The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques,
by
Richard Hakluyt

Part 6 out of 7



cunctis ad nostras ditionis Casareas pacifice et secure veniant, et suam
exerceant mercaturam, maneant in suis statibus, et secundum suos mores
negocientur. Et adhac, sua maiestas significabat ex hominibus suis aliquos
iamdudum captos fuisse, et in captiuitate detineri, et quod hi
dimitterentur petebat, et quod sicut alijs principibus nobiscum
confoederatis priuilegia et mandate Casarea super foedus sanctissimum
dedissemus, sic prafata quoque Regina priuilegium et mandata Casarea
vt daremus, nostra Casarea celsitudini placeret. Quare secundum nostram
beneuolentiam et gratiam innatam, optata sua maiestatis apud nos grata
fuere: Et hoc nostrum priuilegium iustitijs plenum dedimus maiestata sua:
Et Beglerbegis, Zanziacbegis famulis nostris, et Kazijs, id est, iudicibus,
et omnibus teloniatoribus omnium locorum, portuum, et vadorum firmiter
mandamus, vt donec ex parte prafata regina foedus, et pax, et eorum
conditiones articulique (vt conuenit) custodiuntur et seruantur, nostra
quoque Casarea celsitudinis mandata sunt:

[Sidenote: Articuli huius priuilegij.] 1 Vt prafata Regina homines, et
subditi eius quibusuis rebus et mercibus, oneribus et suppellectilibus per
mare in magnis et paruis nauibus, per terram autem homines cum oneribus et
pecoribus, secure et pacifice ad nostras ditiones Casareas veniant, et nemo
illis noceat, sed secure et sine aliquo impedimento negocientur, et in suis
statibus et conditionibus permaneant.

2 Item, si prafeti homines et mercatores in suis rectis vijs et
negociationibus aliquo modo caperentur, sine aliqua tergiuersatione
dimittantur liberenturque.

3 Item, si naues eorum ad aliquos portus et loca venire voluerint, pacifice
omni in tempore, et sine impedimento veniant, et discedant in sua loca.

4 Item, si in tempestatibus maris naues eorum essent in periculo et auxilio
opus esset illis, naues nostra Casarea celsitudinis, earumque homines, et
aliornm naues hominesque statim auxilium et opem ferant illis, mandamus.

5 Item, si edulia suis pecunijs emere voluerint, nemo resistat illis, sed
sine impedimento edulia emant.

6 Item, si infortunium maris naues eorum in terram proiecerit, Begi et
iudices, et cateri nostri subditi sint auxilio illis, merces et res eorum
qua remanserint iterum reddantur illis, et nemo impediat illos.

7 Item, si prafata regina homines, eorum interpretes, et mercatores, siue
per terram, siue per mare mercandi gratia ad nostras ditiones venire
velint, legitimo telonio, et vectigali reddito, pacifice vagentur,
capitanei et reges maris et nauium, et aliud genus hominum per mare
vagantium in personis, et rebus eorum, pecoribusque, ne noceant illis.

8 Item, si aliquis ex Anglis debitor, aut are alieno esset obstrictus,
inuenirique non possit, ratione debitorum alterius nullus nisi esset
fideiussor capiatur aut impediatur.

9 Item, si Anglus testamentum fecerit, et sua bona cuicunque legauerit,
illi dentur bona illius, et si sine testamento moreretur, consul eorum
cuicunque sociorum mortui hominis dixerit debere dari, illi, dentur bona
mortui hominis.

10 Item, si Angli, et ad Angliam pertinentium locorum mercatores et
interpretes, in vendendis et emendis mercibus fideiussionibus et rebus
aliquid negocij habuerint, ad iudicem veniant, et in librum inscribi
faciant negotium, et si voluerint, literas quoque accepiant a iudice,
propterea quod si aliquid inciderit, videant librum et literas, et secundum
tenorem eorum perficiantur negocia eorum suspecta: si autem neque in librum
inscriberentur, neque literas haberent, iudex falsa testimonia non
admittat, sed secundum iustitiam legem administrans non sinat illos
impediri.

11 Item, si aliquis disceret, quod isti Christiani nostra fidei Muzulmanica
male dixerint, et eam vituperijs affecerint, in hoc negocio etiam et alijs,
testes falsi minime admittantur.

12 Item, si aliquis eorum aliquod facinus patraret, et fugiens non possit
inueniri, nullus nisi esset fideiussor pro alterius facto retineatur.

13 Item, si aliquod mancipium Anglicum inueniretur, et consul eorum peteret
illud, examinetur diligenter mancipium, et si inuentum fuerit Anglicum,
accipiatur, et reddatur Anglis.

14 Item, si aliquis ex Anglis huc venerit habitandi aut mercandi gratia,
sine sit vxoratus, siue sit sine vxore, non saluat censum.

15 Item, si in Alexandria, in Damasco, in Samia, in Tunis, in Tripoli
occidentali, in Aegypti portubus et in alijs omnibus locis, vbicunque
voluerint facere Consules, faciant: Et iterum si voluerint eos mutare, et
in loco priorum consulum alios locare, libere faciant, et nemo illis
resistat.

16 Item, si illorum interpres in arduis negotijs occupatis abesset, donec
veniret interpres, expectetur, et interem nemo illos impediat.

17 Item, si Angli inter se aliquam litem haberent et vellent ad suos
consules ire, nemo resistat illis, sed libere veniant ad Consules suos, vt
secundum mores eorum finiatur lis orta.

18 Item, si post tempus aut datum huius priuilegij, pirata, aut alij aliqui
liberi gubernatores nauium per mare vagarites, aliquem ex Anglis ceperint,
et trans mare vel cis mare venderint, secundum iustitiam examinetur: et si
Anglus inuentus fuerit, et religionem Muzulmanicam assumpserit, libere
dimittatur: si autem adhuc esset Christianas, Anglis reddatur, et emptores
suam pecuniam ab illo petant, a quo emerant.

19 Item, si nostra Casarea Celsitudinis naues armata exiuerint ad mare, et
ibi inuenerint naues Anglicas merces portantes, nemo impediat illas, imo
amice tractentur, et nullum damnum faciant illis: Quemadmodum Gallis,
Venetis, et cateris nobiscum con foederatis regibus, et principibus
priuilegium, et articulos priuilegijs dedimus, et concessimus, simili modo
his quoque Anglis priuilegium et articulos priuilegijs dedimus et
concessimus, et contra legem diuinam, et hoc priuilegium, nemo vnquam
aliquid audeat facere.

20 Item, si naues magna, et parua in itinere et loco vbi stant
detinebuntur, nemo illos audeat impedire, sed potius auxilio sint illis.

21 Item, si latrones et fures vi raperent naues illorum nauiumque merces,
magna diligentia quarantu latrones et fures, et seuerissime puniantur.

23 Ad extremum, Beglerbegij, et Zanziaebegi, Capitanei nostri, Mancipia, et
per mare nauigantes serui Capitaneorum, et Indices, et Teloniatores nauium
Reiz dicti, et liberi Rez, omnes isti prafati, secundum tenorem huius
priuilegij, tenoremue articulorum eius, omnia facere teneantur, et debeat.
Et donec hoc in priuilegio descriptum foedus, et pax illius Maiestatis ex
parte sancte seruabitur, et custodietur, ex parte etiam nostra Casarea
custodiri, et obseruari mandamus.

Datum Constantinopoli, anno nostri propheta Sanctissimi 988, in principio
mensis Iunij, anno autem Iesu 1580.


The iterpretation of the letters, or priuilege of the most mightie and
Musumanlike Emperour Zuldan Murad Can, granted at the request of
Elizabeth by the grace of the most mightie God, and only Creator of
heauen and earth, of England, France and Ireland Queene, confirming a
peace and league betwixt both the said Princes and their subiects.

We most sacred Musolmanlike Emperor, by the infinite and exceeding great
power, by the euerlasting and wonderfull clemencie, and by the vnspeakable
helpe of the most mighty and most holy God, creator of all things, to be
worshipped and feared with all purenesse of minde, and reuerence of speech.
The prince of these present times the onely Monarch of this age, able to
giue scepters to the potentates of the whole world, the shadow of the
diuine mercy and grace, the distributer of many kingdoms, prouinces, townes
and cities, Prince, and most sacred Emperour of Mecca, that is to say, of
Gods house, of Medina, of the most glorious and blessed Ierusalem, of the
most fertile Egypt, Iemen and Iouan, Eden and Canaan, of Samos the
peaceable, and of Hebes, of Iabza, and Pazra, of Zeruzub and Halepia, of
Caramaria and Diabekiruan, of Dulkadiria, of Babylon, and of all the three
Arabias, of the Euzians and Georgians, of Cyprus the rich, and of the
kingdomes of Asia, of Ozakior, of the tracts of the white and blacke Sea,
of Grecia and Mesopotamia, of Africa and Goleta, of Alger, and of Tripolis
in the West, of the most choise and principall Europe, of Buda and
Temeswar, and of the kingdomes beyond the Alpes, and many other such like,
most mightie Murad Can, the sonne of the Emperour Zelim Can, which was the
sonne of Zoleiman Can, which was the sodne of Zelim Can, which was the
sonne of Paiizid Can, which was the sonne of Mehemed Can, &c.

We most mightie prince Murad Can, in token of our Imperiall friendship, doe
signifie and declare, that now of late Elizabeth Queene of England, France
and Ireland, the most honourable Queene of Christendom (to whose marchants
we wish happy successe) sent her letters by her worthy seruant William
Hareborne vnto our stately and most magnificent Porch replenished with
iustice, which is a refuge and Sanctuary to all the prince of the world, by
which letters her Maiestie signified, that whereas heretofore certaine of
her subiects had repaired to our saide stately Porche, and had shewed their
obedience to the same, and for that cause had desired that leaue and
libertie might also be granted vnto them, to come and goe for traffiques
sake too and from our dominions, and that our Imperial commandement might
be giuen, that no man should presume to hurt or hinder them, in any of
their abodes or passages by sea or land, and whereas shee requested that we
would graunt to all her subiects in generall, this our fauour, which before
wee had extended onely to a fewe of her people: therefore as we haue entred
into amitie, and most holy league with the most excellent kings and princes
our confederates, shewing their deuotion, and obedience or seruices towards
our stately Porch (as namely the French king, the Venetians, the king of
Polonia and others) so also we haue contracted an inuiolable amitie, peace
and league with the aforesaid Queene, Therefore wee giue licence to all her
people, and marchants, peaceably and safely to come vnto our imperiall
dominions, with all their marchandise and goods without any impeachment, to
exercise their traffique, to vse their owne customes, and to buy and sell
according to the fashions of their owne countrey.

And further her Maiestie signified vnto vs, that certaine of her people had
heretofore bene taken prisoners, and were detained in captiuitie, and
required that they might bee set at libertie, and that as we had graunted
vnto other Princes our confederats, priuileges, and Imperiall decrees,
concerning our most inuiolable league with them, so it would please our
Imperial Maiesty to graunt and confirme the like priuiledges, and princely
decrees to the aforesaid Queene.

Wherefore according to our humanitie and gracious ingraffed disposition,
the requests of her Maiestie we accepted of vs, and we haue granted vnto
her Maiestie the priuilege of ours agreeable to reason and equitie. And we
straightly command all our Beglerbegs, and Zanziacbegs our seruants, and
our Reyz, that is to say, our Iudges, and all our customers in all places,
hauens and passages, that as long as this league and amitie with the
conditions, and articles thereof, are kept and obserued on the behalfe of
the aforesaid Queene. 1 Our Imperiall commandement and pleasure is, that
the people and subiects of the same Queene, may safely and securely come to
our princely dominions, with their goods and marchandise, and ladings, and
other commodities by sea in great and smal vessels, and by land with their
carriages and cattels, and that no man shall hurt them, but they may buy
and sell without any hinderance, and obserue the customes and orders of
their owne countrey.

2 Item, if the aforesaid people and marchants shalbe at any time in the
course of their iourneis and dealings by any meanes taken, they shall be
deliuered and inlarged, without any excuse or cauillation.

3 Item, if their ships purpose to arriue in any of our ports and hauens, it
shalbe lawfull for them so to do in peace, and from thence againe to
depart, without any let or impediment.

4 Item, if it shall happen that any of their ships in tempestuous weather
shall bee in danger of losse and perishing, and thereupon shall stand in
need of our helpe, we will, and commaund that our men and ships be ready to
helpe and succour them.

5 Item, if they shalbe willing to buy any victuals for their money, no
person shall withstande them, but they shall buy the same without any
disturbance to the contrary.

6 Item, if by any casualtie their shippes shall bee driuen on shoare in
perill of shipwracke, our Begs and Iudges, and other our Subiects shall
succour them, and such wares, and goods of theirs as shall bee recouered
from the losse, shall bee restored to them, and no man shall wrong them.

7 Item, if the people of the aforesayd Queene, their interpreters and
marchants, shall for traffique sake, either by lande or Sea repaire to our
dominions paying our lawfull toll and custome, they shall haue quiet
passage, and none of our Captaines or gouernours of the Sea, and shippes,
nor any kinde of persons, shall either in their bodies, or in their goods
and cattells, any way molest them.

8 Item, If any Englishman shall grow in debt, and so owe money to any other
man, and thereupon doth absent himselfe that he can not be found, let no
man be arrested or apprehended for any other mans debt, except he be
surety.

9 Item, if any Englishman shall make his will and testament to whom soeuer
by the same hee shall giue his goods, the partie shall haue them
accordingly, and if hee die intestate, hee to whom the Consull or gouernour
of the societie shall say the goods of the dead are to bee giuen, hee shall
haue the same.

10 Item, if the Englishmen or the marchants and interpreters of any places
vnder the iurisdiction of England shall happen in the buying and selling of
wares, by promises or otherwise to come in controuersie, let him go to the
Iudge, and cause the matter to be entred into a booke, and if they wil, let
them also take letters of the Iudge testifying the same, that men may see
the booke and letters, whatsoeuer thing shall happen, and that according to
the tenour thereof the matter in controuersie and in doubt may be ended:
but if such things be neither entred in booke, nor yet the persons haue
taken letters of the Iudge, yet he shall admit no false witnesse, but shall
excute the Law according to iustice, and shall not suffer them to be
abused.

11 Item, if any man shall say, that these being Christians haue spoken any
thing to the derogation of our holy faith and religion, and haue slandered
the same, in this matter as in all others, let no false witnesses in any
case be admitted.

12 Item, if any one of them shall commit any great crime, and flying
thereupon cannot bee found, let no man be arrested, or detained for another
mans fact, except he be his suretie.

13 Item, if any slaue shall be found to be an Englishmen and their Consull
or gouernour shall sue for his libertie, let the same slaue be diligently
examined, and if hee be found in deed to be English, let him be discharged
and restored to the Englishmen.

14 Item, if any Englishman shall come hither either to dwel or trafique,
whether hee be married or vnmarried, he shall pay no polle or head money.

15 Item, if either in Alexandria, Damasco, Samos, Tunis, Tripolis, in the
west, the port townes of Agypt, or in any other places, they purpose to
choose to themselues Consuls or gouernours, let them doe so, and if they
will alter them at any time, and in the roome of the former Consuls place
others, and let them do so also, and no man shall restraine them.

16 Item, if their interpreter shalbe at any time absent, being occupied in
other serious matters, let the thing then in question bee stayed and
differed till his comming, and in the meane time no man shall trouble them.

17 Item, if any variance or controuersie shall arise among the Englishmen,
and thereupon they shall appeale to their Counsuls or gouernours, let no
man molest them, but let them freely doe so, that the controuersie begunne
may be finished according to their owne customes.

18 Item, if after the time and date of this priuilege, any pirats or other
free gouernours of ships trading the Sea shall take any Englishman, and
shall make sale of him, either beyonde the Sea or on the side of the Sea,
the matter shalbe examined to iustice, and if the partie shalbe found to be
English, and shall receiue the holy religion, then let him freely be
discharged, but if he wil still remaine a Christian, let him then be
restored to the Englishmen, and the buyers shall demaund their money againe
of them who solde the man.

19. Item, if the ships of warre of our Imperiall highnesse shal at anytime
goe forth to Sea, and shall finde any English ships laden with merchandise,
no man shall hidder them, but rather shall vse them friendly, and doe them
no wrong, euen as wee haue giuen and granted articles, and priuileges to
the French, Venetians, and other Kings and princes our confederates, so
also wee haue giuen the like to the English: and contrary to this our
diuine lawe and priuilege, let no man presume to doe any thing.

20 Item, if either their great or small ships shall in the course of their
voyage, or in any place to which they come, bee stayed or arrested, let no
man continue the same arrest, but rather helpe and assist them.

21 Item, if any theeues and robbers shall by force take away any of their
ships, and marchandise, let the same theeues and robbers be sought and
searched for with all diligence, and let them be punished most seuerely.

22 Last of all the Beglerbegs, and Zanziacbegs, our Captaines, our slaues
and seruants of Captaines vsing the sea, and our Iudges, customers and
gouernours of ships called Reiz, and free Reiz, all these, according to the
tenor of this priuilege and articles, shalbe bound to doe accordingly: and
as long as the Queene of England on her part shall duely keepe and obserue
this league and holy peace, expressed in this priuilege, we also for our
Imperial part, do charge and commaund the same so long to be straightly
kept and obserued.

Giuen at Constantinople, in the 988. yeere of our most holy prophet, in the
beginning of the moneth of Iune, And in the yeere of Iesus 1580.

* * * * *

Her Maiesties, letter to the Turke or Grand Signior 1581. promising
redresse of the disorders of Peter Baker of Ratcliffe, committed in the
Leuant.

Elizabeth by the diuine grace of the eternall God, of England, France and
Ireland most sacred Queene, and of the most Christian faith, against all
the prophaners of his most holy Name the zealous and mightie defendour, &c.
To the most renowned and emperious Casar, Sultan Murad Can, Emperour of all
the dominions of Turkie, and of all the East Monarchie chiefe aboue all
others whosoeuer, most fortunate yeeres with the successe of al true
happinesse. As with very great desire we wish and embrace the loue and
amitie of forreine Princes, and in the same by al good dueties and meanes
we seeke to bee confirmed: so to vs there may bee nothing more grieuous and
disliking, then that any thing should happen through the default of our
Subiects, which any way might bring our faith and fidelitie into suspition:
Although wee are not ignorant how many good princes, by the like
misaduenture be abused, where the doings of the Subiects are imputed to the
want of good gouernment. But such mutters of importance and so well
approued we may not omit: such is to vs the sacred estimation of our
honour, and of our Christian profession, as we would the same should
appeare as well in the concluding of our promises and agreements, as in the
faithfull performing of the same.

The matter which by these our letters wee specially beholde, is a most
iniurious and grieuous wrong which of late came vnto our vnderstanding,
that should be done vnto certaine of your subiects by certaine of our
Subiects, at yet not apprehended: but with all seueretie vpon their
apprehension they are to be awarded for the same. [Footnote: This was Baker
of Ratcliffe, who with the barke called the Roe, robbed certaine Grecians
in the Leuant.] And as the deede in it selfe is most wicked, so it is much
more intollerable, by how much it doeth infringe the credit of our faith,
violate the force of our authoritie, and impeach the estimation of our word
faithfully giuen vnto your Imperiall dignitie. In which so great a disorder
if wee should not manifest our hatred towardes so wicked and euill disposed
persons, we might not onely most iustly be reproued in the iudgement of all
such as truely fauour Iustice, but also of all Princes the patrones of
right and equitie, might no lesse be condemned. That therefore considered,
which of our parts is ordained in this cause which may be to the good
liking of your highnesse, we are most especially to request of your
Imperiall Maiestie, that through the default and disorder of a son of euill
and wicked disposed persons, you wil not withdraw your gratious fauour from
vs, neither to hinder the traffique of our Subiects, which by virtue of
your highnesse sufferance, and power of your licence are permitted to trade
into your dominion and countreys or that either in their persons or goods
they be preiudiced in their traueyling by land or by water, promising vnto
your greatnesse most faithfully, that the goods whereof your subiects by
great wrong and violence haue bene spoyled, shall wholly againe be
restored, if either by the liues or possessions of the robbers it may any
way be brought to passe: And that hereafter (as now being taught by this
euill example) wee will haue speciall care that none vnder the title of our
authoritie shall be suffered to commit any the like wrongs or iniuries.

Neither they which haue committed these euil parts had any power vnder your
highnesse safeconduct graunted vnto our subiects, but from some other
safeconduct whether it were true or fained, we knowe not, or whether they
bought it of any person within the gouernment of Marseils: but vnder the
colour thereof they haue done that, which the trueth of our dealing doeth
vtterly abhorre. Notwithstanding howsoeuer it be, wee will surely measure
their euill proceedings with most sharpe and iust correction, and that it
shall repent them of the impeachment of our honours, as also it shalbe an
example of our indignation, that others may dread at all times, to commit
the like offence. Wherefore that our amitie might be continued, as if this
vnfortunate hap had neuer chanced, and that the singuler affection of our
Subiects towardes your Imperiall Maiestie vowed, and dayly more and more
desired, might be conserued and defended, we thereunto do make our humble
suite vnto your greatnesse: And for so great goodnesse towardes vs and our
people granted, doe most humbly pray vnto the Almightie creatour of heauen
and earth, euer to maintaine and keepe your most renowned Maiestie in all
happinesse and prosperitie.

Dated at our palace of Greenewich the 26. of Iune, Anno 1581.

* * * * *

The letters patents, or priuileges graunted by her Maiestie to Sir Edward
Osborne, Master Richard Staper, and certaine other Marchants of London
for their trade into the dominions of the great Turke, in the yeere 1581.

Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland,
defender of the faith, &c. To all our Officers, ministers, and Subiects,
and to all other people as well within this our Realme of England, as else
where vnder our obeysance, iurisdiction, or otherwise, vnto whom these our
letters shall be seene, shewed or read, greeting. Where our welbeloued
Subiects Edward Osborne Alderman of our Citie of London, and Richard Staper
of our sayde City Merchant, haue by great aduenture and industrie, with
their great costes and charges, by the space of sundry late yeeres,
trauailed, and caused trauaile to bee taken, as well by secret and good
meanes, as by dangerous wayes and passages both by lande and Sea, to finde
out and set open a trade of Marchandize and traffique into the Lands,
Islands, dominions, and territories of the great Turke, commonly called the
Grand Signior, not heretofore in the memory of any man nowe liuing knowen
to be commonly vsed and frequented by way of marchandise, by any the
Marchants or any Subiects of vs, or our progenitours; and also haue by
their like good meanes and industrie, and great charges procured of the
sayde Grand Signior (in our name), amitie, safetie, and freedome, for trade
and traffique of Marchandise to bee vsed, and continued by our Subiects
within his sayde Dominions, whereby there is good and apparant hope and
likelyhoode both that many good offices may bee done for the peace of
Christendome, and reliefe of many Christians that bee or may happen to bee
in thraldome or necessitie vnder the sayde Grand Signior, his vassals or
Subiects, and also good and profitable vent and vtterance may be had of the
commodities of our Realme, and sundry other great benefites to the
aduancement of our honour, and dignitie Royall, the increase of the
reuenues of our Crowne, and generall wealth of our Realme: Knowe ye, that
hereupon wee greatly tendering the wealth of our people, and the
incouragement of our Subiects in their good enterprises for the aduancement
of the Common weale, haue of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge and
meere motion, giuen and graunted, and by these presents for vs, our heires
and successours, doe giue and graunt vnta our sayd trustie, and welbeloued
Subiects Edward Osborne, and vnto Thomas Smith of London Esquier, Richard
Staper, and William Garret of London Marchants, their executors, and
administrators, and to the executours and administratours of them, and of
euery of them, that they, and euery of them, and such other person and
persons Englishmen borne, not exceeding the number of twelue, as they the
sayde Edward, and Richard shall appoint, nominate, or admit to be
parteners, aduenturers, or doers with them the sayde Edward, Thomas,
Richard and William, in their societie by themselues, their seruants,
Factours or deputies, and to such others as shall bee nominated according
to the tenour of these our letters Patents, shall and may during the terme
of seuen yeeres from the date of these Patents, freely trade, traffique,
and vse feates of Marchandise into, and from the dominions of the sayde
Grand Signior, and euery of them, in such order, and maner, forme,
liberties and condition to all intents and purposes as shalbe betweene them
limitted, and agreed, and not otherwise, without any molestation,
impeachment, or disturbance, any Lawe, statute, vsage, diuersitie of
religion or faith, or other cause or matter whatsoeuer to the contrary
notwithstanding.

And that it shalbe lawful to the said Edward and Richard their executors
and administrators, (during the said terme) to appoint or admit to be
parteners and aduenturers with them the sayde Edward, Thomas, Richard and
William; such persons not exceeding the number of twelue (as afore is said)
to trafique and vse the said trade and feat of marchandise according to our
saide graunt. And that all and euery such person and persons, as shall
hereafter fortune to bee appointed or admitted as parteners in the saide
trade or trafique according to these our letters patents, shall and may
from the time of such appointment or admittance, haue and enioy the
freedome and libertie of the said trade and trafique during the residue of
the said terme of seuen yeeres, according to such limitation and agreement
as is aforesaide, and that it shall and may be lawfull to and for the saide
Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, their executours and administratours,
seruants factours and deputies, and all such as shall be so appointed,
nominated or admitted, to be parteners or aduenturers in the saide trade,
or so many of them as can and will, to assemble themselues for or about any
the matters, causes, affaires or businesse of the saide trade, in any place
or places for the same conuenient, from time to time during the said terme
of 7. yeeres, within our dominions or elsewhere, and to make, ordeine, and
constitute reasonable lawes and ordinances, for the good gouernment of the
said Company, and for the better aduancement and continuance of the said
trade, and trafique, not being contrary or repugnant to the lawes,
estatutes or customes of our Realme, and the same lawes or ordinances so
made to put in vse, and execute accordingly, and at their pleasures to
reuoke the same lawes and ordinances, or any of them, as occasion shall
require.

And in consideration that the said Edward Osborne hath bene the principall
setter foorth and doer in the opening, and putting in vse of the said
trade, we do therefore especially ordeine, constitute, and prouide by these
patents, that the saide Edward Osborne shall be gouernour of all such as by
vertue of these our letters patents, shall be parteners, aduenturers, or
trafiquers in the said trade, during the said terme of seuen yeeres, if he
so long liue: And that if the saide Edward shall happen to decease during
the saide terme, the saide Richard Staper then liuing, then the said
Richard Staper shall likewise be gouernour during the residue of the said
terme (if he so long liue) and that if the said Edward and Richard shall
both happen to decease during the said terme, then the partners or
aduenturers for the time being, or the greatest, part of them, shall from
time to time as necessitie shall require, choose and elect a gouernour of
the said Company.

Prouided alwayes, that if there shall happen any great or vrgent occasion
to remoue or displace any person that shall be gouernour of the saide
fellowship, that then it shall, and may be lawfull for vs, our heires and
successours, to remooue, and displace euery such gouernour, and to place
another of the said fellowship in the same office, during such time as such
person should haue enioyed the same, according to this our graunt, if there
had bene no cause to the contrary.

And we further for vs, our heires, and successors, of our especiall grace,
certaine knowledge, and meere motion, do graunt to the said Edward Osborne,
Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret, their executors and
administrators, that nothing shall bee done to be of force or validitie
touching the sayde trade or trafique, or the exercise thereof, without or
against the consent of the saide Edward, during such time as hee shall bee
Gouernour as afore is saide. And after that time without the consent of the
Gouernour for the time being, and the more part of the said Company.

And further, wee of our more ample and abundant grace, meere motion and
certame knowledge, haue graunted, and by these patents for vs, our heires
and successors, doe graunt to the saide Edward, Thomas, Richard and
William, their executors and administrators, that they, the saide Edward,
Thomas, Richard and William, their executors and administrators, and the
said person and persons, by them the said Edward and Richard to be
nominated, or appointed as afore is said, together, with such two other
persons, as wee our heires or successors from time to time during the sayd
terme shall nominate, shall haue the whole trade and trafique, and the
whole entire onely libertie, vse and priuilege of trading, and trafiquing,
and vsing feate of marchandise, into, and from the said dominions of the
said Grand Signior, and euery of them. And when there shall be no such
persons so nominated or appointed by vs, our heires or successors, that
then the said Edward Osborne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William
Garret, their executors and administrators, and such persons by them so to
be appointed, shall haue the saide whole trade and trafique, and the whole
entire, and onely libertie, vse, and priuilege of trading and trafiquing
aforesaid. And that they the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William,
their executors and administrators, and also al such as shal so be
nominated or appointed to be partners or aduenturers in the said trade,
according to such agreement as is abouesaid, and euery of them, their
seruants, factors and deputies, shal haue ful and free authoritie,
libertie, facultie, licence and power to trade and trafique into and from
all and euery of the saide dominions of the saide Grand Signior, and into,
and from all places where, by occasion of the said trade, they shall happen
to arriue or come, whether they be Christians, Turkes, Gentiles or other,
and into, and from all Seas, riuers, ports, regions, territories,
dominions, coastes, and places with their ships, barks, pinnesses and other
vessels, and with such mariners and men, as they will lead with them or
send for the said trade, as they shall thinke good at their owne proper
cost and expenses, any law, statute, vsage, or matter whatsoeuer to the
contrary notwistanding. And that it shalbe lawful for the said Edward,
Thomas, Richard and William, and to the person aforesaid, and to and for
the mariners and seamen to bee vsed and employed in the said trade and
voyage to set and place in the tops of their ships and other vessels the
armes of England with the red crosse ouer the same, as heretofore, they
haue vsed the red crosse, any matter or thing to the contrary
notwithstanding.

And we of our further royall fauor, and of our especiall grace, certaine
knowledge and meere motion haue graunted, and by these presents doe graunt
to the said Edward Osburne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William
Garret, their executors and administrators by these presents, that the said
lands, territories, and dominions of the said Grand Signior, or any other
of them, shall not be visited, frequented, nor haunted by way of
marchandise by any other our subiects during the said terme, contrary to
the true meaning of these patents.

And by vertue of our high prerogatiue royall (which wee will not haue
argued or brought in question) we straightly charge and commaund, and
prohibite for vs, our heires, and successours, all our subiects (of what
degree or qualitie soeuer they be) that none of them directly, or
indirectly, do visite, haunt, frequent or trade, trafique, or aduenture by
way of marchandise into, or from any of the Dominions Of the saide Grand
Signior, or other places aboue sayde by water or by lande (other then the
said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, their executours or
administrators, or such as shalbe admitted, and nominated as is aforesaide)
without, expresse licence, agreement, and consent of the saide Gouernour,
and company or the more part of them, whereof the said Gouernour alwayes to
be one, vpon paine of our high indignation, and of forfeiture and losse, as
well of the ship and shippes, with the furniture thereof, as also of the
goods, marchandizes, and things whatsoeuer they be of those our Subiects
which shall attempt, or presume to saile, trafigue, or aduenture, to or
from any the dominions, or places abouesaid, contrary to the prohibition
aforesaid: the one halfe of the same forfeiture to be to the vse of vs, our
heires and successors, and the other halfe to the vse of the said Edward,
Thomas, Richard and William, and the said companie, and further to suffer
imprisonment during our pleasure, and such other punishment as to vs, for
so high contempt, shal seeme meete and conuenient.

And further of our grace speciall, certaine knowledge and meere motion we
haue condescended and graunted, and by these patents for vs, our heires and
successors, doe condescend and graunt to the said Edward, Thomas, Richard
and William, their executors and administrators, that we our heires and
successors during the said terme, will not graunt liberty, licence or power
to any person or persons whatsoeuer, contrary to the tenor of these our
letters patents, to saile, passe, trade, or trafique into or from the said
dominions of the said Grand Signior or any of them, without the consent of
the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, and such as shalbe named or
appointed as afore is said, or the most of them. And that if at any time
hereafter during the said terme, the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and
William, or the suruiuors of them, shal admit or nominate any of our
subiects to be partners and aduenturers in the said trade to the number of
12. or vnder as afore is said, that, then we our heires and successors at
the instance and petition of the said Edward, Thomas, Richard and William,
or the suruiuors of them in our Chauncerie to be made, and vpon the sight
of these presents, will grant and make to the said Edward, Thomas, Richard
and William, of to the suruiuors of them, and to such persons as so shall
be nominated or appointed by their speciall names, surnames, and additions
as is aforesaid, new letters patents vnder the great seale of England in
due forme of law with like agreements, clauses, prohibitions, prouisoes and
articles (mutatis mutandis) as in these our letters patents are conteined,
for, and during the residue of the said terme of seuen yeres then remaining
vnexpired. And that the sight of these presents shalbe sufficient warrant
to the Lord Chancellour, or Lord keeper of the great seale for the time
being, for the making, sealing and passing of such new letters patents,
without further writ or warrant for the same to be required, had, or
obtained.

And the said Edward Osburne, Thomas Smith, and Richard Staper, and William
Garret and such others as shalbe so nominated or appointed, as is
aforesaid, to be of their trade or companie; shall yeerely during 6. of the
last yeres of the said 7. yeres, lade out of this our Realme, and bring
home yeerely, for, and in the feate and trade of marchandizing aforesaid,
so much goods and marchandizes, as the custome, and subsidie inwards and
outwards, shall amount in the whole to the summe of 500. li. yeerely. So
that the said Edward Osburne, Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William
Garret and the said persons so to be nominated as is aforesaid, or any of
them, or their ship or shippes be not barred, stayed, restrained or let by
any reasonable occasion from the saide trade or trafique, and so that the
said ship or ships do not perish by any misfortune, or bee spoyled by the
way in their voyage.

And further, the said Edward Osborne; Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and
William Garret, and such others as shall be appointed as aforesaide to be
of their said trade or Company, shall giue notice vnto the Lord Admirall of
England, or to some of the principall officers of the Admiraltie for the
time being, of such ship or shippes as they shall set foorth in the same
voyage, and of the number of Mariners appointed to goe in the same ship or
shippes, by the space of fifteene dayes before the setting or going foorth
of the same ship or shippes. And also the said Edward Osborne, Thomas
Smith, Richard Staper and William Garret, and such other as shall be by
them the saide Edward and Richard, nominated to be of the said trade, shall
and will at the setting foorth of their ship, or shippes, for the same
voyage, permit and suffer the Master of the Ordinance of vs, our heires and
successors, or some others, our or their principall officers of the
Ordinance, to take a view of the number and quantitie of such Ordinance,
power, and munition as shall be caried in the said ship, or shippes, and
shall also at the returne of the same ship, or shippes, suffer a view to be
taken, and vpon request made, make an accompt to the saide officers of our
Ordinance, of the expenses, and wastes of the said Ordinance, power, and
munition, so to bee caried in the same ship, or shippes.

Prouided alwayes, that if any of the said trade or Company, or their
seruants, factors, or sailers, in any ship by them laden, shall commit any
piracie or outrage vpon the seas, and that, if the said Company or societie
shall not, or do not, within reasonable time, after complaint made, or
notice giuen to the said Company, or to any of them, either satisfie or
recompense the parties that so shall fortune to be robbed, or spoiled by
any of the said Company, or sailers, in the said ships, or else shall not
do their endeuour to the vttermost oftheir reasonable power, to haue the
parties so offending punished for the same their offences, that then, and
from thencefoorth, these present letters patents shall be vtterly voyd,
cease, and determine.

Prouided likewise, that if it shall hereafter appeare vnto vs, our heires,
or successors that this grant, or the continuance thereof in the whole, or
in any part thereof, shall not be profitable to vs, our heires, our
successors, or to this our Realme, that then, and from thencefoorth, vpon,
and after one full yeeres warning, to be giuen vnto the said Company, or to
the Gouernour thereof, by vs, our heires or successors, this present grant
shall cease, be voyd, and determine, to all intents, constructions, and
purposes.

Prouided also, that we, our heires and successors, from time to time,
during the said 7. yeeres, may lawfully nominate, appoint, and authorise
two persons, being fit men, to be of the saide company, and for want or
lacke of them, two others to be aduenturers in the said trade, for such
stocke and summe of money, as they shall put in, so that the said persons
to bee nominated, or authorised, shall be contributorie to all charges of
the said trade and aduenture indifferently, according to their stockes: and
as other aduenturers of the said trade shall doe for their stockes, and so
that likewise they doe obserue the orders of the said Company, allowable by
this our graunt, and that such persons so to be appointed by vs, our heires
or successors, shall and may, with the saide Company, and fellowship, vse
the trade and feate of marchandise aforesaide, and all the liberties and
priuileges herein before granted, according to the meaning of these our
letters patents, any thing in these our letters patents contained to the
contrary notwithstanding.

And further of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, we
haue condescended and granted, and by these presents for vs, our heires and
successors, doe condescend, and grant to the said Edward Osborne, Thomas
Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret, their executors, and
administrators, that if at the ende of the said terme of seuen yeeres, it
shall seeme meete, and conuenient vnto the saide Edward Osborne, Thomas
Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret, or the suruiuer of them, that
this present grant shall be continued: and if that also it shall appeare
vnto vs, our heires, or successors, that the continuance thereof shall not
be preiudiciall, or hurtfull to this our Realme, that then we, our heires,
or successors, at the instance and petition of the said Edward Osborne,
Thomas Smith, Richard Staper, and William Garret, or the suruiuor of them,
to be made to vs, our heires, or successors, wil grant and make to the said
Edward, Thomas, Richard and William, or the suruiuor of them, and to such
other persons, as so shall be by the said Edward and Richard nominated and
appointed, new letters patents, vnder the great seale of England, in due
forme of lawe, with like couenants, grants, clauses, and articles, as in
these presents are contained, or with addition of other necessary articles,
or change of these, in some part, for and during the full terme of seuen
yeeres then next following. Willing, and straightly commanding, and
charging all and singuler our Admirals, Viceadmirals, Justices, Maiors,
Sheriffes Escheaters, Constables, Bailiffes, and all and singuler our other
officers, ministers, liege men, and subiects whatsoeuer, to be aiding,
fauouring, helping, and assisting vnto the said Gouernour, and company, and
their successors, and to their Deputies, officers, seruants, assignes, and
ministers, and euery of them, in executing and enioying the premisses, as
well on land as on sea, from time to time, and at all times when you, or
any of you, shall be thereunto required, any statute, act, ordinance,
prouiso, proclamation, or restraint heretofore had, made, set forth,
ordained, or prouided, or any other matter, cause or thing to the contrary,
in any wise notwithstanding.

In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents,
witnesse our selfe, at Westminster, the 11. day of September, in the 23.
yeere of our raigne.

* * * * *

The Queenes Commission vnder the great seale, to her seruant master William
Hareborne, to be her maiesties Ambassadour or Agent, in the partes of
Turkie. 1582.

Elizabetha, Dei optimi Maximi, conditoris, et rectoris vnici clementia,
Anglia, Francia, et Hibernia Regina, vera fidei contra Idololatras falso
Christi nomen profitentes inuicta et potentissima propugnatrix, vniuersis,
et singulis prasentes has literas visuris, et inspecturis, salutem. Cum,
augustissimus, et inuictissimus princeps, Zuldan Murad Can, Turcici regni
Dominator potentissimus imperiique Orientis Monarcha, foedus, amicitiamque
nobiscum percusserit, iuraueritque, (quam nos perpetuis futuris temporibus,
quantum in nobis erit; inuiolate seruare destinamus) ad eamque magis
ornandam, illustrandamque concesserit idem augustissimus Imperator subditis
nostris liberam suas merces excercendi rationem in omnibus Musulmanici
imperij sui partibus, cum tam ampla priuilegorum concessione, quam alijs
bonis principibus, socijs, et foederatis nostris largitus est, quoram
priuilegiorum donationem nos gratam, acceptamque habentes, pari cum animi
gratitudine colere certum habemus deliberatumque, nihil, in votis, habentes
potius, quam bonorum erga nos principum animos beneuolos honoratissima
mente fouere, promererique: Sciatis, nos de singulari erga nos,
obsequiumque nostrum, fide, obseruantia, prudentia, et dextaitate multum
nobis chari Guilielmi Hareborne, e custodibus corporis nostri vnius,
plurimum confidentes, eum Oratorem, Nuntium, Procuratorem, et Agentem
nostrum certum et indubitatum ordinamus, facimus, et constituimus, per
prasentes: dantes ei, et concedentes potestatem, et authoritatem, nomine
nostro, et pro nobis pradictum amicitia foedus confirmandi, priuilegiorum
concessionem in manus suas capiendi, ratamque habendi, omnibus et singulis
subditis nostris, Musulmanicis oris terrisque negotiantibus, pro Maiestatis
nostra authoritate prascipiendi, mandanique, vt sint in suis commercijs,
quamdiu, quotiesque cum Mansulmanicis versantur, dictorum, priuilegiorum
prascripto obtemperantes in omnibus, ac per omnia, ad obsequia tanta
amicitia digna se componentes, ac in delinquentes in foedus nostrum
iustitiam exequatur. Potestatem, et authoritatem ei damus in omnes, et
singulos subditos nostros in quibuscunque et locis, et partibus Musulmanici
Imperij dominationi subiectis negotiantes, constituendi emporiorum suorum
sedes in quibus voluerit portubus, et ciuitatibus, in alijs vetandi, in
constitutis autem emporiorum sedibus, consules curandi, leges
praceptionesque ferendi, condendique, quarum ex prascripto dicti nostri
subditi, et eorum quilibet sese publice, et priuatim gerant, eorum
violatores corrigendi, castigandique omnia denique et singula faciendi,
perimplendique, qua ad dictorum subditorum nostrorum honestam
gubernationem, et commercij exercendi in illis partibus rationem pertinent:
promittentes bona fide, et in verbo Regio, nos ratum, gratum, et firmum
habituas, quacunque dictus Orator, et Agens noster, a legibus nostris non
abhorrentia in pramissis aut pramissorum aliquo fecerit. In cuius rei
testimonium, has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes, et sigilli nostri
impressione iussimus muniri. Datum e castro nostro Windesoria, 20. die
Mensis Nouembris, Anno Iesu Christi 1582. regni vero nostri, vicesimo
quarto.


The same in English.

Elizabeth, by the clemencie of the most good and most great God, the only
creator and gouernour of all things, Queene of England, France, and
Ireland, inuincible, and most mightie defender of the true faith, against
all Idolaters falsly professing the name of Christ, to all and singuler
persons, to whose sight and view these our present letters may come,
greeting. Whereas the most renowmed, and most inuincible Prince Zuldan
Marad Can, the most mighty gouernour of the kingdom of Turkie, and Monarch
of the East Empire, hath entered into league and friendship with vs, (which
we for our part, as much as lieth in vs, doe purpose solemnly, and
inuiolablie to keepe in all times to come) and whereas for the better
countenancing and authorizing of the same, the foresayd renowmed Emperour
hath graunted vnto our subiects free libertie of traffique, in all the
partes of his sacred Empire, with as ample and large a grant of priuileges,
as is giuen to other good Princes our neighbours and confederates, the
grant of which priuileges, we taking very thankfully, and acceptably, are
certainely, and throughly determined to keepe and mainetaine, with the like
goodnesse and curtesie of minde, desiring nothing more, then with an
honourable respect to nourish, and deserue the beneuolent affections of
good Princes toward vs: Know ye, that wee thinking well, and hauing good
confidence in the singular trustinesse, obedience, wisedome, and
disposition of our welbeloued seruant William Hareborne, one of the
Esquiers of our body, towards vs, and our seruice, doe by these presents,
make, ordaine and constitute him our true and vndoubted Orator, Messenger,
Deputie, and Agent. Giuing and granting vnto him power and authoritie, in
our name, and for vs, to confirme the foresaid league of friendship, to
take into his hands, and to ratifie the grant of the priuileges, and to
command, and enioyne by the authoritie of our Maiestie, all and singular
our Subiects trading and dealing in any of the coastes and kingdomes of
that Empire, that as long as they remaine in traffique with his subiects,
they be obedient to the prescription and order of the foresayd priuileges,
applying themselues in all things, and through all things, to such duties
and seruices as appertaine to so great a league and friendship, and the
offenders agaynst this our league to receiue iustice, and punishment
accordingly. We further giue unto him power and authoritie ouer all and
singuler our Subiects, dealing, and vsing traffique in any place or part
whatsoeuer, subiect to the gouernment of that Empire, to appoint the places
of their traffiques, in what Hauen or Citie it shall please him, and to
prohibite them from all other places, and wheresoeuer their traffiques are
appointed to bee kept, there to make and create Consuls or Gouernors, to
enact lawes and statutes, by the vertue and tenor whereof all our foresayd
subiects, and euery one of them, shall both publikely and priuately vse and
behaue themselues, to correct and punish the breakers of those lawes: and
last of all, to doe and fulfill all and singular things whatsoeuer, which
shall seeme requisite and conuenient for the honest and orderly gouernment
of our said subiects, and of the maner of their trafique in those parts.
Promising assuredly, and in the word of a Prince, that whatsoeuer shall be
done of our sayd Orator and Agent, in all, or in any of the premisses, not
repugnant and contrary to our lawes, shall be accepted, ratified, and
confirmed by vs. In witness whereof we haue caused these our letters to be
made patents, and our seale thereunto to be appensed. Giuen at our Castle
of Windsore, the 20. day of Nouember, in the yeere of Christ 1582. and of
our raigne the 24.

* * * * *

The Queenes Letter to the great Turke 1582. written in commendation of
Master Hareborne, when he was sent Ambassadour.

Elizabeth &c. Augustissimo inuictissimoque principi, etc Cum ad postulatum
nostrum Casarea vestra Maiestas, anno saluatoris nostri Iesu 1580. pacis
foedus nobiscum pepigerit, coniunctum cum liberalissima priuilegiorum
quorundam concessione, quorum beneficio subditi nostri cum omni securitate
tutissime liberrimeque ad vniuersas et singulas Musulmanici imperij vestri
partes terra marique proficisci, in ijsque commercij exercendi gratia,
negotiari, habitare, manere, exindeque ire et redire cum volent queant, ab
ijs qui sub Casarea vestra Maiestate in magistratu sunt vbique locorum
protegendi defendendique sine vlla vel corporum, vel bonorum lasione: nos
tanta concessionis beneficium gratum acceptumque habentes, quantum in nobis
est, approbamus confirmamusque: pollicentes in verbo regio, quod nos eandem
pacem sine vlla violatione sartam tectamque conseruabimus: faciemusque vt
subditi nostri priuilegiorum sibi indultorum concessione ita vtantur, vt
Casaream vestram Maiestatem magnificentissima sua liberalitatis nunquam
poenitere queat. Quoniam autem concessionis huius virtus in vsu potius quam
verbis, Maiestatis vtriusque nostrum sententia, ponenda videtur, voluimus
hunc mandatarium virum Guilielmum Hareborne, ex satellitibus quibus ad
corporis nostri tutelam vtimur vnum, virum compluribus virtutibus ornatum,
ad Casaream vestram, Maiestatem ablegare, qui tum nomine nostro vobis
gratias ageret; tum vt eius opera vteremur ad eam subditorum nostrorum
mercimoniorum rationem stabiliendam, tam in Imperiali vestra ciuitate
Constantinopoli, quam alijs imperij vestri Musulmanici locis, qua ex
prascripto priuilegiorum, Casarea vestra Maiestatis benignitate,
conceditur, et ex vsu subditorum vtriusque nostrum erit. Ad quam rem
quoniam opus illi erit Casarea vestra Maiestatis authoritate, summa
contentione ab eadem rogarmus, velit id agere apud omnes qui sub se in
magistratu sunt, vt quibuscunque poterunt melioribus modis huic nostro
mandatario in Casarea vestra Maiestatis placito exequendo, adiutores sint
et esse velint. Ei enim hanc curam demandauimus, in qua quam fidem suam sit
honeste liberaturus erga Maiestatem vtriusque nostrum neutiquam dubitamus:
cui etiam, vt in omnibus sint obtemperantes nostri subditi, quantum Casarea
vestra Maiestatis concessio patitur, volumus. [Sidenote: Mustafa
interpres.] Praterea, cum praclarus vir Mustaia sacra Casarea vestra
Maiestatis Musulmanorum interpres egregiam nauarit operam vt hoc inter nos
foedus fieret, rogamus summopere vt in nostram gratiam eum in
Mustafaracarum ordinem Casarea vestra Maiestas recipere dignetur. Si in his
alijsque omnibus honestis causis hic noster agens subitique nostri
Imperatoria vestra sublimitatis aquanimitatem senserint, florebit inter has
gentes nobile commercium, et nos omnibus officijs huic vestra Maiestatis
fauori et beneuolentia (si vlla ratione rebus vestris commodare poterimus)
respondere libentissime semper parata erimus. Deus optimus maximus mundi
opifex, etc.


The same in English.

Elizabeth by the grace of the most mightie God and only creator of heauen
and earth, of England, France, and Ireland Queene, the most inuincible and
most mightie defender of the Christian faith against all kind of idolatries
of all that liue among the Christians and falsly professe the name of
Christ, vnto the most Imperiall and most inuincible prince, Sultan Murad
Can, the most mighty ruler of the kingdom of Turkie, sole aboue all, and
most soueraigne Monarch of the East Empire, greeting.

Whereas at our request your Imperiall Maiestie in the yeere of our Sauiour
Iesus 1580. hath entered into a league of peace with vs, whereunto was
vnited a most large and bountifull grant of certaine priuileges, by
benefite whereof our subiects may with all securitie most safely and freely
trauell by Sea and land into all and singular parts of your Musulmanlike
Empire, and in the same exercising the trade of marchandise, may traffique,
dwell, remaine, depart from thence, and returne thither at their pleasure,
and in places be maintained and defended from all damage of bodies and
goods, by such as are in authoritie vnder your Imperiall Maiestie: we
thankfully and gratefully receiuing the benefite of so great a priuilege,
as much as in vs lieth doe approue and confirme the same, promising in the
worde of a Prince, that we will keepe the saide league perfect and
inuiolable, and will cause our subiects so to vse the grant of the
priuileges giuen vnto them, as your Imperiall Maiestie shall neuer haue
occasion to repent you of your most princely liberalitie. [Sidenote: M.
Wil. Hareborne sent ambassador to the Turke.] And because the force of this
grant, in the iudgement of both our maiesties, seemeth rather to consist in
the vse thereof then in the wordes, we thought good to send vnto your
Imperiall maiestie this our ambassadour William Hareborne, one of the
Esquiers of our body, which both on our behalfe should yeeld thanks vnto
your maiestie, and also that we might vse his good indeauour for the
establishing of such order in our subiects trade of merchandise, as well in
your Imperiall citie of Constantinople, as in other places of your
Musulmanlike Empire, as according to the prescript of the priuileges is
granted by your princely maiesties goodnesse, and shall be for the benefite
of both our subiects. For performance whereof because hee standeth in neede
of your Imperiall Maiesties authoritie, wee earnestly beseech the same,
that you would cause all those which bee in authoritie vnder your
Highnesse, by all their best meanes to aide and assist this our Ambassadour
in executing this your Imperiall Maiesties pleasure, for vnto him wee haue
committed this charge: wherein how honestly hee will discharge his credite
toward both our Maiesties, I no whit stand in doubt: to whom also our
pleasure is, that all our subiects shall bee obedient, as farre as the
grant of your Imperiall maiestie doeth permit. [Sidenote: A request for the
preferring of Mustafa Beg.] Moreouer, whereas that woorthie personage
Mustafa, your Imperiall maiesties Interpretor, hath taken speciall paines
for the procuring of this league betweene vs, wee earnestly beseech you
that for our sakes your Imperiall Maiestie would vouchsafe to aduance him
vnto the degree of the Mustafaraks or chiefe pensioners. If in these and in
all other honest causes, our aforesayde Agent and our subiectes shall finde
your Imperiall Highnesses fauour, a noble traffique will flourish betweene
these nations, and wee (if by any way wee may stand your State in steade)
will alwayes most willingly be readie to requite this your Maiesties fauour
and good will with all kinde of good offices. Almightie God the maker of
the world preserue and keepe your Imperiall Maiestie, &c.

* * * * *

A Letter of the Queenes Maiestie to Alli Bassa the Turkes high Admirall,
sent by her ambassadour M. William Hareborne, and deliuered vnto him
aboord his gallie in the Arsenal.

Elizabetha, &c. Illustrissimo viro Alli Bassa, magni Musulmanici Casaris
Admiralio, salutem et successus fortunatos. Non ignotum esse Excellentia
vestra arbitramur, priuilegia quadam a potentissimo Casare Musulmanico
domino vestro clementissimo subditis nostris Anglicis concessa esse, vt
illis liceat in omnibus imperij Musulmarnici prouincijs tuto et secure
manere ac negotiari: non aliter quam hoc ipsum Francis, Polonis, Venetis
Germanis antea indultum est. Qua ex causa nos Gulielmum Hareborne nobis
dilectum, e corporis custodibus vnum, ac multis nominibus ornatum ad
inclytam Constantinoplis ciuitatem pro agente misimus: qui, ex
priuilegiorum pradictorum prascripto nostras et subditorum nostrorum res in
illis locis constitueret. Facere igitur non potimus, quin Excellentia
vestra. Guilielmum hunc, pro ea qua apud magnum Casarem polles authoritate,
commendaremus: petentes summopere vt tuto in mari sine Classiariorum
vestrorum violentia, et secure in portibus absque ministrorum rapinis et
iniuria, tam ipse quam omnes Angli subditi nostri possint versori: vti pro
tenore literarum patentium a magno Casare concessarum illis licere ex
illarum conspectione perspicuum esse potest. Gratissimum ergo nobis
excellentia vestra facerit, si portuum omnium, aliorumque locorum, qui
vestra iurisdictioni parent, custodibus, item classium et nauium prafectis
omnibus mandare velit, vt Guilielmus iste, aliique Angli subditi nostri cum
in illorum erunt potestate, amice et humaniter tractarentur. Quemadmodum
nos vicissim omnes magni Casaris subditos omni humanitatis genere
tructabimus, si in Oceani maria, aliaue loca venerint, qua nostro parent
imperio. Postremo excellentiam vestram pro eo quem in nostros extendet
fauore ijs omnibus officijs prosequemur, qua a gratissima principe in
optime de semerentes debent proficisci. Bene et foeliciter valeas. Datum e
castro nostro Windesorij die vicessimo mensis Nouembris, Anno Iesu Christi
saluatoris nostri 1582. Regni vero nostri vicessimo quarto.

* * * * *

A briefe Remembrance of things to be indeuoured at Constantinople, and in
other places in Turkie; touching our Clothing and our Dying, and things
that bee incident to the same, and touching ample vent of our naturall
commodities, and of the labour of our poore people withall, and of the
generall enriching of this Realme: drawen by M. Richard Hakluyt of the
middle Temple, and giuen to a friend that was sent into Turkie 1582.

1 Anile wherewith we colour Blew to be brought into this realme by seed or
roote.

2 And the Arte of compounding of the same.

3 And also all other herbes vsed in dying in like maner to bee brought in.

4 And all Trees whose Leaues, Seedes, or Barkes, or Wood doe serue to that
vse, to be brought into this realme by Seed or Roote.

5 All little Plants and Buskes seruing to that vse to be brought in.

6 To learne to know all earths and minerals forren vsed in dying, and their
naturall places, for possible the like may here be found vpon sight.

7 Also with the materials vsed in dying to bring in the excellencie of the
arte of dying.

8 To procure from Muhaisira a citie in Agypt to Constantinople, the seed of
Sesamum the herbe, and the same into this realme. Common trade is betweene
Alexandria and Constantinople, and therefore you may easily procure the
seeds. Of this seed much oyle is made, and many mils set on worke about the
same in the sayde Muhaisira, and if this seede may prosper in England,
infinite benefite to our Clothing trade may rise by the same. This citie is
situate vpon Nilus the riuer, and thence this is brought to Venice and to
diuers other Cities of Italie, and to Antwerpe.

9 To note all kindes of clothing in Turkie, and all degrees of their labour
in the same.

10 To endeanour rather the vent of Kersies, then of other Clothes as a
thing more beneficiall to our people.

11 To endeauour the sale of such our clothes as bee coloured with our owne
naturall colours as much as you can, rather then such as be coloured with
forren colours.

12 To seeke out a vent for our Bonettos, a cap made for Barbarie, for that
the poore people may reape great profite by the trade.

13 To endeuour vent of knit Stocks made of Norwich yarne, and of other
yarne, which brought to great trade, may turne our poore people to great
benefite, besides the vent of the substance, of our colours, and of our
diuers labour.

14 To endeuor a vent of our Saffron for the benefit of our poore people:
for a large vent found, it setteth many on worke.

* * * * *

Remembrances for master S. to giue him the better occasion to informe
himselfe of some things in England, and after of some other things in
Turkie, to the great profite of the Common weale of this Countrey.
Written by the foresayd master Richard Hakluyt, for a principall English
Factor at Constantinople 1582.

Since all men confesse (that be not barbarously bred) that men are borne as
well to seeke the common commoditie of their Countrey, as their owne
priuate benefite, it may seeme follie to perswade that point, for each man
meaneth so to doe. But wherein men should seeke the common commoditie, and
what way, and by what meane that is to bee brought about, is the point or
summe of the matter, since euery good man is ready to imploy his labour.
This is to bee done by an infinite sort of meanes, as the number of things
bee infinite that may be done for common benefite of the Realme. And as the
chiefe things so to bee done be diuers, so are they to be done by diuers
men, as they bee by wit and maner of education more fit, or lesse fit, for
this and for that. And for that of many things that tend to the common
benefite of the State, some tend more, and some lesse, I finde that no one
thing, after one other, is greater then Clothing, and the things incident
to the same. And vnderstanding that you are of right good capacitie, and
become a Factor at Constantinople, and in other partes in Turkie, I finde
no man fitter of all the English Factors there, then you. And therefore I
am so bold to put you in minde, and to tell you wherein with some indeuour
you may chaunce to doe your Countrey much good, and giue an infinite sorte
of the poore people occasion to pray for you here throughout the Realme
this that I meane is in matter of Cloth, &c.

1 First, you cannot denie but that this Realme yeeldeth the most fine
Wooll, the most soft, the most strong Wooll, the most durable in Cloth,
and most apte of nature of all other to receiue Die, and that no Island
or any one kingdome so small doeth yeeld so great abundance of the same
and that no Wooll is lesse subiect to mothes, or to fretting in presse,
then this as the old Parliament robes of Kings, and of many noble Peeres
to be shewed may plainly testifie.

2 There is no commoditie of this Realme that may set so many poore subiects
on worke, as this doeth, that doeth bring in so much treasure, and so
much enrich the merchant, and so much employ the Nauie of this Realme, as
this commoditie of our Wooll doeth.

Ample and full Vent of this noble and rich commoditie is it that the common
weale of this realme doeth require.

Spaine nowe aboundeth with Wools, and the same are Clothed. Turkie hath
Wools, and so haue diuers prouinces of Christendome and of Heathenesse, and
cloth is made of the same in diuers places.

1 But if England haue the most fine, and the most excellent Wools of the
world in all respects (as it cannot bee denied, but it hath). 2 If there
may bee added to the same, excellent artificiall, and true making, and
excellent dying. 3 Then no doubt but that we shall haue vent for our
Clothes, although the rest of the world did abound much more with Wool then
it doeth, and although their workemanship and their dying were in euery
degree equal with ours of England, vnlesse the labour of our people
imployed that way, and the materials vsed in dying should be the cause of
the contrary by dearth.

But if Forren nations turne their Wools, inferiour to ours, into truer and
more excellent made cloth, and shall die the same in truer, surer, and more
excellent and more delectable colours, then shall they sell and make ample
vent of their Clothes, when the English cloth of better wooll shall rest
vnsold, to the spoyle of the Merchant, of the Clothier, and of the breeder
of the wooll, and to the turning to bag and wallet of the infinite number
of the poore people imploied in clothing in seuerall degrees of labour here
in England.

Which things wayed, I am to tell you what things I wish you in this Realme,
and after in Turkie, to indeuour from time to time, as your laisure may
permit the same.


Before you goe out of the Realme, that you learne:

1 To know wooll, all kind of clothes made in this realme, and all other
employments of wooll, home or forren, be the same in Felt clokes, felt
hats, in the red knit cap for Barbarie, called Bonettos rugios colorados,
or whatsoeuer, &c.

All the deceits in Clothmaking; as the sorting together of Wools of
seuerall natures, some of nature to shrink, some to hold out, which causeth
cloth to cockle and lie vneuen.

The euill sorting of threed of good or bad wooll, some tootoo [Footnote:
Tootoo. The duplication is often used for the sake of emphasis. "A lesson
tootoo hard for living clay." _Spenser, Faerie Queen,_ iii., iv., 26.] hard
spun, some tootoo soft spun deliuered to be wouen.

The faults in Weauing.

The faults in Walking, [Footnote: A "Walker" is a fuller of cloth. "She
curst the weaver and the walker." _Boy and Mantle, Percy Rel_., iii.,
5.] Rowing, and Burling and in Racking [Footnote: Stretching. "Two lutes
rack's up / To the same pitch." _The Slighted Maid_, p. 53.] the
Clothes aboue measure vpon the Teintors: all which faults may be learned of
honest men, which faults are to be knowen to the merchant, to be shunned
and not to be vsed.

2 Then to learne of the Diers to discerne all kind of colours; as which be
good and sure, and which will not hold: which be faire, which not; which
colours by the dearth of the substances bee deare, and which by reason of
the cheapenesse of the Materials with which they be died, be cheape
colours.

3 Then to take the names of all the materials and substaunces vsed in this
Citie or in the realme, in dying of cloth or silke.

To learne to know them, as which be good, which bad.

And what colours they die.

And what prices they be of.

And of them which bee the Naturals of this Realme, and in what part of the
Realme they are to be had.

And of all the forren materials vsed in dying to know the very naturall
places of them, and the plentie or the scarcenesse of each of them.

These things superficially learned in the realme before you goe, you are
the fitter in forren parts to serue your Countrey, for by this meanes you
haue an enterie into the thing that I wish you to trauell in.


What you shall doe in Turkie, besides the businesse of your Factorship.

1 Forasmuch as it is reported that the Woollen clothes died in Turkie bee
most excellently died, you shall send home into this realme certaine
Mowsters or pieces of Shew to be brought to the diers hall, there to be
shewed, partly to remooue out of their heads, the tootoo great opinion they
haue concerned of their owne cunning, and partly to mooue them for shame to
endeuour to learne more knowledge to the honour of their countrey of
England, and to the vniuersall benefit of the realme.

2 You shall deuise to amend the Dying of England, by carying hence an apte
yoong man brought vp in the Arte, or by bringing one or other from thence
of skill, or rather to deuise to bring one for Silkes, and another for
Wooll and for Woollen cloth, and if you cannot worke this by ordinarie
meanes, then to worke it by some great Bassas meane, or if your owne
credite there be not sufficient by meane of your small abode in those
parties, to worke it by the helpe of the French ambassador there resident,
for which purpose you may insinuate your selfe into his acquaintance, and
otherwise to leaue no meane vnsought that tendeth to this end, wherein you
are to doe as circumstances may permit.

3 Then to learne to know all the materials and substances that the Turkes
vse in dying, be they of Herbes, simple or compound, be they plants,
Barkes, Wood, Berries, Seedes, Graines, or Minerall matter, or what els
soeuer. But before all other, such things as yeeld those famous colours
that carrie such speciall report of excellencie, that our Merchaunts may
bring them to this realme by ordinarie trade, as a light meane for the
better vent of our clothes.

4 To know the vse of those, and where the naturall place of them and of ech
of them is, I meane the place where ech of them groweth or is bred.

5 And in any wise, if Anile that coloureth blew be a naturall commodity of
those parts, and if it be compounded of an herbe, to send the same into
this realme by seed or by root in barrell of earth, with all the whole
order of sowing, setting, planting, replanting, and with the compounding of
the same, that it may become a naturall commodity in this realme as Woad
is, to this end that the high price of forreine Woad (which deuoureth
yeerely great treasure) may be brought downe. So shall the marchant buy his
cloth lesse deare, and so he shalbe able to occupy with lesse stocke, be
able to afoord cloth cheaper, make more ample vent, and also become a
greater gainer himselfe, and all this to the benefit of this realme.

6 To do the like with herbe and plant, or tree that in dying is of any
excellent vse, as to send the same by seed, berry, root, &c: for by such
meanes Saffron was brought first into this realme, which hath sent many
poore on worke, and brought great wealth into this realme. Thus may Sumack,
the plant wherewith the most excellent blacks be died in Spaine, be brought
out of Spaine, and out of the Ilands of the same, if it will grow in this
more colde climat. For thus was Woad brought into this realme, and came to
good perfection, to the great losse of the French our olde enemies. And it
doth maruellously import this realme to make naturall in this realme such
things as be special in the dying of our clothes. And to speake of such
things as colour blew, they are of greatest vse, and are grounds of the
most excellent colours, and therefore of all other to be brought into this
realme, be it Anile or any other materiall of that quality.

7 And because yellowes and greenes are colours of small prices in this
realme, by reason that Olde and Greenweed wherewith they be died be
naturall here, and in great plenty, therefore to bring our clothes so died
to common sale in Turkie were to the great benefit of the merchant, and
other poore subiects of this realme, for in sale of such our owne naturall
colours we consume not our treasure in forren colours, and yet we sell our
owne trifles dearely perhaps.

8 The woolles being naturall, and excellent colours for dying becomming by
this meanes here also naturall, in all the arte of Clothing then we want
but one onely speciall thing. For in this so temperate a climat our people
may labor the yere thorowout, whereas in some regions of the world they
cannot worke for extreme heat, as in some other regions they cannot worke
for extreme colde a good part of the yere. And the people of this realme by
the great and blessed abundance of victuall are cheaply fed, and therefore
may afoord their labour cheape. And where the Clothiers in Flanders by the
Flatnesse of their riuers cannot make Walkmilles [Footnote: Fulling, or the
art of scouring, cleansing, and thickening cloth, &c., in a mill, makes the
material more compact and durable. Walkmill is the old name for a
fullingmill.] for their clothes, but are forced to thicken and dresse all
their clothes by the foot and by the labour of men, whereby their clothes
are raised to an higher price, we of England haue in all Shires store of
milles vpon falling riuers. And these riuers being in temperate zones are
not dried vp in Summer with drought and heat as the riuers be in Spaine and
in hotter regions, nor frozen vp in Winter as all the riuers be in all the
North regions of the world: so as our milles may go and worke at all times,
and dresse clothes cheaply. Then we haue also for scowring our clothes
earths and claies, as Walkers clay, [Footnote: Fuller's earth, which
attains a thickness of 150 feet near Bath.] and the clay of Oborne little
inferior to Sope in scowring and in thicking. Then also haue we some
reasonable store of Alum and Copporas here made for dying, and are like to
haue increase of the same. Then we haue many good waters apt for dying, and
people to spin and to doe the rest of all the labours we want not.
[Sidenote: Supply of the want of oile.] So as there wanteth, if colours
might be brought in and made naturall, but onely Oile: the want whereof if
any man could deuise to supply at the full with any thing that might become
naturall in this realme, he whatsoeuer he were that could bring it about,
might deserue immortall fame in this our Common wealth, and such a deuise
was offered to the Parliament and refused, because they denied to endow him
with a certaine liberty, some others hauing obtained the same before, that
practised to worke that effect by Radish seed, which onely made a triall of
small quantity, and that went no further, to make that Oile in plenty: and
now he that offered this deuise was a marchant, and is dead, and withall
the deuise is dead with him.

It is written by one that wrote of Afrike, [Sidenote: Leo Africanus lib.
8.] that in Egypt in a city called Muhaisira there be many milles imployed
in making of Oile of the seed of an herbe called Sesamum. Pena and Lobell,
Physicians, write in our time, that this herbe is a codded herbe full of
oily seed, and that there is plenty of this seede brought out of Egypt to
diuers Cities in Italy. If this herbe will prosper in this realme, our
marchants may easily bring of it, &c.

9 Hauing heerein thus troubled you by raising to your minde the
consideration of certaine things, it shall not be impertinent to tell you
that it shall not be amisse that you note all the order of the degrees of
labour vsed in Turky, in the arte of Clothing, and to see if any way they
excell in that profession our people of these parts, and to bring notice of
the same into this realme.

10 And if you shall finde that they make any cloth of any kind not made in
this realme, that is there of great vse, then to bring of the same into
this realme some Mowsters, that our people may fall into the trade, and
prepare the same for Turkie: for the more kinds of cloth we can deuise to
make, the more ample vent of our commoditie we shall haue, and the more
sale of the labour of our poore subiects that els for lacke of labour
become idle and burdenous to the common weale, and hurtfull to many: and in
England we are in our clothing trade to frame our selues according to the
desires of forren nations, be it that they desire thicke or thinne, broad
or narrowe, long or short, white or blacke.

11 But with this prouiso alwayes, that our cloth passe out with as much
labour of our people as may be, wherein great consideration ought to be
had: for (if vent might so admit it) as it were the greatest madnesse in
the world for vs to vent our wooll not clothed, so were it madnesse to vent
our wooll in part or in the whole turned into broad cloth, if we might vent
the same in Kersies: for there is great difference in profit to our people
betweene the clothing of a sacke of wooll in the one, and the like sacke of
wooll in the other, of which I wish the marchant of England to haue as
great care as he may for the vniuersall benefit of the poore: and the
turning of a sacke of wooll into Bonets is better then both &c. And also
not to cary out of the realme any cloth white, but died if it may be, that
the subiects of this realme may take as much benefit as is possible, and
rather to seeke the vent of the clothes died with the naturall colours of
England, then such as be died with forren colours.

12 And if of necessity we must be forced to receiue certaine colours from
forren parts, for that this climat will not breed them, I wish that our
marchants procure Anile and such other things to be planted in like climats
where now it growes, in diuers others places, that this realme may haue
that brought in for as base prices as is possible, and that falling out
with one place we may receiue the same from another, and not buy the same
at the second or the third hand &c. For if a commodity that is to be had of
meere necessity, be in one hand, it is dearely purchased.

1. How many seuerall colours be died is to be learned of our Diers before
you depart.

2 Then how many of those colours England doth die of her owne naturall home
materials and substances, and how many not.

3 Then to bring into this realme herbs and plants to become naturall in our
soiles, that may die the rest of the colours, that presently of our owne
things here growing we can not yet die, and this from all forren places.

4 There is a wood called Logwood or Palo Campechio, it is cheape and
yeeldeth a glorious blew, but our workmen can not make it sure. This wood
you must take with you, and see whether the Silke diers or Wooll diers in
Turky can doe it, with this one you may inrich your selfe very much, and
therefore it is to be endeuoured earnestly by you. It may bring downe the
price of Woad and of Anile.


Other some things to be remembred.

If you can finde oat at Tripoly in Syria or elsewhere a vent for the Cappes
called in Barbarie, Bonettos colorados rugios, which is a red Scottish cap
as it were without brims, you should do your countrey much good: for as a
sacke of wooll turned into fine Deuonshire kersies doth set many more
people on worke then a sacke spunne for broad cloth in a grosser threed, so
a sacke of wool turned into those Bonets doth set many more poore people on
worke, then a sacke turned into Kersies, by reason of the knitting. And
therefore if you can indeuour that, you worke great effect. And no doubt
that a maruellous vent may be found out of them into Afrike by the way of
Alexandria, and by Alcayer [Footnote: Cairo.] Southeast and Southwest
thence.

2 And by the vent of our knit hose of Woollen yarne, Woorsted yarne, and of
Linnen thred, great benefit to our people may arise, and a great value in
fine Kersies and in those knit wares may be couched in a small roome in the
ship. And for these things our people are growen apt, and by indeuour may
be drawen to great trade.

3 Saffron the best of the vniuersall world groweth in this realme, and
forasmuch as it is a thing that requireth much labour in diuers sorts, and
setteth the people on worke so plentifully, I wish you to see whether you
can finde out ample vent for the same, since it is gone out of great vse in
those parts. It is a spice that is cordiall, and may be vsed in meats, and
that is excellent in dying of yellow silks. This commodity of Saffron
groweth fifty miles from Tripoli in Syria, on an high hill called in those
parts Garian, so as there you may learne at that port of Tripoli the value
of the pound, the goodnesse of it, and the places of the vent. But it is
sayd that from that hill there passeth yeerly of that commodity fifteene
moiles [Footnote: A Mule. "Well, make much of him; I see he was never born
to ride upon a moyle."--_Every man out of his humour_, ii., 3.] laden,
and that those regions notwithstanding lacke sufficiencie of that
commodity. But if a vent might be found, men would in Essex about
Saffronwalden [Footnote: Saffron Walden--_Saffron Weal-den_. The woody
Saffron Hill.] and in Cambridge shire reuiue the trade for the benefit of
the setting of the poore on worke. So would they doe in Hereford shire by
Wales, where the best of all England is, in which place the soile yeelds
the wilde Saffron commonly, which sheweth the naturall inclination of the
same soile to the bearing of the right Saffron, if the soile be manured and
that way employed.

[Sidenote: Leo Africanus lib. 4.] 4. There is a walled towne not farre from
Barbarie, called Hubbed, toward the South from the famous towne Telensin,
[Footnote: Tlemcen, on a tributary of the Tafna, in Algeria.] about six
miles: the inhabitants of which towne in effect be all Diers. And it is
sayd that thereabout they haue plenty of Anile, and that they occupy that,
and also that they vse there in their dyings, of the Saffron aforesayd.
[Sidenote: This may be learned at Alger.] The trueth whereof, in the
Southerly ports of the Mediteran sea, is easily learned in your passage to
Tripoli, or in returne from thence homeward you may vnderstand it. It is
reported at Saffronwalden that a Pilgrim purposing to do good to his
countrey, stole an head of Saffron, and hid the same in his Palmers staffe,
which he had made hollow before of purpose, and so he brought this root
into this realme, with venture of his life: for if he had bene taken, by
the law of the countrey from whence it came, he had died for the fact. If
the like loue in this our age were in our people that now become great
trauellers, many knowledges, and many trades, and many herbes and plants
might be brought into this realme that might doe the realme good. And the
Romans hauing that care, brought from all coasts of the world into Italie
all arts and sciences, and all kinds of beasts and fowile, and all herbs,
trees, busks and plants that might yeeld profit or pleasure to their
countrey of Italie. And if this care had not bene heretofore in our
ancestors, then, had our life bene sauage now, for then we had not had
Wheat nor Rie, Peaze nor Beanes, Barley nor Oats, Peare nor Apple, Vine nor
many other profitable and pleasant plants, Bull nor Cow, Sheepe nor Swine,
Horse nor Mare, Cocke nor Hen, nor a number of other things that we inioy,
without which our life were to be sayd barbarous: for these things and a
thousand that we vse more the first inhabitors of this Iland found not
here. And in time of memory things haue bene brought in that were not here
before, as the Damaske rose by Doctour Linaker king Henry the seuenth and
king Henry the eights Physician, the Turky cocks and hennes about fifty
yeres past, the Artichowe in time of king Henry the eight, and of later
time was procured out of Italy the Muske rose plant, the plumme called the
Perdigwena, and two kindes more by the Lord Cromwell after his trauell, and
the Abricot by a French Priest one Wolfe Gardiner to king Henry the eight:
and now within these foure yeeres there haue bene brought into England from
Vienna in Austria diuers kinds of flowers called Tulipas, and those and
other procured thither a little before from Constantinople by an excellent
man called M. Carolus Clusius. And it is sayd that since we traded to Zante
that the plant that beareth the Coren is also brought into this realme from
thence; and although it bring not fruit to perfection, yet it may serue for
pleasure and for some vse, like as our vines doe, which we cannot well
spare, although the climat so colde will not permit vs to haue good wines
of them. And many other things haue bene brought in, that haue degenerated
by reason of the colde climat, some other things brought in haue by
negligence bene lost. The Archbishop of Canterburie Edmund Grindall, after
he returned out of Germany, brought into this realme the plant of Tamariske
from thence, and this plant he hath so increased that there be here
thousands of them; and many people haue receiued great health by this
plant: and if of things brought in such care were had, then could not the
first labour be lost. The seed of Tobacco hath bene brought hither out of
the West Indies, [Footnote: As these instructions were written in 1582, how
can Tobacco have been introduced by Raleigh in 1586, as generally asserted?
It is not more probable that it dates from Sir John Hawkin's voyage 1565?]
it groweth heere, and with the herbe many haue bene eased of the reumes,
&c. Each one of a great number of things were woorthy of a iourney to be
made into Spaine, Italy, Barbarie, Egypt, Zante, Constantinople, the West
Indies, and to diuers other places neerer and further off then any of
these, yet forasmuch as the poore are not able, and for that the rich
setled at home in quiet will not, therefore we are to make sute to such as
repaire to forren kingdomes, for other businesses, to haue some care
heerein, and to set before their eyes the examples of these good men, and
to endeuour to do for their parts the like, as their speciall businesses
may permit the same. Thus giuing you occasion by way of a little
remembrance, to haue a desire to doe your countrey good you shall, if you
haue any inclination to such good, do more good to the poore ready to
starue for reliefe, then euer any subiect did in this realme by building of
Almes-houses, and by giuing of lands and goods to the reliefe of the poore.
Thus may you helpe to driue idlenesse the mother of most mischiefs out of
the realme, and winne you perpetuall fame, and the prayer of the poore,
which is more woorth then all the golde of Peru, and of all the West
Indies.

* * * * *

The voyage of the Susan of London to Constantinople, wherein the
worshipfull M. William Harborne was sent first Ambassadour vnto Sultan
Murad Can, the great Turke, with whom he continued as her Maiesties
Ligier almost sixe yeeres.

The 14 of Nouember 1582, we departed from Blackewall, bound for the Citie
of Constantinople, in the tall shippe called the Susan of London: the
Master whereof was Richard Parsons, a very excellent and skilfull man in
his facultie. But by occasion of contrary weather we spent two moneths
before we could recouer the Kowes [Footnote: Cowes.] in the Isle of Wight.
[Sidenote: Ianuary the foureteenth.] Where the 14 of Ianuary following we
tooke in the worshipfull M. William Hareborne her Maiesties Ambassadour to
the Turke, and his company, and sailed thence to Yarmouth in the foresayd
Isle of Wight. The 19 we put from Wight. The 26 we did see Capo de Sant
Vincente. The same day we were thwart of Capo Santo Maria. The 27 we passed
by Tariffa, and Gibraltar. The 28 in the morning we passed by Velez Malaga:
and that night were thwart of Capo de Gates. The 29 at night we had sight
of Capo de Palos. The 30 in the morning we did see the high land of Denia,
[Footnote: Near Cape Antonio.] in the kingdome of Valentia, and that night
we had sight of the Iland Formentera. The 31 in the morning appeared the
Iland of Cabrera. [Footnote: A small island south of Majorca.] [Sidenote:
February the first.] The first of February we put into a Port in Mallorca,
[Footnote: Maiorca.] called Porto de Sant Pedro: where they would haue
euill intreated vs for comming into the Harbour: we thought we might haue
bene as bolde there as in other places of Christendome, but it proued farre
otherwise. [Sidenote: The shippes men goe on land at Porto de Sant Pedro.]
The first man we met on land was a simple Shepheard, of whom we demanded
whether wee might haue a sheepe or such like to refresh our selues, who
tolde vs yea. And by such conference had with him, at the last be came
aboord once or twise, and had the best cheare that we could make him: and
our Ambassadour himselfe talked with him, and still be made vs faire
promises, but nothing at all meant to performe the same, as the end shewed.
In the meane time came in a shippe of Marseils, the Master whereof did know
our Ambassadour very well, with whom our Ambassadour had conference, and
with his Marchants also. They came from Alger in Barbarie, which is vnder
the gouernement of the Great Turke. They did present our Ambassadour with
an Ape, wherefore he made very much of them, and had them often aboord.
[Sidenote: The Ambassadour betrayed.] By them I suppose, he, was bewrayed
of his purpose as touching his message, but yet still we had faire words of
the Shepheard aforesayd, and others. So that vpon their words, our Purser
and another man went to a Towne which was three or foure miles from the
port, and there were well entertained, and had of the people very faire
speeches, and such small things as could be gotten vpon the sudden, and so
returned to the shippe that day. Then wee were emboldened, and thought all
had bene well, according to their talke. [Sidenote: February the sixth.]
The next day, being the sixth day of Februarie, two of our Gentlemen, with
one of our Marchants, and the Purser, and one of the Ambassadours men went
to the Towne aforesayd, thinking to doe as the Purser and the other had
done before, but it prooued contrary: for at their comming thither they had
faire wordes a while, and had bread and wine, and such necessaries for
their money, vntill such time as they were beset with men, and the
Maiorcans neuer shewed in their countenance any such matter, but as the
manner of all the people in the dominions of Spaine is, for the most part
to be trecherous to vs, if they thinke they haue any aduantage. [Sidenote:
The English men are surprised.] For vpon the sudden they layed handes on
them, and put them in holde, as sure as might be in such a simple Towne.
Then were they well guarded with men both day and night, and still deluded
with faire words, and they sayd to our men it was for no hurt, but that the
Viceroy of the Iland would come aboard to see the shippe. But they
presently sent the Purser to the Towne of Maiorca, where he was examined by
the Viceroy very straightly, what their shippe and captaine were, and what
voyage they intended, but he confessed nothing at all. In the meane time
they in the Towne were likewise straightly examined by a Priest and other
officers vpon their othes: who for their othes sake declared the whole
estate of their voyage. The Ambassadours man was a French man, and
therefore was suffered to goe to the shippe on a message, but he could tell
the Ambassadour none other newes, but that the Viceroy would come aboord
the shippe, and that our men should come with him, but they had another
meaning. For the Marseilian Marchants were stayed in like maner in the
Towne, onely to make a better shew vnto vs. But in the meane time, being
there three or foure dayes, there came men vnto vs euery day, more or
lesse, but one day especially there came two men on horsebacke, whom we
tooke to be officers, being lusty men, and very well horsed. These men
desired to speake with our Captaine (for all things that passed there were
done in the name of our Captaine Iohn Gray) for it was sayd by vs there,
that he was Captaine of one of her Maiesties shippes: wherefore all things
passed in his name: and the Ambassadour not seene in any thing but rather
concealed, and yet did all, because of his tongue and good inditing in that
language. For he himselfe went on land clothed in Veluet, and talked with
these men, and with him ten or twelue lusty fellowes well weaponed, ech one
hauing a Boarespeare or a Caliuer, the Captaine Iohn Gray being one of
them, and our boat lying by very warely kept and ready. For then wee began
to suspect, because the place was more frequented with men than it was
woont. [Sidenote: The Spaniards come to the sea side to speak with the
captaine.] The men on horsebacke were in doubt to come neere, because hee
came so well weaponed. But they bade him welcome, and gaue him great
salutations, in words as their maner is: and demanded why he came so
strong, for they sayd he needed not to feare any man in the Iland. Answere
was made, that it was the maner of English Captaines to goe with their
guard in strange places. Then they tolde our Ambassador (thinking him to be
the Captaine) that they were sent from the Viceroy to know what they did
lacke, for they promised him beefe or mutton, or any thing that was in the
Iland to be had, but their purpose was to haue gotten more of our men if
they could, and they sayde that wee should haue our men againe the next
day: with such prety delusions they fed vs still. Then our Ambassadour did
write a letter to the Viceroy in her Maiesties name, and in our Captaine
Iohn Grayes name, and not in his owne, and sent it by them, desiring him to
send his men, and not to trouble him in his voyage, for he had giuen him no
such cause, nor any of his. So these men departed with great courtesie in
words on both parts. And in all this time we did see men on horsebacke and
on foot in the woods and trees more then they were accustomed to be, but we
could perceiue nothing thereby. [Sidenote: The Spaniards come again to
parle.] The next day, or the second, came either foure or sixe of the best
of them as wee thought (the Viceroy excepted) and very many men besides in
the fieldes, both on foot and on horse, but came not neere the water side.
And those in like order desired to speake with the Captaine and that when
he came on land the trumpets might sound: but then the Ambassadour, whom
they thought to be Captaine, would not goe, nor suffer the trumpets to be
sounded, for that he thought it was a trappe to take himselfe, and more of
his company. But did send one of the principall of the Marchants to talke
with them. And the Captaine Iohn Gray went also with him, not being knowen
of the Spaniards, for he went as a souldiour. Thus they receiued of those
men the like wordes as they had of the other before mentioned, who sayd we
should haue our men againe, for they meant vs no hurt. [Sidenote: The
Ambassadour writeth to the Viceroy.] Then our Ambassadour did write another
letter, and sent it by them to the Viceroy, in like order as he did before,
but he receiued no answere of any of them. In all this time they had
priuily gathered together the principall men of the iland, and had laboured
day and night to bring downe ordinance, not making any shew of their
trecherie towards vs. But the same night following, we saw very many lights
passe in the woods among the trees. [Sidenote: The ninth of February.] And
in the morning when the watch was broken vp, being Saturday the ninth of
Februarie, at faire day light, one of our men looked foorth, and saw
standing on land the cariage of a piece: then was one commanded to goe into
the toppe, and there he did descrie two or three pieces and also many men
on the shore, with diuers weapons that they brought. Then they suddenly
tooke foure or fiue brasse pieces, and placed them on either side of the
harborough where we should go out, and hid them with stones and bushes that
we should not see them. Now I think the harborough not to be aboue the
eight part of a mile ouer. Thus perceiuing their meaning which was most
plaine: wee agreed to take vp our anker and goe out, and leaue our men
there, hauing none other way to take. Then our Ambassadour intreated the
Master of the Marseilian, his friend, to goe on land with his boat, and to
know the trueth: who satisfied his request. And at his returne he tolde vs
that it was very true, that they would lay holde of vs if they could. Then
we weighed our ankers: but hauing little winde, we towed the ship forward
with the boat. The Viceroy himselfe was at the water side with more then
fiue hundred men on both sides of the harbour as we thought. [Sidenote: The
ship Susan prepareth to defend herselfe.] And when we came out with our
shippe as far as their ordinance, our Ambassadour and the Captaine being in
their armour, the Master commanding of the company, and trimming of the
sailes, the Pilot standing on the poope, attending to his charge, with
other very well furnished, and euery man in order about their businesse
very ready, they on land on the contrary part hauing a very faire piece
mounted on the North side openly in all our sights, as the shippe passed
by, they trauersed that piece right with the maine mast or after-quarter of
the shippe, and a Gunner standing by, with a lint-stocke in his hand, about
foureteene or fifteene foot long, being (as we thought) ready to giue fire.
Our whole noise of trumpets were sounding on the poope with drumme and
flute, and a Minion of brasse on the summer decke, with two or three other
pieces, alwayes by our Gunners trauersed mouth to mouth with theirs on
land, still looking when they on land should shoot, for to answere them
againe. The Pilot standing on the poope, seeing this readinesse, and the
shippe going very softly, because of the calmenesse of the winde, he called
to them on the South side, where the Viceroy was, and sayd vnto him: Haue
you warres with vs? If you haue, it is more then we know; but by your
prouision it seemeth so: if you haue, shoot in Gods name, and spare not,
but they held all fast and shot not. Then the Viceroy himselfe held vp a
paper, and sayd he, had a letter for our Captaine, and desired vs to stay
for it. Then we answered and sayd we would not; but willed him to send it
by the Marseilians boat, and our men also, All this while, our trumpets,
drum and flute sounded, and so we passed out in the face of them all. When
they perceiued that they could lay no holde on vs, they presently sent to
the Towne for our men, whom within lesse then three houres after they sent
aboord with the sayd letter, wherein he desired our Captaine and his
company not to take it in ill part, for he meant them no harme, but would
haue seene our shippe. His letter did import these and such like faire
speeches: for it altogether contained courteous salutations, saying that he
might boldly come into any port within his Iland, and that he and his would
shew him what friendship they might: and that the iniury that was offered
was done at the requst of the Shepheards; and poore people of the countrey,
for the more safegard of their flockes, and because it was not a thing
vsuall to haue any such shippe to come into that port, with many other
deceitfull words in the sayd letter. [Sidenote: The effect of the
Ambassadours answere.] Then our Ambassadour wrote vnto him another letter
to answer that, and gaue him thanks for his men that he had sent him, and
also for his good will, and sent him a present. This done, we shot off
halfe a dozen pieces, hoised our sailes, and departed on our voyage. Then
the Purser and the rest of our men that had beene in holde, tolde vs that
they did see the Captaine, and other gentlemen of the Iland, hauing their
buskins and stockings torne from their legges, with labouring in the bushes
day and night to make that sudden prouision. The 12 of February we saw an
Iland of Africa side called Galata, [Footnote: Galita, off Cape Serrat, in
Tunis.] where they vse to drag out of the Sea much Corall, and we saw
likewise Sardinia, which is an Iland subiect to Spaine. The 13 in the
morning we were hard by Sardinia. The 15 we did see an Iland neere Sicilia,
and an Iland on Africa side called Cysimbre. [Footnote: Zembra, off Cape
Bon.] The same day likewise we saw an Iland called Pantalaria, and that
night we were thwart the middle of Sicilia. The 16 at night we were as
farre as Capo Passaro, which is the Southeast part of Sicilia., The 24 we
were put into a port called Porte de Conte, in an Iland called Cephalonia:
it is an out Iland in the dominions of Grecia, and now at this present
gouerned by the Signory of Venice, as the rest of Grecia is vnder the
Turke, for the most part. The 27 we came from thence, and that day arriued
at Zante which is also in Grecia: for at this present wee entred the parts
of Grecia. The second of March we came from Zante; and the same day were
thwart of an Iland called Prodeno [Footnote: Probably Strivali.] and the 4
we were thwart of an Iland called Sapientia [Footnote: Off Cape Gallo.]
againe. There standeth a faire Towne and a Castle on the maine ouer against
it, called Modon. The same day by reason of contrary windes we put backe
againe to Prodeno, because we could not fetch Sapientia. The ninth we came
from thence, and were as farre as Sapientia againe. The tenth we were as
farre shot as Capo Matapan; and that day we entered the Archipelago, and
passed thorow betweene Cerigo and Capo Malio. [Footnote: Cape Malea.] This
Cerigo is an Iland where one Menelaus did sometimes reigne, from whome was
stollen by Paris faire Helena, and carried to Troy, as ancient Recordes doe
declare. The same day we had sight of a little Iland called Bellapola, and
did likewise see both the Milos, [Footnote: Milo and Anti-Milo, the latter
a rocky islet, six miles north-west of Milo.] being Ilands in the
Archipelago. The 11 in the morning we were hard by an Iland called
Falconara, [Footnote: Falconers.] and the Iland of the Antemila. [Footnote:
Ante-Milo.] The 12 in the morning we were betweene Fermenia [Footnote:
Thermia, so called from the warm springs at the foot of Santa Irene.] and
Zea, being both Ilands. That night wee were betweene Negroponte and Andri,
being likewise Ilands. The 13 in the morning we were hard by Parsa
[Footnote: Probably Psara.] and Sarafo, being Ilands nine or tenne miles
from Chio, and could not fetch Chio. [Sidenote: Sigra, a port in Metelin.]
So we put roome with a port in Metelin [Footnote: Mitylene, the ancient
Lesbos.] called Sigra, and about nine of the clocke at night we ankered
there. The 15 we came from thence, the sixteenth we put into Porto Delfi.
This port is 9 English miles to the Northward of the City of Chio, (and it
may be twelue of their miles) this night we stayed in the sayd port, being
in the Iland of Chio. Then went our Marchant and one or two with him to the
City of Chio. [Sidenote: Ermin, or Customer.] And when the By, who is the
gouernour of the Iland (and is in their language a Duke) had communed with
the Marchant, and those that were with him, and vnderstood of our arriuall
within his dominion, the day following he armed his gallies, and came to
welcome our Ambassadour, accompanied with the Ermine, that is, the Kings
Customer, and also the French Consull, with diuers of the chiefe of the
City, and offered him as much friendship as he could or would desire: for
he did offer to attend vpon vs, and towe vs if need were to the Castles.
The 21 we departed from thence, and thar day passed by port Sigra againe.
This Iland of Metelin is part of Asia, and is neere to Natolia. The 22 we
passed by a head land called Baberno, [Footnote: Cape Baba.] and is also in
Asia. And that day at night we passed by the Isle of Tenedo, part of Asia,
and by another Iland called Maure. And the same day we passed thorow the
straights of Galipoli, and by the Castles, and also by the Towne of
Galipoli it selfe, which standeth in Europa. And that night we were in
sight of Marmora which is neere Natolia, and part of Asia. The 23 in the
morning, we were thwart of Araclia, [Footnote: Erekli.] and that night we
ankered in Silauria. [Footnote: Silivri.] The 24 in the morning the
Marchant and the Pilot were set on land to goe to the City about the
Ambassadours businesse, but there they could not land because we had the
winde faire. That place of some is called Ponte grande, and is foure and
twenty miles on this side of Constantinople, and because of the winde, they
followed in the skiffe vntill they came to a place called Ponte picola, and
there is a little bridge; it standeth eight Turkish miles from
Constantinople, there the Marchant and the Pilot landed. At this bridge is
an house of the great Turkes with a faire Garden belonging vnto it, neere
the which is a point called Ponte S. Stephano, and there the shippe ankered
that day. The 26 day the ship came to the seuen Towers, and the 27 we came
neerer. The 29 there came three gallies to bring vs vp further: and when
the shippe came against the great Turks palace, we shot off all our
ordinance to the number of foure and thirty pieces. [Sidenote: The arriuall
of the Susan at Constantinople.] Then landed our Ambassadour, and then we
discharged foure and twentie pieces, who was receiued with more then fifty
or threescore men on horsebacke. [Sidenote: The Ambassadour giueth a
present to the great Bassa.] The ninth of April he presented the great
bassa with sixe clothes, foure canes of siluer double gilt, and one piece
of fine holland, and to three other Bassas, that is to say, the second
Bassa which is a gelded man, and his name is Mahomet Bassa, to the third
who maried the great Turks sister, and to the fourth whom they call Abraham
Bassa, to euery one of these he gaue foure clothes. [Sidenote: A man halfe
naked goeth before the greaat Bassa.] Now, before the great Bassa, and
Abraham Bassa, at their returne from the Court (and as we thinke at other
times, but at that time for a certaine) there came a man in maner of a
foole, who gaue a great shout three or foure times, crying very hollowly,
the place rebounded with the sound, and this man, say they, is a prophet of
Mahomet, his armes and legges naked, on his feet he did weare woodden
pattens of two sorts, in his hand, a flagge, or streamer set on a short
speare painted, he carried a mat and bottels, and other trumpery at his
backe, and sometimes vnder his arme, on his head he had a cappe of white
Camels haire, flat like an helmet, written about with letters, and about
his head a linnen rowle. Other seruingmen there were with the sayd Bassas,
with red attire on their heads, much like French hoods, but the long flappe
somewhat smaller towardes the end, with scuffes or plates of mettall, like
vnto the chape of an ancient arming sword, standing on their foreheads like
other Ianisaries. [The Ambassadours entertainment with the Bassas.] These
Bassas entertained vs as followeth: First, they brought vs into a hall,
there to stand on one side, and our Ambassadour and gentlemen on the other
side, who sate them downe on a bench couered with carpets, the Ambassadour
in the midst; on his left hand sate our gentlemen, and on his right hand
the Turkes, next to the doore where their master goeth in and out: the
common sort of Turkes stayed in the Court yard, not suffered to come neere
vs. When our Ambassadour had sitten halfe an houre, the Bassas (who sate by
themselues in an inner small roome) sent for him; to whom the Ambassadour
and his gentlemen went: they all kissed his hand, and presently returned
(the Ambassadour only excepted, who stayed there, and a Turks chaus
[Footnote: Interpreter.] with him) with the Ambassadour and his gentlemen
went in also so many of our men as there were presents to cary in, but
these neither kissed his hand nor taried. After this I went to visit the
church of Santa Sophia, which was the chiefe church when it was the
Christians, and now is the chiefe see and church of primacie of this Turke
present: before I entred I was willed to put off my shoes, to the end I
should not prophane their church, I being a Christian. [Sidenote: A
description of their church.] The pillers on both sides of the church are
very costly and rich, their Pulpets seemely and handsome, two are common to
preach in, the third reserued onely for their Paschall. The ground is
couered with Mats, and the walles hanged with Tapistry. They haue also
Lamps in their churches, one in the middle of the church of exceeding
greatnesse, and another in another part of the church of cleane golde, or
double gilded, full as bigge as a barrel. Round about the church there is a
gallery builded vpon rich and stately pillers. That day I was in both the
chappels, in one of the which lieth the Turkes father, and fiue of his
sonnes in tombes right costly, with their turbents very white and cleane,
shifted (as they say) euery Friday, they be not on their heads, but stand
on mouldes made for that purpose. At the endes, ouer, and about their
tombes are belts, like girdles, beset with iewels. In the other chappell
are foure other of his sonnes, and one daughter, in like order. In the
first chappell is a thing foure foot high, couered with greene, beset with
mother of pearle very richly. This is a relique of Mahomet, and standeth on
the left side of the head of the great Turks tombe. These chappels haue
their floores couered, and their walles hanged with Tapistrie of great
price, I could value the couering and hangings of one of the chappels, at
no lesse then fiue hundred poundes, besides their lamps hanging richly
gilded. These chappels haue their roofes curiously wrought with rich stone,
and gilded. And there lie the bookes of their Lawes for euery man to reade.
[Sidenote: The ship cometh to the custome house.] The 11 day of April the
shippe came to the Key of the Custome house. [Sidenote: The Ambassadour
presenteth the Admirall Vchali.] The 16 the Ambassadour and we his men went
to the Captaine Bassa, who is Admirall of the seas, his name is Vchali, he
would not receiue vs into his house, but into his gallie, to deliuer our
present, which was as followeth: Foure pieces of cloth, and two siluer pots
gilt and grauen. The poope or sterne of his gally was gilded both within
and without, and vnder his feet, and where he sate was all couered with
very rich Tapistry. Our Ambassadour and his gentlemen kissed his hand, and
then the gentlemen were commanded out, and our Ambassadour sate downe by
him on his left hand, and the chaus stood before him. Our men might walke
in the gally fore and after, some of vs taried, and some went out againe.
The gally had seuen pieces of brasse in her prowe, small and great, she had
thirty bankes or oares on either side, and at euery banke or oare seuen men
to rowe. [Sidenote: The Susan goeth from the Custome house. The Admirall
departeth to the sea.] The 18 day the shippe went from the Key. And 21 the
Admirall tooke his leaue of the great Turke, being bound to the Sea with
sixe and thirty gallies, very fairely beautified with gilding and painting,
and beset with flags and streamers, all the which gallies discharged their
ordinance: and we for his farewell gaue him one and twentie pieces. Then he
went to his house with his gallies, and the 22 he went to the Sea, and the
Castle that standeth in the water gaue him foureteene or sixteene pieces:
and when he came against the Turks Seraglio he shot off all his caliuers
and his great pieces, and so hee went his way. [Sidenote: The Ambassadour
repaireth to the great Turks court.] The 24 our Ambassadour went to the
Court, whose entertainement with the order therof followeth. When wee came
first on land there was way made for vs by two or three Bassaes and diuers
chauses on horsebacke with their men on foot, to accompany our Ambassadour
to the Court. Also they brought horses for him and his gentlemen for to
ride, which were very richly furnished: and by the way there met with vs
other chauses to accompany vs to the Court. When we came there wee passed
thorow two gates, at the second gate there stood very many men with horses
attending on their masters. When we came within that gate we were within a
very faire Court yard, in compasse twise so bigge as Pauls Church-yard. On
the right hand of the sayd Court was a faire gallerie like an Alley, and
within it were placed railes and such other prouision. On the left side was
the like, halfe the Court ouer: it was diuided into two parts, the
innermost fairer then the other. The other part of that side is the place
where the Councell doe vsually sit, and at the inner end of that is a faire
place to sit in, much like vnto that place in Pauls Church-yard, where the
Maior and his brethren vse to sit, thither was our Ambassador brought, and
set in that place. Within that sayde place is another like open roome,
where hee did eate. [Sidenote: The entertainment at dinner of the
Ambassadours men.] Assoone as wee came in, wee were placed in the innermost
alley of the second roome, on the left side of the Court, which was spread
with carpets on the ground fourescore or fourescore and tenne foot long,
with an hundred and fiftie seuerall dishes set thereon, that is to say,
Mutton boiled and rosted, Rice diuersly dressed, Fritters of the finest
fashion, and dishes daintily dight with pritty pappe, with infinite others,
I know not how to expresse them. We had also rosted Hennes with sundry
sorts of fowles to me vnknowen. The gentlemen and we sate downe on the
ground, for it is their maner so to feede. There were also Greekes and
others set to furnish out the roome. Our drinke was made with Rose water
and Sugar and spices brewed together. Those that did serue vs with it had a
great bagge tied ouer their showlders, with a broad belt like an arming
belt full of plates of copper and gilt, with part of the sayd bagge vnder
his arme, and the mouth in his hand: then he had a deuise to let it out
when he would into cuppes, when we called for drinke. The Ambassadour when
hee had eaten, passed by vs, with the chauses aforesayd, and sate him downe
in an inner roome. This place where he sate was against the gate where we
came in, and hard by the Councell chamber end, somewhat on the left side of
the Court, this was at the East end of the Court, for we came in at the
West. All this time our presents stood by vs vntill we had dined, and diner
once ended, this was their order of taking vp the dishes. Certaine were
called in, like those of the Blacke gard in the Court of England, the Turks
call them Moglans. These came in like rude and rauening Mastifs, without
order or fashion, and made cleane riddance: for he whose hungry eye one
dish could not fill turned two, one into the other, and thus euen on the
sudden was made a cleane riddance of all. Then came certaine chauses and
brought our gentlemen to sit with the Ambassadour. Immediately came
officers and appointed Ianisers to beare from vs our presents, who caried
them on the right side of the Court, and set them hard by the doore of the
Priuy chamber, as we call it: there all things stoode for the space of an
houre. Thus the Ambassadour and his gentlemen sate still, and to the
Southward of them was a doore whereas the great Turke himselfe went in and
out at, and on the South side of that doore sate on a bench all his chiefe
lordes and gentlemen, and on the North side of the West gate stood his
gard, in number as I gesse them a thousand men. These men haue on their
heads round cappes of mettall like sculles, but sharpe in the toppe, in
this they haue a bunch of Ostridge feathers, as bigge as a brush, with the
corner or edge forward: at the lower end of these feathers was there a
smaller feather, like those that are commonly worn here. Some of his gard
had smal staues, and most of them were weaponed with bowes and arrowes.
Here they waited, during our abode at the Court, to gard their Lord. After
the Ambassadour with his gentlemen had sitten an houre and more, there came
three or foure chauses, and brought them into the great Turkes presence. At
the Priuy chamber doore two noble men tooke the Ambassadour by ech arme
one, and put their fingers within his sleeues, and so brought him to the
great Turke where he sumptuously sate alone. He kissed his hand and stood
by vntill all the gentlemen were brought before him in like maner, one by
one, and ledde backewards againe his face towards the Turke; for they might
neither tarry nor turne their backs, and in like maner returned the
Ambassadour. The salutation that the Noble men did, was taking them by the
hands. All this time they trode on cloth of golde, most of the Noble men
that sate on the South side of the Priuy chamber sate likewise on cloth of
golde. Many officers or Ianisaries there were with staues, who kept very
good order, for no Turke whatsoeuer might goe any further than they willed
him. [Sidenote: The Turke is presented with a rich present.] At our
Ambassadours entring they followed that bare his presents, to say, twelue
fine broad clothes, two pieces of fine holland, tenne pieces of plate
double gilt, one case of candlesticks, the case whereof was very large, and
three foot high and more, two very great Cannes or pots, and one lesser,
one basin and ewer, two poppiniayes of siluer, the one with two beads: they
were to drinke in: two bottles with chaines, three faire mastifs in coats
of redde cloth, three spaniels, two bloodhounds, one common hunting hound,
two greyhounds, two little dogges in coats of silke: one clocke valued at
fiue hundred pounds sterling: ouer it was a forrest with trees of siluer,
among the which were deere chased with dogs, and men on horsebacke
following, men drawing of water, others carrying mine oare on barrowes: on
the toppe of the clocke stood a castle, and on the castle a mill. All these
were of siluer. And the clocke was round beset with iewels. All the time
that we stayed at the Councell chamber doore they were telling or weighing
of money to send into Persia for his Souldiours pay. There were carried out
an hundred and three and thirty bags, and in euery bagge, as it was tolde
vs, one thousand ducats, which amounteth to three hundred and thirty
thousand, [Footnote: Blank in original.] and in sterling English money to
fourescore and nineteene thousand pounds. The Captaine of the guard in the
meane time went to the great Turke, and returned againe, then they of the
Court made obeisance to him, bowing downe their heads, and their hands on
their breasts, and he in like order resaluted them: he was in cloth of
siluer, he went and came with two or three with him and no more. Then wee
went out at the first gate, and there we were commanded to stay vntill the
Captaine of the guard was passed by and all his guard with him, part before
him and part behinde him, some on horsebacke and some on foot, but the most
part on foot carrying on their shoulders the money before mentioned, and so
we passed home. There was in the Court during our abode there, for the most
part a foole resembling the first, but not naked as was the other at the
Bassas: but he turned him continually, and cried Hough very hollowly. The
third of May I saw the Turke go to the church: he had more then two hundred
and fifty horses before and behinde him, but most before him. There were
many empty horses that came in no order. Many of his Nobilitie were in
cloth of golde, but himselfe in white sattin. There did ride behinde him
sixe or seuen youthes, one or two whereof carried water for him to drinke
as they sayd. There were many of his guard running before him and behinde
him, and when he alighted, they cried Hough very hollowly, as the aforesayd
fooles.

* * * * *

A letter of Mustapha Chaus to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie.

Serenissima, prudentissima, et sacra Regia Maiestas, domina mihi semper
clementissima, meorum fidelium officiorum promptam paratissimamque
commendationem. Generosus et virtuosus Gulielmus Hareborne legatus vestra
sacra Maiestatis venit ad portam excelsissimam potentissimi et
inuictissimi, et semper Augustissimi Casaris Sultan Murad Can, cui Deus
omnipotens benedicat. Et quanto honore, quanta dignitate, quantaque
humanitate aliorum confoederatorum legati accipiuntur, prafatus quoque
legatus vester tanta reuerentia, tantaque amplitudine acceptus et
collocatus est in porta excelsissima. Et posthac subditi et homines vestra
sacra Maiestatis ad ditiones omnes Casareas venire, et sua negocia
tractare, et ad suam patriam redire sine impedimento, vt in literis
excelsissimi, potentissimi, et inuictissimi et semper Augustissimi Casaris
ad vestram sacram Regiam Maiestatem datis facile patet, tranquille et
pacifice possunt. Ego autem imprimis diligentem operam et fidele studium et
nunc eodem confirmando nauaui, et in futurum quoque vsque in vltimum vita
spiritum in negotijs potentissimi et inuictissimi Casaris et vestra sacra
Regia Maiestatis egregiam nauabo operam. Quod Deus omnipotens ad
emolumentum et vtilitatem vtriusque Reipublica secundet. Amen. Sacram
Regiam Maiestatem foelicissime valere exopto. Datum Constantinopoli anno
1583, die octauo Maij.

* * * * *

A letter of M. Harborne to Mustapha, challenging him for his dishonest
dealing in translating of three of the Grand Signior his commandements.

Domine Mustapha, nescimus quid sihi velit, cum nobis mandata ad finem
vtilem concessa perperam reddas, qua male scripta, plus damni, quam
vtilitatis adferant: quemadmodum constat ex tribus receptis mandatis, in
quibus summum aut principale deest aut aufertur. In posterum noli ita
nobiscum agere. Ita enim ludibrio erimus omnibus in nostrum et tuum
dedecus. Cum nos multarum actionum spem Turcice scriptarum in tua prudentia
reponimus, ita prouidere debes, vt non eueniant huius modi mala. Quocirca
deinceps cum mandatum aut scriptum aliquod accipias, verbura ad verbum
conuertatur in Latinum sermonem, ne damnum insequatur. Nosti multos habere
nos inimicos conatibus nostris inuidentes, quoram malitia vestra est
prudentia aduersari. Hi nostri, Secretarius et minimus interpres ex nostra
parte dicent in tribus illis receptis mandateis errata. Vt deinceps similes
errores non eueniant precamur. Ista emendes, et catera Serenissima regia
Maiestatis negocia, vti decet vestra conditionis hominem, melius cures. Nam
vnicuique suo officio strenue est laborandum vt debito tramite omnia
succedant: quod spero te facturtum. Bene vale.

* * * * *

A petition exhibited to the viceroy for reformation of sundry iniuries
offered our nation in Morea, as also for sundry demaundes needefull for
the establishing of the traffike in those parts.

1 First that our people may be freed of such wonted molestation, as the
Ianisers of Patrasso haue alwayes from time to time offered them, not
regarding the kings commandements to the contrary. That they be remoued and
called away from thence, and none other remaine in their place.

2 That where heretofore the kings commandements haue beene graunted to
ours, that no person whatsoeuer shall forceably take from them any of their
commodities, otherwise then paying them before the deliuerie thereof, for
the same in readie money, at such price as they themselues will, and sell
ordinarily to others, as also that no officer whatsoeuer, of the kings or
any other, shall force them to buy any commodities of that countrey,
otherwise then the needfull, at their owne will and pleasure, that the said
commandements not heretofore obeyed may be renued with such straight charge
for the execution of the same, as is requisite for their due effect.

3 That whereas sundry exactions and oppressions be offered ours by such
Byes, Saniacbies, iustices and Cadies, Ianizaries, Capagies, and others,
officers of the kings comming downe into those parts, who finding there
resident no other nation but only ours, will vnder the name of presents
forceable take from them what they please: We do require to obuent these
harmes, it may be specified by a commandement from the king to which of
such his officers, presents may be giuen, and their sundry values, whereby
both they and ours may rest contented, seuerely prohibiting in the said
Commandement, that they take no more then that appointed them, and that no
other officers but those onely specified in that commaundement, doe
forcibly require of them any thing whatsoeuer.

4. That the Nadir and Customer of the port, hauing permitted our ship to
lade, doe not after demand of the marchants any other then the outward
custome due to the king for the same goods. And being so laden, may by them
and the Cadie with other their inferiour officers be visited, requiring for
the visiting no more then formerly they were accustomed to pay at their
first comming. After which the said ship to depart at the Consul's
pleasure, without any molestation of them, or any other officer whatsoeuer.

5. That Mahomet Chaus, sometime Nadir of Lepanto, and Azon Agon his
substitute being with him may be seuerely punished to the example of
others, for often and vniustly molesting our nation, contrarie to the kings
commandement, which they disdainefully contemned, as also that the said
Mahomet restore and pay vnto ours thirtie [Footnote: Blank in original.]
for 300 sackes of currants nowe taken forcibly out of a barke, comming
thither from the hither partes of Morea, to pay the king his custome, and
that from hence forth; neither the said Mahomet, Azon Agon, nor any other
officer or person whatsoeuer doe hinder or trouble any of ours going
thither or to any other place about their affaires.

6. That whereas certaine Iews of Lepanto owing money to our marchants for
commodities solde them, haue not hitherto satisfied them, notwithstanding
ours had from the king a commandement for the recouery of the same debts,
but fled and absented themselues out of the Towne at the comming of the
same, another more forcible commaundement may be graunted ours, that for
nonpaiement, whatsoeuer may be found of theirs in goods, houses, vineyards,
or any other thing, may be sold, and ours satisfied of their said debt,
according to equitie and reason.

* * * * *

A commandement to Patrasso in Morea.



 


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