The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques,
Richard Hakluyt

Part 1 out of 7

Produced by Karl Hagen and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team.

** Transcriber's Notes **

The printed edition from which this e-text has been produced retains the
spelling and abbreviations of Hakluyt's 16th-century original. In this
version, the spelling has been retained, but the following manuscript
abbreviations have been silently expanded:

- vowels with macrons = vowel + 'n' or 'm'
- q; = -que (in the Latin)
- y[e] = the; y[t] = that; w[t] = with

This edition contains footnotes and two types of sidenotes. Most footnotes
are added by the editor. They follow modern (19th-century) spelling
conventions. Those that don't are Hakluyt's (and are not always
systematically marked as such by the editor). The sidenotes are Hakluyt's
own. Summarizing sidenotes are labelled [Sidenote: ] and placed before the
sentence to which they apply. Sidenotes that are keyed with a symbol are
labeled [Marginal note: ] and placed at the point of the symbol, except in
poetry, where they are moved to the nearest convenient break in the text.

** End Transcriber's Notes **


Collected by


and Editied by

Edmund Goldsmid, F.R.H.S





Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries

A briefe Treatise of the great Duke of Moscouia his genealogie, being taken
out of the Moscouites manuscript Chronicles written by a Polacke.

It hath almost euer bene the custome of nations, in searching out the
infancie and first beginnings of their estate, to ascribe the same vnto
such authors as liued among men in great honour and endued mankinde with
some one or other excellent benefite. Nowe, this inbred desire of all
nations to blaze and set foorth their owne petigree hath so much preuayled
with the greater part, that leauing the vndoubted trueth, they haue betaken
themselues vnto meere fables and fictions. Yea and the Chronicles of many
nations written in diuers and sundrie ages doe testifie the same. Euen so
the Grecians boasted that they were either Autocthones, that is
earthbredde, or els lineally descended from the Gods. And the Romans
affirme that Mars was father vnto their first founder Romulus. Right well
therefore and iudicially sayth Titus Liuius: Neither meane I to auouch
(quoth he) ne to disable or confute those thinges which before the building
and foundation of the Citie haue beene reported, being more adorned and
fraught with Poeticall fables then with incorrupt and sacred monuments of
trueth: antiquitie is it to be pardoned in this behalfe, namely in ioyning
together matters historicall and poeticall, to make the beginnings of
cities to seeme the more honourable. For sith antiquity it selfe is
accompted such a notable argument of true nobility, euen priuate men in all
ages haue contended thereabout. Wherefore citizens of Rome being desirous
to make demonstration of their Gentrie, vse to haue their auncestors armes
painted along the walles of their houses: in which regarde they were so
puffed vp, that oftentimes they would arrogantly disdaine those men, which
by their owne vertue had attained vnto honour. In like sorte Poets, when
the originall of their woorthies and braue champions was either vtterly
vnknowen or somewhat obscure, would ofte referre it vnto their Gods
themselues. So in these our dayes (to lette passe others) the Turkish
Emperour with great presumption boasteth himselfe to bee descended of the
Troian blood. Likewise the great duke of Moscouie, to make himselfe and his
predecessours seeme the more souereigne, deriueth the beginnings of his
parentage from the Romane Emperours, yea euen from Augustus Caesar. Albeit
therefore no man is so fonde as to accept of this report for trueth, yet
will wee briefly set downe what the Moscouites haue written in their
Chronicles as touching this matter.

Augustus (beleeue it who listeth) had certaine brethren or kinsfolkes which
were appoynted gouenours ouer diuers prouinces. Amongst the rest one
Prussus (of whome Prussia was named) had his place of gouernment assigned
vnto him vpon the shore of the eastern or Balthick Sea, and vpon the famous
riuer of Wixel. This mans graund children or nephewes of the fourth
generation were Rurek, Sinaus, and Truuor, who likewise inhabited in the
very same places. Whereas therefore, at the very same time the Russians or
the Moscquites without any ciuill regiment possessed large and spacious
territories towards the north, the foresayd three brethren, vpon the
perswasion of one Gostomislius the chiefe citizen of Nouogrod, in the yeare
since the worldes creation (acording to the computation of the Greekes)
6370, which was in the yeare of our Lord 572, were sent for, to beare rule.
And so ioyning their kinsman Olechus vnto them, and diuiding these huge
countreys among themselues, they laboured to reduce the barbarous and
sauage people vnto a ciuill kinde of life.

Sinaus and Truuor deceasing without issue, Rurek succeeded and left a sonne
behinde him named Igor; who not being of sufficient yeres to beare rule,
was committed vnto the protection of his kinsman Olechus. The sayde Igor
begate of Olha daughter vnto a citizen of Plesco (who, after her husbande
was slaine by his enemies, taking her iourney to Constantinople, was there
baptized by the name of Helena) a sonne called Stoslaus, who fought many
battels with the neighbour countreys. Howbeit at length Stoslaus was slayne
by his foe, who making a drinking cup of his skull, engraued therupon in
golden letters this sentence: Seeking after other mens he lost his owne. He
left behind him three sonnes, namely Teropolchus, Olega, and Vulodimir. The
which Vulodimir hauing slaine his two brethren, became sole gouernour of
Russia, or (as the Moscouites call it) Rosseia, his owne selfe. This man
beginning at length to loath and mislike the ethnik religion, and the
multitude of false gods, applyed his minde vnto the religion of Christ, and
hauing taken to wife Anna sister vnto Basilius and Constantinus Emperours
of Constantinople, was together with his whole nation, in the yeare of
Christ 988. baptized, and imbraced the Christian religion, with the rites
and ceremonies of the Greeke Church, and his name being changed, he was
called Basilius.

Howbeit Zonoras reporteth that before the time of Vulodimir, Basilius
Emperour of Constantinople sent a bishop vnto the Russians, by whose meanes
they were conuerted vnto the Christian faith. He reporteth moreouer that
they would not be perswaded vnlesse they might see a miracle: whereupon the
said bishop hauing made his prayers vnto almighty God, threwe the booke of
the Euangelists into the fire, which remained there vnconsumed. And that by
this miracle they were moued to giue credits vnto the doctrine of Christ,
and to conforme themselues thereunto.

The sonnes of Vulodimir were Vuiseslaus, Isoslaus, Iaroslaus, Suatopolcus,
Borissus, Glebus, Stoslaus, Vulzeuolodus, Stanislaus, Sudislaus, and Podius
who died in his childhood. Amongst the residue all Russia was diuided by
their father, who not being contented with their portions, but inuading
each other, were most of them slaine by their mutuall contentions. Borissus
and Glebus in regard of their holy conuersation were registred for Saints,
whose feasts are euery yeere celebrated with great solemnitie vpon the
twelfth of Nouember.

At length Iaroslaus only got the Souvereigne authoritie into his owne
hands, and left behind him foure sonnes, Vvlodimir, Isoslauus, Weceslauus,
and Vuszeuolodus.

The foresaid Vulodimir sonne of Iaroslaus kept his residence at the ancient
citie of Kiow standing vpon the riuer of Boristhenes, and after diuers
conflicts with his kinsmen, hauing subdued all the prouinces vnto himselfe,
was called Monomachos, that is, the onely champion. This man (for I thinke
it not amisse to report those things which their owne Manuscript Chronicles
make mention of) waged warre against Constantine the Emperour of
Constantinople, when he had wasted and ouerrun Thracia, being returned home
with great and rich spoyles, and making preparation for new wars,
Constantine sent Neophytus the Metropolitane of Ephesus and two Bishops,
with the gouernour of Antiochia, and Eustaphius the Abbat of Ierusalem, to
present rich and magnificent gifts vnto him; as namely, part of the crosse
of Sauiour Christ, a crowne of gold, a drinking cup curiously made of
Sardonyx stone, a cloake set all ouer with precious stones, and a golden
chaine; commaunded them to salute him by the name of Czar (which name, as
it may be prooued by many arguments, signifieth a king, and not an
Emperour) and concluded a most inuiolable league of amity and friendship
with him.

The foresayd Vulodimir begate Vuszeuolodus the second. This Vuszeuolodus
lefte eight sonnes behind him, Miscislaus, Isoslaus, Stoslaus, Teropolcus,
Weceslaus, Romanus, Georgius, and Andrew. The sonnes of George were
Roseslaus, Andrew, Basilius, and Demetrius.

Demetrius begat George, in the yeere 1237. was slaine by one Bathy, a
Tartarian duke, which Bathy wasted Moscouia, and subdued the same vnto
himselfe. Since which time the Russians were tributary to the Tartars, and
were gouerned by such dukes as they pleased to set ouer them. Howbeit the
Tartars so greatly abused that authoritie, that when they sent their
ambassadours vnto the prince of Moscouie, he was constrained to goe forth
and meete with them, and (as Herbortus Fulstinius in his Polonian historie
reporteth) to offer them a bason full of mares milke, and if they had spilt
any whit thereof vpon their horses maines, to licke it off with his toung,
and hauing conducted them into his princely court, to stand bareheaded
before them while they sate downe, and with all reuerence to giue eare and
attendance vnto them. But by what meanes they shooke off at the length this
yoake of seruitude, I will forthwith declare.

About the same time almost all Polonia, and the dukedome of Silesia were
ouerrun by the Tartars with fire and sword. Who hauing burnt Presla the
chiefe citie of Silesia, and being come before the citie of Legnitz, they
fought there a most cruel and bloody field, wherin was slain Duke Henrie
himselfe being sonne vnto the most holy and deuout lady Heduice, with many
others, whose monuments and graues be as yet extant in sundry places, and
with an infinite multitude of common souldiers, insomuch that the Tartars
filled nine great sackes with the eares of them which they had slaine. The
Tartars to the end they might obtaine the victorie, presented vnto the view
of our souldiers the portrature of a mans head placed by arte magique vpon
a banner, wherein the letter X. was painted, which being shaken and mooued
vp and downe breathed foorth a most loathsome stench, and strooke such a
terrour into the hearts of our men, that being as it were astonished with
the snaky visage of Medusa, they were vtterly daunted and dismayed.

From thence Bathy and his company with the same bloodthirstie intent
marched into Hungarie, and had almost slaine king Bela the fourth, who
together with his sonne escaping by flight did scarcely ridde themselues
out of the enemies hand. And when the whole world almost was exceedingly
terrified at the cruel inuasions of this most barbarous nation, at length
Pope Innocentius the fourth sending ambassadours [Marginal note: These
ambassadours were Iohan. de Plano Carpini and Frier Benedict a Polonian.]
vnto Bathy obtained peace for fiue yeeres: but to forsake his heathenish
superstitions and to become a Christian, he would by no meanes bee
perswaded. For he was by the instigation of the Saracens infected with
deuilish opinions of Mahomet, as being more agreeable vnto his barbarous
rudenes, which euen vnto this day the Tartars do maintaine, like as the
prophane Turkes also.

This Bathy had a sonne called Tamerlan, whome the Mosoouites call
Temirkutla, who likewise, as it is recorded in histories, attained vnto
great renoume. For he caried about with him in a cage Baiazet the Turkish
Emperour being fettered in golden chaines, and made him a laughing stocke
vnto all men.

Let vs now retume vnto the Russians. George being slaine, Iaroslaus his
brother succeeded in his room, and left behinde him three sonnes,
Theodorus, Alexander, and Andreas. Daniel the sonne of Alexander first
established his royal seat in the citie of Mosco, and magnificently
building the Castle which before time had been obscure, he tooke vpon him
the title of the great Duke of Russia. He had fiue sonnes, namely, George,
Alexander, Borissus, Ophonias, and Iohn. This Iohn succeeded his father,
and because he continually caried a scrippe about with him to bestow almes,
he was sirnamed Kaleta, which word signifieth a scrippe. His sonnes were,
Simeon, Iohn, and Andrew. He gaue vnto his sonne Simeon the prouinces of
Vvlodimiria and Moscouia: which Simeon deceasing without issue his brother
Iohn succeeded, who begate a son called Demetrius. This Demetrius had seuen
sonnes, namely, Daniel, Basilius, George, Andrew, Peter, Iohn, and
Constantine. Basilius reigned after his fathers death. This man
disinheriting his sonne whiche was called after his owne name; because he
suspected his mother of adulterie, at his death surrendred his Dukedome
vnto his brother George, who kept his nephewe a long time in prison.
Howbeit at his death, though himselfe had two sonnes namely Andrew and
Demetrius, yet being stricken perhaps with remorse of conscience, he
bestowed the Dukedome vpon his nephew Basilius. Against whom his two
cousins bearing a grudge waged warre, and at length hauing taken him by a
wyly stratageme they put out his eyes. Notwithstanding the Boiarens (for so
the Moscouites call their nobles) continued their duetifull alleageance
vnto this their blinde Duke, whom for his blindnes they called Cziemnox,
that is to, say, darke or darkened. He left a sonne behind him called Iuan
Vasilowich who brought the Russian common wealth, being before his time but
obscure, vnto great excellencie and renowme. Who that he might the better
get all the superiority into his owne hands put to death so many sonnes and
nephewes of the former Dukes as he could lay hold on, and began to take
vpon him the title of the great Duke of Vvlodimiria, Moscouia, and
Nouogardia, and to cail himself the Monarch or Czar of all Russia. He
brought vnder his subiection two principall cities, namely Plesco being the
only walled citie in all Moscouie, and Mouogrod [Transcriber's note: sic.],
both of them being in regard of traffike most riche and flourishing cities,
and hauing bin subiect vnto the Lithuanians for the space of 50. yeeres
before. The treasure of Nouogrod was so exceeding, that the great Duke is
reported to haue carried home from thence 300. carts laden with gold and

He also was the first man that waged warre against the Polonians and the
Liuonians: against Polonia he pretended a quarell alleaging that his
daughter Helena (whome hee had married vnto Alexander the great Duke of
Lithuania, which was afterward king of Polonia) was euil intreated, and was
withdrawen from the Greekish religion vnto the ceremonies of the Church of
Rome. But against the Liuonians for none other cause, but onely for an
incredible desire of enlarging his dominions. Howbeit what impulsiue causes
of litle or no moment happened in the mean season, we will in another place
more plainely declare. Notwithstanding he was very often and in diuers
battels vanquished by Plettebergius the great master of the Dutch knights:
but it is not to the purpose to stand any longer vpon this discourse.

He was married first vnto Marie the Duke of Tyuersky his daughter, and of
her hee begate Iohn, vnto whom in his life time he surrendred his Dukedome,
and married him vnto the daughter of Stephan the Palatine of Moldauia:
which Iohn, after he had begotten his sonne Demetrius, deceased before his

Afterward Iuan Vasilowich aforesaide married a wife called Sophia being
daughter vnto Thomas Palalogus, which is reported to haue had her dowry out
of the Popes treasury, because the Moscouite had promised to conforme
himselfe vnto the Romish Church. This Sophia being a woman of a princely
and aspiring minde, and often complaining that she was married vnto the
Tartars vassal, at length by her instant intreatie and continual
perswasions, and by a notable stratageme she cast off that slauish yoke
very much vnbeseeming so mighty a prince. For whereas the Tartarian Duke
had his procuratours and agents in the Moscouites court, who dwelt in their
owne houses built within the very castle of Mosco, and were eye witnesses
of all affaires which were there performed: Sophia said she was admonished
from heauen to builde a Temple in the selfe same place where the Tartars
house stoode, and to consecrate it vnto Saint Nicholas. Being therfore
deliuered of a sonne she inuited the Tartarian Duke vnto the solemne
baptizing of him, and beeing come, shee requested him to giue her his
house, and obtained it at his hands. Which house being razed and those
Tartarians espials beeing excluded, the Tartars at length were quite
bereaued and vtterly dispossessed of their authoritie which they had
exercised ouer the Russians for many yeres, and could neuer yet recouer it;
albeit they haue giuen sundry attempts. Of his wife Sophia he begate sixe
children, namely, a daughter called Helena, and fiue sonnes, that is to
say, Gabriel, Demetrius, George, Simeon, and Andrew.

The Dukedome of right appertayned vnto Demetrius the sonne of Iohn, which
was the sonne of Vasilowich by his first marriage. Howbeit Sophia preuailed
so with her husband, that neglecting his graund-childe Demetrius, hee
bestowed his Dukedome vpon Gabriel his sonne.

Andrew the younger had a sonne called Vvlodmir, of whom Mary was borne,
which in the yeere of Christ 1573, was maried vnto Magnus the Duke of

Gabriel hauing obtained the great dukedome of Russia, changed his name
calling himselfe Basilius, and applied his minde to the atchieuing of high
and great enterprises. For hee reduced a great part of the dukedome of
Moscouie, which Vitoldus the great Duke of Lithuania helde in possession,
vnder his owne iurisdiction, and wonne vpon the riuer of Boristhenes (which
the Russians call Neiper) many cities and especially Smolensco, in the
yeere of our Lord 1514. Hauing diuorced his first wife, hee begate of
Helena daughter vnto Duke Glinskie, Iuan Vasilowich, which now this present
1580. reigneth as great Duke. He was borne in the yeere of our Lorde 1528.
the 25. of August, sixe houres after the rising of the sonne. The great
dukedome of Russia fell vnto the said Iuan Vasilowich in the fifth yeere of
his age, hauing his vncle George for his great protector; being 25. yeeres
of age, and being of a strong body and of a courageous mind he subdued the
Tartars of Cazan and Astracan vpon the riuer of Volgha, carrying their
Dukes and chieftaines into captiuitie.

But by what wayes and meanes (after the league which by the intercession of
the most sacred Roman Emperour, continued from the yeere 1503. for the
space of fifty yeeres, was expired) hauing renewed warres against Liuonia,
hee brought that most flourishing prouince into extreame miserie, vsing for
the same purpose a new pretense, and alleadging that it belonged vnto him
by right of inheritance, I tremble to recount: and it requireth a large
historie, which perhaps in time and place conuenient some more learned then
my selfe will take vpon them to addresse.

He is exceedingly addicted vnto piety and deuotion, and doth oftentimes
obserue very strict fastings and abstinence with his monks: and whereas the
Russes in doing reuerence and adoration vnto God doe beate their foreheads
against the ground, this Iuan Vasilowich with performing of the same
ceremonie causeth his forehead to be ful of boines and swellings, and
sometimes to be black and blew, and very often to bleed. He is much
delighted with building of Churches and spareth no cost for that purpose.
Whether therfore by nature, or (which hee pretendeth to bee the cause) by
reason of his subiects malice and treacherie, he be so addicted vnto all
rigour and cruelty, I dare not determine, especially sithens he hath not an
illiberal or mishapen countenance, as Attila is reported, to haue had. Of
his first wife which was sister vnto Mikita Romanowich, beeing nowe great
steward of his houshold, he begate two sonnes, namely Iuan and Theodore.
And albeit he was fiue times married, yet had he not one childe more.

Whereas this Iuan Vasilowich vpon certaine friuolous reasons calleth
himselfe the naturall lord of Liuonia, I thought it not amisse to adde an
Epistle hereunto, which was written by a certaine honourable man concerning
the same matter.

S. All we which inhabite this Prouince with all seemely reuerence and
submission of mind, do offer most humble thanks vnto the Emperors most
sacred and peerelesse maiesty our most gracious lord, in that according to
his fatherly affection which he beareth towards all Christendome, and for
the good and commodity of this our distressed and afflicted countrey, which
these many yeres hath bin in stead of a bulwarke against the inuasion of
barbarous nations, he hath sent his ambassadors vnto the great duke of
Moscouia. In regard of which his fatherly loue and great benefite
vouchsafed on vs, wee are ready when occasion shall serue, to aduenture our
liues and goods; praying in the meane season vnto Almightie God, who is the
onely establisher and confounder of common wealths, to bring this excellent
woorke, the foundation whereof is already laide vnto a prosperous
conclusion. But as touching the title which the Moscouite maketh to this
prouince, to say the very trueth, we greatly wondred and were astonished at
the declaration thereof. For it is most apparent, not onely out of all
ancient and credible histories, but euen from the experience and state of
these regions, that the said title and allegations are fabulous and fained.
For out of all auncient monuments, by what names soeuer they bee called
(whereof there are diuers extant among vs) it cannot be proued by any
mention, nor yet by any likelihoode or coniecture, that those things which
the Moscouite affirmeth concerning the people which were gouernors of these
regions in times past, and concerning the right and title of his ancestors
vnto this prouince, are grounded vpon truth.

For it is not vnknowen by what meanes this prouince, partly through the
industry of marchants, and partly by the benefite of nauigation, was first
discouered: neither is it vnknowen howe the inhabitants thereof beeing
wholly addicted vnto heathenish superstitions and idolatrie, were by the
croised [Footnote: _Croised_: wearing the cross, Crusaders,] knights (who
drew other knights professing the same order in Prussia to aide and
accompanie them in this their enterprise) and that with great labour and
difficultie, conuerted vnto the Christian faith: when as at the same time
the Liuonians had no knowledge at all of the iurisdiction, religion,
maners, or language of Moscouie: who had not onely no conuersation nor
dealings with the Moscouites, but were estranged also from all other
nations whatsoeuer: for leading a miserable, poore, barbarous, and
heathenish life, in sauage maner among wilde beastes, and in the desert and
solitary woods, they were vtterly ignorant of God and destitute of ciuil
magistrates. Howbeit this kind of gouernment was peculiar vnto them, namely
that all of one familie and society vsed a kinde of reuerence vnto their
elders more then to any other, whom also, that their authoritie might be
the greater, they called by the name of kings, and (albeit one of their
families consisted of a 100 persons) they obeyed them in al respects, and
after their rude and barbarous maner did them loyal seruice. At the very
same time the Moscouites had receiued the religion, and the Ecclesiasticall
ceremonies of the Greeke and Easterne Church, which religion they published
and dispersed throughout all prouinces subiect to their dominion, vsing
their owne proper letters and characters for the same purpose. Of all which
things the Liuonians which very barbarously inhabited a lande beeing
enuironed with Russia, Lithuania, Samogitia, Prussia, and the Balthic Sea,
neuer heard any report at all. It is moreouer to be noted that neuer at any
time heretofore either within the earth, or in other places of Liuonia,
there haue bene found any monuments at all of the antiquitie or letters of
the Russes: which verily must needs haue come to passe, if the Moscouites,
Russes, or any other nations which vse the foresaid particulars, had borne
rule and authority ouer the Liuonians: yea there had beene left some
remainder and token, either of their religion and diuine worship, or of
their lawes and customes, or at the least of their maners, language, and
letters. This indeed we can in no wise deny, that euen in Liuonia it selfe,
there haue bin in times past and at this present are many and diuers
languages spoken by the people. Howbeit no one language of them all hath
any affinity either with the Moscouian tongue, or with the tongues of any
other nations. But whereas the Moscouite pretendeth that there hath been
visually paide a pension or tribute vnto himselfe and his predecessours out
of the whole prouince, it is as incredible as the former.

About the beginning of this tragicall warre, the Moscouite, to cloke his
tyranny and ambition vnder some faire pretense amongst other of his
demaunds, made mention also of a tribute which should be due vnto him out
of the bishop of Dorpat his iurisdiction, whereof notwithstanding hee could
neither bring any iust account, nor affirm any certainty: howbeit there is
no man liuing to be found which either can tell of his owne remembrance, or
from the relation of others, that any such tribute was euer paid vnto the
Moscouite. What time therefore he referred al this negotiation vnto the
master of the Liuonian order, and commanded him to get what knowledge hee
could therof from the men of Dorpat, and vrged the tribute, saying if it
were worth but one haire, that he would not remit it: at length it was
found recorded in the ancient Chronicles of Dorpat, that beyond the memory
of man, when the territory of Plesco contained nothing but woods and
forrests for wilde beastes, that the peasaunts of the liberty of Dorpat
called Neuhus, by the consent of the Russian borderers, enioyed Bee hiues
in the said woods, and paid euery yeere in lieu thereof vnto the Russian
gouernours, sixe shillings of Liuonian coine. But so soone as the Russians
had felled the woods and had built townes and villages in their place, the
saide pension ceased together with the trees which were cut downe.
Wherefore the saide sixe shillings were neuer since that time either
demanded by the Russes or paid by the Liuonians. These things which I knew
concerning the causes of the Liuonian warres I thought good to signifie
vnto you. Giuen the 22. of May, in the yeere of our Lord 1576.

* * * * *

Ordinances, instructions, and aduertisements of and for the direction of
the intended voyage for Cathay, compiled, made, and deliuered by the
right worshipfull M. Sebastian Cabota Esquier, gouernour of the mysterie
and companie of the Marchants aduenturers for the discouerie of Regiones,
Dominions, Islands and places vnknowen, the 9. day of May, in the yere of
our Lord God, 1553. and in the 7. yeere of the reign of our most dread
soueraigne Lord Edward the 6. by the grace of God, king of England,
Fraunce, and Ireland, defender of the faith, and of the Church of England
and Ireland, in earth supreame head. [Footnote: "Some of these
Instructions now indeed appear rather childish, but others might still be
used as rules for any well-ordered exploratory expedition."--
Nordenskiold, _Voyage of the Vega_, vol. I, p. 58.]

First the Captaine general, with the pilot maior, the masters, marchants
and other officers, to be so knit and accorded in vnitie, loue,
conformitie, and obedience in euery degree on all sides, that no
dissention, variance, or contention may rise or spring betwixt them and the
mariners of this companie, to the damage or hinderance of the voyage: for
that dissention (by many experiences) hath ouerthrown many notable intended
and likely enterprises and exploits.

2. Item, for as much as euery person hath giuen an othe to be true,
faithfull, and loial subiects, and liege men to the kings most excellent
Maiestie, his heires and successors, and for the obseruation of all lawes
and statutes, made for the preseruation of his most excellent Maiestie, and
his crown Imperiall of his realmes of England and Ireland, and to serue his
grace, the Realme, and this present voyage truely, and not to giue vp,
intermit, or leaue off the said voyage and enterprise vntill it shalbe
accomplished, so farre forth as possibilitie and the life of man may serue
or extend: Therfore it behoueth euery person in his degree, as well for
conscience, as for dueties sake to remember his said charge, and the
accomplishment thereof.

3. Item, where furthermore euery mariner or passenger in his ship hath
giuen like othe to bee obedient to the Captaine generall, and to euery
Captaine and master in his ship, for the obseruation of these present
orders contained in this booke, and all other which hereafter shalbe made
by the 12. counsailers in this present book named, or the most part of
them, for the better conduction, and preseruation of the fleete, and
atchieuing of the voyage, and to be prompt, ready and obedient in all acts
and feates of honesty, reason, and duetie to be ministred, shewed and
executed, in aduancement and preferment of the voyage and exploit: therfore
it is conuenient that this present booke shall once euery weeke (by the
discretion of the Captaine) be read to the said companie, to the intent
that euery man may the better remember his othe, conscience, duetie and

4. Item, euery person by vertue of his othe, to doe effectually and with
good wil (as farre forth as him shall complie) all and euery such act and
acts, deede and deeds, as shalbe to him or them from time to time
commanded, committed and enioyned (during the voyage) by the Captain
generall, with the assent of the Counsell and assistants, as well in and
during the whole Nauigation and voyage, as also in discouering and landing,
as cases and occasions shall require.

5. Item, all courses in Nauigation to be set and kept, by the aduice of the
Captaine, Pilot maior, masters, and masters mates, with the assents of the
counsailers and the most number of them, and in voyces vniformely agreeing
in one to preuaile, and take place, so that the Captaine generall, shall in
all counsailes and assemblies haue a double voyce.

6. Item, that the fleete shal keep together, and not separate themselues
asunder, as much as by winde and weather may be done or permitted, and that
the Captaines, Pilots and masters shall speedily come aboord the Admiral,
when and as often as he shall seeme to haue iust cause to assemble them for
counsaile or consultation to be had concerning the affaires of the fleete
and voyage.

7. Item, that the merchants, and other skillful persons in writing, shal
daily write, describe, and put in memorie the Nauigation of euery day and
night, with the points, and obseruation of the lands, tides, elements,
altitude of the sunne, course of the moon and starres, and the same so
noted by the order of the Master and pilot of euery ship to be put in
writing, the captaine generall assembling the masters together once euery
weeke (if winde and weather shal serue) to conferre all the obseruations,
and notes of the said ships, to the intent it may appeare wherein the notes
do agree, and wherein they dissent and vpon good debatement, deliberation,
and conclusion determined, to put the same into a common leger, to remain
of record for the company: the like order to be kept in proportioning of
the Cardes, Astrolabes, and, other instruments prepared for the voyage, at
the charge of the companie.

8. Item, that all enterprises and exploits of discouering or landing to
search Iles, regions, and such like, to be searched, attempted, and
enterprised by good deliberation, and common assent, determined aduisedly.
And that in all enterprises, notable ambassages, suites, requests, or
presentment of giftes, or presents to Princes, to be done and executed by
the captaine generall in person, or by such other, as he by common assent
shall appoint or assigne to doe or cause to be done in the same.

9. Item, the steward and cooke of euery ship, and their associats, to giue
and render to the captaine and other head officers of their shippe weekely
(or oftner,) if it shall seeme requisite, a iust or plaine and perfect
accompt of expenses of the victuals, as wel flesh, fish, bisket, meate, or
bread, as also of beere, wine, oyle, or vinegar, and all other kinde of
victualling vnder their charge, and they, and euery of them so to order and
dispende the same, that no waste or vnprofitable excesse be made otherwise
then reason and necessitie shall command.

10. Item, when any inferiour or meane officer of what degree or condition
he shalbe, shalbe tried vntrue, remisse, negligent, or vnprofitable in or
about his office in the voyage, or not to vse himselfe in his charge
accordingly, then euery such officer to be punished or remoued at the
discretion of the captaine and assistants, or the most part of them, and
the person so remoued not to be reputed, accepted, or taken from the time
of his remoue, any more for an officer, but to remaine in such condition
and place, as hee shall be assigned vnto, and none of the companie, to
resist such chastisement or worthie punishment, as shalbe ministred vnto
him moderately, according to the fault or desert of his offence, after the
lawes and common customes of the seas, in such cases heretofore vsed and

11. Item, if any Mariner or officer inferiour shalbe found by his labour
not meete nor worthie the place that he is presently shipped for, such
person may bee vnshipped and put on lande at any place within the kings
Maiesties realme and dominion, and one other person more able and worthy to
be put in his place, at the discretion of the captaine and masters, and
order to be taken that the partie dismissed shalbe allowed proportionably
the value of that he shall haue deserued to the time of his dismission or
discharge, and he to giue order with sureties, pawn, or other assurance, to
repay the ouerplus of that he shall haue receiued, which he shall not haue
deserued, and such wages to be made with the partie newly placed as shalbe
thought reasonable, and he to haue the furniture of all such necessaries as
were prepared for the partie dismissed, according to right and conscience.

12. Item, that no blaspheming of God, or detestable swearing be vsed in any
ship, nor communication of ribaldrie, filthy tales, or vngodly talke to be
suffred in the company of any ship, neither dicing, carding, tabling, nor
other diuelish games to be frequented, whereby ensueth not onely pouertie
to the players, but also strife, variance, brauling, fighting, and
oftentimes murther to the vtter destruction of the parties, and prouoking
of Gods most iust wrath, and sworde of vengeance. These and all such like
pestilences, and contagions of vices, and sinnes to bee eschewed, and the
offenders once monished, and not reforming, to bee punished at the
discretion of the captaine and master, as appertaineth.

13. Item, that morning and euening prayer, with other common seruices
appointed by the kings Maiestie, and lawes of this Realme to be read and
saide in euery ship daily by the minister in the Admirall, and the marchant
or some other person learned in other ships, and the Bible or paraphrases
to be read deuoutly and Christianly to Gods honour, and for his grace to be
obtained, and had by humble and heartie praier of the Nauigants

14. Item, that euery officer is to be charged by Inuentorie with the
particulars of his charge, and to render a perfect accompt of the
diffraying of the same together with modest and temperate dispending of
powder, shot, and vse of all kinde of artillery, which is not to be
misused, but diligently to be preserued for the necessary defence of the
fleete and voyage, together with due keeping of all instruments of your
Nauigation, and other requisites.

15. Item, no liquor to be spilt on the balast, nor filthiness to be left
within boord: the cook room, and all other places to be kept cleane for the
better health of the companie, the gromals and pages to bee brought vp
according to the laudable order and vse of the Sea, as well in learning of
Nauigation, as in exercising of that which to them appertaineth.

16. Item, the liueries in apparel giuen to the mariners be to be kept by
the marchants, and not to be worne, but by the order of the captaine, when
he shall see cause to muster or shewe them in good aray, for the
aduancement and honour of the voyage, and the liueries to bee redeliuered
to the keeping of the marchants, vntill it shal be thought conuenient for
euery person to haue the ful vse of his garment.

17. Item, when any mariner or any other passenger shal haue neede of any
necessarie furniture of apparell for his body, and conseruation of his
health, the same shall bee deliuered him by the Marchant, at the
assignement of the captaine and Master of that shippe, wherein such needie
person shall be, at such reasonable price as the same cost, without any
gaine to be exacted by the marchants, the value therof to be entred by the
marchant in his booke, and the same to be discounted off the parties wages,
that so shal receiue, and weare the same.

18. Item, the sicke, diseased, weake, and visited person within boord, to
be tendred, relieued, comforted, and holpen in the time of his infirmitie,
and euery maner of person, without respect, to beare anothers burden, and
no man to refuse such labour as shall be put to him, for the most benefite,
and publike wealth of the voyage, and enterprise, to be atchieued exactly.

19. Item, if any person shal fortune to die, or miscary in the voyage, such
apparell, and other goods, as he shall haue at the time of his death, is to
be kept by the order of the captaine and Master of the shippe, and an
inuentorie to be made of it, and conserued to the vse of his wife, and
children, or otherwise according to his mind, and wil, and the day of his
death to be entred in the Marchants and Stewards Bookes: to the intent it
may be knowen what wages he shall haue deserued, to his death, and what
shall rest due to him.

20. Item, that the Marchants appointed for this present voyage, shall not
make any shew or sale of any kind of marchandizes, or open their
commodities to any forrein princes, or any of their subiects, without the
consent, priuitie, or agreement of the Captaines, the cape Marchants and
the assistants, or foure of them, whereof the captaine generall, the Pilot
Maior, and cape marchant to be three, and euery of the pettie marchants to
shewe his reckoning to the cape marchant, when they, or any of them shall
be required: and no commutation or trucke to be made by any of the petie
marchants, without the assent abouesaid: and all wares, and commodities
trucked, bought or giuen to the companie, by way of marchandise, trucke, or
any other respect, to be booked by the marchants, and to be wel ordred,
packed, and conserued in one masse entirely, and not to be broken or
altered, vntil the shippes shall returne to the right discharges, and
inuentorie of al goods, wares, and merchandises so trucked, bought, or
otherwise dispended, to be presented to the Gouernor, Consuls, and
Assistants in London, [Marginal note: King Edward's Corporation.] in good
order, to the intent the Kings Maiestie may be truly answered of that which
to his grace by his grant of corporation is limited, according to our most
bound dueties, and the whole companie also to haue that which by right vnto
them appertaineth, and no embezelment shall be vsed, but the truth of the
whole voyage to bee opened, to the common wealth and benefite of the whole
companie, and mysterie, as appertaineth, without guile, fraude, or male

21. Item, no particular person, to hinder or preiudicate the common stocke
of the company, in sale or preferment of his own proper wares, and things,
and no particular emergent or purchase to be employed to any seueral
profite, vntill the common stocke of the companie shall be furnished, and
no person to hinder the common benefite in such purchases or contingents,
as shal fortune to any one of them, by his owne proper policie, industrie,
or chance, nor no contention to rise in that behalfe, by any occasion of
iewel, stone, pearles, precious mettals, or other things of the region,
where it shall chance the same to rise, or to be found bought, trucked,
permuted, or giuen: but euery person to be bounden in such case, and vpon
such occasion, by order, and direction, as the generall captaine, and the
Councell shall establish and determine, to whose order and discretion the
same is left: for that of things vncertaine, no certaine rules may or can
be giuen.

22. Item not to disclose to any nation the state of our religion, but to
passe it ouer in silence, without any declaration of it, seeming to beare
with such lawes, and rites, as the place hath, where you shall arriue.

23. Item for as much as our people, and shippes may appeare vnto them
strange and wonderous, and theirs also to ours: it is to be considered, how
they may be vsed, learning much of their natures and dispositions, by some
one such person, as you may first either allure, or take to be brought
aboord your ships, and there to learne as you may, without violence or
force, and no woman to be tempted, or intreated to incontinencie, or

24. Item the person so taken, to be well entertained, vsed, and apparelled,
to be set on land, to the intent that he or she may allure other to draw
nigh to shewe the commodities: and if the person taken may be made drunke
with your beere, or wine, you shal know the secrets of his heart.

25. Item our people may not passe further into a land, then that they may
be able to recouer their pinnesses, or ships, and not to credit the faire
words of the strange people, which be many times tried subtile, and false,
nor to be drawen into perill of losse, for the desire of golde, siluer, or
riches, and esteeme your owne commodities aboue al other, and in
countenance shew not much to desire the forren commodities: neuertheless
take them as for friendship, or by way of permutation.

26. Item euery nation and region is to be considered aduisedly, and not to
prouoke them by any disdaine, laughing, contempt, or such like, but to vse
them with prudent circumspection, with al gentlenes, and curtesie, and not
to tary long in one place, vntill you shall haue attained the most worthy
place that nay be found, in such sort, as you may returne with victuals
sufficient prosperously.

27. Item the names of the people of euery Island, are to be taken in
writing, with the commodities, and incommodities of the same, their
natures, qualities, and dispositions, the site of the same, and what things
they are most desirous of, and what commodities they wil most willingly
depart with, and what mettals they haue in hils, mountaines, streames, or
riuers, in, or vnder the earth.

28. Item if people shal appeare gathering of stones, gold, mettall, or
other like, on the sand, your pinnesses may drawe nigh, marking what things
they gather, vsing or playing vpon the drumme, or such other instruments,
as may allure them to harkening, to fantasie, or desire to see, and heare
your instruments and voyces, but keepe you out of danger, and shewe to them
no poynt or signe of rigour and hostilitie.

29. Item if you shall be inuited into any Lords or Rulers house, to dinner,
or other parliance, goe in such order of strength, that you may be stronger
then they, and be warie of woods and ambushes, and that your weapons be not
out of your possessions.

30. Item if you shall see them weare Lyons or Beares skinnes, hauing long
bowes, and arrowes, be not afraid of that sight: for such be worne
oftentimes more to feare strangers, then for any other cause.

31. Item there are people that can swimme in the sea, hauens, and riuers,
naked, hauing bowes and shafts, coueting to draw nigh your ships, which if
they shal finde not wel watched, or warded, they wil assault, desirous of
the bodies of men, which they couet for meate: if you resist them, they
diue, and so will flee, and therefore diligent watch is to be kept both day
and night, in some Islands.

32. Item if occasion shal serue, that you may giue aduertisements of your
proceedings in such things as may correspond to the expectation of the
company, and likelihood of successe in the voyage, passing such dangers of
the seas, perils of ice, intolerable coldes, and other impediments, which
by sundry authors and writers, haue ministred matter of suspition in some
heads, that this voyage could not succede for the extremitie of the North
pole, lacke of passage, and such like, which haue caused wauering minds,
and doubtful heads, not onely to withdraw themselues from the aduenture of
this voyage, but also disswaded others from the same, the certaintie
whereof, when you shall haue tried by experience, (most certaine Master of
all worldly knowledge) then for declaration of the trueth, which you shall
haue experted, you may by common assent of counsell, sende either by lande,
or otherwaies, such two or one person, to bring the same by credite, as you
shal think may passe in safetie: which sending is not be done, but vpon
vrgent causes, in likely successe of the voyage, in finding of passage, in
towardlines of beneficiall traffike, or such other like, whereby the
company being aduertised of your estates and proceedings, may further
prouide, foresee, and determine that which may seeme most good and
beneficiall for the publike wealth of the same: either prouiding before
hand such things, as shall bee requisite for the continuance of the voyage,
or else otherwise to dispose as occasion shall serue: in which things your
wisedomes and discretions are to be vsed, and shewed, and the contents of
this capitule, by you much to be pondred, for that you be not ignorant, how
many persons, as well the kings Maiestie, the Lords of his honorable
Counsel, this whole companie, as also your wiues, children, kinsfolkes,
allies, friends and familiars, be replenished in their hearts with ardent
desire to learne and know your estates, conditions, and welfares, and in
what likelihood you be in, to obtain this notable enterprise, which is
hoped no lesse to succeed to you, then the Orient or Occident Indias haue
to the high benefite of the Emperour, and kings of Portingal, whose
subiects industries, and trauailes by sea, haue inriched them, by those
lands and Islands, which were to all Cosmographers, and other writers both
vnknowne, and also by apparances of reason voide of experience thought and
reputed vnhabitable for extremities of heates, and colds, and yet indeed
tried most rich, peopled, temperate, and so commodious, as all Europe hath
not the like.

33. Item no conspiracies, parttakings, factions, false tales, vntrue
reports, which be the very seedes, and fruits of contention, discord, and
confusion, by euill tongues to be suffered, but the same, and all other
vngodlines to be chastened charitably with brotherly loue, and alwaies
obedience to be vsed and practised by al persons in their degrees, not only
for duetie and conscience sake towards God, vnder whose mercifull hand
nauigants aboue all other creatures naturally bee most nigh, and vicine,
but also for prudent and worldly pollicie, and publike weale, considering
and alwaies hauing present in your mindes that you be all one most royall
kings subiects, and naturals, with daily remembrance of the great
importance of the voyage, the honour, glorie, praise, and benefite that
depend of, and vpon the same, toward the common wealth of this noble
Realme, the aduancement of you the trauailers therein, your wiues, and
children, and so to endeuour your selues as that you may satisfie the
expectation of them, who at their great costs, charges, and expenses, haue
so furnished you in good sort, and plentie of all necessaries, as the like
was neuer in any realme seene, vsed, or knowen requisite and needful for
such an exploit, which is most likely to be atchieued, and brought to good
effect, if euery person in his vocation shall endeauour himselfe according
to his charge, and most bounden duetie: praying the liuing God, to giue you
his grace, to accomplish your charge to his glorie, whose merciful hand
shal prosper your voyage, and preserue you from all dangers.

In witnes whereof I Sebastian Cabota, Gouernour aforesaide, to these
present ordinances, haue subscribed my name, and put my seale, the day and
yeere aboue written.

The names of the twelue Counsellors appointed in this voyage.

1. Sir Hugh Willoughby, Knight, Captaine generall.
2. Richard Chancelour Captaine of the Edward Bonauenture, and Pilot
generall of the fleete.
3. George Burton Cape marchant.
4. Master Richard Stafford Minister.
5. Thomas Langlie Marchant.
6. Iames Dalabere Gentleman.
7. William Gefferson Master of the Bona Speranza Admirall.
8. Stephen Borrough Master of the Edward Bonauenture.
9. Cornelius Durfurth Master of the Confidentia.
10. Roger Wilson. |
11. Iohn Buckland. + Masters mates
12. Richard Ingram. |

* * * * *

Exemplar Epistola seu literarum Missiuarum, quas illustrissimus Princeps
Eduardus eius nominis Sextus, Anglia, Francia, et Hibernia Rex, misit ad
Principes Septentrionalem, ac Orientalem mundi plagam inhabitantes iuxta
mare glaciale, nec non Indiam Orientalem; Anno Domini 1553 Regni sui anno
septimo, et vltimo.

Eduardus sextus, Anglia, Francia, et Hibernia Rex, etc. Omnibus Regibus et
principibus ac dominis, et cunctis Iudicibus terra, et ducibus eius,
quibuscunque est excellens aliqua dignitas in ea, cunctis in locis qua sunt
sub vniuerso coelo: Pax, tranquillitas, et honor vobis, terris, et
regionibus vestris qua imperio vestro subiacent, cuique vestrum quemadmodum
conuenit ei. Propterea quod indidit Deus Opt. Max. hominibus pra cunctis
alijs viuentibus; cor et desiderium tale, vt appetat quisque cum alijs
societatem inire, amare, et vicissim amari, beneficijs afficere, et mutua
accipere beneficia studeat, ideo cuique pro facultate sua hoc desiderium in
omnibus quidem hominibus beneficijs fouere et conseruare conuenit, in illis
autem maxime, qui hoc desiderio adducti, a remotis etiam regionibus ad eos
veniunt. Quo enim longius iter eius rei gratia ingressi sunt, eo ardentius
in eis hoc desiderium fuisse declararunt. Insuper etiam ad hoc, nos patrum
maiorumque nostrorum exempla inuitant, qui semper humanissime susceperunt
et benignissime tractauerunt illos, qui tum a locis propinquis, tum a
remotis, eos amice adibant, eorum se protectioni commendantes. Quod si
omnibus id prastare aquum est, certe mercatoribus imprimis prastari debet,
qui per vniuersum orbem discurrunt, mare circumlustrantes et aridam, vt res
bonas et vtiles, qua Dei beneficio in regione eorum inueniuntur, ad
remotissimas regiones et regna adferant, atque inde vicissim referant, quod
sua regioni vtile ibi repeterint: vt et populi ad quos eunt, non
destituantur commodis qua non profert illis terra eorum, et ipsi sint
participes rerum quibus illi abundant. Nam Deus cali et terra, humano
generi maxime consulens, noluit vt omnia in quauis regione inuenirentur,
quo regio ope alterius regionis indigeret, et gens ab alia gente commodum
aliquod expectaret, ac ita stabiliretur amicitia inter omnes, singulique
omnibus benefacere quarerent. Hoc itaque ineunda ac stabilienda amicitia
desiderio moti viri quidam regni nostri, iter in remotas maritimas regiones
instituerunt, vt inter nostros et illos populos, viam mercibus inferendis
et efferendis aperirent nosque rogauerunt et vt id illis concederemus. Qui
petitioni illorum annuentes, concessimus viro honorabili et forti, Hugoni
Wilibeo, et alijs qui cum eo sunt seruis nostris fidis et charis, vt pro
sua voluntate, in regiones eis prius incognitas eant, quasituri ea quibus
nos caremus, et adducant illis ex nostris terris id quo illi carent. Atque
ita illis et nobis commodum inde accedat, sitque amicitia perpetua, et
foedus indissoluble inter illos et nos, dum permittent illi nos accipere de
rebus, quibus superabundant in regnis suis, et nos concedemus illis ex
regnis nostris res, quibus destituuntur. Rogamus itaque vos Reges et
Principes, et omnes quibus aliqua est potestas in terra, vt viris istis
nostris, transitum permittatis per regiones vestras. Non enim tangent
quicquam ex rebus vestris inuitis vobis. Cogitate quod homines et ipsi
sunt. Et si qua re caruerint, oramus pro vestra beneficentia, eam vos illis
tribuatis, accipientes vicissim ab eis quod poterunt rependere vobis. Ita
vos gerite erga eos, quemadmodum cuperetis vt nos, et subditi nostri, nos
gereremus erga seruos vestros, si quando transierint per regiones nostras.
Atque promittimus vobis per Deum omnium qua calo, terra et mari
continentur, perque vitam nostram, et tranquillitatem regnorum nostrorum,
nos pari benignitate seruos vestros accepturos, si ad regna nostra
aliquando venerint. Atque a nobis et subditis nostris, ac si nati fuissent
in regnis nostris ita benigne tractabuntur, vt rependamus vobis
benignitatem, quam nostris exhibueritis. Postquam vos Reges, Principes,
etc. rogauimus, vt humanitate et beneficentia omni prosequamini seruos
nostros nobis charos, oramus omnipotentem Deum nostrum, vt vobis diuturnam
vitam largiatur, et pacem qua nullam habeat finem. Scriptum Londini, qua
ciuitas est primaria regni nostri, Anno 5515. a creato mundo, mense Iair,
14. die mensis, anno septimo regni nostri.

The same in English.

The copie of the letters missiue, which the right noble Prince Edward the
sixt sent to the Kings, Princes, and other Potentates, inhabiting the
Northeast partes of the worlde, toward the mighty Empire of Cathay, at
such time as Sir Hugh Willoughby knight, and Richard Chancelor, with
their company attempted their voyage thither in the yeere of Christ 1553.
and the seuenth and last yeere of his raigne.

Edward the sixt, by the grace of God, King of England, France, and Ireland,
&c. To all Kings, Princes, Rulers, Iudges, and gouernours of the earth, and
all other hauing any excellent dignitie on the same, in all places vnder
the vniuersall heauen: peace, tranquillitie, and honour be vnto you, and
your lands and regions, which are vnder your dominions, and to euery of
you, as is conuenient.

Forasmuch as the great and Almightie God hath giuen vnto mankinde, aboue
all other liuing creatures, such an heart and desire, that euery man
desireth to ioine friendship with other, to loue, and be loued, also to
giue and receiue mutuall benefites: it is therefore the duety of all men,
according to their power, to maintaine and increase this desire in euery
man, with well deseruing to all men, and especially to shew this good
affection to such, as beeing moued with this desire, come vnto them from
farre countreis. For how much the longer voyage they haue attempted for
this intent, so much the more doe they thereby declare that this desire
hath bene ardent in them. Furthermore also, the examples of our fathers and
predecessors doe inuite vs hereunto, forasmuch as they haue euer gently and
louingly intreated such as of friendly mind came to them, aswell from
Countries neare hand, as farre remote, commending themselues to their
protection. And if it be right and equity, to shew such humanitie toward
all men, doubtlesse the same ought chiefly to be shewed to marchants, who
wandering about the world, search both the land and the sea, to carry such
good and profitable things, as are found in their Countries, to remote
regions and kingdomes, and againe to bring from the same, such things as
they find there commodious for their owne Countries: both aswell that the
people, to whom they goe, may not be destitute of such commodities as their
Countries bring not foorth to them, as that also they may be partakers of
such things, whereof they abound. For the God of heauen and earth greatly
prouiding for mankinde, would not that all things should be found in one
region, to the ende that one should haue neede of another, that by this
meanes friendship might be established among all men, and euery one seeke
to gratifie all. For the establishing and furtherance of which vniuersall
amitie, certaine men of our Realme, mooued heereunto by the said desire,
haue instituted and taken vpon them a voyage by sea into farre Countries,
to the intent that betweene our people and them, a way may bee opened to
bring in, and cary out marchandises, desiring vs to further their
enterprise. Who assenting to their petition, haue licensed the right
valiant and worthy Sir Hugh Willoughby, knight, and other our trusty and
faithfull seruants, which are with him, according to their desire, to goe
to countries to them heeretofore vnknowen, aswell to seeke such things as
we lacke, as also to cary vnto them from our regions, such things as they
lacke. So that hereby not onely commoditie may ensue both to them and vs,
but also an indissoluble and perpetuall league of friendship be established
betweene vs both, while they permit vs to take of their things, such
whereof they haue abundance in their regions, and we againe grant them such
things of ours, whereof they are destitute. We therefore desire you kings
and princes, and al other, to whom there is any power on the earth, to
permit vnto these our seruants free passage by your regions and dominions:
for they shall not touch any thing of yours unwilling vnto you. Consider
you that they also are men. If therefore they shall stand in neede of any
thing, we desire you of all humanitie, and for the nobilities which is in
you, to ayde and helpe them with such things as they lacke, receiuing
againe of them such things as they shall be able to giue you in recompense.
Shew your selues so towards them, as you would that we and our subiects
should shewe ourselues towards your seruants, if at any time they shall
passe by our regions.

Thus doing, we promise you by the God of all things that are contained in
heauen, earth, and the Sea, and by the life and tranquillitie of our
kingdomes, that we will with like humanitie accept your seruants, if at any
time they shall come to our kingdomes, where they shall as friendly and
gently bee entertained, as if they were borne in our Dominions, that wee
may hereby recompence the fauour and benignitie which you haue shewed to
our men. Thus after we haue desired you Kings and princes, &c. with all
humanity and fauour, to entertaine our welbeloued seruants, we will pray
our Almighty God, to graunt you long life, and peace, which neuer shall
haue ende. Written in London, which is the chiefe citie of our kingdome, in
the yeere from the creation of the world 5515. in the month of Iair,
[Marginal note: Iair, I would reade Mair, that is, in the Sarasen language,
mixt of Turkish and Aegyptian, Februarie, interpreted by them the moneth to
set ships to the sea.] the fourteenth day of the moneth, and seuenth yeere
of our reigne.

This letter was written also in Greeke, and diuers others languages.

* * * * *

The true copie of a note found wrltten in one of the two ships, to wit, the
Speranza, which wintered in Lappia, Where sir Hugh Willoughby and all his
companie died, being frozen to death. Anno 1553.

The voiage intended for the discouerie of Cathay, and diuers other regions,
dominions, Islands, and places vnknowen, set forth by the right worshipful,
master Sebastian Cabota Esquire, and Gouernour of the mysterie and company
of the Marchants Aduenturers of the citie of London: which fleete being
furnished, did set forth the tenth day of May, 1553. and in the seuenth
yeere of our most dread Soueraigne Lord, and King, Edward the sixt.

The names of the shippes of the fleete and of their burden, together with
the names of the Captaines, and Counsellors, Pilot Maior, Masters of the
ships, Marchants, with other officers, and Mariners, as hereafter

THE FIRST SHIP: The Bona Esperanza, Admirall of the fleete, of 120. tunnes,
hauing with her a pinnesse, and a boate.

Sir Hugh Willoughby, knight, Captaine generall of the fleete.

William Gefferson, Master of the shippe.

Roger Wilson, his Mate.

William Gittons, Charles Barret, Gabriel Willoughby, Iohn Andrews,
Alexander Woodfoord, Ralph Chatterton, Marchants.

Mariners and officers, according to the custome, and vse of the Seas,

Iohn Brooke, Master Gunner.

Nicholas Anthony, Boateswaine.

Iohn Web, his Mate.

Christopher Banbrucke, Thomas Dauison, Robert Rosse, Thomas Simpson,
quarter Masters.

William White, Iames Smith, Thomas Painter, Iohn Smith, their Mates.

Richard Gwinne, George Goiswine, Carpenters.

Robert Gwinne, Purser.

Laurence Edwards, his Mate, and Couper.

Richard Morgan, Cooke.

Thomas Nashe, his Mate.

William Light, Iohn Brande, Cutbert Chelsie, George Blage, Thomas Walker,
Thomas Allen, Edward Smith, Edward Hunt, Iohn Fawkner, Rowland Brooke.

Alexander Gardiner, Richard Molton, Surgeons, which two were taken in at

Discharged at Harwich, by reason of sicknes, George Blake, [Footnote: The
"George Blage" mentioned above.] Nicholas Anthony.

For pickerie ducked at the yards arme, and so discharged Thomas Nash.

THE SECOND SHIP: The Edward Bonauenture, of 160. tunnes, with her a
pinnesse, and a boate.

Richard Chancelor, Captaine, and Pilot maior of the fleete.

Stephen Borowgh, Master of the ship.

Iohn Buckland, his Mate.

George Burton, Arthur Edwards, Marchants.

Iohn Stafford, Minister.

Iames Dallaber, Nicholas Newborrow, Iohn Sedgswike, Thomas Francis, Iohn
Hasse, Richard Iohnson, William Kempe.

Mariners and officers, according to the custome and vse of the Seas.

Robert Stanton, Master Gunner.

Iohn Walker, his Mate.

Iames Long, Iohn Cocks, Gunners.

Thomas Walter, Surgeon.

Peter Palmer, Boateswaine.

Richard Strowde, his Mate.

Iohn Robinson, Iohn Carowe, Thomas Stone, Roger Lishbie, quarter Masters.

Iohn Austen, Steward: Patricke Steuens, his Mate.

Austen Iacks, Cooke.

William Euery, Cowper.

Griffin Wagham, Carpenter.

Thomas Steltson, Thomas Townes, Iohn Robinson, Iohn White, William
Laurence, Miles Butter, Iohn Browne, William Morren, William Watson, Thomas
Handcocks, Edward Pacie, Thomas Browne, Arthur Pet, George Phibarie, Edward
Patterson, William Beare, Iohn Potter, Nicholas Lawrence, William Burrough
[Marginal note: Nowe comptroller of Her Maiesties (Queen Elizabeth)
Nauie.], Roger Welford, Iohn Williams.

THE THIRD SHIP: The Bona Confidentia of 90. tunnes, hauing with her a
pinnesse, and a boate.

Cornelias Durfoorth, Master of the shippe.

Richard Ingram, his Mate.

Thomas Langlie, Edward Kener, Henrie Dorset, Marchants.

Mariners and officers, according to the vse and custome of the Sea.

Henrie Tailer, Master Gunner.

George Thurland, his Mate.

William Hamane, Boateswaine.

Iohn Edwards, his Mate.

Thomas Kirbie, Henrie Dickenson, Iohn Haye, William Shepwash,
quarter Masters.

Iohn Reyne, Steward.

Thomas Hante, Cooke. William Lassie, his Mate.

Nicholas Knight, Carpenter.

Peter Lewike, Nicholas Wiggleworth, Iohn Moore, William Chapman, Brian
Chester, William Barrie, Richard Wood, Clement Gibson, Iohn Clarocke,
Erasmus Bently, Iohn Duriforth.

The Iurameutum, or othe, ministred to the Captaine.

You shall sweare to be a faithful, true, and loyal subiect in all points,
and duties, that to a subiect appertaineth, to our soueraigne Lord the
kings Maiestie, his heires, and successors: and that you shall wel and
truely to the vttermost of your capacitie, wit, and knowledge, serue this
present voiage, committed to your charge, and not to giue vp nor sooner
intermit the same, vntil you shall haue atchieued the same, so farre
foorth, as you may without danger of your life, and losse of the fleete:
you shall giue good, true and faithful counsell to the said societie, and
to such as shal haue the charge with or vnder you, and not to disclose the
secrets, or priuities of the same to any person by any maner of meane, to
the preiudice, hurt, or damage of it. You shal minister iustice to all men
vnder your charge, without respect of person, or any affection, that might
moue you to decline from the true ministration of iustice. And further, you
shal obserue, and cause to be obserued, as much as in you lieth, all and
singular rules, articles, prouisions hitherto made, or heereafter to be
made for the preseruation or safeconduct of the fleete and voyage, and
benefit of the company. You shall not permit nor suffer the stocke or goods
of the company to be wasted, imbezeled, or consumed, but shall conserue the
same whole and entire, without diminishment, vntill you shall haue
deliuered, or cause to be deliuered the same, to the vse of the companie.
And finally you shall vse your selfe in all points, sorts, and conditions,
as to a faithfull captaine, and brother of this companie shall belong and
appertaine: So helpe you God, &c.

The othe ministred to the Maister of the ship, &c.

You shall sweare by the holy contents in that booke, that you according and
to the vttermost of your knowledge and good vnderstanding in mariners
science and craft, shall in your vocation doe your best to conduct the good
shippe called the N. &c. whereof you nowe are Maister vnder God, both vnto
and from the portes of your discouerie, and so vse your indeauour and
faithfull diligence, in charging, discharging, lading againe, and roomaging
of the same shippe, as may be most for the benefite and profite of this
right woorshipfull fellowship: and you shall not priuately bargein, buy,
sell, exchange, barter, or distribute any goods, wares, merchandise, or
things whatsoeuer (necessary tackles and victuals for the shippe onely
excepted) to or for your owne lucre, gaine or profit, neither to nor for
the priuate lucre, gaine, or profit of any other person or persons
whatsoeuer. And further, If you shall know any boatswaine, mariner, or any
other person or persons whatsoeuer, to buy, sell, barter, trucke, or
exchange any goods, wares, merchandises, or things for priuate account,
reckoning, or behalfe, you shall doe your best to withstand and let the
same: and if you cannot commodiously so doe, that then before the discharge
of such goods bought for priuat account, you shall giue knowledge therof to
the cape marchant of this said fellowship for the time being. And you shall
not receiue nor take, nor suffer to be receiued or taken into your said
ship during this voyage any maner person or persons whatsoeuer, going or
returning, but onely those mariners which without fraud or guile shall be
hired to be of your company, and to serue in mariners craft and science
onely: so helpe you God, &c.

These foresaid shippes being fully furnished with their pinnesses and
boates, well appointed with al maner of artillerie, and other things
necessary for their defence with al the men aforesaid, departed from
Ratcliffe, and valed vnto Detford, the 10. day of May, 1553.

The 11. day about two of the clocke, we departed from Detford, passing by
Greenwhich, saluting the kings Maiesty then being there, shooting off our
ordinance, and so valed vnto Blackwall, and there remained vntil the 17.
day, and that day in the morning we went from Blackwall, and came to
Woolwhich by nine of the clocke, and there remained one tide, and so the
same night vnto Heyreth.

The 18. day from Heyreth vnto Grauesend, and there remained vntil the
twentieth day: that day being Saterday, from Grauesend vnto Tilberie hope,
remayning there vntill the two and twentieth day.

The 22. day from Tilbury Hope to Hollie Hauen.

The 23. day from Hollie Hauen, till we came against Lee, and there remained
that night, by reason that the winde was contrary to vs.

The 24. day the winde being in the Southwest in the morning, we sailed
along the coast ouer the Spits, vntill we came against S. Osyth, about sixe
of the clocke at night, and there came to anker, and abode there all that

The 25. day about tenne of the clocke we departed from S. Osyth, and so
sailed forward vnto the Nase, and there abode that night for winde and

The 26. day at fiue of the clock in the morning, we weyed our anker, and
sailed ouer the Nase, the winde being at the Southwest, vntill wee came to
Orwell wands, and there came to an anker, and abode there vntill the 28.

The same day being Trinitie Sunday about 7. of the clocke before noone we
weyed our ankers, and sailed til we came athwart Walsursye, and there came
to an anker.

The 29. day from thence to Holmehead, where we stayed that day, where we
consulted which way, and what courses were best to be holden for the
discouerie of our voyage, and there agreed.

The 30. day of May at fiue of the clocke in the morning wee set saile, and
came against Yermouth about three leagues into the sea, riding there at
anker all that night.

The last of May into the sea sixe leagues Northeast, and there taried that
night, where the winde blew very sore.

The first of Iune the winde being at North contrary to vs, wee came backe
againe to Orwell, and remained there vntill the 15. day tarying for the
winde, for all this time the winde was contrary to our purpose.

The 15 day being at Orwel in the latitude of 52 degrees, in the morning wee
weyed our ankers, and went forth into the wands about two miles from the
towne, and lay there that night.

The 16 day at eight of the clocke we set forward, and sayled vntill we came
athwart Alburrough, and there stayed that night.

The 17 day about fiue of the clocke before noone we went backe unto
Orfordnesse, and there remained vntill the 19 day.

The 19 day at eight of the clocke in the morning we went backe to Orwel,
and abode there three dayes tarying for the winde.

The 23 day of Iune the wind being faire in the Southwest we hailed into the
seas to Orfordnesse, and from thence into the seas ten leagues Northeast:
then being past the sands, we changed our course sixe leagues
Northnortheast: about midnight we changed our course againe, and went due
North, continuing in the same vnto the 27 day.

The 27 day about seuen of the clocke Northnorthwest 42 leagues to the ende
to fall with Shotland: then the wind veared to the West, so that we could
lie but North and by West, continuing in the same course 40 leagues,
whereby we could not fetch Shotland: then we sayled North 16 leagues by
estimation, after that North and by West, and Northnorthwest, then
Southeast, with diuers other courses, trauersing and tracing the seas, by
reason of sundry and manifolde contrary windes, vntill the 14 day of Iuly:
and then the sunne entring into Leo, we discouered land Eastward of vs,
vnto the which we sayled that night as much as we might: and after wee went
on shore with our Pinnesse, and found little houses to the number of 30,
where we knew that it was inhabited, but the people were fled away, as we
iudged, for feare of vs.

The land was all full of little Islands, and that innumerable, which were
called (as we learned afterwards) Ageland and Halgeland [Marginal note: In
this land dwelt Octher, as it seemeth.][Footnote: See Vol I., p. 51 of this
Edition.], which lieth from Orfordnesse North and by East, being in the
latitude of 66 degrees. The distance betweene Orfordnesse and Ageland 250
leagues. Then we sailed from thence 12 leagues Northwest, and found many
other Islandes, and there came to anker the 19 day, and manned our
Pinnesse, and went on shore to the Islands, and found people mowing and
making of hay, which came to the shore and welcomed vs. In which place were
an innumerable sort of Islands, which were called the Isles of Rost, being
vnder the dominion of the king of Denmarke: which place was in latitude 66
degrees, and 30 minutes. The winde being contrary, we remayned there three
dayes, and there was an innumerable sort of foules of diuers kindes, of
which we tooke very many.

The 22 day the winde coming fayre, we departed from Rost, sailing
Northnortheast, keeping the sea vntil the 27 day, and then we drew neere
vnto the land, which was still East of vs: then went forth our Pinnesse to
seeke harborow, and found many good harbours, of the which we entred into
one with our shippes, which was called Stanfew [Footnote: Steenfjord, on
the West of Lofoden.], and the land being Islands, were called Lewfoot, or
Lofoot, which were plentifully inhabited, and very gentle people, being
also vnder the king of Denmarke: but we could not learne how farre it was
from the maine land: and we remained there vntill the 30 day, being in
latitude 68 degrees, and from the foresaid Rost about 30 leagues

The 30 day of Iuly about noone we weyed our ankers, and went into the Seas,
and sayled along these Islands Northnortheast, keeping the land still in
sight vntill the second day of August: then hailing in close aboord the
land, to the entent to knowe what land it was, there came a skiffe of the
island aboord of vs, of whom we asked many questions, who shewed vnto us,
that the Island was called Seynam, which is the latitude of seuenty
degrees, and from Stanfew thirtie leagues, being also vnder the king of
Demarke, and that there was no merchandise there, but onely dryed fish; and
traine oyle. Then we being purposed to goe vnto Finmarke, inquired of him,
if we might haue a pilot to bring vs vnto Finmarke, and he said, that if we
could beare in, we should haue a good harbour, and on the next day a pilot
to bring vs vnto Finmarke, vnto the wardhouse, [Footnote: Vardoe.] which is
the strongest holde in Finmarke, and most resorted to by report. But when
wee would haue entred into an harbour, the land being very high on euery
side, there came such flawes of winde and terrible whirlewinds, that we
were not able to beare in, but by violence were constrained to take the sea
agayne, our Pinnesse being vnshipt: we sailed North and by East, the wind
increasing so sore that we were not able to beare any saile, but tooke them
in, and lay a drift, to the end to let the storme ouer passe. And that
night by violence of winde, and thickenesse of mists, we were not able to
keepe together within sight, and then about midnight we lost our pinnesse,
which was a discomfort vnto vs. Assoone as it was day, and the fogge
ouerpast, we looked about, and at the last we descried one of our shippes
to Leeward of vs: then we spred an hullocke of our foresaile, and bare
roome with her, which was the Confidence, but the Edward we could not see.
[Footnote: This vessel's successful voyage is related further on.] Then the
flaw something abating, we and the Confidence hoysed vp our sailes the
fourth day, sayling Northeast and by North, to the end to fall with the
Wardhouse, as we did consult to doe before, in case we should part company.
Thus running Northeast and by North, and Northeast fiftie leagues, then we
sounded, and had 160 fadomes, whereby we thought to be farre from land, and
perceiued that the land lay not as the Globe made mention. Wherfore we
changed our course the sixt day, and sailed Southeast and by South eight
and fortie leagues, thinking thereby to find the Wardhouse.

The eight day much winde arising at the Westnorthwest, we not knowing how
the coast lay, strook our sayles, and lay a drift, where we sounded and
found 160 fadomes as afore.

The ninth day, the wind vearing to the South Southeast, we sailed Northeast
25 leagues.

The tenth day we sounded, and could get no ground, neither yet could see
any land, wherat we wondered: then the wind comming at the Northeast, we
ran Southeast about 48 leagues.

The 11 day, the winde being at South, we sounded, and found 40 fadoms, and
faire sand.

The 12 day the winde being at South and by East, we lay with our saile
East, and East and by North 30 leagues.

[Sidenote: Willoughbie his land in 72 degrees.] The 14 day early in the
morning we descried land, which land we bare with all, hoising out our boat
to discouer what land it might be: but the boat could not come to land the
water was so shoale, where was very much ice also, but there was no
similitude of habitation, and this land lyeth from Seynam East and by
North, 160 leagues, being in latitude 72 degrees. Then we plyed to the
Northward the 15, 16 and 17 day. [Footnote: In _Purchas_, III., p. 462,
Thomas Edge, a captain in the service of the Muscovy Company, endeavoured
to show that this land was Spitzbergen. This being proved incorrect, others
have supposed that the land Willoughby saw was Gooseland. or Novaya Zemlya.
Nordenskiold supposes it to be Kolgujev Island. This, he says, would make
its latitude two degrees less than stated, but such errors are not
impossible in the determination of the oldest explorers.]

The 18 day, the winde comming at the Northeast, and the Confidence being
troubled with bilge water, and stocked, we thought it good to seeke harbour
for her redresse: then we bare roome the 18 day Southsoutheast, about 70

The 21 day we sounded, and found 10 fadome, after that we sounded againe,
and found but 7 fadome, so shoalder and shoalder water, and yet could see
no land, where we marueiled greatly: to auoide this danger, we bare roomer
into the sea all that night Northwest and by the West.

The next day we sounded, and had 20. fadoms, then shaped our course, and
ran West Southwest vntill the 23. day: then we descried Low land, vnto
which we bare as nigh as we could, and it appeared vnto vs vnhabitable.
Then we plyed Westward along by that lande, which lyeth West Southwest, and
East Northeast, and much winde blowing at the West, we haled into the sea
North and by East 30. leagues. Then the winde comming about at the
Northeast, we sailed West Northwest: after that, the winde bearing to the
Northwest, we lay with our sailes West southwest, about 14. leagues, and
then descried land, and bare in with it, being the 28 day, finding shoale
water, and bare in till we came to 3. fadome, then perceiuing it to be
shoale water, and also seeing drie sands, we haled out againe Northeast
along that land vntill we came to the point therof. That land turning to
the Westwarde, we ran along 16. leagues Northwest: then comming into a
faire bay, we went on land with our boat, which place was vnhabited, but
yet it appeared vnto vs that the people had bin there, by crosses, and
other signes: from thence we went all along the coast Westward.

The fourth day of September we lost sight of land, by reason of contrary
winds, and the eight day we descried land againe. Within two dayes after we
lost the sight of it: then running West and by South about 30. leagues, we
gat the sight of land againe, and bare in with it vntill night: then
perceiuing it to be a lee shore, we gat vs into the sea, to the end to haue
sea roome.

The 12. of September we hailed to shoareward againe, hauing then
indifferent wind and weather: then beeing neere vnto the shoare, and the
tide almost spent, we came to an anker in 30 fadoms water.

The 13. day we came along the coast, which lay Northwest and by West, and
Southeast and by East.

The 14. day we came to an anker within two leagues of the shoare, hauing
60. fadoms.

There we went a shore with our boat, and found two or three good
harboroughs, the land being rocky, and high, but as for people could we see
none. The 15 day we ran still along the coast vntill the 17 day: then the
winde being contrary vnto vs, we thought it best to returne vnto the harbor
which we had found before, and so we bare roomer with the same, howbeit we
could not accomplish our desire that day. The next day being the 18 of
September, we entred into the Hauen, and there came to an anker at 6
fadoms. This hauen runneth into the maine, about two leagues, and is in
bredth halfe a league, wherein were very many seale fishes, and other great
fishes, and vpon the maine we saw beares, great deere, foxes, with diuers
strange beasts, as guloines, [Marginal note: Or, Ellons.] and such other
which were to vs vnknowen, and also wonderfull. Thus remaining in this
hauen the space of a weeke, seeing the yeare farre spent, and also very
euill wether, as frost, snow, and haile, as though it had beene the deepe
of winter, we thought best to winter there. Wherefore we sent out three men
Southsouthwest, to search if they could find people who went three dayes
iourney, but could figd none: after that, we sent other three Westward
foure daies iourney, which also returned without finding any people. Then
sent we three men Southeast three dayes three dayes iourney, who in like
sorte returned without finding of people, or any similitude of habitation.

_Here endeth Sir Hugh Willoughbie his note, which was written with his owne

These two notes following were written vpon the outside of this Pamphlet,
or Booke.

1. The proceedings of Sir Hugh Willoughby after he was separated from the
Edward Bonauenture.

2. Our shippe being at an anker in the harbour called Sterfier in the
Island Lofoote. [Footnote: The object of Willoughby's voyage was to
discover a new route to Asia, inaccessible to the armadas of Spain and
Portugal, a feat only performed in 1878-9 by Professor Nordenskiold. It was
the first maritime expedition on a large scale sent out by England. The
above narrative, written by Willoughby himself, is all we know of that
unfortunate navigator's proceedings after his separation from the _Edward
Bonaventure_ in August 1553. The following year some Russian fishermen
found, at the ship's winter station, the bodies of those who had perished,
probably of scurvy, with the above journal and a will, referred to in the
note on page 40. The two ships, with Willoughby's corpse, were sent to
England in 1555 by George Killingworth.]

The riuer or hauen wherein Sir Hugh Willoughbie with the companie of his
two ships perished for cold, is called Arzina in Lapland, neere vnto Kegor.
[Footnote: "With regard to the position of Arzina, it appears from a
statement in Anthony Jenkinson's first voyage [_see post_] that it took
seven days to go from Vardoehus to Swjatoinos, and that on the sixth he
passed the mouth of the river where Sir Hugh Willoughby wintered. At a
distance from Vardoehus of about six-sevenths of the way Between that town
and Swjatoinos, there debouches into the Arctic Ocean, in 68 deg. 20 min.
N. L. and 38 deg. 30 min. E. L. from Greenwich, a river, which in recent
maps is called the Varzina. It was doubtless at the mouth of this river
that the two vessels of the first North-East Passage Expedition wintered,
with so unfortunate an issue for the officers and men."--NORDENSKIOLD,
_Voyage of the Vega_, Vol. I., p. 63.] But it appeared by a Will found in
the ship that Sir Hugh Willoughbie and most of the company were aliue in
January 1554. [Footnote: The testator was Gabriel Willoughby, and Sir Hugh
was a witness.]

* * * * *

The booke of the great and mighty Emperor of Russia, and Duke of Muscouia,
and of the dominions orders and commodities thereunto belonging: drawen
by Richard Chancelour.

Forasmuch as it is meete and necessary for all those that minde to take in
hande the trauell into farre or strange countreys, to endeuour themselues
not onely to vngerstande the orders, commodities, and fruitfulnesse
thereof, but also to applie them to the setting foorth of the same, whereby
it may incourage others to the like trauaile: therefore haue I nowe thought
good to make a briefe rehearsall of the orders of this my trauaile in
Russia and Moscouia, and other countreys thereunto adioyning; because it
was my chaunce to fall with the North partes of Russia before I came
towards Moscouia, I will partly declare my knowledge therein. Russia is
very plentifull both of land and people, and also wealthy for such
commodities as they haue. They be very great fishers for Salmons and small
Coddes: they haue much oyle which wee call treine oyle, the most whereof is
made by a riuer called Duina. They make it in other places, but not so much
as there. They haue also a great trade in seething of salte water. To the
North parte of that countrey are the places where they haue their Furres,
as Sables, marterns, greese Beuers, Foxes white, blacke, and redde, Minkes,
Ermines, Miniuer, and Harts. There are also a fishes teeth, which fish is
called a Morsse. The takers thereof dwell in a place called Postesora,
[Footnote: Query, Petschora?] which bring them vpon Hartes to Lampas to
sell, and from Lampas carie them to a place called Colmogro, [Footnote:
Cholmogori, near Archangel.] where the hie market is holden on Saint
Nicholas day. To the West of Colmogra there is a place called Gratanowe, in
our language Nouogorode, where much fine flaxe and Hempe groweth, and also
much, waxe and honie. The Dutch marchants haue a Staplehouse there. There
is also great store of hides, and at a place called Plesco: [Footnote:
Ploska, on the Dwina.] and thereabout is great store of Flaxe, Hempe, Waxe,
Honie; and that towne is from Colmogro 120 miles.

There is a place called Vologda; the commodities whereof are Tallowe, Waxe,
and Flaxe: but not so great plenty as is in Gratanowe. From Vologda to
Colmogro there runneth a riuer called Duyna, and from thence it falleth
into the sea. Colmogro serueth Gratonowe, Vologda and the Mosco with all
the countrey thereabout with salte and saltfish. From Vologda to Ieraslaue
is two hundreth miles: [Footnote: Rather less; about 160 miles.] which
towne is very great. The commodities thereof are hides, and talowe, and
come in great plenty, and some Waxe, but not so plentifull as in other

The Mosco is from Ieraslaue two hundreth miles. The countrey betwixt them
is very well replenished with small Villages, which are so well filled with
people, that it is wonder to see them: the ground is well stored with corne
which they carie to the citie of Mosco in such abundance that it is wonder
to see it. You shall meete in a morning seuen or eight hundred sleds
comming or going thither, that carie corne, and some carie fish. You shall
haue some that carie corne to the Mosco, and some that fetch corne from
thence, that at the least dwell a thousand miles off; and all their cariage
is on sleds. Those which come so farre dwell in the North partes of the
Dukes dominions, where the cold will suffer no corne to grow, it is so
extreme. They bring thither fishes, furres, and beastes skinnes. In those
partes they haue but small store of cattell.

The Mosco it selfe is great: I take the whole towne to bee greater then
London with the suburbes: but it is very rude, and standeth without all
order. Their houses are all of timber very dangerous for fire. There is a
faire Castle, the walles whereof are of bricke, and very high: they say
they are eighteene foote thicke, but I doe not beleeue it, it doth not so
seeme, notwithstanding I doe not certainely know it: for no stranger may
come to viewe it. The one side is ditched, and on the other side runneth a
riuer called Moscua which runneth into Tartarie and so into the sea called
Mare Caspium: and on the North side there is a base towne, the which hath
also a bricke wall about it, and so it ioyneth with the Castle wall. The
Emperour lieth in the castle, wherein are nine fayre Churches, and therein
are religious men. Also there is a Metropolitane with diuers Bishops. I
will not stande in description of their buildinges nor of the strength
thereof because we haue better in all points in England. They be well
furnished with ordinance of all sortes.

The Emperours or Dukes house neither in building nor in the outward shew,
nor yet within the house is so sumptuous as I haue seene. It is very lowe
built in eight square, much like the olde building of England, with small
windowes, and so in other poynts.

Now to declare my comming before his Maiestie; [Footnote: Ivan
Vasilovitsch.] After I had remained twelue daies, the Secretary which hath
the hearing of strangers did send for me, aduertising me that the Dukes
pleasure was to haue me to come before his Ma. with the kings my masters
letters: whereof I was right glad, and so I gaue mine attendance. And when
the Duke was in his place appointed, the interpretour came for me into the
vtter chamber, where sate one hundred or moe gentlemen, all in cloth of
golde very sumptuous, and from thence I came into the Counsaile chamber,
where sate the Duke himselfe with his nobles, which were a faire company:
they sate round about the chamber on high, yet so that he himselfe sate
much higher then any of his nobles in a chaire gilt, and in a long garment
of beaten golde, with an emperial crowne vpon his head and a stafle of
Cristall and golde in his right hand, and his other hand halfe leaning on
his chaire. The Chancelour stoode vp with the Secretary before the Duke.
After my dutie done and my letter deliuered, he bade me welcome, and
enquired of me the health of the King my master, and I answered that he was
in good health at my departure from his court, and that my trust was that
he was now in the same. Vpon the which he bade me to dinner. The chancelour
presented my present vnto his Grace bareheaded (for before they were all
couered) and When his Grace had receiued my letter, I was required to
depart: for I had charge not to speake to the Duke, but when he spake to
me. So I departed vnto the Secretaries chamber, where I remayned two
houres, and then I was sent for agayne vnto another palace which is called
the golden palace, but I saw no cause why it should be so called; for I
haue seene many fayrer then it in all poynts: and so I came into the hall,
which was small and not great as is the Kings Maiesties of England, and the
table was couered with a tablecloth; and the Marshall sate at the ende of
the table with a little white rod in his hand, which boorde was fall of
vessell of golde: and on the other side of the hall did stand a faire
cupborde of plate. From thence I came into the dining chamber, where the
Duke himselfe sate at his table without cloth of estate, in a gowne of
siluer, with a crowne emperiall vpon his head, he sate in a chaire somewhat
hie: There sate none near him by a great way. There were long tables set
round about the chamber, which were full set with such as the Duke had at
dinner: they were all in white. Also the places where the tables stoode
were higher by two steppes than the rest of the house. In the middest of
the chamber stoode a table or cupbord to set plate on; which stoode full of
cuppes of golde: and amongst all the rest there stoode foure marueilous
great pottes or crudences as they call them, of golde and siluer: I think
they were a good yarde and a halfe hie. By the cupborde stoode two
gentlemen with napkins on their shoulders, and in their handes each of them
had a cuppe of gold set with pearles and precious stones, which were the
Dukes owne drinking cups; when he was disposed, he drunke them off at a
draught. And for his seruice at meate it came in without order, yet it was
very rich seruice, for all were serued in gold, not onely he himselfe, but
also all the rest of vs, and it was very massie: the cups also were of
golde and very massie. The number that dined there that day was two hundred
persons, and all were serued in golden vessell. The gentlemen that waited
were all in cloth of gold, and they serued him with their caps on their
heads. Before the seruice came in, the Duke sent to euery man a great
shiuer of bread, and the bearer called the party so sent to by his name
aloude, and sayd, John Basiliuich Emperour of Russia and great Duke of
Moscouia doth reward thee with bread: then must all men stand vp, and doe
at all times when those words are spoken. And then last of all he giueth
the Marshall bread, whereof he eateth before the Dukes Grace, and so doth
reuerence and departeth. Then commeth the Dukes seruice of the Swannes all
in pieces, and euery one in a seuerall dish: the which the Duke sendeth as
he did the bread, and the bearer sayth the same wordes as he sayd before.
As I sayd before, the seruice of his meate is in no order, but commeth in
dish by dish: and then after that the Duke sendeth drinke, with the like
saying as before is tolde. Also before dinner hee changed his crowne, and
in dinner time two crownes; so that I saw three seuerall crownes vpon his
head in one day. And thus when his seruice was all come in he gaue to euery
one of his gentlemen waiters meate with his owne hand, and so likewise
drinke. His intent thereby is, as I haue heard, that euery man shall know
perfectly his seruants. Thus when dinner is done hee calleth his nobles
before him name by name, that it is wonder to heare howe he could name
them, hauing so many as he hath. Thus when dinner was done I departed to my
lodging, which was an hower within night. I will leaue this, and speake no
more of him nor his houshold: but I will somewhat declare of his land and
people, with their nature and power in the wars. This Duke is Lord and
Emperour of many countries, and his power is marueilous great. For he is
able to bring into the field two or three hundred thousand men: he neuer
goeth into, the field himselfe with vnder two hundred thousand men: And
when he goeth himselfe he furnisheth his borders all with men of warre,
which are no small number. He leaueth on the borders of Liefland fortie
thousand men, and vpon the borders of Letto 60 thousand men, and towarde
the Nagayan Tartars sixtie thousand, which is wonder to heare of: yet doeth
hee neuer take to his warres neither husbandman nor marchant. All his men
are horsemen: he vseth no footmen, but such as goe with the ordinance and
labourers, which are thirtie thousand. The horsemen are all archers, with
such bowes as the Turkes haue, and they ride short as doe the Turkes. Their
armour is a coate of plate, with a skull, on their heads. Some of their
coates are couered with veluet or cloth of gold: their desire is to be
sumptuous in the field, and especially the nobles and gentlemen: as I haue
heard their trimming is very costly, and partly I haue seene it, or else I
would scarcely haue beleeued it: but the Duke himselfe is richly attired
aboue all measure: his pauilion is couered either with cloth of gold or
siluer, and so set with stones that it is wonderfull to see it. I haue
seene the Kings Maiesties of England and the French Kings pauilions, which
are fayre, yet not like vnto his. And when they bee sent into farre or
strange countreys, or that strangers come to them, they be very gorgious.
Els the Duke himselfe goeth but meanly in apparell: and when he goeth
betwixt one place and another hee is but reasonably apparelled ouer other
times. In the while that I was in Mosco the Duke sent two Ambassadours to
the King of Poleland, which had at the lest fiue hundred horses; their
sumptuousnes was aboue measure, not onely in them selues, but also in their
horses, as veluet, cloth of golde, and cloth of siluer set with pearles and
not scant. What shall I farther say? I neuer heard of nor saw men so
sumptuous: but it is no dayly guise, for when they haue not occasion, as I
sayd before, all their doing is but meane. And now to the effect of their
warres: They are men without al order in the field. For they runne hurling
on heapes, and for the most part they neuer giue battell to their enemies:
but that which they doe, they doe it all by stelth. But I beleeue they be
such men for hard liuing as are not vnder the sun: for no cold wil hurt
them. Yea and though they lie in the field two moneths, at such time as it
shall freese more then a yard thicke, the common souldier hath neither tent
nor any thing else ouer his head: the most defence they haue against the
wether is a felte, which is set against the winde and weather, and when
Snowe commeth hee doth cast it off, and maketh him a fire, and laieth him
down thereby. Thus doe the most of all his men, except they bee gentlemen
which haue other prouision of their owne. Their lying in the fielde is not
so strange as is their hardnes: for euery man must carie and make prouision
for himselfe and his horse for a moneth or two, which is very wonderful.
For he himselfe shall liue vpon water and otemeale mingled together cold,
and drinke water therto, his horse shall eat green wood, and such like
baggage, and shall stand open in the cold field without couert, and yet wil
he labour and serue him right wel. I pray you amongst all our boasting
warriours how many should we find to endure the field with them but one
moneth. I know no such region about vs that beareth that name for man and
beast. Now what might be made of these men if they were trained and broken
to order and knowledge of ciuill wars? If this Prince had within his
countreys such men as could make them to vnderstand the things aforesaid, I
do beleeue that 2 of the best or greatest princes in Christendome were not
wel able to match with him, considering the greatnes of his power and the
hardnes of his people and straite liuing both of people and horse, and the
small charges which his warres stand him in: for he giueth no wages, except
to strangers. They haue a yerely stipend and not much. As for his own
countrey men euery one serueth of his owne proper costes and charges,
sauing that he giueth to his Harcubisiers certaine allowance for powder and
shot: or else no man in all his countrey hath one pennie wages. But if any
man hath done very good seruice he giueth him a ferme or a piece of lande;
for the which hee is bound at all times to be readie with so many men as
the Duke shall appoynt: who considereth in his mind what that lande or
ferme is well able to finde: and so many shall he bee bound to furnish at
all and euery such time as warres are holden in any of the Dukes dominions.
For there is no man of liuing, but hee is bound likewise, whether the Duke
call for either souldier or labourer, to furnish them with all such
necessaries as to them belong.

Also, if any gentleman or man of liuing do die without issue male,
immediately after his death the Duke entreth his land, notwithstanding he
haue neuer so many daughters, and peraduenture giueth it foorthwith to
another man, except a small portion that he spareth to marrie the daughters
with all. Also if there be a rich man, a fermour, or man of liuing, which
is stricken in age or by chance is maimed, and be not able to doe the Duke
seruice, some other gentleman that is not able to liue and more able to doe
seruice, will come to the Duke and complayne, saying, your Grace hath such
an one, which is vnmeete to doe seruice to your Highnes, who hath great
abundance of welth, and likewise your Grace hath many gentlemen which are
poore and lacke liuing, and we that lacke are well able to doe good
seruice, your grace might doe well to looke vpon him, and make him to helpe
those that want. Immediately the Duke sendeth forth to inquire of his
wealth: and if it be so proued, he shall be called before the Duke, and it
shall bee sayd vnto him, friend, you haue too much liuing, and are
vnseruiceable to your prince, lesse will serue you, and the rest will serue
other men that are more able to serue, whereupon immediately his liuing
shall be taken away from him, sauing a little to find himselfe and his wife
on, and he may not once repine thereat: but for answere he will say, that
he hath nothing, but it is Gods and the Dukes Graces, and cannot say, as we
the common people in England say, if wee haue any thing; that is God's and
our owne. Men may say, that these men are in wonderfull great awe, and
obedience, that thus one must giue and grant his goods which he hath bene
scraping and scratching for all his life to be at his Princes pleasure and
commandement. Oh that our sturdie rebels were had in the like subiection to
knowe their duety towarde their Princes. They may not say as some snudges
in England say, I would find the Queene a man to serue in my place, or make
his friends tarrie at home if money, haue the vpper hand. No, no, it is not
so in this countrey: for hee shall make humble sute to serue the Duke. And
whom he sendeth most to the warres he thinketh he is most in his fauour:
and yet as I before haue sayde, hee giueth no wages. If they knewe their
strength no man were able to make match with them: nor they that dwel neere
them should haue any rest of them. But I thinke it is not Gods will: for I
may compare them to a young horse that knoweth not his strength: whome a
little childe ruleth and guideth with a bridle, for all his great strength:
for if he did, neither childe nor man could rule him. Their warres are
holden against the Crimme Tartarians and the Nagaians.

I will stand no longer in the rehearsall of their power and warres. For it
were too tedious to the reader. But I will in part declare their lawes, and
punishments, and the execution of iustice. And first I will begin with the
commons of the countrey, which the gentlemen haue rule on: And that is,
that euery gentleman hath rule and iustice vpon his owne tenants. And if it
so fall out that two gentlemens seruants and tenaunts doe disagree, the two
gentlemen examine the matter, and haue the parties before them, and soe
giue the sentence. And yet cannot they make the ende betwixt them of the
controuersie, but either of the gentlemen must bring his seruant or tenant
before the high iudge or iustice of that countrey, and there present them,
and declare the matter and case. The plaintife sayth, I require the law:
which is graunted: then commeth an officer and arresteth the party
defendant, and vseth him contrarie to the lawes of England. For when they
attach any man they beate him about the legges, vntill such time as he
findeth sureties to answere the matter: And if not, his handes and necke
are bound together, and he is led about the towne and beaten aboute the
legges, with other extreme punishments till he come to his answere: And the
Iustice demaundeth if it be for debt, and sayth: Owest thou this man any
such debt? He will perhaps say nay. Then sayth the Iudge: art thou able to
denie it? Let vs heare how? By othe sayth the defendant. Then he commandeth
to leaue beating him till further triall be had.

Their order in one point is commendable. They haue no man of Lawe to plead
their causes in any court: but euery man pleadeth his owne cause, and
giueth bill and answere in writing: contrarie to the order in England. The
complaint is in maner of a supplication, and made to the Dukes grace, and
deliuered him into his owne hand, requiring to haue iustice as in his
complaint is alleadged.

The Duke giueth sentence himselfe vpon all matters in the Law. Which is
very commendable, that such a Prince wil take paines to see ministration of
iustice. Yet nowithstanding it is wonderfully abused: and thereby the Duke
is much deceiued. But if it fall out that the officers be espied in cloking
the trueth, they haue most condigne punishment. And if the plaintife can
nothing prooue, then the defendant must take his oth vpon the crucifixe
whether he be in the right or no. Then is demanded if the plaintife be any
thing able further to make proof: if hee bee not; then sometimes he will
say, I am able to prooue it by my body and hands, or by my champions body,
so requiring the Campe. After the other hath his othe, it is graunted
aswell to the one as to the other. So when they goe to the field, they
sweare vpon the Crucifixe, that they be both in the right, and that the one
shall make the other to confesse the trueth before they depart foorth of
the field: and so they goe both to the battell armed with such weapons as
they vse in that countrey: they fight all on foote, and seldome the parties
themselues do fight, except they be Gentlemen, for they stand much vpon
their reputation, for they wil not fight, but with such as are come of as
good an house as themselues. So that if either partie require the combate,
it is granted vnto them, and no champion is to serue in their room: wherein
is no deceit: but otherwise by champions there is. For although they take
great othes vpon them to doe the battell truely, yet is the contrarie often
seene: because the common champions haue none other liuing. And assoone as
the one partie hath gotten the victorie, he demandeth the debt, and the
other is carried to prison, and there is shamefully vsed till he take
order. There is also another order in the lawe, that the plaintife may
sweare in some causes of debt. And if the partie defendant be poore, he
shalbe set vnder the Crucifixe, and the partie plaintife must sweare ouer
his head, and when hee hath taken his othe, the Duke taketh the partie
defendant home to his house, and vseth him as his bond-man, and putteth him
to labour, or letteth him for hier to any such as neede him, vntill such
time as his friends make prousion for his redemption: or else hee remaineth
in bondage all the dayes of his life. Againe there are many that will sell
themselues to Gentlemen or Marchants to bee their bond-men, to haue during
their life meate, drinke and cloth, and at their comming to haue a piece of
mony, yea and some will sell their wiues and children to be bawdes and
drudges to the byer. Also they haue a Lawe for Fellons and Pickers contrary
to the Lawes of England. For by their law they can hang no man for his
first offence; but may keepe him long in prison, and oftentimes beate him
with whips and other punishment: and there he shall remaine vntill his
friends be able to bayle him. If he be a picker or a cut-purse, as there be
very many, the second time he is taken, he hath a piece of his nose cut
off, and is burned in the forehead, and kept in prison till hee finde
sureties for his good behauiour. And, if he be taken the third time, he is
hanged. And at the first time he is extremely punished and not released,
except hee haue very good friends, or that some Gentleman require to haue
him to the warres: And in so doing, he shall enter into great bonds for
him: by which meanes the countrey is brought into good quietnesse. But they
be naturally giuen to great deceit, except extreme beating did bridle them.
They be naturally giuen to hard liuing aswell in fare as in lodging. I
heard a Russian say, that it was a great deale merrier liuing in prison
then foorth, but for the great beating. For they haue meate and drinke
without any labour, and get the charitie of well disposed people: But being
at libertie they get nothing. The poore is very innumerable, and liue most
miserably: for I haue seene them eate the pickle of Hearring and other
stinking fish: nor the fish cannot be so stinking nor rotten, but they will
eate it and praise it to be more wholesome then other fish or fresh meate.
In mine opinion there be no such people vnder the sunne for their hardnesse
of liuing. Well, I will leaue them in this poynt, and will in part declare
their Religion. They doe obserue the lawe of the Greekes with such excesse
of superstition, as the like hath not bene heard of. They haue no grauen
images in their Churches, but all painted, to the intent they will not
breake the commandement: but to their painted images they vse such
idolatrie, that the like was neuer heard of in England. They will neither
worship nor honour any image that is made forth of their owne countrey. For
their owne images (say they) haue pictures to declare what they be, and
howe they be of God, and so be not ours: They say, Looke how the Painter or
Caruer hath made them, so we doe worship them, and they worship none before
they be Christened. They say we be but halfe Christians: because we obserue
not part of the olde Law with the Turks. Therefore they call themselues
more holy then vs. They haue none other learning but their mother tongue,
nor will suffer no other in their countrey among them. All their seruice in
Churches is in their mother tongue. They haue the olde and newe Testament,
which are daily read among them: and yet their superstition is no lesse.
For when the Priests doe reade, they haue such tricks in their reading,
that no man can vnderstand them, nor no man giueth eare to them. For all
the while the Priest readeth, the people sit downe and one talke with
another. But when the Priest is at seruice no man sitteth, but gagle and
ducke like so many Geese. And as for their prayers they haue but little
skill, but vse to say _As bodi pomele_: As much to say, Lord haue mercy
vpon me. For the tenth man within the land cannot say the Pater noster. And
as for the Creede, no man may be so bolde as to meddle therewith but in the
Church: for they say it shoulde not bee spoken of, but in the Churches.
Speake to them of the Commandements, and they will say they were giuen to
Moses in the law, which Christ hath now abrogated by his precious death and
passion: therefore, (say they) we obserue little or none thereof. And I doe
beleeue them. For if they were examined of their Lawe and Commaundements
together, they shoulde agree but in fewe poynts. They haue the Sacrament of
the Lords Supper in both kindes, and more ceremonies then wee haue. They
present them in a dish in both kindes together, and carrie them rounde
about the Church vpon the Priestes head, and so doe minister at all such
times as any shall require. They be great offerers of Candles, and
sometimes of money, which wee call in England, Soule pense, with more
ceremonies then I am able to declare. They haue foure Lents in the yeere,
whereof our Lent is the greatest. Looke as we doe begin on the Wednesday,
so they doe on the Munday before: And the weeke before that they call The
Butter weeke: And in that weeke they eate nothing but Butter and milke.
Howbeit I beleeue there bee in no other countrey the like people for
drunkennesse. The next Lent is called Saint Peters Lent, and beginneth
alwayes the Munday next after Trinitie sunday, and endeth on Saint Peters
euen. If they should breake that fast, their beliefe is, that they should
not come in at heauen gates. And when any of them die, they haue a
testimoniall with them in the Coffin, that when the soule commeth to heauen
gates it may deliuer the same to Saint Peter, which declareth that the
partie is a true and holy Russian. The third Lent beginneth fifteene dayes
before the later Lady day, and endeth on our Lady Eeuen. The fourth Lent
beginneth on Saint Martin's day, and endeth on Christmas Eeuen: which Lent
is fasted for Saint Philip, Saint Peter, Saint Nicholas, and Saint Clement.
For they foure be the principall arid greatest Saints in that Countrey. In
these Lents they eate neither Butter, Egges, Milke, or Cheese; but they are
very straitely kept with Fish, Cabbages, and Rootes. And out of their
Lents, they obserue truely the Wednesdayes and Fridayes throughout the
yeere: and on the Saturday they doe eate flesh. Furthermore they haue a
great number of Religious men: which are blacke Monks, and they eate no
flesh throughout the yeere, but fish, milke and Butter. By their order they
should eate no fresh-fish, and in their Lents they eate nothing but
Coleworts, Cabbages, salt Cowcumbers, with other rootes, as Radish and such
like. Their drinke is like our peny Ale, and is called Quass. They haue
seruice daily in their Churches; and vse to goe to seruice two houres
before day, and that is ended by day light. At nine of the clocke they goe
to Masse: that ended, to dinner: and after that to seruice againe: and then
to supper. You shall vnderstand that at euery dinner and supper they haue
declared the exposition of the Gospel of that day: but howe they wrest and
twine the Scripture and that together by report it is wonderfull. As for
whoredome and drunkennesse there be none such liuing: and for extortion,
they be the most abhominable under the sunne. Nowe iudge of their
holinesse. They haue twise as much land as the Duke himselfe hath: but yet
he is reasonable eeuen with them, as thus: When they take bribes of any of
the poore and simple, he hath it by an order. When the Abbot of any of
their houses dieth, then the Duke hath all his goods moueable and
vnmoueable: so that the successour buieth all at the Dukes hands: and by
this meane they be the best Fermers the Duke hath. Thus with their Religion
I make an ende, trusting hereafter to know it better.

To the right worshipful and my singular good Vncle, Master Christopher
Frothingham, giue these.

Sir, Reade and correct;
For great is the defect.

* * * * *

The Testimonie of M. Richard Eden in his decades, concerning the Booke

And whereas (saith he) I haue before made mention howe Moscouie was in our
time discouered by Richard Chanceler in his voyage toward Cathay, by the
direction and information of M. Sebastian Cabota, who long before had this
secret in his minde: I shall not neede here to describe that voyage,
forasmuch as the same is largely and faithfully written in the Latine
tongue, by that learned yong man Clement Adams, schoolemaster to the
Queenes henshmen, as he receiued it at the mouth of the said Richard

* * * * *

The newe Nauigation and discouerie of the kingdome of Moscouia, by the
Northeast, in the yeere 1553: Enterprised by Sir Hugh Willoughbie knight,
and perfourmed by Richard Chancelor Pilot maior of the voyage: Written in
Latine by Clement Adams.

At what time our Marchants perceiued the commodities and wares of England
to bee in small request with the countreys and people about vs, and neere
vnto vs, and that those Marchandizes which strangers in the time and
memorie of our auncesters did earnestly seeke and desire, were nowe
neglected, and the price thereof abated, although by vs carried to their
owne portes, and all forreine Marchandises in great accompt, and their
prises wonderfully raised: certaine graue Citizens of London, and men of
great wisedome, and carefull for the good of their Countrey, began to
thinke with themselues, howe this mischiefe might bee remedied. Neither was
a remedie (as it then appeared) wanting to their desires, for the auoyding
of so great an inconuenience: for seeing that the wealth of the Spaniards
and Portingales, by the discouerie and search of newe trades and Countreys
was marueilously increased, supposing the same to be a course and meane for
them also to obteine the like, they thereupon resolued vpon a newe and
strange Nauigation. And whereas at the same time one Sebastian Cabota, a
man in those dayes very renowmed, happened to bee in London, they began
first of all to deale and consult diligently with him, and after much
speech and conference together, it was at last concluded that three shippes
should bee prepared and furnished out, for the search and discouerie of the
Northerne part of the world, to open a way and passage to our men for
trauaile to newe and vnknowen kingdomes.

And whereas many things seemed necessary to bee regarded in this so hard
and difficult a matter, they first make choyse of certaine graue and wise
persons in maner of a Senate or companie, which should lay their heads
together, and giue their iudgments, and prouide things requisite and
profitable for all occasions: by this companie it was thought expedient,
that a certaine summe of money should publiquely bee collected to serue for
the furnishing of so many shippes. And lest any priuate man should bee too
much oppressed and charged, a course was taken that euery man willing to be
of the societie, should disburse the portion of twentie and fiue pounds a
piece: so that in short time by this meanes the summe of sixe thousand
pounds being gathered, the three shippes were bought, the most part whereof
they prouided to be newly built and trimmed. But in this action, I wote not
whether I may more admire the care of the Marchants, or the diligence of
the Shipwrights: for the Marchants, they get very strong and well seasoned
plankes for the building, the Shippewrights, they with daily trauaile, and
their greatest skill doe fitte them for the dispatch of the shippes: they
calke them, pitch them, and among the rest, they make one most stanch and
firme, by an excellent and ingenious inuention. For they had heard that in
certaine parts of the Ocean, a kinde of wormes is bredde, which many times
pearceth and eateth through the strongest oake that is: and therfore that
the Mariners, and the rest to bee imployed in this voyage might bee free
and safe from this danger, they couer a piece of the keele of the shippe
with thinne sheetes of leade: and hauing thus built the ships, and
furnished them with armour and artillerie, then followed a second care no
lesse troublesome and necessarie then the former, namely, the prouision of
victuals, which was to be made according to the time and length of the
voyage. And whereas they afore determined to haue the East part of the
world sayled vnto, and yet that the sea towards the same was not open,
except they kept the Northern tract, whereas yet it was doubtfull whether
there were any passage yea or no, they resolued to victuall the ships for
eighteene moneths, which they did for this reason. For our men being to
passe that huge and colde part of the world, they wisely foreseeing it,
allowe them sixe moneths victuall to saile to the place, so much more to
remaine there if the extremitie of the winter hindered their returne, and
so much more also for the time of their comming home.

Nowe this prouision being made and caried aboord, with armour and munition
of all sorts, sufficient Captaines and gouenours of so great an enterprise
were as yet wanting: to which office and place, although many men, (and
some voyde of experience) offered themselues, yet one Sir Hugh Willoughbie
a most valiant Gentleman, and well borne, very earnestly requested to haue
that care and charge committed vnto him: of whom before all others, both by
reason of his goodly personage (for he was of a tall stature) as also for
his singular skill in the seruices of warre, the company of the Marchants
made greatest accompt: so that at the last they concluded and made choyce
of him for the Generall of this voyage, and appoynted him to the Admirall
with authortie and command ouer all the rest. And for the gouernement of
other ships although diuers men seemed willing, and made offers of
themselues thereunto, yet by a common consent one Richard Chanceler, a man
of great estimation for many good partes of wit in him, was elected, in
whom alone great hope for the performance of this businesse rested. This
man was brought vp by one Master Henry Sidney, a noble young Gentleman and
very much beloued of King Edward, who at this time comming to the place
where the Marchants were gathered together, beganne a very eloquent speech
or Oration, and spake to them after this maner following.

My very worshipfull friends, I cannot but greatly commend your present
godly and vertuous intention, in the serious enterprising (for the singular
loue you beare to your Countrey) a matter, which (I hope) will prooue
profitable for this nation, and honourable to this our land. Which
intention of yours wee also of the Nobilitie are ready to our power to
helpe and further: neither doe wee holde any thing so deare and precious
vnto vs, which wee will not willingly forgoe, and lay out in so commendable
a cause. But principally I reioyce in my selfe, that I haue nourished and
maintained that witte, which is like by some meanes and in some measure, to
profile and steede you in this worthy action. But yet I would not haue you
ignorant of this one thing, that I doe now part with Chanceler, not because
I make little reckoning of the man, or that his maintenance is burdenous
and chargeable vnto mee, but that you might conceiue and vnderstand my good
will and promptitude for the furtherance of this businesse, and that the
authoritie and estimation which hee deserueth may be giuen him. You know
the man by report, I by experience, you by wordes, I by deedes, you by
speech and companie, but I by the daily triall of his life haue a full and


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