Cape, and going along the shoare, we
espied a goodly Baie with an Iland lying to Seawards of it into which we
did beare, and found it very commodious for our ships to ride in.
[Sidenote: Agoada de Saldanha.] This Baie is called Agoada de Saldanha,
lying 15 leagues Northward on the hither side of the Cape. The first of
August being Sunday we came to an anker in the Baie, sending our men on
land, and there came vnto them certaine blacke Saluages very brutish which
would not stay, but retired from them. For the space of 15 or 20 dayes we
could finde no reliefe but onely foules which wee killed with our pieces,
which were cranes and geese: there was no fish but muskles and other
shel-fish, which we gathered on the rockes. [Sidenote: Great store of
Penguins and Seales.] After 15 or 20 dayes being here, our Admirall went
with his pinnasse vnto the Iland which lieth off this Baie, where hee found
great store of Penguines and Seales, whereof he brought good plenty with
him. And twise after that we sent certain of our men, which at both times
brought their bots lading vnto our ships. After we had bene here some time,
we got here a Negro, whom we compelled to march into the countrey with vs,
making signs to bring vs some cattel; but at this time we could come to the
sight of none, so we let the Negro goe with some trifles. [Sidenote:
Bullocks, oxen, and sheepe, dog-cheape.] Within 8 dayes after, he with 30
or 40 other Negroes, bought vs downe some 40 bullocks and oxen, with as
many sheepe: at which time we brought but few of them. But within 8 dayes
after they came downe with as many more, and then we bought some 24 oxen
with as many sheepe. We bought an oxe for two kniues, a stirke for a knife,
and a sheepe for a knife, and some we bought for lesse value then a knife.
The oxen be very large and well fleshed, but not fat. The sheepe are very
big and very good meat, they haue no woll on their backs but haire, and
haue great tailes like the sheepe in Syria. There be diuers sorts of wild
beests, as the Antilope, (whereof M. Lancaster killed one of the bignes of
a yong colt) the red and fallow Deere, with other great beasts vnknowen
vnto vs. Here are also great store of ouer-growen monkies. As touching our
proceeding vpon our voyage, it was thought good rather to proceed with two
ships wel manned, then with three euill manned: for here wee had of sound
and whole men but 198, of which there went in the Penelope with the Admiral
101, and in the Edward with the worshipfull M. captaine Lancaster 97. We
left behind 50 men with the Roiall marchant, whereof there were many
pretily well recouered, of which ship was master and gouernour Abraham
Kendal, which for many reasons we thought good to send home. The disease
that hath consumed our men hath bene the skuruie. Our souldiers which haue
not bene vsed to the Sea, haue best held out, but our mariners dropt away,
which (in my iudgement) proceedeth of their euill diet at home.
[Sidenote: Cape de Buona Speransa doubled. Cape dos Corrientes.] Sixe dayes
after our sending backe for England of the Marchant Roiall from Agoada de
Saldanha, our Admirall M. captaine Raimond in the Penelope, and M. Iames
Lancaster in the Edward Bonaduenture, set forward to double the Cape of
Buona esperansa, which they did very speedily. [Sidenote: Here they are
seuered from the Penelope.] But being passed as far as Cape dos Corrientes
the 14 of September we were encountred with a mighty storme and extreme
gusts of wind, wherein we lost our Generals companie, and could neuer heare
of him nor his ship any more, though we did our best endeuour to seeke him
vp and downe a long while, and staied for him certaine dayes at the Iland
of Comoro, where we appointed to stay one for another. [Sidenote: Foure men
slaine with a clap of thunder.] Foure days after this uncomfortable
seperation in the morning toward ten of the clocke we had a terrible clap
of thunder, which slew foure of our men ovtright, the necks being wrung in
sonder without speaking any word, and of 94 men there was not one
vntouched, whereof some were striken blind, others were bruised in their
legs and armes, and others in their brests, so that they voided blood two
days after, others were drawen out at length as though they had been
racked. But (God be thanked) they all recouered sauing onely the foure
which were slain out right. Also with the same thunder our maine maste was
torn very grieuously from the head to the decke, and some of the spikes
that were ten inches into the timber, were melted with the extreme heate
thereof. [Sidenote: The Shoulds of S. Laurence.] From thence we shaped our
course to the Northeast, and not long after we fell vpon the Northwest end
of the mighty Iland of S. Laurence: which one of our men espied by Gods
good blessing late in the euening by Moone light, who seeing afarre off the
breaking of the Sea, and calling to certaine of his fellowes, asked them
what it was: which eft soones told him that it was the breaking of the Sea
vpon the Shoulds. Whereupon in very good time we cast about to auoyd the
danger which we were like to haue incurred. [Sidenote: Quitangone neere
Mozambique.] Thus passing on forward, it was our lucke to ouer-shoote
Mozambique, and to fall with a place called Quitangone two leagues to the
Northward of it, and we tooke three or foure Barkes of Moores, which Barkes
in their language they call Pangaias, laden with Millio, hennes and ducks,
with one Portugall boy, going for the prouision of Mozambique. [Sidenote:
The Ile of Comoro.] Within few dayes following we came to an Iland an
hundred leagues to, the Northeast of Mozambique called Comoro, which we
found exceedingly full of people, which are Moores of tawnie colour and
good stature, but they be very trecherous and diligently to be taken heed
of. Here wee desired to store our selues with water, whereof we stood in
great need, and sent sixteene of our men well armed on in our boate: whom
the people suffred quietly to land and water, and diuers of them with their
king came aboord our ship in a gowne of crimosine Sattin pinked after the
Moorish fashion downe to the knee, whom we entertained in the best maner,
and had some conference with him of the state of the place and
marchandises, vsing our Portugall boy which we had taken before for our
interpreter, and in the end licensed the king and his company to depart,
and sent our men againe for more water, who then also dispatched their
businesse and returned quietly: the third time likewise we sent them for
more, which also returned without any harme. [Sidenote: 32 of our men
betraid at the Ile of Comoro.] And though we thought our selues furnished,
yet our master William Mace of Radcliffe pretending that it might be long
before we might finde any good watering place, would needes goe himselfe on
shore with thirtie men, much against the will of our captaine, and hee and
16 of his company, together with one boat which was all that we had, and 16
others that were a washing ouer against our ship, were betrayed of the
perfidious Moores, and in our sight for the most part slaine, we being not
able for want of a boat to yeeld them any succour. [Sidenote: Zanzibar
Iland.] From thence with heauie hearts we shaped our course for Zanzibar
the 7 of Nouember, where shortly after we arriued and made vs a new boat of
such boards as we had within boord, and rid in the road vntill the 15 of
February, where, during our aboad, we sawe diuers Pangaias or boates, which
are pinned with wooden pinnes, and sowed together with Palmito cordes, and
calked with the husks of Cocos shels beaten, whereof they made Occam.
[Sidenote: A Portugall Factorie in Zanzibar.] At length a Portugal Pangaia
comming out of the harborow of Zanzibar, where they haue a small Factorie,
sent a Canoa with a Moore which had bene christened, who brought vs a
letter wherein they desired to know what wee were, and what we sought. We
sent them word we were Englishmen come from Don Antonio vpon businesse to
his friends in the Indies: with which answere they returned, and would not
any more come at vs. Whereupon not long after wee manned out our boat and
tooke a Pangaia of the Moores, which had a priest of theirs in it, which in
their language they call a Sherife: whom we vsed very courteously: which
the king tooke in very good part, hauing his priests in great estimation,
and for his deliuerance furnished vs with two moneths victuals, during all
which time we detained him with vs. These Moores informed vs of the false
and spitefull dealing of the Portugals towards vs, [Marginal note: The
treason of the Portugals towards the English.] which made them beleeue that
we were cruell people and men-eaters, and willed them if they loued their
safetie in no case to come neere vs. Which they did onely to cut us off
from all knowledge of the state and traffique of the countrey. While we
road from the end of Nouember vntil the middle of February in this
harborough, which is sufficient for a ship of 500 tuns to ride in, we set
vpon a Portugall Pangaia with our boat, but because it was very litle, and
our men not able to stirre in it, we were not able to take the sayd Pangaia
which was armed with 10 good shot like our long fouling pieces. [Sidenote:
An excellent place for refreshing.] This place for the goodnesse of the
harborough and watering, and plentifull refreshing with fish, whereof we
tooke great store with our nets, and for sundry sorts of fruits of the
countrey, as Cocos and others, which were brought vs by the Moores as also
for oxen and hennes, is carefully to be sought for by such of our ships, as
shall hereafter passe that way. [Sidenote: A gallie Frigate.] But our men
had need to take good heed of the Portugals: for while we lay here the
Portugall Admiral of the coast from Melinde to Mozambique, came to view and
betray our boat if he could haue taken at any time aduantage, in a gallie
Frigate of ten tunnes with 8 or 9 oares on a side. Of the strength of which
Frigate and their trecherous meaning we were aduertised by an Arabian Moore
which came from the king of Zanzibar diuers times vnto vs about the
deliuerie of the priest aforesayd, and afterward by another which we caried
thence along with vs: for whersoeuer we came, our care was to get into our
hands some one or two of the countreys to learne the languages and states
of those partes where we touched. [Sidenote: Another thunder-clap.]
Moreouer, here againe we had another clap of thunder which did shake our
foremast very much, which wee fisht and repaired with timber from the
shore, whereof there is good store thereabout of a kind of tree some fortie
foot high, which is a red and tough wood, and as I suppose, a kind of
Cedar. [Sidenote: Heat in the head deadly. Letting of blood very
necessary.] Here our Surgeon Arnold negligently catching a great heate in
his head being on land with the master to seeke oxen, fell sicke and
shortly died, which might haue bene cured by letting of blood before it had
bin settled. Before our departure we had in this place some thousand weight
of pitch, or rather a kind of gray and white gumme like vnto frankincense,
as clammie as turpentine, which in melting groweth as blacke as pitch, and
is very brittle of it selfe, but we mingled it with oile, whereof wee had
300 iarres in the prize which we tooke to the Northward of the
Equinoctiall, not farre from Guinie, bound for Brasil. Sixe days before wee
departed hence, the Cape marchant of the Factorie wrote a letter vnto our
capitaine in the way of friendship, as he pretended, requesting a iarre of
wine and a iarre of oyle, and two or three pounds of gunpowder, which
letter hee sent by a Negro his man, and Moore in a Canoa: we sent him his
demaunds by the Moore, but tooke the Negro along with vs because we
vnderstood he had bene in the East Indies and knew somewhat of the
Countrey. [Sidenote: A Iunco laden with pepper and drugs.] By this Negro we
were aduertised of a small Barke of some thirtie tunnes (which the Moores
call a Iunco) which was come from Goa thither laden with Pepper for the
Factorie and seruice of that kingdome. Thus hauing trimmed our shippe as we
lay in this road, in the end we set forward for the coast of the East
Indie, the 15 of February aforesayd, intending if we could to haue reached
to Cape Comori, which is the headland or Promontorie of the maine of
Malauar, and there to haue lien off and on for such ships as should haue
passed from Zeilan, Sant Tome, Bengala, Pegu, Malacca, the Moluccos, the
coast of China, and the Ile of Japan, which ships are of exceeding wealth
and riches. [Sidenote: The currents set to the North-west.] But in our
course we were very much deceiued by the currents that set into the gulfe
of the Red sea along the coast of Melinde. [Sidenote: Zocotora.] And the
windes shortening vpon vs to the Northeast and Easterly, kept vs that we
could not get off, and so with the putting in of the currents from the
Westward, set vs in further vnto the Northward within fourscore leagues of
the Ile of Zocotora, farre from our determined course and expectation. But
here we neuer wanted abundance of Dolphins, Bonitos, and flying fishes. Now
while we found our selues thus farre to the Northward, and the time being
so farre spent, we determined to goe for the Red sea, or for the Iland of
Zocotora, both to refresh our selues, and also for some purchase. But while
we were in this consultation, the winde very luckily came about to the
Northwest and caried vs directly toward Cape Comori. [Sidenote: The Isles
of Mamale.] Before we should haue doubled this Cape, we were determined to
touch at the Ilands of Mamale, of which we had aduertisement, that one had
victuals, standing in the Northerly latitude of twelue degrees. Howbeit it
was not our good lucke to finde it, which fell out partly by the obstinacie
of our master: for the day before we fell with part of the Ilands the wind
came about to the Southwest, and then shifting our course we missed it. So
the wind increasing Southerly, we feared we should not haue bene able to
haue doubled the Cape, which would haue greatly hazarded our casting away
vpon the coast of India, the Winter season and Westerne Monsons already
being come in, which Monsons continue on that coast vntil August.
[Sidenote: Cape Comori doubled 1592.] Neuertheless it pleased God to bring
the wind more Westerly, and so in the moneth of May 1592, we happily
doubled Cape Comori without sight of the coast of India. From hence thus
hauing doubled this Cape, we directed our course for the Ilands of Nicubar,
which lie North and South with the Westerne part of Sumatra, and in the
latitude of 7 degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall. From which Cape
of Comori vnto the aforesayd Ilands we ranne in sixe days with a very large
wind though the weather were foule with extreme raine and gustes of winde.
These Ilands were missed through our masters default for want of due
obseruation of the South starre. [Sidenote: The Iles of Gomes Polo.] And we
fell to the Southward of them within the sight of the Ilands of Gomes Polo,
[Sidenote: Sumatra.] which lie hard vpon the great Iland of Sumatra the
first of Iune, and at the Northeast side of them we lay two or three dayes
becalmed, hoping to haue had a Pilote from Sumatra, within two leagues
whereof we lay off and on. [Sidenote: The Iles of Pulo Pinauo.] Now the
Winter coming vpon vs with much contagious weather, we directed our course
from hence with the Ilands of Pulo Pinaou, (where by the way it is to be
noted that Pulo in the Malaian tongue signifieth an Iland) at which Ilands
wee arriued about the beginning of Iune, where we came to an anker in a
very good harborough betweene three Ilands: at which time our men were very
sicke and many fallen. Here we determined to stay vntil the Winter were
ouerpast. This place is in 6 degrees and a halfe to the Northward, and some
fiue leagues from the maine betweene Malacca and Pegu. Here we continued
vntil the end of August. Our refreshing in this place was very smal, onely
of oysters growing on rocks, great wilks, and some few fish which we tooke
with our hookes. Here we landed our sicke men on these vninhabited Ilands
for their health, neuertheless 26 of them died in this place, whereof John
Hall our master was one, and M. Rainold Golding another, a marchant of
great honestie and much discretion. [Sidenote: Trees fit for mastes.] In
these Ilands are abundance of trees of white wood, so right and tall, that
a man may make mastes of them being an hundred foote long. The winter
passed and hauing watered our ship and fitted her to goe to Sea, wee had
left vs but 33 men and one boy, of which not past 22 were sound for labour
and helpe, and of them not past a third part sailers: [Sidenote: Malacca.]
thence we made saile to seeke some place of refreshing, and went ouer to
the maine of Malacca. The next day we came to an anker in a Baie in six
fadomes water some two leagues from the shore. Then master Iames Lancaster
our captaine, and M. Edmund Barker his lieutenant, and other of the
companie manning the boat, went on shoare to see what inhabitants might be
found. And comming on land we found the tracking of some barefooted people
which were departed thence not long before: for we sawe their fire still
burning, but people we sawe none, nor any other living creature, saue a
certaine kind of foule called oxe birds, which are a gray kind of
Sea-foule, like a Snite in colour, but not in beake. Of these we killed
some eight dozen with haile-shot being very tame, and spending the day in
search, returned toward night aboord. The next day about two of the clocke
in the afternoone we espied a Canoa which came neere vnto vs, but would not
come aboord vs, hauing in it some sixteen naked Indians, with whom
neuertheles going afterward on land, we had friendly conference and promise
of victuals. [Sidenote: Three ships of Pegu laden with pepper.] The next
day in the morning we espied three ships, being all of burthen 60 or 70
tunnes, one of which wee made to strike with our very boate: and
vnderstanding that they were of the towne of Martabam, [Sidenote:
Martabam.] which is the chiefe hauen towne for the great citie of Pegu, and
the goods belonging to certaine Portugal Iesuites and a Biscuit baker a
Portugall we tooke that ship and did not force the other two, because they
were laden for marchants of Pegu, but hauing this one at our command, we
came together to an anker. The night folowing all the men except twelue,
which we tooke into our ship, being most of them borne in Pegu, fled away
in their boate, leauing their ship and goods with vs. [Sidenote: Pera.] The
next day we weighed our anker and went to the Leeward of an Iland hard by,
and tooke in her lading being pepper, which shee and the other two had
laden at Pera, which is a place on the maine 30 leagues to the South.
Besides the aforesaid three ships we tooke another ship of Pegu laden with
pepper, and perceiuing her to bee laden with marchants goods of Pegu onely,
wee dismissed her without touching any thing.
[Sidenote: Pulo Sambilam.] Thus hauing staied here 10 daies and discharged
her goods into the Edward, which was about the beginning of September, our
sicke men being somewhat refreshed and lustie, with such reliefe as we had
found in this ship, we weighed anker, determining to runne into the
streights of Malacca to the Ilands called Pulo Sambilam, which are some
fiue and fortie leagues Northward of the citie of Malacca, to which Ilands
the Portugals must needs come from Goa or S. Thome, for the Malucos, China,
and Iapan. And when wee were there arriued, we lay too and agayne for such
shipping as should come that way. [Sidenote: A ship of Negapatan taken.]
Thus hauing spent some fiue dayes, vpon a Sunday we espied a saile which
was a Portugall ship that came from Negapatan a towne on the maine of India
ouer-against the Northeast part of the Ile of Zeilan; and that night we
tooke her being of 250 tunnes: she was laden with Rice for Malacca.
Captaine Lancaster commanded their captaine and master aboord our shippe,
and sent Edmund Barker his lieutenant and seuen more to keepe this prize,
who being aboord the same, came to an anker in thirtie fadomes water: for
in that chanell, three or foure leagues from the shore you shall finde good
ankorage. [Sidenote: A ship of S. Thome.] Being thus at an anker and
keeping out a light for the Edward, another Portugall ship of Sant Thome of
foure hundred tunnes, came and ankered hard by vs. The Edward being put to
Leeward for lacke of helpe of men to handle her sailes, was not able the
next morning to fetch her vp, vntil we which were in the prize with our
boate, went to helpe to man our shippe. Then comming aboord we went toward
the shippe of Sant Thome, but our ship was so foule that shee escaped vs.
After we had taken out of our Portugall prize what we thought good, we
turned her and all her men away except a Pilot and foure Moores. [Sidenote:
The galeon of Malacca of 700 taken.] We continued here vntill the sixt of
October, at which time we met with the ship of the captaine of Malacca of
seuen hundred tunnes which came from Goa: we shot at her many shot, and at
last shooting her maine-yard through, she came to an anker and yeelded. We
commaunded her Captaine, Master, Pilot, and Purser to come aboord vs. But
the Captaine accompanied by one souldier onely came, and after certaine
conference with him, he made excuse to fetch the Master, and Purser, which
he sayd would not come vnless he went for them: but being gotten from vs in
the edge of the euening, he with all the people which were to the number of
about three hundred men, women and children gote a shore with two great
boates and quite abandoned the ship. [Sidenote: Wares fit to carry into the
East India.] At our comming aboord we found in her sixteene pieces of
brasse, and three hundred but of Canarie wine, and Nipar wine, which is
made of the palme trees, and raisin wine which is also very strong: as also
all kinds of Haberdasher wares, as hats, red caps knit of Spanish wooll,
worsted stockings knit, shooes, veluets, taffataes, chamlets, and silkes,
abundance of suckets, rice, Venice glasses, certaine paper full of false
and counterfeit stones which an Italian brought from Venice to deceiue the
rude Indians withall, abundance of playing cardes, two or three packs of
French paper. Whatsoeuer became of the treasure which vsually is brought in
roials of plate in this gallion, we could not find it. After that the
mariners had disordredly pilled this rich shippe, the Captaine because they
would not follow his commandement to vnlade those excellent wines into the
Edward, abandoned her and let her driue at Sea, taking out of her the
choisest things that she had. [Sidenote: The kingdom of Iunsaloam.] And
doubting the forces of Malaca, we departed thence to a Baie in the kingdom
of Iunsalaom, which is betweene Malacca and Pegu eight degrees to the
Northward, to seeke for pitch to trimme our ship. Here we sent our
souldier, which the captaine of the aforesaid galion had left behind him
with vs, because he had the Malaian language, to deale with the people for
pitch, which hee did faithfully, and procured vs some two or three quintals
with promise of more, and certaine of the people came vnto vs. [Sidenote:
Amber-greese. The hornes of Abath.] We sent commodities to their king to
barter for Amber-griese, and for the hornes of Abath, whereof the king
onely hath the traffique in his hands. [Sidenote: The female Vnicorne.] Now
this Abath is a beast which hath one horne onely in her forehead, and is
thought to be the female Vnicorne, and is highly esteemed of all the Moores
in those parts as a most soueraigne remedie against poyson. We had only two
or three of these hornes which are of the colour of a browne gray, and some
reasonable quantitie of Amber-griese. At last the king went about to betray
our Portugall with our marchandise: but he to get aboord vs, told him that
we had gilt armour, shirtes of maile and halberds, which things they
greatly desire: for hope whereof he let him returne aboord, and so he
escaped the danger. [Marginal note: Some small quantitie hereof may be
caried to pleasure those kings.] Thus we left this coast and went backe
againe in sight of Sumatra, and thence to the Ilands of Nicubar, where we
arriued and found them inhabited with Moores, [Sidenote: They arriue at the
Iles of Nicubar, which are inhabited by Moores.] and after wee came to an
anker, the people daily came aboord vs in their Canoas, with hennes, Cocos,
plantans, and other fruits: and within two dayes they brought vnto vs
roials of plate, giuing vs them for Calicut cloth: which roials they nude
by diuing for them in the Sea, which were lost not long before in two
Portugall ships which were bound for China and were cast away there. They
call in their language the Coco Calambe, the Plantane Pison, a Hen Iam, a
Fish Iccan, a Hog Babee. From thence we returned the 21 of Nouember to goe
for the Iland of Zeilan, and arriued there about the third of December
1592, and ankered vpon the Southside in sixe fadomes water, where we lost
our anker, the place being rockie and foule ground. Then we ranne along the
Southwest part of the sayd Iland, to a place called Punta del Galle, where
we ankered, determining there to haue remained vntill the comming of the
Bengala Fleet of seuen or eight ships, and the Fleete of Pegu of two or
three sailes, and the Portugall shippes of Tanaseri being a great Baie to
the Southward of Martabam in the kingdome of Siam: which ships, by diuers
intelligences which we had, were to come that way within foureteene daye to
bring commodities to serue the Caraks, which commonly depart from Cochin
for Portugall by the middest of Ianuarie. The commodities of the shippes
which come from Bengala bee fine pauillions for beds, wrought quilts, fine
Calicut cloth, Pintados and other fine workes, and Rice, and they make this
voiage twise in the yeere. Those of Pegu bring the chiefest stones, as
Rubies and Diamants, but their chiefe fraight is Rice and certaine cloth.
Those of Tanaseri are chiefly freighted with Rice and Nipar wine, which is
very strong, and in colour like vnto rocke water, somewhat whitish, and
very hote in taste like vnto Aqua vitae. Being shot vp to the place
aforesayd, called Punta del Galle, wee came to an anker in foule ground and
lost the same, and lay all that night a drift, because we had nowe but two
ankers left vs, which were vnstocked and in hold. Whereupon our men tooke
occasion to come home, our Captaine at that time lying very sicke more like
to die then to liue. In the morning wee set our foresaile determining to
lie vp to the Northward and there to keepe our selues to and againe out of
the current, which otherwise would haue set vs off to the Southward from
all knowen land. Thus hauing set our foresayle, and in hand to set all our
other sayles to accomplish our aforesayd determination, our men made
answere that they would take their direct course for England and would stay
there no longer. Nowe seeing that they could not bee perswaded by any
meanes possible, the captaine was constrained to giue his consent to
returne, leauing all hope of so great possibilities. Thus the eight of
December 1592, wee set sayle for the Cape of Buona Speransa, passing by the
Ilands of Maldiua, and leauing the mightie Iland of S. Laurence on the
starreboord or Northward in the latitude of 26 degrees to the South. In our
passage ouer from S. Laurence to the maine we had exceeding great store of
Bonitos and Albocores, which are a greater kind of fish; of which our
captain, being now recouered of his sicknesse, tooke with a hooke as many
in two or three howers as would serue fortie persons a whole day. And this
skole of fish continued with our ship for the space of fiue or sixe weekes,
all which while we tooke to the quantitie aforesayd, which was no small
refreshing to vs. In February 1593 we fell with the Eastermost land of
Africa at a place called Baia de Agoa some 100 leagues to the Northeast of
the Cape of Good Hope: and finding the winds contrary, we spent a moneth or
fiue weekes before we could double the Cape. After wee had doubled it in
March following wee directed our course for the Iland of Santa Helena, and
arriued there the third day of Aprill, where we staied to our great comfort
nineteene dayes: in which meane space some one man of vs tooke thirtie
goodly Congers in one day, and other rockie fishe and some Bonitos. After
our arriual at Santa Helena, I Edmund Barker went on shore with foure or
fiue Peguins or men of Pegu which we had taken, and our Surgion, where in
an house by the Chappell I found an Englishman one Iohn Segar of Burie in
Suffock, [Marginal note: Iohn Segar an Englishman left 18 moneths alone in
the Ile of santa Helena.] who was left there eighteene moneths before by
Abraham Kendall, who put in there with the Roiall marchant and left him
there to refresh him on the Iland, being otherwise like to haue perished on
shipboord: and at our comming wee found him as fresh in colour and in as
good plight of body to our seeming as might be, but crazed in minde and
halfe out of his wits, as afterwards wee perceiued: for whether he was put
in fright of vs, not knowing at first what we were, whether friends or
foes, or of sudden ioy when he vnderstand we were his olde consorts and
countreymen, hee became idle-headed, and for eight dayes space neither
night nor day tooke any naturall rest, and so at length died for lacke of
sleepe. [Marginal note: A miraculous effect of extreme feare or extreme
ioy.] Here two of our men, whereof the one was diseased with the skuruie,
and the other had bene nine moneths sicke of the fluxe, in short time while
they were on the Iland, recouered their perfect health. We found in this
place great store of very holesome and excellent good greene figs, orenges,
and lemons very faire, abundance of goates and hogs, and great plentie of
partriges, Guiniecocks, and other wilde foules. [Marginal note: The
description of the commodities of the ile of santa Helena.] Our mariners
somewhat discontented being now watered and hauing some prouision of fish,
contrary to the will of the capitaine, would straight home. The capitaine
because he was desirous to goe for Phernambuc in Brasil, granted their
request. And about the 12 of Aprill 1593. we departed from S. Helena, and
directed our course for the place aforesayd. The next day our capitaine
calling vpon the sailers to finish a foresaile which they had in hand, some
of them answered that vnlesse they might goe directly home, they would lay
their hands to nothing; whereupon he was constrained to folow their humour.
And from thence-foorth we directed our course for our countrey, which we
kept vntill we came 8 degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall,
betweene which 8 degrees and the line, we spent some sixe weekes, with many
calme and contrary winds at North, and sometimes to the Eastward, and
sometimes to the Westward: which losse of time and expense of our victuals,
whereof we had very smal store, made vs doubt to keepe our course and some
of our men growing into a mutinie threatned to breake vp other mens chests,
to the ouerthrow of our victuals and all our selues, for euery man had his
share of his victuals before in his owne custody, that they might be sure
what to trust to, and husband it more thriftily. [Sidenote: The gulfe of
Paria, or Bocca del Dragone passed.] Our captaine seeking to preuent this
mischiefe, being aduertised by one of our companie which had bene at the
Ile of Trinidada in M. Chidleis voyage, that there we should be sure to
haue refreshing, hereupon directed his course to that Iland, and not
knowing the currents, we were put past it in the night into the gulfe of
Paria in the beginning of Iune, wherein we were 8 dayes, finding the
current continually setting in, [Sidenote: A good note.] and oftentimes we
were in 3 fadomes water, and could find no going out vntil the current had
put vs ouer to the Westernside vnder the maine land, where we found no
current at all, and more deep water; and so keeping by the shore, the wind
off the shore euery night did helpe vs out to the Northward. [Sidenote: The
Ile of Mona.] Being cleare, within foure or fiue days after we fell with
the Ile of Mona where we ankered and rode some eighteene dayes. In which
time the Indians of Mona gaue vs some refreshing. And in the meane space
there arriued a French ship of Cane in which was capitaine one Monsieur de
Barbaterre, of whom wee bought some two buts of wine and bread, and other
victuals. Then wee watered and fitted our shippe, and stopped a great leake
which broke on vs as we were beating out of the gulfe of Paria. And hauing
thus made ready our ship to goe to Sea, we determined to goe directly for
Newfound-land. But before we departed, there arose a storme the winde being
Northerly, which put vs from an anker and forced vs the Southward of Santo
Domingo. [Sidenote: The Ile of Sauona enuironed with flats.] This night we
were in danger of shipwracke vpon an Iland called Sauona, which is
enuironed with flats lying 4 or 5 miles off; yet it pleased God to cleare
vs of them, [Sidenote: Cape de Tiberon.] and so we directed our course
Westward along the Iland of Santo Domingo, and doubled Cape Tiberon, and
passed through the old channell betweene S. Domingo and Cuba for the cape
of Florida: And here we met againe with the French ship of Caen, whose
Captaine could spare vs no more victuals, as he said, but only hides which
he had taken by traffike vpon those Ilands, wherewith we were content and
gaue him for them to his good satisfaction. After this, passing the Cape of
Florida, and cleere of the channell of Bahama, we directed our course for
the banke of Newfound-land. Thus running to the height of 36 degrees, and
as farre to the East as the Ile of Bermuda the 17 of September finding the
winds there very variable, contrarie to our expectation and all mens
writings, we lay there a day or two the winde being northerly, and
increasing continually more and more, it grewe to be a storme and a great
frete of wind: which continued with vs some 24 houres, with such
extremetie, as it caried not onely our sayles away being furled, but also
made much water in our shipppe, so that wee had six foote water in hold,
and hauing freed our ship thereof with baling, the winde shifted to the
Northwest and became dullerd: but presently vpon it the extremetie of the
storme was such that with the labouring of our ship we lost our foremaste,
and our ship grewe as full of water as before. The storme once ceased, and
the winde contrary to goe our course, we fell to consultation which might
be our best way to saue our liues. Our victuals now being vtterly spent,
and hauing eaten hides 6 or 7 daies, we thought it best to beare back
againe for Dominica, and the Islands adioyning, knowing that there we might
haue some reliefe, whereupon we turned backe for the said Islands. But
before we could get thither the winde scanted vpon vs, which did greatly
endanger vs for lacke of fresh water and victuals; so that we were
constrained to beare vp to the Westward to certaine other Ilandes called
the Neublas or cloudie Ilands, towards the Ile of S. Iuan de porto Rico,
where at our arriuall we found land-crabs and fresh water, and tortoyses,
which come most on lande about the full of the moone. Here hauing refreshed
our selues some 17 or 18 dayes, and hauing gotten some small store of
victuals into our ship, we resolued to returne againe for Mona: vpon which
our determination fiue of our men left vs, remaining still on the Iles of
Neublas for all perswasions that we could vse to the contrary, which
afterward came home in an English shippe. From these Iles we departed and
arriued at Mona about the twentieth of Nouember 1593, and there comming to
an anker toward two or three of the clocke in the morning, the Captaine,
and Edmund Barker his Lieutenant with some few others went on land to the
houses of the olde Indian and his three sonnes, thinking to haue gotten
some foode, our victuals being all spent, and we not able to proceede any
further vntill we had obteyned some new supply. We spent two or three daies
in seeking prouision to cary aboord to relieue the whole companie. And
comming downe to go aboord, the winde then being northerly and the sea
somewhat growne, they could not come on shore with the boate, which was a
thing of small succour and not able to rowe in any rough sea, whereupon we
stayed vntill the next morning, thinking to haue had lesse winde and safer
passage. But in the night about twelue of the clocke our ship did driue
away with fiue men and a boy onely in it, our carpenter secretly cut their
owne cable, leauing nineteene of vs on land without boate or any thing, to
our great discomfort. In the middest of these miseries reposing our trust
in the goodnesse of God, which many times before had succoured vs in our
greatest extremities, we contented our selues with our poore estate, and
sought meanes to preserue our liues. And because one place was not able to
sustaine vs, we tooke our leaues one of another, diuiding our selues into
seuerall companies. The greatest reliefe that we sixe which were with the
Captaine could finde for the space of nine and twentie dayes was the
stalkes of purselaine boyled in water, and now and then a pompion, which we
found in the garden of the olde Indian, who vpon this our second arriual
with his three sonnes stole from vs, and kept himselfe continually aloft in
the mountaines. After the ende of nine and twentie dayes we espied a French
shippe, which afterwards we vnderstood to be of Diepe, called the Luisa,
whose Captaine was one Monsieur Felix, vnto whom wee made a fire, at sight
whereof he tooke in his topsayles, bare in with the land, and shewed vs his
flagge, whereby we iudged him French: so comming along to the Westerne ende
of the Island there he ankered, we making downe with all speede vnto him.
At this time the Indian and his three sonnes came downe to our Captaine
Master Iames Lancaster and went along with him to the shippe. This night he
went aboord the French man who gaue him good entertainement, and the next
day fetched eleuen more of vs aboord entreating vs all very courteously.
This day came another French shippe of the same towne of Diepe which
remayned there vntil night expecting our other seuen mens comming downe:
who, albeit we caused certaine pieces of ordinance to be shot off to call
them, yet came not downe. Whereupon we departed thence being deuided sixe
into one ship, and sixe into another, and leauing this Iland departed for
the Northside of Saint Domingo, where we remained vntill April following
1594, and spent some two moneths in traffike with the inhabitants by
permission for hides and other marchandises of the Countrey. In this meane
while there came a shippe of New-hauen to the place where we were, whereby
we had intelligence of our seuen men which wee left behinde vs at the Isle
of Mona: which was, that two of them brake their neckes with ventring to
take foules vpon the cliffes, other three were slaine by the Spaniards,
which came from Saint Domingo, vpon knowledge giuen by our men which went
away in the Edward, the other two this man of New-hauen had with him in his
shippe, which escaped the Spaniards bloodie hands. From this place Captaine
Lancaster and his Lieutenant Master Edmund Barker, shipped themselues in
another shippe of Diepe, the Captaine whereof was one Iohn La Noe, which
was readie first to come away, and leauing the rest of their companie in
other ships, where they were well intreated, to come after him, on Sunday
the seuenth of Aprill 1594 they set homewarde, and disbocking through the
Caijcos from thence arriued safely in Diepe within two and fortie dayes
after, on the 19 of May, where after two dayes we had stayed to refresh our
selues, and giuen humble thankes vnto God, and vnto our friendly
neighbours, we tooke passage for Rie and landed there on Friday the 24 of
May 1594, hauing spent in this voyage three yeeres, sixe weekes and two
dayes, which the Portugales performe in halfe the time, chiefely because
wee lost our fit time and season to set foorth in the beginning of our
voyage.
We vnderstood in the East Indies by certaine Portugeles which we tooke,
that they haue lately discouered the coast of China, to the latitude of
nine and fiftie degrees, finding the sea still open to the Northward:
giuing great hope of the Northeast or Northwest passage. Witnesse Master
Iames Lancaster.
* * * * *
Certaine remembrances of an intended voyage to Brasill, and the Riuer of
Plate, by the Edward Cotton, a ship of 260 Tunnes of Master Edward Cotton
of Southampton, which perished through extreme negligence neare Rio
Grande in Guinie, the 17 of July 1583.
Articles of Couenants agreed vpon betweene Edward Cotton Esquier, owner of
the good ship called the Edward Cotton of Southampton, and of all the
marchandizes in her laden, of the one part, and William Huddie gentleman,
Captaine of the said ship, Iohn Hooper his Lieutenant, Iohn Foster Master,
Hugh Smith Pilot for the whole voyage, and William Cheesman marchant, on
the other part.
1 To obserue and keepe the dayly order of Common prayer aboord the ships,
and the companie to be called thereunto, at the least once in the day, to
be pronounced openly.
2 Item, that they be ready with the first faire winde, to set saile and
sailes in the voyage, and not to put into any port or harbour, but being
forcibly constrained by weather, or other apparent and vrgent cause.
3 Item, that they take in, at or about the Isles of Cape Verde, to the
quantitie of 25 or 30 tuns of salt, to be imployed among other the owners
marchandize, at Santos, and S. Vincent, to his onely behoofe, and the rest
of the salt, so much as shall be needed for victuall, and for sauing of the
hides to be kept aboord, and the same salt to be prouided either at the
fishermens hands neere the said Isles for trucke of commodities, or els to
be taken in at the aforesayd Isles, at discretion of the aboue-named.
4 Item, vpon the due performance of this voiage, the owner bindeth himselfe
by this deede, to yeeld vnto any such of the companie, as shall refuse
their shares before they depart from the coast of England, 20 markes a
single share, for the dutie of the whole voiage, making not aboue 75.
shares single in the whole.
5 Item, the company according as they be appointed by the officers of the
said ship aboue named, shall at all times be most ready to doe their
painfull indeuor, not onely aboord, but in all labours at the land,
according to the direction giuen by the aboue named officers, vpon paine of
forfeiture of their shares and wages, the same to be diuided amongst the
company.
6 Item, that the shares be taken at their returne out of al the traine
oile, and hides of the seales, and of all other commodities gotten by their
handie labour, and of the salt that shall be vended and other commodities,
at, or neere the coast of Brasil, to allow after 9 li. the tunne freight,
whereof one third to goe to the company.
7 Item, that if any man shall practise by any deuise or deuises whatsoeuer,
to alter the voiage from the true purpose and intent of the owner, viz. to
make their first port at Santos, and Saint Vincent, and there to revictuall
and traffike, and from thence to the riuer of Plate to make their voyage by
the traine, and hide of the seales, with such other commodities as are
there to be had, according as the owner, with diuers that haue gouernment
in the said ship, are bound to her highnesse by their deedes obligatorie in
great summes, that all such practisers, vpon due proofe made, shall lose
their whole intertainement due by shares or otherwise for this sayde voyage
to be adiuged by the Captaine, his Lieutenant, the Master, Pilot, and
marchant, or three of them at least, whereof the Captaine to be one.
8 Item, that the pinnesse be ready at al times to serue the marchants turne
vpon his demand, to take in wares and commodities, and to cary and recary
to and from the shore, when, and as oft as neede shall be, and to giue due
attendance at the marchant and marchants direction during the whole voyage.
9 Item, that no head or chiefe officer being set downe for such an officer
vnder the hand of the owner, at the going to sea of the said shippe, shall
or may be displaced from his said place or office, without great cause, and
his misdemeanor to be adiudged by the Captaine, and his Lieutenant, the
Master, the Pilot, and the marchant, or by the consent of three of them at
least.
10 Item, that vpon the returne of the shippe to the coast of England, the
Maister and Pilot put not into any port or harbour, to the Westward of
Southampton, but forced by weather, or such like vrgent cause.
William Huddie.
Iohn Hooper.
Hugh Smith.
John Foster.
William Cheesman.
* * * * *
A direction as well for the Captaine, and other my friends of the shippe,
as especially for William Cheesman Marchant, for the voyage to the riuer
of Plate.
[Sidenote: The Ile of S. Sebastian.] At your comming to the Isle of Saint
Sebastian, vpon the coast of Brasill, you shall according to your
discretions, make sale of such commodities, as you may thinke will be
thereabout well vented, and likewise to buy commodities without making
longer stay there then your victuals be prouiding, but rather to bespeake
commodities against your returne from the riuer of Plate, especially of
Amber, Sugar, Greene ginger, Cotton wooll, and some quantitie of the
peppers of the countrey there. Also for Parats and Munkies, and the beast
called Serrabosa. Also you shall barrell vp of the beefe called Petune, two
or three barrels, and to lose no good opportunitie, to gather of the Indian
figges, and the graines of them to preserue drie, in such quantitie as
conueniently may be done: and touching the making of the traine, and
preseruing of the hides, I leaue it wholly to the order and the discretion
of the chiefe of the companie. Also that in any road where the ship shall
ride vpon the coast of America, triall be made with the dragges, for the
pearle Oisters, and the same being taken, to be opened and searched for
pearle in the presence of the Captaine, his Lieutenant, the Master, the
Pilot, and marchant, or three of them, whereof the Captaine or his
Lieutenant to be one, and to remaine in the custodie of the Captaine and
marchant, vnder two lockes, either of them to haue a key to his owne locke,
and that a true inuentorie be deliuered also to the Master and Pilot of the
said pearle or other iewels of price gotten in the said voiage, to the
intent that no partie be defrauded of his due, and that no concealment be
made of any such thing vpon forfeiture, the partie to lose his share and
dutie for the voyage that shall so conceale and not reueale it vnto the
officers aboue named. Also to doe your best indeuour to try for the best
Ore of golde, siluer, or other rich mettals whatsoeuer. Forget not also to
bring the kernels and seeds of strange plants with you, the Palmito with
his fruit inclosed in him. Serue God, keepe good watch, and stand alwayes
vpon your garde.
Edward Cotton.
These things being thus ordered, and the ship of the burden of 260 tunnes,
with 83 men of all sortes furnished, and fully appointed for the voyage,
began to set saile from Hurst Castle vpon Friday the 20 of May, Anno 1583,
and the 17 day of Iuly ensuing fell with the coast of Guinie, to take in
fresh water, where, through meere dissolute negligence, she perished vpon a
sand, with the most part of the men in her, as appeareth by the confession
of one that escaped, the substance and tenor whereof is this.
* * * * *
The confession of William Bends Masters Mate in the Edward Cotton, the 21
of October, Ann. 1584.
He sayth, that the 17 day of Iuly, Anno 1583. hauing some lacke of fresh
water, they put roome vpon the coast of Guinie, where they were set vpon a
sand about 8 leagues from the shore, and this Examinate, with 29 more, got
into the pinnesse, who arriued in an Island, being desolate of people, and
fiue miles in compasse, where they rested 18 dayes through force of
weather, hauing nought to eate but grasse. [Sidenote: Rio Grande.] The rest
of the company the ship being splitted in two and in quarters, got them
into one of the after quarters, and by the helpe of raftes came also a
shore into another Island neere to Rio Grande, where they all died as he
supposeth.
The other 30 in the pinnesse, at the end of 18 dayes, departed that Island,
and came to Saint Domingo, where comming on shore, they were taken of the
Moores, and stripped naked. And they buried one Coxe [Marginal note: One
Coxe an old English man buried aliue by the Moores of Rio Grande in
Guinea.] an olde man aliue, notwithstanding his pitifull lamentation and
skrikings: the rest hauing Rice and water allowed them, liued there a
certaine time. This Examinate was at last sold to a Portugall, with whom he
dwelt the space of a quarter of a yere, and in the end, a Portugall Carauel
comming, thither, his master laded the same with Negroes, and he obtained
leaue of his master to goe in the same Carauell, and by that meanes arriued
at Lisbone, and from thence came into England the 17 of October, 1584,
leauing behinde him of his companie aliue, Richard Hacker, Iohn Baker, Iohn
Mathew, and a boy, with two others which were gone beyond Saint Domingo:
all which, as he saith, were so sicke and diseased, that he iudged them to
be long before this time dead.
* * * * *
The Letters patents or priuiledges granted by her Maiestie to certaine
Noble men and Marchants of London, for a trade to Barbarie, in the yeere
1585.
Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France, and Ireland,
defender of the faith, &c. to the Treasurer & Barons of our Eschequer, and
to al Maiors, shirifs, constables, customers, collectors of our customes
and subsidies, controllers, searchers, and keepers of our hauens and
creekes, ports and passages, within this our realme of England and the
dominions of the same and to al our officers, ministers and subiects, and
to all other whosoeuer to whom it shall or may appertaine, and to euery of
them greeting. Whereas it is made euidently and apparently knowen vnto vs,
that of late yeeres our right trustie and right welbeloued councellors,
Ambrose Erle of Warwike, and Robert Erle of Leicester, and also our louing
and naturall subiects, Thomas Starkie of our citie of London Alderman,
Ierard Gore the elder, and all his sonnes, Thomas Gore the elder, Arthur
Atie gentleman, Alexander Auenon, Richard Staper, William Iennings, Arthur
Dawbeney, William Sherington, Thomas Bramlie, Anthony Garrard, Robert How,
Henry Colthirst, Edward Holmden, Iohn Swinnerton, Robert Walkaden, Simon
Lawrence, Nicholas Stile, Oliuer Stile, William Bond, Henrie Farrington,
Iohn Tedcastle, Walter Williams, William Brune, Iohn Suzan, Iohn Newton,
Thomas Owen, Roger Afield, Robert Washborne, Reinold Guy, Thomas
Hitchcocke, George Lydiat, Iohn Cartwright, Henry Paiton, Iohn Boldroe,
Robert Bowyer, Anthonie Dassell, Augustine Lane, Robert Lion, and Thomas
Dod, all of London, Marchants now trading into the Countrey of Barbary, in
the parts of Africa, vnder the gouernement of Muly Hammet Sheriffe, Emperor
of Morocco, and king of Fesse and Sus, haue sustained great and grieuous
losses, and are like to sustaine greater if it should not be preuented: In
tender consideration whereof, and for that diuers Marchandize of the same
Countries are very necessary and conuenient for the vse and defence of this
our Realme of England, and for diuers other causes vs specially mouing,
minding the reliefe and benefit of our said subiects, and the quiet
trafique and good gouernment to be had, and vsed among them in their said
trade, of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion haue
giuen and granted, and by those presents for vs, our heires and successors,
doe giue and grant vnto the saide Earles of Warwike and Leicester, Thomas
Starkie, Ierard Gore the elder, Arthur Atie gentleman, Alexander Auenon,
Richard Staper, William Iennings, Arthur Dawbenie, William Sherrington,
Thomas Bramlie, Anthonie Gerrard, Robert Howe, Henry Colthirst, Edward
Holmden, Iohn Swinnerton, Robert Walkaden, Simon Lawrence, Nicholas Stile,
Oliuer Stile, William Bond, Henry Farrington, Iohn Tedcastle, Walter
Williams, William Brune, Iohn Suzan, Iohn Newton, Thomas Owen, Roger Afild,
Robert Washborne, Rainold Guie, Thomas Hitchcocke, George Lidiate, Iohn
Cartwright, Henry Payton, Iohn Baldroe, Robert Bowyer, Anthony Dassell,
Augustine Lane, Robert Lion, and Thomas Dod, that they and euery of them by
themselues or by their factors or seruants, and none others, shall and may,
for, and during the space of 12. yeeres, haue and enioy the whole freedome
and libertie in the saide trafique or trade, vnto or from the said countrey
of Barbary, or to or from any part thereof, for the buying and selling of
all maner of wares and marchandizes whatsoeuer, that now or accustomably
heretofore haue bene brought or transported, from, or to the said country
of Barbary, or from or to any of the cities, townes, places, ports, roades,
hauens, harbors, or creeks of the said country of Barbary, any law,
statute, graunt, matter, customes or priuileges, to the contrary in any
wise notwithstanding.
And for the better establishing, ordering and gouerning of the said Erles
of Warwike and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, &c. abouesaid, their factors,
seruants and assignes in the trade aforesaid, we for vs, our heires and
successors, doe by these presents giue and graunt full licence to the saide
Thomas Starke, Ierard Gore the elder, and the rest aforesaide, and euery of
them from time to time, during the said terme of twelue yeeres, at their
pleasures to assemble and meete together in any place or places conuenient
within our citie of London, or elsewhere, to consult of, and for the said
trade, and with the consent of the said Erie of Leicester, to make and
establish good and necessary orders and ordinances for and touching the
same, and al such orders and ordinances so made, to put in vse and execute,
and them or any of them with the consent of the said Erle of Leicester, to
alter, change and make voyde, and if need be, to make new, at any time
during the saide terme, they or the most part of them then liuing and
trading, shall finde conuenient.
Prouided alwayes, that the ordinances or any of them bee not contrary or
repugnant to the lawes, statutes or customes of this our Realme of England.
And to the intent that they onely to whom the said libertie of trafique is
graunted by these our Letters patents, and none other our Subiects
whatsoeuer, without their special consent and licence before had, should
during the said terme haue trade or trafique for any maner of Marchandizes,
to, or from the said countrey of Barbary, or to, or from any Citie, town,
place, port, harbor or creeke within the said countrey of Barbary, to, or
out of our said Realmes and dominions, wee doe by these presents straightly
charge, commaund, and prohibite all and euery our Subiects whatsoeuer,
other then only the said Erles of Warwike and Leicester, Thomas Starkie,
and the rest abouesaid, and euery of them by themselues, or by their
Factors or seruants during the saide terme, to trade or trafique, for or
with any marchandize, to, or from the saide Countrey of Barbary, or to, or
from any the dominions of the same, as they tender our fauour, and will
auoyde our high displeasure, and vpon paine of imprisonment of his and
their bodies, at our will and pleasure, and of forfeiting all the
marchandizes, or the full value thereof, wherewith they or any of them
during the saide terme, shall trade or trafique to or from the said
countrey of Barbary, or to, or from the dominions of the same, contrary to
this our priuilege and prohibition, vnlesse it be by and with the expresse
licence, consent, and agreement of the saide Erles of Warwike and
Leicester, Thomas Starkie, Ierard Gore the elder, and all his sonnes,
Thomas Gore the elder, Arthur Atie Gentleman, Alexander Auenon, Richard
Straper, William Iennings, Arthur Dawbnie, William Sherington, Thomas
Bramlie, Anthonie Gerrard, Robert Howe, Henry Colthirst, Edward Holmden,
Iohn Swinnerton, Robert Walkaden, Simon Lawrence, Nicholas Stile, Oliuer
Stile, William Bond, Henry Farington, Iohn Tedcastle, Walter Williams,
William Brune, Iohn Suzan, Iohn Newton, Thomas Owen, Roger Afield, Robert
Washborne, Rainold Guy, Thomas Hitchcock, George Lidiate, &c. or by, and
and with the expresse licence and consent of the more part of them then
liuning and trading, first had and obtained, so alwayes, that the sayd
Earle of Leicester be one, if hee bee liuing.
And we further for vs, our heires and successors of our speciall grace,
meere motion and certaine knowledge, do graunt to the said Erles of Warwike
and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, and the rest abouesaid, and to euery of
them, that nothing shall be done, to be of force or validitie touching the
said trade or trafique, or the exercise thereof, without or against the
consent of the saide Erles, Thomas Starkie, (and the others before named)
during the time of these our Letters patents for 12. yeeres as aforesaid.
And for that the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. and euery of them
aforesaid should not be preuented or interrupted in this their said trade,
we do by these presents for vs, our heires and successours, straightly
prohibite and forbid all maner of person or persons, as well strangers of
what nation or countrey soeuer, as our owne Subiects, other then onely the
said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. and euery of them as aforesaid, that they
nor any of them from hencefoorth during the said terme of 12. yeeres, do or
shall bring, or cause to be brought into this our Realme of England, or to
any the dominions thereof, any maner of marchandizes whatsoeuer growing, or
being made within the said Countrey of Barbary, or within any the dominions
thereof, vnlesse it be by and with the license of the more part of them
then liuing, first had and obtained, so alwayes that the sayd Erle of
Leicester (if hee be liuing) be one, vnder the paine that euery one that
shall offend or doe against this our present prohibition here last aboue
mentioned in these presents, shall forfeite and lose all and singular the
said marchandizes to be landed in any our realmes and dominions, contrary
to the tenor and true meaning of this our prohibition in that behalfe
prouided: the one moitie of all and euery which said forfaitures whatsoeuer
mentioned or specified in these our present Letters patents, shalbe to vs,
our heires and successors: And the other moity of al and euery the said
forfaitures, we doe by these presents of our certaine knowledge and meere
motion clearely and wholy for vs, our heires and successors giue and graunt
vnto the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. And these our Letters patents,
vpon the onely sight thereof, without any further warrant, shal bee
sufficient authoritie to our Treasurer of England for the time being, to
our Barons of the Exchequer, and to all other our officers that shall haue
to deale in this behalfe, to make full allowance vnto the said Erles,
Thomas Starkie, &c. their deputies or assignes of the one moitie of all and
singular the goods, marchandizes and things whatsoever mentioned in these
our present Letters patents, to be forfaited at any time or times during
the said terme of twelue yeres: which said allowance we doe straightly
charge and commaund from time to time to be made to the sayd Erles, Thomas
Starkie, &c. and to euery of them accordingly, without any maner of delay
or deniall or any of our officers whatsoever, as they tender our fauour and
the furtherance of our good pleasure. And wee doe straightly charge and
commaund, and by these presents prohibite all and singular Customers and
Collectors of our customes and subsidies, and comptrollers, of the same, of
and within our Citie and port of London, and all other portes, creekes, and
places within this our Realme of England, and euery of them, that they ne
any of them take or perceiue, or cause, or suffer to be taken, receiued, or
perceiued for vs and in our name, or to our vse, or to the vses of our
heires or successors of any person or persons, any sum or summes of money,
or other things whatsoeuer during the said terme of 12. yeeres, for, and in
the name and liew or place of any custome, subsidy and other thing or
duties to vs, our heires or successors due or to be due for the customes
and subsidies of any marchandizes whatsoeuer growing, being made or comming
out of the said countrey of Barbary, or out of the dominions thereof, nor
make, cause, nor suffer to be made any entrie into our or their books of
customs and subsidies, nor make any agreement for the subsidies and
customs, of, and for any the said marchants, sauing onely with, and in the
name of the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. or the most part of them, as
they and euery of them will answers at their vttermost perils to the
contrary. And for the better and more sure obseruation of this our graunt,
wee will, and grant for vs, our heires and successors by these presents,
that the Treasurer and barons of our Exchequer for the time being, by force
of this our graunt or enrolment thereof in the said court at al and euery
time and times during the said terme of 12 yeeres, at and vpon request made
vnto them by the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. or by the atturneis,
factors, deputies or assignes of them, or the most part of them then liuing
and trading, shall and may make and direct vnder the seale of the said
Exchequer, one or more sufficient writ or writs, close or patents, vnto
euery or any of our said customers, collectors or controllers of our heires
and successors in all and euery, or to any port or ports, creeke, hauens,
or other places within this our realme of England, as the Erles, Thomas
Starkie, &c. or any the atturneis, factors, deputies or assignes of them or
the most part of them then liuing and trading, shall at any time require,
commaunding and straightly charging them and euery of them, that they nor
any of them at any time or times during the said term of 12. yeeres, make
any entrie of any wares or marchandizes whatsoeuer, growing, being made or
comming out or from the said countrey of Barbary, or the dominions thereof,
nor receiue or take any custome, subsidie or other entrie, or make any
agreement for the same, other then with or in the name of the said Erles,
Thomas Starkie, &c, the factor or factors, deputies or assignes of them or
the most part of them then liuing and trading, according to this our
graunt, and the true meaning thereof, and according to our saide will and
pleasure before in these presents declared. In witnesse whereof we haue
caused these our Letters to be made patents. Witnesse our selfe at
Westminster the 5. day of Iuly in the 27. yeere of our reigne.
* * * * *
The Ambassage of Master Henry Roberts, one of the sworne Esquires of her
Maiesties person, from her highnesse to Mully Hamet Emperour of Morocco
and the King of Fesse and Sus, in the yeere 1585: who remained there as
Liger for the space of 3. yeeres. Written briefly by himselfe.
Vpon an incorporation granted to the Company of Barbary Marchants resident
in London, I Henry Roberts one of her Maiesties sworne Esquires of her
person, was appointed her highnesse messenger, and Agent vnto the aforesaid
Mully Hamet Emperor of Marocco, king of Fesse, and Sus. And after I had
receiued my Commission, instructions, and her Maiesties letters, I departed
from London the 14. of August in the yeere 1585. in a tall ship called the
Ascension, in the company of the Minion and Hopewell, and we all arriued in
safetie at Azafi a port of Barbary, the 14. of September next following.
The Alcaide of the towne (being the kings officer there, and as it were
Maior of the place) recalled mee with all humanitie and honour, according
to the custome of the Countrey, lodging me in the chiefest house of the
towne, from whence I dispatched a messenger (which in their language they
call a Trottero) to aduertise the Emperour of my arriuall: who immediately
gaue order, and sent certaine souldiers for my guard and conduct, and
horses for my selfe, and mules for mine owne and my companies carriages.
Thus being accompanied with M. Richard Euans, Edward Salcot, and other
English Marchants resident there in the Countrey, with my traine of Moores
and carriages, I came at length to the riuer of Tensist, which is within
foure miles of Marocco: and there by the water side I pitched my tents
vnder the Oliue trees: where I met with all the English Marchants by
themselues, and the French and Flemish, and diuers other Christians, which
attended my comming. And after we had dined, and spent out the heat of the
day, about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we all set forward toward
the Citie of Marocco, where we arriued the said day, being the 14. of
September, and I was lodged by the Emperours appointment in a faire house
in the Iudaria or Iurie, which is the place where the Iewes haue their
abode, and is the fairest place, and quietest lodging in all the Citie.
After I had reposed my selfe 3 dayes, I had accesse to the kings presence,
delinered my message and her Maiesties letters, and was receiued with all
humanitie, and had fauourable audience from time to time for three yeeres:
during which space I abode there in his Court, as her Maiesties Agent and
Ligier: and whensoeuer I had occasion of businesse, I was admitted either
to his Maiestie himselfe, or to his vice Roy, whose name was Alcayde Breme
Saphiana, a very wise and discreet person, and the chiefest about his
Maiestie. The particulers of my seruice, for diuers good and reasonable
causes, I forbeare here to put downe in writing.
After leaue obtained, and an honourable reward bestowed by the Emperour
vpon me, I departed from his Court at Marocco the 18. of August 1588.
toward a garden of his, which is called Shersbonare, where he promised mee
I should stay but one day for his letters: howbeit, vpon some occasion I
was stayed vntil the 14. of September at the kings charges, with 40. or 50.
shot attending vpon me for my guard and safetie.
From thence at length I was conducted with all things necessary to the port
of Santa Cruz, being sixe dayes iourney from Marocco, and the place where
our shippes do commonly take in their lading, where I arriued the 21. of
the same moneth. In this port I stayed 43. dayes, and at length the second
of Nouember I embarqued my selfe, and one Marshok Reiz a Captaine and a
Gentleman, which the Emperour sent with mee vpon an Ambassage to her
Maiestie: and after much torment and foule weather at Sea, yet New-yeres
day I came on land at S. Iues in Cornwall, from whence passing by land both
together vp towards London, we were met without the Citie with the chiefest
marchants of the Barbary Company, well mounted all on horsebacke, to the
number of 40. or 50. horse, and so the Ambassadour and myselfe being both
in Coche, entred the citie by torchlight, on Sunday at night the 12. of
Ianuary 1589.
* * * * *
Este es vn traslado bien y fielmente sacado da vna carta real del Rey Muley
Hamet de Fes y Emperador de Marruecos, cuyo tenor es este, que Segue.
Con el nombre de Dios piadoso y misericordioso, &c. El sieruo de Dios
soberano, el conquistador per su causa, el successor ensalcado por Dios,
Emperador de los Moros, hijo del Emperador de los Moros, Iariffe, Haceni,
el que perpetue su honora, y ensalce su estado. Se pone este nuestro real
mandado en manos de los criados de neustras altas puertas los mercadores
Yngleses; para que por el sepan todos los que la presente vieren, come
nuestro alto Conseio les anpara con el fauor de Dios de todo aquello, que
les enpeciere y dannare en qualquiera manera, que fueren offendidos, y en
qualquiera viaie, que fueren, ninguno les captinara en estos nuestros
reynos, y puertos, y lugares, que a nos pertenescen: y que les cubre el
anporo de nuestro podor de qualquiera fatiga; y ningun los impida commano
de enemistad, ni se dara causa, de que se agrauien en qualquiera manera con
el fauor de Dios y de sua comparo. Y mandamos a los Alcaydes de los
nuestros puertos y fortalezas, y a los que en estos nuestros reynos tienen
cargo, y a toda la gente commun, que no les alleguen en ninguna manera, con
orden, de que sean offendidos en ninguna manera; y esto sera
necessariamente: Que es escrita en los medios dias de Rabel, segundo anno
de nueue cientos, y nouenta y seys.
Concorda el dia d'esta cara con veynte dias de Marco del anno de mil y
quiniento y ochenta y siete, lo qual yo Abdel Rahman el Catan, interprete
per su Magestad saque, y Romance de verbo ad verbum, como en el se
contiene, y en Fee dello firmo de my nombre, fecho vt supra.
Abdel Rahman el Catan.
The same in English.
This is a copy well and truely translated of an edict of Muley Hamet king
of Fez and Emperour of Marocco, whose tenor is as followeth: To wit, that
no Englishmen should be molested or made slaues in any part of his
Dominions, obtained by the aforesaid M. Henry Roberts.
In the name of the pitifull and the mercifull God, &c. The seruant of the
supreme God, the conqueror in his cause, the successor aduanced by God, the
Emperour of the Moores, the sonne of the Emperour of the Moores, the
Iariffe, the Haceny, whose honour God long increase and aduance his estate.
This our princely commandement is deliuered into the hands of the English
marchants, which remaine in the protection of our stately palaces: to the
ende that all men which shall see this present writing, may vnderstand that
our princely counsaile wil defend them by the fauor of God, from any thing
that may impeach or hurt them in what sort soeuer they shalbe wronged: and
that, which way soeuer they shall trauaile, no man shall take them captiues
in these our kingdomes, ports, and places which belong vnto vs, which also
may protect and defend them by our authoritie from any molestation
whatsoeuer: and that no man shall hinder them by laying violent hand vpon
them, and shall not giue occasion that they may be grieued in any sort by
the fauour and assistance of God. And we charge and command our officers of
our hauens and fortresses, and all such as beare any authority in these our
dominions, and likewise all the common people, that in no wise they do
molest them, in such sort that they be no way offended or wronged. And this
our commandement shall remaine inuiolable, being registred in the middest
of the moneth of Rabel in the yeere 996.
The date of this letter agreeth with the 20. of March 1587. which I Abdel
Rahman el Catan, interpretour for his Maiestie, haue translated and turned
out of the Arabian into Spanish word for word as is conteined therein: and
in witnesse thereof haue subscribed my name as aforesaid.
Abdel Rahman el Catan.
* * * * *
En nombre de Dios el piadoso piadador.
Oracion de Dios sobre nuestro Sennor y Propheta Mahumet, y los allegados a
el.
[Sidenote: A letter of Mully Hamet to the Earle of Leicester.] El sieruo de
Dios, y muy guerrero, y ensalsado por la gracia de Dios, Myra Momanyn, hijo
de Myra Momanyn, nieto de Myra Momanyn, el Iarif, el Hazeny, que Dios
sustenga sus reynos, y enhalse sus mandados, para el Sennor muy affamado y
muy illustre, muy estimado, el Conde de Leycester, despues de dar las
loores deuidas a Dios, y las oraciones, y saludes deuidas a le propheta
Mahumet. Seruira esta por os hazer saber que llego a qui a nuestra real
Corte vuestra carta, y entendimos lo que en ella se contiene. Y vuestro
Ambaxador, que aqui esti en nuestra corte me dio a entender la causa de la
tardanca de los rehenes hasta agora: el qual descuento recebimos, y nos
damos por satisfechos. Y quanta a lo que a nos escriueys por causa de Iuan
Herman, y lo mesmo que nos ha dicho el Ambaxador sobre el, antes que
llegasse vuestra carta por la quexa del ambaxador, que se auia quexado del,
ya auiamos mandado prender lo, y assi que da aora preso, y quedera, hasta
que se le haga la iusticia que mas se le ha de hazer. Y con tanto nuestro
Sennor os tenga en su guardia. Hecha en nuestra corte real en Marruecos,
que Dios sostenga, et 28. dias del mes de Remodan anno 996.
The same in English.
In the Name of the mercifull and pitifull God.
The blessing of God light vpon our Lord and prophet Mahumet, and those that
are obedient vnto him.
The seruant of God both mightie in warre and mightily exalted by the grace
of God Myra Momanyn, the son of Myra Momanyn, the Iarif, the Hazeni, whose
kingdoms God maintaine and aduance his authoritie: Vnto the right famous,
right noble, and right highly esteemed Erle of Leicester, after due praises
giuen vnto God, and due blessings and salutations rendered vnto the prophet
Mahumet. These are to giue you to vnderstand, that your letters arriued
here in our royal Court, and we wel perceiue the contents thereof. And your
Ambassador which remaineth here in our Court told me the cause of the
slownesse of the gages or pledges vntil this time: which reckoning we
accept of, and holde our selues as satisfied. And as touching the matter
wherof you write vnto vs concerning Iohn Herman, and the selfe same
complaint which your Ambassador hath made of him, before the comming of
your letter, we had already commaunded him to be taken vpon the complaint
which your Ambassadour had made of him, whereupon he still remaineth in
hold, and shall so continue vntil further iustice be done vpon him
according to his desert. And so our Lord keepe you in his safeguard.
Written at our royall court in Marocco, which God maintaine, the 28. day of
the moneth Remodan, Anno 996. [Marginal note: Which is with vs 1587.]
* * * * *
The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Emperour of Marocco.
[Sidenote: The Queenes letters to the Emperour.] Muy alto, y muy poderoso
Sennor,
Auiendo entendido de parte de nuestro Agente la mucha aficion, y volontad,
que nos teneys, y quanta honta, y fauor le hazeys por amor nuestro, para
dar nos tanto mayor testimonio de vuestra amistad, hemos recebido de lo vno
y de le otro muy grande contento, y satisfacion; y assy no podemos dexar de
agradesceroslo, como mereceys. Vuestras cartas hemos tambien recibido, y
con ellas holgadonos infinitamente, por venir de parte de vn Principe, a
quien tenemos tanta obligacion. Nuestro Agente nos ha escripto sobre
ciertas cosas, que desseays ser os embiadas de aqui: Y, aunque queriamos
poder os en ello puntualmente conplazer, como pidiz, ha succedido, que las
guerras, en que stamos al presente occupadas, no nos lo consienten del
todo: Hemos pero mandado que se os satisfaga en parte, y conforme a lo que
por agora la necessitad nos permite, como mas particularmente os lo
declarara nuestro Agente: esperando, que lo reciberreys en buena parte y
conforme al animo, con que os lo concedemos. Y porque nos ha sido referido,
que aueys prometido de proceder contra vn Iuan Herman vassallo nuestro, (el
qual nos ha grauemente offendido) de la manera, que os lo demandaremos,
auemos dado orden a nuestro dicho Agente de deziros mas parcularmente lo
que desseamos ser hecho a cerca deste negocio, rogando os, que lo mandeys
assi complir: y que seays seruido de fauorescer siempre al dicho Agente, y
tener lo en buen credito, como hasta agora aueys hecho, sin permiter, que
nadie os haga mudar de parecer a cerca de las calumnias, que le podran
leuantar, ny dudar, que no complamos muy por entero todo, lo que de nuestra
parte os prometiere. Nuestro Sennor guarde vostra muy alta y muy poderosa
persona: Hecha en nuestra Corte Real de Grenewich a 20. de Iulio 1587.
The same in English.
Right high and mightie Prince, Hauing vnderstood from our Agent the great
affection and good wil which you beare vs, and how great honour and fauor
you shew him for our sake, to the end to giue vs more ample testimonie of
your friendship, we haue receiued very great contentment and satisfaction,
as wel of the one as of the other: and withall we could not omit to
magnifie you, according to your desert. We haue also receiued your letters,
and do not a litle reioyce thereof, because they come from a prince vnto
whom we are so much beholden. Or Agent hath written vnto vs concerning
certaine things which you desire to bee sent vnto you from hence. And
albeit we wish that we could particularly satisfie you, as you desire, yet
it is fallen out, that the warres, wherein at this present we be busied wil
not suffer vs fully to doe the same: neuerthelesse, wee haue commaunded to
satisfie you in part, and according as the present necessitie doeth permit
vs, as our Agent will declare vnto you more particularly, hoping you will
receiue it in good part, and according to the good will wherewith wee
graunt the same. [Sidenote: Iohn Herman an English rebel.] And because it
hath bene signified vnto vs that you haue promised to proceed in iustice
against one Iohn Herman our subiect, which hath grieuously offended vs, in
such sort as wee haue sent word vnto you, wee haue giuen order to our said
Agent, to informe you more particularly in that which we desire to be done
in this busines, praying you also to command the same to be put in
execution: and that it would please you alwayes to fauour our said Agent
and to hold him in good credite, as you haue done hitherto, not suffering
your selfe to be changed in your opinion, for all the false reports which
they may raise against him, nor to doubt that wee will not accomplish at
large all that he shall promise you on our behalfe. Our Lord keepe and
preserue your right high and mightie person. Written in our royall Court at
Greenwich the 20. of Iuly 1587.
* * * * *
A Patent granted to certaine Marchants of Exeter, and others of the West
parts, and of London, for a trade to the Riuer of Senega and Gambia in
Guinea, 1588.
Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland,
defender of the faith, &c. To our Treasurer and Admirral of England, our
Treasurer and Barons of our Exchequer, and all and euery our Officers,
ministers and subiects whatsoeuer, greeting. Whereas our welbeloued
subiects William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicolas Spicer, and Iohn Doricot
of our City of Exeter marchants, Iohn Yong of Coliton in our county of
Deuon marchant, Richard Doderige of Barnstable in our saide County of Deuon
Marchant, Anthonie Dassell, and Nicolas Turner of our Citie of London
Marchants, haue bene perswaded and earnestly moued by certaine Portugals
resident within our Dominions, to vndertake and set forward a voyage to
certaine places on the coast of Guinea; Videlicit, from the Northermost
part of the Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Senega, and
from and within that Riuer all along that coast vnto the Southermost part
of another Riuer commonly called by the name of Gambra, and within that
Riuer: [Sidenote: A former voyage to Gambra.] which, as we are informed
they haue already once performed accordingly: And for that we are credibly
giuen to vnderstand that the further prosecuting of the same voyage, and
the due and orderly establishing of an orderly trafique and trade of
marchandize into those Countries, wil not only in time be very beneficial
to these our Realmes and dominions, but also be a great succour and reliefe
vnto the present distressed estate of those Portugals, who by our princely
fauour liue and continue here vnder our protection: And considering that
the aduenturing and enterprising of a newe trade cannot be a matter of
small charge and hazard to the aduenturers in the beginning: we haue
therefore thought it conuenient, that our said louing subiects William
Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Young, Richard
Doderige, Anthonie Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, for the better
incouragement to proceede in their saide aduenture and trade in the said
Countreis, shal haue the sole vse and exercise thereof for a certaine time.
In consideration whereof, and for other waightie reasons and
considerations, vs specially moouing, of our speciall grace, certaine
knowledge and meere motion, we haue giuen and graunted, and by these
presents for vs, our heires and successors doe giue and graunt vnto the
said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn
Young, Richard Doderide, Anthony Dassell and Nicholas Turner, and to euery
of them, and to such other our Subiects as they or the most part of them
shall thinke conuenient to receiue into their Company and society, to be
the traders with them into the said Contreis, that they and euery of them
by themselues or by their seruants or Factors and none others, shall and
may for and during the full space and terme of tenne yeeres next ensuing
the date of these presents, haue and enioy the free and whole trafique,
trade and feat of marchandise, to and from the said Northermost part of the
said Riuer, commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Senega: and from
and within that riuer all along the coast of Guinea, vnto the Southermost
part of the said Riuer, commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Gambra,
and within that Riuer also. And that they the said William Brayley, Gilbert
Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthony
Dassel and Nicholas Turner, and euery of them, by themselues or by their
seruants or Factors, and such as they or the most part of them shall
receiue into their Company and societie, to be traders with them into the
sayd Countreis (as is aforesaid) and none others, shall and may, for, and
during the said space and terme of 10. yeres, haue and enioy the sole and
whole trafique or trade of marchandize into and from the said places afore
limitted and described, for the buying and selling, bartering and changing
of and with any goods, wares, and marchandizes whatsoeuer, to be vented had
or found, at or within any the cities, townes, or places situated or being
in the countries, partes and coastes of Guinea before limitted, any law,
statute, or graunt, matter, custome or priuileges to the contrary in any
wise notwithstanding. And for the better ordering, establishing, and
gouerning of the said societie and Company in the said trade and trafique
of marchandizes, and the quiet, orderly, and lawfull exercise of the same,
We for vs, our heires, and successors, do by these presents giue and graunt
full license and authority vnto the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith,
Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthonie
Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, and to such others as they shall receiue into
their saide societie and company to be traders into the said countreis, as
is aforesaid, and to euery of them, that they or the most part of them
shall and may at all conuenient times at their pleasures, assemble and
meete together in any place or places conuenient, aswell within our citie
of Exeter, as elsewhere within this our Realme of England, or other our
dominions, during the said terme of ten yeere, to consult of, for, and
concerning the saide trade and trafique of marchandize, and from time to
time to make, ordaine, and stablish good, necessary, and reasonable orders,
constitutions, and ordinances, for, and touching the same trade. And al
such orders, constitutions, and ordinances so to be made, to put in vse and
execute, and them, or any of them, to alter, change, and make voyd, and, if
neede be, to make new, as at any time, during the said terme of ten yeeres,
to them, or the most part of them then trading, as is aforesaide, shall be
thought necessary and conuenient. Vnto all and euery which said orders,
constitutions, and ordinances, they, and euery of them, and all other
persons which shall hereafter be receiued into the saide societie and
Company, shall submit themselues, and shall well and duely obserue,
performe, and obey the same, so long as they shall stand in force, or else
shall pay and incurre such forfeitures, paines, and penalties, for the
breach thereof, and in such maner and forme, and to such vses and intents,
as by the saide orders, constitutions, and ordinances shall be assessed,
limitted and appointed. So alwayes, as the same orders, constitutions and
ordinances be not repugnant or contrary to the lawes, statutes, and
customes of this Realme of England, nor any penaltie to exceede the
reasonable forme of other penalties, assessed by the Company of our
Marchants, named Aduenturers. And to the intent that they onely, to whom
the said power and libertie of trafique and trade of marchandize is
graunted by these our letters patent aforesaid, and none others whatsoeuer,
without their speciall consent and license before had, shall, during the
said terme of ten yeeres, vse, or haue trade or trafique, with or for any
maner of goods or marchandizes, to and from the saide coastes or parts of
Guinea afore limited: Wee doe by these presents, by our royall and supreme
authoritie, straightly charge and commaund, that no person or persons
whatsoeuer, by themselues, or by their factors, or seruants, during the
said terme of 10. yeres, shall in any wise trade or trafique, for or with
any goods or marchandizes, to or from the said coasts and parts of Guinea
afore limitted, other then the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith,
Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthony
Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, and such as from time to time, they, or the
most part of them, shall receiue into their societie and company, to be
traders with them, as is aforesaid, as they tender our fauour, and will
auoyde our high displeasure, and vpon paine of imprisonment of his or their
bodies, at our will and pleasure, and to lose and forfeit the ship or
shippes, and all the goods, wares, and marchandizes, wherewith they, or any
of them, shal, during the said terme of 10. yeres, trade, or trafique to or
from the said Countries, or any part thereof, according to the limitation
aboue mentioned, contrary to our expresse prohibition and restraint, in
that behalfe. And further, we do by these presents giue and graunt full
power and authoritie to the said William Braily, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas
Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassell, and
Nicholas Turner, and to such other persons, as they shal receiue into their
society and company, to be traders with them, as is aforesaid, and the most
part of them, for the time being: that they, and euery of them, by
themselues, their factors, deputies, or assignes, shall and may, from time
to time, during the said terme of 10. yeres, attach, arrest, take, and
sease all, and all maner of ship, and ships, goods, wares, and marchandizes
whatsoeuer, which shall be brought from, or caried to the said coasts and
parts of Guinea afore limited, contrary to our will and pleasure, and the
true meaning of the same, declared and expressed in these our letters
patents. Of all and euery which said forfaitures whatsoeuer, the one third
part shall be vnto vs, our heires, and successors, and another thirde part
thereof we giue and graunt by these presents, for and towards the reliefe
of the saide Portugals continuing here vnder our protection, as is
aforesaid. And the other third part of al the same forfaitures, we do by
these presents, of our certaine knowledge and meere motion, for vs, our
heires and successors, giue and grant cleerely and wholy vnto the said
William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong,
Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassel, and Nicholas Turner, and such other
persons, as they shall receiue into their societie, and company, as is
aforesaid. And these our letters patents, or the inrolment or
exemplification of the same, without any further or other warrant, shall
from time to time, during the said tenne yeeres, be a sufficient warrant
and authoritie to our Treasurer of England, for the time being, and to the
barons of our Exchequer, and to all other our officers and ministers
whatsoeuer, to whom it shall or may appertaine, to allow, deliuer, and pay
one thirde part of all the said forfeitures, to the vse of the said
Portugals, and one other thirde part of the same forfeitures, to the saide
William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong,
Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, and such other
persons, as they shall receiue into their societie and Company, to be
traders with them, as aforesaide, to their owne proper vse and behoofe:
which said allowances and paiments thereof, our will and pleasure is, and
we do straightly charge and commaund, to bee from time to time duely made
and performed accordingly, without any delay or denial of any our officers
aforesaid, or any other our officers or ministers whatsoeuer. And we do
straightly charge and command, and by these presents probibite all and
singular our customers, collectors, and farmers of our Customes and
subsidies, and controllers of the same, of and within our ports of the
citie of London, and the Citie of Exeter, and all other ports, creekes, and
places, within this our Realme of England, and euery of them, and all other
our officers and ministers whatsoeuer, which haue or shall haue any dealing
or intermedling, touching our said Customes and subsidies, that they, ne
any of them by themselues, their clearks, deputies, or substitutes, or any
of them take or receiue, or in any wise cause or suffer to be taken or
receiued for vs, or in our name, or to our vse, or for, or in the names or
to the vses of our heires or successors, or any person, or persons, any
summe or summes of money, or other things whatsoeuer, during the saide
terme of ten yeeres, for, or in the name, lieu, or place of any Custome,
subsidie, or other thing or duetie, to vs, our heires, or successors, due,
or to be due, for the Customes or subsidies of any such goods, wares, or
marchandizes, to be transported, caried, or brought to or from the
priuileged places, before in these presents mentioned, or any of them: nor
make, nor cause to be made any entry into, or of the bookes of subsidies or
customes, nor make any agreement for the Customes or subsidies, of, or for
any goods, wares or merchandizes, to bee sent to, or returned from any the
priuleged places, before in these presents mentioned, sauing onely with,
and in the name, and by the consent of the saide William Brayley, Gilbert
Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Antonie
Dassel, and Nicholas Turner, or of some of them, or of such as they or the
most part of them shall receiue into their societie and Company, as
aforesaid. Prouided alwaies, that if at any time hereafter, we our selves,
by our writing signed with our proper hand, or any sixe or more of our
priuie Counsell, for the time being, shall by our direction, and by writing
signed and subscribed with their hands, signifie and notifie to the said
William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong,
Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, or to any of them,
or to any other, whom they or the most part of them shal receiue into their
Companie and society, as is aforesaid, or otherwise to our officers in our
ports of Exeter, or Plimouth, by them to be notified to such as shall haue
interest in this speciall priuilege, that our will and pleasure is, that
the said trade and trafique shal cease, and be no longer continued into the
saide coastes and partes of Guinea before limited: then immediatly from and
after the ende of sixe moneths next insuing, after such signification and
notification so to be giuen to any of the said Company and societie, as is
aforesaid, or otherwise to our Officers in our ports of Exeter or Plimouth,
by them to be notified to such as shall haue interest in this speciall
priuilege, these our present letters Patents, and our graunt therein
contained shall be vtterly voyde, and of none effect, ne validitie in the
lawe, to all intents and purposes: any thing before mentioned to the
contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Witnesse our selfe at Westminster,
the thirde day of May, in the thirtieth yere of our Reign 1588.
* * * * *
A voyage to Benin beyond the Countrey of Guinea, set foorth by Master Bird
and Master Newton Marchants of London, with a shippe called the Richard
of Arundell, and a Pinesse; Written by Iames Welsh, who was chiefe Master
of the said voyage, begunne in the yeere 1588.
Vpon the twelft of October wee wayed our ankers at Ratcliffe and went to
Blackwall. And the next day sayling from thence, by reason of contrary
winde and weather, wee made it the 25. of October before wee were able to
reach Plimouth, and there we stayed (to our great expense of victuals) for
lacke of winde and weather vnto the 14. of December.
On Saturday the said 14. of December we put from thence, and about midnight
were thwart of the Lizart.
[Sidenote: Rio del oro is in 22. degrees and 47. min.] Thursday the second
of Ianuary wee had sight of the land neere Rio del oro, God be thanked, and
there had 22. degrees of latitude, and 47. minutes.
[Sidenote: Cauo de las Barbas.] The thirde of Ianuary wee had sight of Cauo
de las Barbas, and it bare Southeast fiue leagues off.
[Sidenote: Crosiers.] The 4. we had sight of the Crosiers in the morning.
[Sidenote: Cauo Verde in 14. degr. 43. m.] Tuesday the 7. day we had sight
of Cauo verde, and I find this place to be in latitude 14. degrees, and 43.
minutes, being 4. leagues from the shoare.
[Sidenote: Cauo de Monte.] Friday the 17. Cauo de Monte bare off vs North
Northeast, we sounded and had 50. fathom blacke oase, and at 2. of the
clocke it bare North Northwest 8. leagues off. [Sidenote: Cauo Mensurado.]
And Cauo Mensurado bare of vs East and by South, and wee went Northeast
with the maine: here the current setteth to the East Southeast alongst the
shoare, and at midnight wee sounded and had 26. fathome blacke oase.
The 18. in the morning we were thwart of a land, much like Cauo verde, and
it is as I iudge 9. leagues from Cauo Mensurado; it is a hill sadlebacked,
and there are 4. or 5. one after another: and 7. leagues to the Southward
of that, we saw a row of hils sadlebacked also, and from Cauo Mensurado are
many mountaines.
[Sidenote: Rio de Sestos. Cauo dos Baixos.] The 19. we were thwart Rio de
Sestos, and the 20. Cauo dos Baixos was North and by West 4. leagues off
the shoare, [Sidenote: Tabanoo.] and at afternoone there came a boate frome
the shoare with 3. Negroes, from a place (as they say) called Tabanoo. And
towards euening we were thwart of an Island, and a great many of small
Islands or rockes to the Southward, and the currant came out of the
Souther-boord: we sounded and had 35. fathomes.
[Sidenote: A French ship at Ratire. Crua.] The 21. wee had a flat hill that
bare North Northeast off vs, and wee were from the shoare 4. leagues, and
at 2. a clocke in the afternoone we spake with a Frenchman riding neere a
place called Ratire, and another place hard by called Crua. [Sidenote: A
current to the Southeastward.] This Frenchman caried a letter from vs to M.
Newton: wee layd it on hull while wee were writing of our letter; and the
current set vs to the Southward a good pase alongst the shore South
Southeast.
The 25. we were in the bight of the Bay that is to the Westward of Capo de
Tres puntas: the currant did set East Northeast.
The 28. we lay sixe glasses a hull tarying for the pinesse.
[Sidenote: Caou de tres puntas.] The last of Ianuary the middle part of
Cape de tres puntas was thwart of vs three leagues at seuen of the clocke
in the morning: and at eight the pinnesse came to an anker: and wee prooued
that the current setteth to the Eastward: and at sixe at night the
Vttermost lande bare East and by South 5. leagues, and we went Southwest,
and Southwest and by South.
Saturday the first of February 1588. we were thwart of a Round foreland,
which I take to be the Eastermost part of Capo de tres puntas: and within
the saide Round foreland was a great bay with an Island in the said bay.
[Sidenote: The Castle of Mina.] The second of February wee were thwart of
the Castle of Mina, and when the thirde glasse of our Looke-out was spent,
we spied vnder our Larbord-quarter one of their Boates with certaine
Negroes, and one Portugale in the Boate, wee haue had him to come aboord,
but he would not. [Sidenote: Two white watch-houses.] And ouer the castle
upon the hie rockes we did see as it might be two watch-houses, and they
did shew very white: and we went eastnortheast.
[Sidenote: Monte Redondo.] The 4 in the morning we were thwart a great high
hill, and vp into the lande were more high ragged hilles, and those I
reckoned to be but little short of Monte Redondo. Then I reckoned that we
were 20 leagues Southeastward from the Mina, and at 11 of the clocke I
sawe two hilles within the land, these hils I take to be 7 leagues from the
first hils. And to sea-ward of these hilles is a bay, and at the east end
of the bay another hill, and from the hils the landes lie verie low. We
went Eastnortheast, and East and by North 22 leagues, and then East along
the shore.
[Sidenote: Villa longa.] The 6 we were short of Villa longa, and there we
met with a Portugall Carauell.
The 7 a faire temperate day, and all this day we road before Villa longa.
The 8 at noone we set saile from Villa longa, and ten leagues from thence
we ankered againe and stayed all that night in ten fadom water.
[Sidenote: Rio de Lagos.] The ninth we set saile, and all alongst the shore
were very thicke woodes, and in the afternoone we were thwart a riuer, and
to the Eastward of the riuer a litle way off was a great high bush-tree as
though it had no leaues, and at night we ankered with faire and temperate
weather.
The 10 we set sayle and went East, and East and by South 14 leagues along
the shoare, which was so full of thicke woods, that in my iudgement a man
should haue much to doe to passe through them, and towards night we ankered
in 7 fadome with faire weather.
[Sidenote: Very shallow water.] The 11 we sayled East and by South, and
three leagues from the shore we had but 5 fadome water, and all the wood
vpon the land was as euen as if it had beene cut with a paire of gardeners
sheeres, and in running of two leagues we descerned a high tuft of trees
vpon the brow of a land, which shewed like a Porpose head, and when wee
came at it, it was but part of the lande, and a league further we saw a
head-land very low and full of trees, and a great way from the land we had
very shallow water, then we lay South into the sea, because of the sands
for to get into the deepe water, and when we found it deepe, we ankered in
fiue fadom thwart the riuer of Iaya, in the riuers mouth.
The 12. in the morning we road still in the riuers mouth. This day we sent
the pinnesse and the boat on land with the marchants, but they came not
againe vntil the next morning. The shallowest part of this riuer is toward
the West, where there is but 4 fadom and a halfe, and it is very broad.
[Sidenote: Rio de Iaya.] The next morning came the boate aboord, and they
also said it was Rio de Iaya. Here the currant setteth Westward, and the
Eastermost land is higher then the Westermost Thursday the 13 we set saile,
and lay South Southeast along the shore, where the trees are wonderfull
euen, and the East shore is higher then the West shore, and when wee had
sayled 18 leagues we had sight of a great riuer, then we ankered in three
fadom and a halfe, and the currant went Westward. [Sidenote: Rio Benin.]
This riuer is the riuer of Benin, and two leagues from the maine it is very
shallowe.
[Sidenote: A currant Westward.] The 15 we sent the boat and pinesse into
the riuer with the marchants, and after that we set saile, because we road
in shallow water, and went Southsoutheast, and the starboard tacke aboord
vntill we came to fiue fadom water, where we road with the currant to the
Westward: then came our boat out of the harbour and went aboord the
pinnesse. The West part of the land was high browed much like the head of a
Gurnard, and the Eastermost land was lower, and had on it three tufts of
trees like stackes of wheate or corne, and the next day in the morning we
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