The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries
by
Richard Hakluyt
Part 1 out of 6
Produced by Karl Hagen and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team
** Transcriber's Notes **
The printed edition from which this e-text has been produced retains the
spelling and abbreviations of Hakluyt's 16th-century original. In this
version, the spelling has been retained, but the following manuscript
abbreviations have been silently expanded:
- vowels with macrons = vowel + 'n' or 'm'
- q; = -que (in the Latin)
- y[e] = the; y[t] = that; w[t] = with
This edition contains footnotes and two types of sidenotes. Most footnotes
are added by the editor. They follow modern (19th-century) spelling
conventions. Those that don't are Hakluyt's (and are not always
systematically marked as such by the editor). The sidenotes are Hakluyt's
own. Summarizing sidenotes are labelled [Sidenote: ] and placed before the
sentence to which they apply. Sidenotes that are keyed with a symbol are
labeled [Marginal note: ] and placed at the point of the symbol, except in
poetry, where they are placed at a convenient point. Additional notes on
corrections, etc. are signed 'KTH'
** End Transcriber's Notes **
THE PRINCIPAL
NAVIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES,
AND
DISCOVERIES
OF
THE ENGLISH NATION.
Collected by
RICHARD HAKLUYT, PREACHER
AND
Edited by
EDMUND GOLDSMID, F.R.H.S.
VOL. VIII.
ASIA. PART I.
Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoueries
OF THE ENGLISH NATION IN ASIA.
The life and trauailes of Pelagius borne in Wales.
Pelagius Cambrius ex ea Britanniæ parte oriundus, famati illius Collegij
Bannochorensis a Cestria non procul, præpositus, erat, in quo Christianorum
philosophorum duo millia ac centum, ad plebis in Christo commoditatem
militabant, manuum suarum laboribus, iuxta Pauli doctrinam victitantes.
Post quam plures exhibitos, pro Christiana Repub. labores, vir eruditione
insignis, et tum Græcè, tum Latinè peritus, vt Tertullianus alter,
quorundam Clericorum lacessitus iniurijs, grauatim tulit, ac tandem a fide
defecit.
Peragratis igitur deinceps Gallijs, in Aegyptum, et Syriam aliásque
orientis Regiones demum peruenit. Vbi ex earum partium Monacho præsul
ordinatus, sui nominis hæresim fabricabat: asserens hominem sine peccato
nasci, ac solo voluntatis imperio sine gratia saluari posse, vt ita
nefarius baptismum ac fidem tolleret. Cum his et consimilibus impostricis
doctrinæ fæcibus in patriam suam reuersus, omnem illam Regionem, Iuliano et
Cælestino Pseudoepiscopis fautoribus, conspurcabat. Verum ante lapsum suum
studia tractabat honestissima, vt post Gennadium, Bedam, et Honorium alij
ferunt authores, composuítque multos libros ad Christianam vtilitatem. At
postquam est Hereticus publicatus, multo plures edidit hæresi succurrentes,
et ex diametro cum vera pietate pugnantes, vnde erat a suis Britannis in
exilium pulsus, vt in Epistola ad Martinum 5. Valdenus habet. Claruit anno
post Christum incarnatum, 390. sub Maximo Britannorum Rege.
The same in English.
Pelagius, borne in that part of Britaine which is called Wales, was head or
gouernour of the famous Colledge of Bangor, not farre from Chester, wherein
liued a Societie of 2100. Diuines, or Students of Christian philosophie,
applying themselues to the profite of the Christian people, and liuing by
the labours of their owne hands, according to Pauls doctrine. He was a man
excellently learned, and skilfull both in the Greeke and Latine tongues,
and as it were another Tertullian; after his long and great trauailes for
the good of the Christian common wealth, seeing himselfe abused, and
iniuriously dealt withall by some of the Clergie of that time, he tooke the
matter so grieuously, that at the last he relapsed from the faith.
Whereupon he left Wales, and went into France, and hauing gone through
France, [Footnote: He is said to have resided long at Rome, only leaving on
the capture of that city by the Gottis.] hee went therehence into Egypt,
Syria, and other Countries of the East, and being made Priest by a certaine
Monke of those partes, he there hatched his heresie, which according to his
name was called the heresie of the Pelagians: which was, that manne was
borne without sinne, and might be saued by the power of his owne will
without grace, that so the miserable man might take away faith and
baptisme. With this and the like dregges of false doctrine, he returned
againe into Wales, and there by the meanes of the two false Prelates Iulian
and Celestine, who fauoured his heresie, hee infected the whole Countrey
with it. But before his fall and Apostasie from the faith, he exercised
himselfe in the best studies, as Gennadius, Beda, Honorius, and other
authors doe report of him, and wrote many bookes seruing not a litle to
Christian vtilitie: but being once fallen into his heresie, hee wrote many
more erroneous bookes, then he did before honest, and sincere: whereupon,
at the last his owne Countreymen banished him, as Walden testifieth in his
Epistle to Pope Martine the fift. He flourished in the yere after the
Incarnation, 390. Maximus being then King of Britaine.
* * * * *
A testimonie of the sending of Sighelmus Bishop of Shirburne, by King
Alphred, vnto Saint Thomas of India in the yeare of our Lord 883,
recorded by William of Malmesburie, in his second booke and fourth
Chapter de gestis regum Anglorum.
Eleemosynis intentus priuilegia ecclesiarum, sicut pater statuerat,
roborauit; et trans mare Romam, et ad sanctum Thomam in Indiam multa munera
misit. Legatus in hoc missus Sighelmus Shirburnensis Episcopus cum magna
prosperitate, quod quiuis hoc seculo miretur, Indiam penetrauit; inde
rediens exoticos splendores gemmarum, et liquores aromatum, quorum illa
humus ferax est, reportauit.
The same in English.
King Alphred being addicted to giving of almes, confirmed the priuileges of
Churches as his father had determined; and sent also many giftes beyond the
seas vnto Rome, and vnto S. Thomas of India. His messenger in this
businesse was Sighelmus bishop of Schirburne; [Footnote: Sherborne, in
Dorsetshire, where an abbey was founded in 700.] who with great prosperitie
(which is a matter to be wondered at in this our age) trauailed thorough
India, and returning home brought with him many strange and precious vnions
and costly spyces, such as that countrey plentifully yeeldeth.
* * * * *
A second testimony of the foresaid Sighelmus his voyage vnto Saint Thomas
of India &c. out of William of Malmesburie his second booke de gestis
pontificum Anglorum, cap. de episcopis Schireburnensibus,
Salisburiensibus, Wiltunensibus.
Sighelmus trans mare, causa eleemosynarum regis, et etiam ad Sanctam Thomam
in Indiam missus mira prosperitate, quod quiuis in hoc seculo miretur,
Indiam penetrauit; indequè rediens exotici generis gemmas, quarum illa
humus ferax est, reportauit. Nonnullæ illarum adhuc in ecclesiæ monumentis
visuntur.
The same in English.
Sighelmus being for the performance of the kings almes sent beyond the
seas, and trauailing vnto S. Thomas of India, very prosperously (which a
man would woonder at in this age) passed through the sayde countrey of
India, and returning home brought with him diuers strange and precious
stones, such as that climate affourdeth. Many of which stones are as yet
extant in the monuments of the Church.
* * * * *
The trauailes of Andrew Whiteman aliás Leucander, Centur. 11. [Footnote:
This is misprinted "Centur. 2" in the original edition, but as Ramsey
Abbey (in Huntingdonshire) was only founded by Ailwin the Saxon, A.D.
969-74, the 11th Century is probably meant, as further on Whiteman is
said to have flourished in 1020. Ramsey is so called from _Ram's Ey_, an
island in the fens.]
Andræas Leucander aliás Whiteman (iuxta Lelandum) Monachus, & Abbas
Ramesiensis Coenobij tertius fuit. Hic bonis artibus studio quodam
incredibili noctes atque dies inuigilabat, et operæ præcium ingens inde
retulit. Accessit præterea et ardens quoddam desiderium, ea proprijs et
apertis oculis videndi loca in quibus Seruator Christus redemptionis nostræ
mysteria omnia consummauit, quorum prius sola nomina ex scripturarum
lectione nouerat: vnde et sacram Hierosolymorum vrbem miraculorum,
prædicationis, ac passionis eius testem inuisit, atque domum rediens factus
est Abbas. Claruisse fertur anno nati Seruatoris, 1020 sub Canuto Dano.
The same in English.
Andrew Leucander otherwise called Whiteman (as Leland reporteth) was by
profession a Monke, and the third Abbat of the Abbey of Ramsie: he was
exceedingly giuen to the studie of good artes, taking paines therein day
and night, and profited greatly thereby. And amonst all other things, he
had an incredible desire to see those places with his eyes, wherein Christ
our Sauiour performed and wrought all the mysteries of our redemption, the
names of which places he onely knew before by the reading of the
Scriptures. Whereupon he began his iourney, and went to Ierusalem a
witnesse of the miracles, preaching, and passion of Christ, and being
againe returned into his countrey, he was made the aforesayd Abbat. He
flourished in the yeere of Christ 1020. under Canutus the Dane.
* * * * *
The voyages of Swanus one of the sonnes of Earl Godwin vnto Ierusalem, Anno
Dom. 1052, recorded by William of Malmsburie lib. 2. de gestis regum
Anglorum, Capite 13.
Swanus peruersi ingenij et infidi in regem, multoties a patre et fratre
Haroldo desciuit: et pirata factus, prædis maritimis virtutes maiorum
polluit. Postremò pro conscientia Brunonis cognati interempti, et (vt
quidam dicunt) fratris Ierosolimam abijt: indeque rediens, a Saracenis
circumuentus, et ad mortem cæsus est.
The same in English.
Swanus being of a peruerse disposition, and faithlesse to the king, often
times disagreed with his father and his brother Harold: and afterwards
proouing a pirate, he stained the vertues of his ancestours with his
robberies vpon the seas. Last of all, being guilty vnto himselfe of the
murther of his kinseman Bruno, and (as some do report) of his owne brother,
he trauailed vnto Ierusalem: and in his returne home, being taken by the
Saracens, was beaten, and wounded vnto death.
* * * * *
A voyage of three Ambassadours, who in the time of K. Edward the Confessor,
and about the yere of our Lord 1056, were sent vnto Constantinople, and
from thence vnto Ephesus, together with the occasion of their sending,
&c. recorded by William of Malmesburie, lib. 2. de gestis regum Anglorum,
capite 13.
Die sancti paschatis ad mensam apud Westmonasterium assederat, diademate
fastigatus, et optimatum turma circumuallatus. Cumque alij longam
quadragesimæ inediam recentibus cibis compensantes, acriter comederent,
ille a terrenis reuocato animo, diuinum quiddam speculatus, mentes
conuiuantium permouit ampliorem perfusus in risum: nulloque causam lætitiæ
perquirere præsumente, tunc quidem ita tacitum donec edendi satietas
obsonijs finem imposuit. Sed remotis mensis, cum in triclinio regalibus
exueretur, tres optimates eum prosequuti, quorum vnus erat comes Haroldus,
secundus abbas, tertius episcopus, familiaritatis ausu interrogant quid
riserat: mirum omnibus nec immeritò videri, quarè in tanta serenitate diei
et negòtij, tacentibus cæteris, scurrilem cachinnum ejecerit. Stupenda
(inquit) vidi, nec ideo sine causa risi. Tum illi, vt moris est humani
ingenij, sciscitari et quærere causam ardentiùs, vt supplicibus dignantèr
rem impertiatur. Ille multùm cunctatus tandem instantibus mira respondit:
septem dormientes in monte Cælio requiescere iam ducentis annis in dextro
iacentes latere: sed tunc in hora ipsa risus sui, latus inuertisse
sinistrum: futurum vt septuaginta quatuor annis ita iaceant: dirum nimirum
miseris mortalibus omen. Nam omnia ventura in his septuaginta quatuor
annis, quæ dominus circa finem mundi prædixit discipulis suis: gentem
contra gentem surrecturam, et regnum aduersus regnum, terræmotus per loca,
pestilentiam et famem, terrores de coelo et signa magna, regnorum
mutationes, gentilium in Christianos bella, item Christicolarum in paganos
victorias. Talia mirantibus inculcans passionem septem dormientium, et
habitudines corporum singulorum, quas nulla docet litera, ita promptè
disseruit: ac si cum eis quotidiano victitaret contubernio. His auditis,
comes militem, episcopus clericum, abbas monachum, ad veritatem verborum
exsculpendam, Manicheti Constantinopolitano imperatori misere, adiectis
regis sui literis et muneribus. Eos ille benignè secum habitos episcopo
Ephesi destinauit, epistola pariter, quam sacram vocant, comitante: vt
ostenderentur legatis regis Angliæ septem dormientium marturiales exuuiæ.
Factúmque est vt vaticinium regis Edwardì Græcis omnibus comprobatum, qui
se a patribus accepisse iurarent, super dextrum illos latus quiescere: sed
post introitum Anglorum in speluncam, veritatem peregrinæ prophetiæ
contubernalibus suis prædicarunt. Nec moram festinatio malorum fecit, quin
Agareni, et Arabes, et Turci, alienæ scilicèt a Christo gentes, Syriam, et
Lyciam, et minorem Asiam omnino, et maioris multas vrbes, inter quas et
Ephesum, ipsam etiam Hierosolymam depopulati, super Christianos inuaderent.
The same in English.
Vpon Easter day king Edward the Confessor being crowned with his kingly
diademe, and accompanied with diuers of his nobles, sate at dinner in his
pallace at Westminster. And when others, after their long abstinence in the
Lent, refreshed themselves with dainty meats, and fed thereupon very
earnestly, he lifting vp his mind from earthly matters and meditating on
heauenly visions (to the great admiration of those which were present)
brake forth into an exceeding laughter: and no man presuming to enquire the
cause of his mirth, they all kept silence til dinner was ended. But after
dinner as he was in his bedchamber putting off his solemne roabes, three of
his Nobles to wit earle Harold, an Abbot, and a Bishop, being more familiar
with him then the residue followed him in and bouldly asked him what was
the occasion of his laughter: for it seemed very strange vnto them all,
what should moue him at so solemne a time and assembly, while others kept
silence, to laugh so excessively. I saw (quoth he) admirable things, and
therefore laughed I not without occasion. Then they (as it is the common
guise of all men) demaunded and enquired the cause more earnestly, humbly
beseeching faith that hee would vouchsafe to impart that secret vnto them.
Whereupon musing a long while vnto himself, at length he told them
wonderfull things: namely that seuen Sleepers had rested in mount Cælius
two hundred yeeres, lying upon their right sides but in the very houre of
his laughter, that they turned themselues on their left sides; and that
they should continue so lying for the space of 74. yeeres after; being a
dismal signe of future calamitie vnto mankinde. For all things should come
to passe within these 74. yeeres, which, as our Sauiour Christ foretold
vnto his disciples, were to be fulfilled about the ende of the world:
namely that nation should rise against nation, and kingdome against
kingdome, and that there should bee in many places earthquakes, pestilence,
and famine, terrible apparitions in the heauens, and great signes, together
with alterations of kingdomes, warres of infidels against the Christians,
and victories of the Christians against the infidels. And as they wondered
at these relations, he declared vnto them the passion of the seuen
Sleepers, with the proportion and shape of cache of their bodies (which
things, no man liuing had as then committed vnto writing) and that so
plainely and distinctly, as if he had conuersed a long time in their
company. Hereupon the earle sent a knight, the bishop a clearke, the Abbot
a monke vnto Maniches the Emperour of Constantinople, with the letters and
gifts of their King. Who giuing them friendly entertainment, sent them ouer
vnto the bishop of Ephesus; and wrote his letters vnto him giuing him
charge, that the English Ambassadours might be admitted to see the true,
and material habiliments of the seuen Sleepers. And it came to passe that
King Edwards vision was approued by all the Greeks, who protested they were
aduertised by their fathers, that the foresaid seuen Sleepers had alwayes
before that time rested vpon their right sides; but after the Englishmen
were entered into the caue, those Sleepers confirmed the trueth of the
outlandish prophesie, vnto their countreymen. Neither were the calamities
foretold, any long time delayed: for the Aragens, Arabians, Turkes and
other vnbeleeuing nations inuading the Christians, harried and spoiled
Syria, Lycia, the lesser Asia, and many cities of Asia the greater, and
amongst the rest Ephesus, yea, and Ierusalem also.
* * * * *
The voyage of Alured bishop of Worcester vnto Ierusalem, an. 1058. Recorded
by Roger Houeden in parte priore Annalium, fol. 255. linea 15.
[Sidenote: A.D. 1058] Aluredus Wigorniensis Episcopus ecclesiam, quam in
ciuitate, Glauorna à fundamentis constraxerat, in honore principis
Apostolorum Petri honorificè dedicauit: et posteà regis licentia Wolstanum
Wigorniensem Monachum à se ordinatum Abbatum constituit ibidem. Dein
præsulatu dimisso Wiltoniensis ecclesiæ, qui sibi ad regendum commissus
fuerat, et Hermanno, cujus suprà mentionem fecimus, reddito, mare transijt,
et per Hungarian profectus est Hierosolymam, &c.
The same in English.
In the yere of our Lord 1058. Alured bishop of Worcester, very solemnly
dedicated a Church (which himselfe had founded and built in the citie of
Gloucester) vnto the honour of S. Peter the chiefe Apostle:[Footnote: This
is Gloucester Cathedral, the crypt, the chapels surrounding the choir, and
the lower part of the nave being the portions built by Alured that are
still extant.] and afterward by the kings permission ordained Wolstan a
Monke of Worcester of his owne choice, to be Abbate in the same place. And
then having left his Bishopricke which was committed vnto him ouer the
Church of Wilton, and having resigned the same vnto Hermannus aboue
mentioned, passed ouer the seas, and trauailed through Hungarie vnto
Ierusalem, &c.
* * * * *
The voyage of Ingulphus Abbat of Croiland vnto Ierusalem, performed
(according to Florentius Wigorniensis) in the yeere of our Lord, 1064,
and described by the said Ingulphus himselfe about the conclusion of his
briefe Historie.
[Sidenote: A.D. 1064] Ego Ingulphus humilis minister Sancti Guthlaci
Monasterijque sui Croilandensis, natus in Anglia, et a parentibus Anglicis,
quippè vrbis pulcherrimæ Londoniarum, pro literis addiscendis in teneriore
setate constitutus, primum Westmonasterio, postmodum Oxoniensi studio
traditus eram. Cúmque in Aristotele arripiendo supra multo coætaneos meos
profecissem, etiam Rhetoricam Tullij primam et secundam talo tenus
induebam. Factus ergo adolescentior, fastidiens parentum meorum
exiguitatem, paternos lares relinquere, et palatia regum aut principum
affectans, mollibus vestiri, pomposisque lacinijs amiciri indies ardentius
appetebam. [Sidenote: A.D. 1051] Et eccè, inclytus nunc rex noster Angliæ,
tunc adhunc comes Normanniæ Wilhelmus ad colloquium tunc regis Angliæ
Edwardi cognati sui, cum grandi ministrantium comitatu Londonias
aduentabat, Quibus citius insertus, ingerens me vbíque ad omnia emergentia
negotia peragenda, cum prosperè plurima perfecissem, in breui agnitus
Ilustrissimo comiti et astrictissimè adamatus, cum ipso Normanniam
enauigabam. Factus ibidem scriba eius, pro libito totam comitis curiam, ad
nonnullorum inuidiam regebam; quosque volui humiliabam, et quos volui
exaltabam. Cumque iuuenili calore impulsus in tam celso statu supra meos
natales consistere tæderem, quin semper ad altiora conscendere, instabili
animo, ac nimium prurienti affectu, ad erubescentiam ambitiosus auidissimè
desiderarem: [Sidenote: A.D. 1064. According to Florentius Wegorniensis.]
nuntiatur per vniuersam Normanniam plurimos archiepiscopos imperij cum
nonnullis alijs terræ principibus velle pro merito animarum suanim more
peregrinoram cum debita deuotione Hierosolymam proficisci. De familia ergo
comitis domini nostri plurimi tam milites quàm clerici, quorum primus et
præcipuus ego eram, cum licentia, et domini nostri comitis beneuolentia, in
dictum iter nos omnes accinximus: et Alemanniam petentes, equites triginta
numero et ampliùs domino Maguntino coniuncti sumus. Parati namque omnes ad
viam, et cum dominis episcopis connumerati septem milia, pertranseuntes
prosperè multa terrarum spatia, tandem Constantinopolim peruenimus. Vbi
Alexium Imperatorem eius adorantes Agiosophiam vidimus, et infinita
sanctuaria osculati sumus. Diuertentes inde per Lyciam in manus Arabicorum
latrorium incidimus; euis ceratique de infinitis pecunijs, cum mortibus
multorum, et maxima vitæ nostræ periculo vix euadentes, tandem
desideratissimam ciuitatem Hierosolymam læto introitu tenebamus. Ab ipso
tunc patriarcha Sophronio nomine, viro veneranda canitie honestissimo ac
sanctissimo, grandi cymbalorum tonitru, et luminarium immenso fulgore
suscepti, ad diuinissimam ecclesiam sanctissimi sepulchri, tam Syrorum,
quàm Latinornm solenni processione deducti sumus. Ibi quot preces
inorauimus, quot lachrymas infleuimus, quot suspiria inspirauimus, solus
eius inhabitator nouit D. noster Iesus Christus. Ab ipso itaque
gloriosissimo sepulchro Christi ad alia sanctuaria ciuitatis inuisenda
circumducti, infinitam summam sanctarum ecclesiarum, et oratorioram, quæ
Achim Soldanus dudum destruxerat, oculis lachrymosis vidimus. Et omnibus
ruinis sanctissimæ ciuitatis, tam extra, quàm intra; numerosis lachrymis
intimo affectu compassi, ad quorundam restaurationem datis non paucis
pecunijs, exire in patriam et sacratissimo Iordane intingi, vniuersáque
Chrtsti vestigia osculari, desiderantissima deuotione suspirabamus. Sed
Arabum latrunculi qui omnem viam obseruabant, longiùs a ciuitate euagari,
sua rabiosa multitudine innumera non sinebant. Vere igitur accidente,
stolus nauium Ianuensium in porta Ioppensi applicuit. In quibus, cum sua
mercimonia Christiani mercatores per ciuitates maritimas commutassent, et
sancta loca similitèr adorassent, ascendentes omnes maria nos commisimus.
Et iactati fluctibus et procellis innumeris tandem Brundusium, et prospero
itinere per Apulium Romam petentes, sanctorum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli
limina, et copiosissima sanctorum martyrum monumenta per omnes stationes
osculati sumus. Indè archiepiscopi, cæterique principes imperij Alemanniam
per dextram repetentes, nos versus Franciam ad sinistram declinantes cum
inenarribilibus et gratijs et osculis ab inuicem discessimus. Et tandem de
triginta equitibus, qui de Normannia pingues exiuimus, vix viginti pauperes
peregrini, et omnes pedites, macie multa attenuati, reuersi sumus.
The same in English.
I Ingulphus [Footnote: This Abbot, or pretended Abbot of Croyland (whose
name is attached to a work once highly valued, professing to be a history
of the Abbey of Croyland from 626 to 1089, but which, is now believed to be
a monkish fabrication of a much later age), is said by himself to have
been, on his return from the Holy Land, appointed prior of the Abbey of
Fontenelle, in Normandy, and on William becoming King of England, Abbot of
Croyland. He was believed to have died in 1109.] an humble seruant of
reuerend Guthlac and of his monastery of Croiland, borne in England, and of
English parents, at the beautifull citie of London, was in my youth for the
attaining of good letters, placed first at Westminster, and afterward sent
to the Vniuersitie of Oxford. And hauing excelled diuers of mine equals in
learning of Aristotle, I inured my selfe somewhat vnto the first and second
Rhethorique of Tullie. And as I grew in age, disdayning my parents meane
estate, and forsaking mine owne natiue soyle, I affected the Courts of
kings and princes, and was desirous to be clad in silke, and to weare braue
and costly attire. [Sidenote: A.D. 1051] And loe, at the same time William
our souereigne king now, but then Erle of Normandie, with a great troup of
followers and attendants came vnto London, to conferre with king Edward the
Confessour his kinsman. Into whose company intruding my selfe, and
proffering my seruice for the performance of any speedy or weightie
affayres, in short time, after I had done many things with good successe, I
was knowen and most entirely beloued by the victorious Erle himselfe, and
with him I sayled into Normandie. And there being made his secretarie, I
gouerned the Erles Court (albeit with the enuie of some) as my selfe
pleased, yea whom I would I abased, and preferred whom I thought good. When
as therefore, being carried with a youthful heat and lustie humour, I began
to be wearie euen of this place, wherein I was aduanced so high aboue my
parentage, and with an inconstant minde, and affection too too ambitious,
most vehemently aspired at all occasions to climbe higher: there went a
report throughout all Normandie, that diuers Archbishops of the Empire, and
secular princes were desirous for their soules health, and for deuotion
sake, to goe on pilgrimage to Ierusalem. Wherefore out of the family of our
lorde the Earle, sundry of vs, both gentlemen and clerkes (principall of
whom was myselfe) with the licence and good will of our sayd lord the
earle, sped vs on that voiage, and trauailing thirtie horses of vs into
high Germanie, we ioyned our selues vnto the Archbishop of Mentz. And being
with the companies of the Bishop seuen thousand persons sufficiently
prouided for such an expedition, we passed prosperously through many
prouinces, and at length attained vnto Constantinople. Where doing
reuerence vnto the Emperor Alexius, we sawe the Church of Sancta Sophia,
and kissed diuers sacred reliques. Departing thence through Lycia, we fell
into the hands of the Arabian theeues: and after we had beene robbed of
infinite summes of money, and had lost many of our people, hardly escaping
with extreame danger of our liues, at length we ioyfully entered into the
most wished citie of Ierusalem. Where we wer receiued by the most reuerend,
aged, and holy patriarke Sophronius, with great melodie of cymbals and with
torch-light, and were accompanied vnto the most diuine Church of our
Sauiour his sepulchre with a solemne procession aswell of Syrians as of
Latines. Here, how many prayers we vttered, what abundance of teares we
shed, what deepe sighs we breathed foorth, our Lord Iesus Christ onely
knoweth. Wherefore being conducted from the most glorious sepulchre of
Christ to visite other sacred monuments of the citie, we saw with weeping
eyes a great number of holy Churches and oratories, which Achim the Souldan
of Egypt had lately destroyed. And so hauing bewailed with sadde teares,
and most sorowful and bleeding affections, all the ruines of that most holy
city both within and without, and hauing bestowed money for the reedifying
of some, we desired with most ardent deuotion to go forth into the
countrey, to wash our selues in the most sacred riuer of Iordan, and to
kisse all the steppes of Christ. Howbeit the theeuish Arabians lurking vpon
euery way, would not suffer vs to trauell farre from the city, by reason of
their huge and furious multitudes. Wherefore about the spring there arriued
at the port of Ioppa a fleet of ships from Genoa. In which fleet (when the
Christian merchants had exchanged all their wares at the coast townes, and
had likewise visited the holy places) wee all of vs embarked committing
ourselues to the seas: and being tossed with many stormes and tempests, at
length wee arriued at Brundusium: and so with a prosperous iourney
trauelling thorow Apulia towards Rome, we there visited the habitations of
the holy apostles Peter and Paul, and did reuerence vnto diuers monuments
of holy martyrs in all places thorowout the city. From thence the
archbishops and other princes of the empire trauelling towards the right
hand for Alemain, and we declining towards the left hand for France,
departed asunder, taking our leaues with vnspeakable thankes and
courtesies. And so at length, of thirty horsemen which went out of
Normandie fat, lusty, and frolique, we returned hither skarse twenty poore
pilgrims of vs, being all footmen, and consumed with leannesse to the bare
bones.
* * * * *
Diuers of the honourable family of the Beauchamps, with Robert Curtoys
sonne of William the Conqueror, made a voyage to Ierusalem 1096. Hol.
pag. 22. vol. 2.
Pope Vrbane calling a councell at Clermont in Auuergne, exhorted the
Christian princes so earnestly to make a iourney in the Holy land, for the
recouery thereof out of the Saracens hands, that the saide great and
generall iourney was concluded vpon to be taken in hand, wherein many noble
men of Christendome went vnder the leading of Godfrey of Bouillon and
others, as in the Chronicles of France, of Germanie, and of the Holy land
doeth more plainely appeare. There went also among other diuers noble men
foorth of this Realme of England, specially that worthily bare the surname
of Beauchampe.
* * * * *
The voyage of Gutuere an English Lady maried to Balduine brother of
Godfreide duke of Bouillon, toward Ierusalem about 1097. And the 11.
yeere of William Rufus King of England.
The Christian armie of Godfrie of Bouillon passing the citie of Iconium,
alias Agogna in the countrey of Licaonia, and from thence by the city of
Heraclia, came at length vnto the citie of Marasia, where they encamped,
and soiourned there three whole dayes, because of the wife of Balduine
brother germane of the duke of Loraigne. Which Lady, being long time vexed
with a grieuous maladie, was in extremitie, where at length paying the debt
due to nature, she changed this transitorie life, for life eternall; Who,
in her life time, was a very worthy and vertuous Lady, borne in England,
and descended of most noble parentage named Gutuere; Which, according to
her degree, was there most honourably enterred, to the great griefe of all
the whole armie. As reporteth William Archbishop of Tyre, lib. 3. cap. 17.
hist. belli sacri. The same author in the 10. booke and first chapter of
the same historie concerning the same English Lady, writeth further as
followeth, Baldwine hauing folowed the warres for a time, gaue his minde to
marriage, so that being in England he fell in loue with a very honourable
and noble Lady named Gutuere, whom he married and caried with him in that
first happy expedition, wherin he accompanied his brethren, the Lords, duke
Godfrey and Eustace, persons very commendable in all vertues and of
immortall memorie. But he had hard fortune in his iourney, because his
foresaid wife, being wearied with a long sicknes finished her life with a
happie end neere the citie of Marasia, before the Christian armie came vnto
Antioch, where she was honourably buried, as we haue declared before.
* * * * *
Chronicon Hierosolymitanum in lib. 3. cap. 27. maketh also mention of this
English Lady which he calleth Godwera in this maner.
Hac in regione Maresch vxor Baldewini nobilissima, quam de regno Angliæ
eduxit, diutina corporis molestia aggrauata, et duci Godefrido commendata,
vitam exhalauit, sepulta Catholicis obsequijs; cuius nomen erat Godwera.
The same in English.
In this prouince of Maresch the most noble wife of Baldwine, which he
caried with him out of England being visited with dayly sicknesses and
infirmities of body, and commended to the custody of duke Godfrey, departed
out of this life, and was buried after the Christian maner. Her name was
Godwera.
* * * * *
The voyage of Edgar the sonne of Edward which was the sonne of Edmund
surnamed Ironside, brother vnto K. Edward the confessor, (being
accompanied with valiant Robert the sonne of Godwin) vnto Ierusalem, in
the yeere of our Lord 1102. Recorded by William of Malmesburie, lib. 3.
histo. fol. 58.
[Sidenote: A.D. 1102.] Subsequenti tempore cum Roberto filio Godwini milite
audacissimo Edgaras Hierosolymam pertendit Illud fuit tempus quo Turci
Baldwinum regem apud Ramas obsederunt: qui cum obsidionis iniuriam ferre
nequiret, per medias hostium acies effugit, solius Roberti opera liberatus
præeuntis, et euaginato gladio dextra leuaque Turcos cædentis. Sed cum
successu ipso truculentior, alacritate nimia procurreret, ensis manu
excidit. Ad quem recolligendum cum se inclinasset, omnium incursu
oppressus, vinculis palmas dedit. Inde Babyloniam (vt aiunt) ductus, cum
Christum abnegare nollet, in medio foro ad signum positus, et sagittis
terebratus, martyrium consecrauit. Edgarus amisso milite regressus,
multaque beneficia ab Imperatoribus Græcorum, et Alemannorum adeptus
(quippè qui etiam eum retinere pro generis amplitudine tentassent) omnia
pronatalis soli desiderio spreuit. Quosdam enim profectò fallit amor patriæ
vt nihil eis videatur iucundum, nisi consuetum hauserint coelum. Vndè
Edgarus fatua cupidine illusus Angliam redijt, vbi (vt superius dixi)
diuerso fortunæ ludicro rotatus, nunc remotus et tacitus, canos suos in
agro consumit.
The same in English.
Afterward Edgar being sonne vnto the nephewe of Edward the confessour,
traueiled with Robert the sonne of Godwin a most valiant knight, vnto
Ierusalem. And it was at the same time when the Turkes besieged king
Baldwin at Rama: who not being able to endure the straight siege, was by
the helpe of Robert especially, going before him, and with his drawen sword
making a lane, and slaying the Turkes on his right hande and on his left,
deliuered out of that danger, and escaped through the midst of his enemies
campe. But vpon his happie successe being more eager and fierce, as he went
forward somewhat too hastily, his sworde fell out of his hand. Which as he
stouped to take vp, being oppressed with the whole multitude, hee was there
taken and bound. From whence (as some say) being carried vnto Babylon or
Alcair in Egypt, when he would not renounce Christ, he was tyed vnto a
stake in the midst of the market place, and being shot through with
arrowes, died a martyr. Edgar hauing lost his knight returned, and being
honoured with many rewards both by the Greekish and by the Germaine
Emperour (who both of them would right gladly haue entertained him stil for
his great nobilitie) contemned all things in respect of his natiue soile.
For in very deede some are so inueagled with the loue of their countrey,
that nothing can seeme pleasant vnto them, vnlesse they breath in the same
aire where they were bred. Wherefore Edgar being misledde with a fond
affection, returned into England; and afterward being subiect vnto diuers
changes of fortune (as we haue aboue signified) he spendeth [Marginal note:
When the author was writing of this history.] now his extreeme old age in
an obscure and priuate place of the countrey.
* * * * *
Mention made of one Godericus, a valiant Englishman, who was with his ships
in the voyage vnto the Holy land in the second yeere of Baldwine King of
Ierusalem, in the third yere of Henry the first of England.
[Chronicon Hierosolymitanum lib. 9. cap. 9.] Verùm de hinc septem diebus
euolutis rex ab Assur exiens, nauem quæ dicitur Buza ascendit, et cum eo
Godericus pirata de regno Angliæ, ac vexillo hastæ præfixo et elato in aëre
ad radios solis vsque, Iaphet cum paucis nauigauit, vt hoc eius signo ciues
Christiani recognito, fiduciam vitæ regis haberent, et non facile hostium
mínis pauefacti, turpiter diffugium facerent, aut vrbem reddere cogerentur.
Sciebat enim eos multum de vita et salute eius desperare, Saraceni autem
viso eius signo, et recognito, ea parte quæ vrbem nauigio cingebat illi in
galeis viginti et Carinis tredecim, quas vulgo appelant Cazh, occurrerunt,
volentes Buzam regis coronare. Sed Dei auxilio vndis maris illis ex aduerso
tumescentibus ac reluctantibus, Buza autem regis facili, et agili cursu
inter procellas labente, ac volitante, in portu Ioppæ delusis hostibus
subitò affuit, sex ex Saracenis in arcu suo in nauicula percussis, ac
vulneratis. Intrans itaque ciuitatem dum incolumis omnium pateret oculis,
reuixit spiritus cunctorum gementium ei de eius niorte hactenus dolentium,
eo quòd caput et rex Christianorum et princeps Hierusalem adhuc viuus et
incolumis receptus sit.
The same in English.
But seuen dayes afterward, the King comming out of the towne of Assur
entred into a shippe called a Busse, and one Godericke a pirate of the
kingdome of England with him, and fastening his banner on the toppe of a
speare, and holding it vp aloft in the aire against the beames of the
Sunne, sailed vnto Iaphet with a small company; That the Christian Citizens
there seeing this his banner, might conceiue hope that the King was yet
liuing, and being not easily terrified with the threates of the enemies
might shamefully runne away; or be constrained to yeeld vp the citie. For
hee knew that they were very much out of hope of his life and safetie. The
Saracens seeing and knowing this his banner, that part of them which
enuironed the Citie by water made towards him with twentie Gallies and
thirteene shippes, which they commonly cal Cazh, seeking to inclose the
kings shippe. But, by Gods helpe the billowes of the Sea swelling and
raging against them, and the Kings shippe gliding and passing through the
waues with an easie and nimble course arriued suddenly in the hauen of
Ioppa, the enemies frustrated of their purpose; and sixe of the Saracens
were hurt and wounded by shot out of the Kings shippe. So that the King
entering into the Citie, and nowe appearing in safetie in all their
sightes, the spirits of all them that mourned for him, and vntil then
lamented as though hee had bene dead, reuiued, because that the head and
King of the Christians, and prince of Ierusalem was yet aliue, and come
againe vnto them in perfect health.
* * * * *
Mention made of One Hardine of England one of the chiefest personages, and
a leader among other of two hundred saile of ships of Christians that
landed at Ioppa in the yeere of our Lord God 1102.
[Chronicon Hierosolymitanum libro 9. cap. 11.] Interea dum hæc obsidio
ageretur 200. naues Christianorum nauigio Ioppen appulsæ sunt, vt adorarent
in Hierusalem. Horum Bernardus Witrazh de terra Galatiæ, Hardinus de
Anglia, Otho de Roges, Hadewerck, vnus de præpotentibus Westfalorum, primi
et ductores fuisse referuntur, etc. Erat autem tertia feria Iulij mensis,
quando hæ Christianorum copiæ, Deo protegente, huc nauigio angustiatis et
obsessis ad opem collatæ sunt. Sarracenorum autem turmæ, videntes quia
Christianorum virtus audactur facie ad faciem vicini sibi hospitio proximè
iungebatur, media nocte orbi incumbente, amotis tentorijs amplius milliari
subtractæ consederunt, dum luce exorta consilium inirent, vtrum Ascalonem
redirent, aut ciues Iaphet crebris assultibus vexarent.
The same in English.
Whle the Sarazens continued their siege against Ioppa, two hundred saile of
Christian ships arriued at Ioppa, that they might performe their deuotions
at Hierusalem. The chiefe men and leaders of these Christians are reported
to haue bene: Bernard Witrazh of the land of Galatia, Hardine of England,
Otho of Roges, Haderwerck one of the chiefe noblemen of Westphalia, &c.
This Christian power through Gods speciall prouision, arrived here for the
succour and reliefe of the distressed and besieged Christians in Ioppa, the
third day of Iuly, 1102. and in the second yeere of Baldwine king of
Ierusalem. Whereupon the multitude of the Sarazens, seeing that the
Christian power ioyned themselves boldly, close by them even face to face
in a lodging hard by them, the very next night at midnight, remooued their
tents, and pitched them more then a mile off, that they might the next
morning bee aduised whether they should returne to Ascalon, or by often
assaults vexe the citizens of Iaphet.
[Chronicon Hierosolymitanum, eodem libro 9. cap. l2.] continueth this
historie of these two hundreth saile of ships, and sheweth how by their
prowesse chiefly, the multitude of the Sarazens were in short space
vanquished and ouerthrowen: The words are these; Ab ipso verò die tertiæ
feriæ dum sic in superbia et elatione suæ multitudinis immobiles Saraceni
persisterent, et multis armorum terroribus Christianum populum vexarent,
sexta feria appropinquante. Rex Baldwinus in tubis et cornibus a Iaphet
egrediens, in manu robusta equitum et peditum virtutem illorum crudeli
bello est aggressus, magnis hinc et hinc clamoribus intonantes. Christiani
quoque qui nauigio appulsi sunt horribili pariter clamore cum Rege
Baldwino, et graui strepitu vociferantes, Babylonios vehementi pugna sunt
aggressi, sæuissimis atque mortiferis plagis eos affligentes, donec bello
fatigati, et contrà ['vntrà' in source text--KTH] vim non sustinentes fugam
versus Ascalonea inierunt. Alij verò ab insecutoribus eripi existimantes,
et mari se credentes, intolerabili procellarum fluctuatione absorpti sunt.
Et sic ciuitas Ioppe cum habitatoribus suis liberata est; Ceciderunt hac
die tria millia Saracenorum Christianorum verò pauci perijsse inuenti sunt.
The same in English.
Yet notwithstanding, after the said third day of Iuly, the Sarazens
persisted high minded and insolent, by reason of their great multitude, and
much annoied the Christian people with their many forceable and terrible
weapons; whereupon, on the sixt day of Iuly early in the morning king
Baldwine issued out of Iaphet, his trumpets and cornets yeelding a great
and lowd sound, and with a very strong armie as well of horsemen as
footemen, who on euery side making great shoutes and outcries, with fierce
and sharpe battell set on the maine power of their enemies. The Christians
also who arriued in the nauie, rearing great clamours and noyses, with loud
voices and shoutings in horrible wise together, with king Baldwine
assaulted likewise with strong battell the Babylonians, and afflicted them
with most sore and deadly wounds, vntill the Sarazens being wearied with
fighting, nor able longer to endure and hold out against the valure of the
Christians, fled towards Ascalon. And other of them hoping to escape from
them that pursued them, lept into the sea, and were swalowed vp in the
waues thereof. And so the citie of Ioppa with the inhabitants thereof were
freed of their enemies. There were slaine this day three thousand Sarazens,
and but a few of the Christians perished.
* * * * *
A Fleete of Englishmen, Danes, and Flemings, arriued at Ioppa in the Holy
land, the seuenth yeere of Baldwine the second king of Hierusalem.
Written in the beginning of the tenth booke of the Chronicle of
Hierusalem, in the 8. yeere of Henry the first of England.
Chap: 1.
At the same time also in the seuenth yeere of the raigne of Baldwine the
Catholike king of Hierusalem, a very great warrelike Fleete of the
Catholike nation of England, to the number of about seuen thousand, hauing
with them more men of warre of the kingdom of Denmarke, of Flanders and of
Antwerpe, arriued with ships which they call Busses, at the hauen of the
citie of Iaphet, determining there to make their abode, vntill they hauing
obtained the kings licence and safeconduct, might safely worship at
Hierusalem. Of which nauie the chiefest and best spoken repairing to the
king, spake to him in this maner. Christ preserue the Kings life, and
prosper his kingdome from day to day; Wee, being men and souldiours of
Christian profession, haue, through the helpe of God, sayled hither through
mightie and large seas, from the farre countreys of England, Flanders, and
Denmarke, to worship at Ierusalem, and to visit the sepulchre of our Lord.
And therefore we are assembled to intreat your clemency touching the
matter, that by your fauour and safe conduct we may peaceably goe vp to
Ierusalem, and worship there, and so returne.
Chap. 2.
The king fauourably hearing their whole petition, granted vnto them a
strong band of men to conduct them, which brought them safely from all
assaults and ambushes of the Gentiles by the knowen wayes vnto Ierusalem
and all other places of deuotion. After that these pilgrims, and new
Christian strangers were brought thither, they offering vnto our Lord their
vowes in the temple of the holy sepulchre, returned with great ioy, and
without all let vnto Ioppa; where finding the king, they vowed they would
assist him in all things, which should seeme good vnto him: who, greatly
commending the men, and commanding them to be well entertained with
hospitality, answered that he could not on the sudden answere to this
point, vntill that after he had called his nobles together, he had
consulted with my lord the Patriarch what was most meet and conuenient to
be done, and not to trouble in vaine so willing an army. And therefore
after a few dayes, calling vnto him my lord the Patriarch, Hugh of Tabaria,
Gunfride the keeper and lieutenant of the tower of Dauid, and the other
chiefest men of warre, he determined to haue a meeting in the city of
Rames, to consult with them what was best to be done.
Chap. 3.
Who, being assembled at the day appointed, and proposing their diuers
opinions and iudgements, at length it seemed best vnto the whole company to
besiege the city Sagitta, which is also called Sidon, if peradventure,
through God's helpe, and by the strength of this new army, by land and sea
it might be ouercome. Whereupon all they which were there present and
required that this city should be besieged, because it was one of those
cities of the Gentiles which continually rebelled, were commended, and
admonished of the king euery one to go home, and to furnish themselues with
things necessary, and armour for this expedition. Euery one of them
departed home; likewise Hugh of Tabaria departed, being a chiefe man of
warre against the inuasions of the enemies, which could neuer be wearied
day nor night in the countie of the Pagans, in pursuing them with warre and
warlike stratagemes all the dayes of his life. Immediatly after this
consultation the king sent ambassadours to all the multitude of the English
men, requiring them not to remoue their campe nor fleet from the city of
Iaphet, but quietly to attend the kings further commandement. The same
embassadours also declared vnto the whole army, that the king and all his
nobility had determined to besiege and assault the city Sagitta by sea and
by land, and that their helpe and forces would there be needfull; and that
for this purpose, the king and the patriarch were comming downe vnto the
city of Acres and that they were in building of engins, and warlike
instruments, to inuade the walles and inhabitants thereof: and that in the
meane season they were to remaine at Iaphet, vntill the kings further
commandement were knowen. Whereupon they all agreed that it should be so
done according to the king's commandement; and answered that they would
attend his directions in the Hauen of Iaphet, and would in all points be
obedient vnto him vnto the death.
Chap.4.
The king came downe to Acres with the patriarch, and all his family,
building, and making there by the space of fortie dayes engins, and many
kindes of warlike instruments: and appointing all things to be made
perfectly ready, which seemed to be most conuenient for the assaulting of
the city. Assoone as this purpose and intent of the king was come vnto the
eares of the inhabitants of Sagitta, and that an inuincible power of men of
warre was arriued at Iaphet to helpe the king, they were greatly astonied,
fearing that by this meanes, they should be consumed and subdued by the
king by dint of sword, as other cities, to wit, Cæsaria, Assur, Acres,
Cayphas, and Tabaria were vanquished and subdued. And therefore laying
their heads together, they promised to the king by secret mediatours, a
mighty masse of money of a coyne called Byzantines: and that further they
would yeerely pay a great tribute, vpon condition that ceasing to besiege
and inuade their city, he would spare their liues. Whereupon these
businesses were handled from day to day betweene the king and the citizens,
and they sollicited the king for the ransomming both of their city and of
their liues, proffering him from time to time more greater gifts. And the
king for his part, being carefull and perplexed for the payment of the
wages which he ought vnto his souldiers, harkened wholy vnto this offer of
money. Howbeit because he feared the Christians, least they should lay it
to his charge as a fault, he durst not as yet meddle with the same.
Chap. 5.
In the meane space Hugh of Tabaria being sent for, accompanied with the
troopes of two hundred horsemen and foure hundred footmen, inuaded the
countrey of the Grosse Carle called Suet, very rich in gold and siluer most
abundant in cattle frontering vpon the countrie of the Damascenes, where
hee tooke a pray of inestimable riches and cattle, which might haue
suffised him for the besiege of Sagitta, whereof he ment to impart
liberally to the king, and his companie. This pray being gathered out of
sundry places thereabout, and being led away as farre as the citie of
Belinas, which they call Cæsaria Philippi, the Turkes which dwelt at
Damascus, together with the Saracens inhabitants of the countrie perceiuing
this, flocking on all partes together by troopes, pursued Hughes companie
to rescue the pray, and passed foorth as farre as the mountaines, ouer
which Hughes footemen did driue the pray. There beganne a great skirmish of
both partes, the one side made resistance to keepe the pray, the other
indeuoured with all their might to recouer it, vntill at length the Turkes
and Saracens preuailing, the pray was rescued and brought back againe:
which Hugh and his troopes of horsemen, suddenly vnderstanding, which were
on the side of the mountaines, incontinently rid backe vpon the spurre,
among the straight and craggie rockes, skirmishing with the enemies, and
succouring their footemen, but as it chanced they fought vnfortunately. For
Hugh, being vnarmed, and immediatly rushing into the middest of all
dangers, and after his woonted manner inuading and wounding the infidels,
being behinde with an arrowe shot through the backe which pierced thorough
his liuer and brest, he gaue vp the ghost in the handes of his owne people.
Hereupon the troupes of the Gentiles being returned with the recouered
pray, and being deuided through the secret and hard passages of the craggie
hilles, the souldiers brought the dead bodie of Hugh, which they had put in
a litter, into the citie of Nazareth, which is by the mount Thaber, where
with great mourning and lamentation, so worthie a prince, and valiant
champion was honourably and Catholikely interred. The brother of the said
Hugh named Gerrard, the same time lay sicke of a grieuous disease. Which
hearing of the death of his brother, his sicknesse of his body increasing
more vehemently through griefe, he also deceased within eight dayes after,
and was buried by his brother, after Christian maner.
Chap. 6.
After the lamentable burials of these so famous Princes, the King, taking
occasion of the death of these principall men of his armie, agreed, making
none priuie thereto, to receiue the money which was offered him for his
differing off the siege of the citie of Sagitta, yet dissembling to make
peace, with the Saracens, but that he ment to go through with the worke,
that he had begunne. Whereupon sending a message vnto Iaphet, hee aduised
the English souldiers to come downe to Acres with their fleete, and to
conferre and consult with him touching the besieging and assaulting of the
citie of Sagitta, which rising immediatly vpon the kings commaundement, and
foorthwith hoysing vp the sayles of their shippes aloft with pendants and
stremers of purple, and diuerse other glorious colours, with their flagges
of scarlet colour and silke, came thither, and casting their ancres, rode
hard by the citie. The king the next day calling vnto him such as were
priuie and acquainted with his dealings, opened his griefe vnto the chiefe
Captaines of the English men and Danes, touching the slaughter of Hugh, and
the death of his brother, and what great confidence he reposed in them
concerning these warres: and that nowe therefore they being departed and
dead, he must of necessity differre the besieging of Sagitta, and for this
time dismisse the armie assembled. This resolution of the king being spred
among the people, the armie was dissolued, and the Englishmen, Danes and
Flemings, with sailes and oares going aboard their fleete, saluted
['saulted' in source text--KTH] the king, and returned home vnto their
natiue countries.
* * * * *
The trauailes of one Athelard an Englishman, recorded by master Bale
Centur. 12.
Athelardus Bathoniensis Coenobij monachus, naturalium rerum mysteria, et
causas omnes, diligentiâ tam vndecunque exquisitâ perscrutatus est, vt cum
aliquibus veteris seculi philosophis non indignè conferri possit. Hic olim
spectatæ indolis Adolescens, vt virente adhuc ætate iuuenile ingenium
foecundaret, atque ad res magnas pararet relicta dulci patria longinquas
petijt regiones. Cum verò Ægyptum et Arabiam peragrans, plura inuenisset,
quæ eius desiderabat animus, cum magno laborum, ac literarum lucro in
Angliam tum demùm reuertebatur. Claruit anno virginei partus, 1130. Henrico
primo regnante.
The same in English.
Athelard a Monke of the Abbie of Bathe was so diligent a searcher of the
secrets, and causes of naturall things, that he deserueth worthely to be
compared with some of the auncient Philosophers. This man although young,
yet being of a good wit, and being desirous to increase and enrich the same
with the best things, and to prepare himselfe as it were for greater
matters, left his Countrey for a time, and trauailed into forreine Regions.
He went through Egypt, and Arabia, and found out many things which he
desired to his owne priuate contentment, and the profite of good letters
generally, and so being satisfied, returned againe into his Countrey: he
flourished in the yeere 1130. Henry the first being then king of England.
* * * * *
The life and trauailes of one William of Tyre, an Englishman. Centur. 12.
[Sidenote: Hic etiam Guilielmus Tyrensis claruit sub Henrico primo.]
Guilielmus, Ecclesiæ Dominici sepulchri Hierosolymæ Regularium Canonicorum
prior, natione Anglicus vir vita et moribus commendabilis, Anno Dom. 1128.
postquam Tyrorum Ciuitas fidei Christianæ restituta est a Guimundo
Hierosolymorum patriarcha, eidem vrbi primus Archiepiscopus præficiebatur.
Est autem Tyrus ciuitas antiquissima, Phoeniciæ vniuersæ Metropolis, quæ
inter Syriæ protuincias, et bonorum omnium penè commoditate, et incolarum
frequentia primum semper obtinuit locum: post conscripta quædam opuscula,
et Epistolas, ad Dominum migrauit, An. Christi 1130. quum duobus tantum
sedisset annis, et in Tyrensi Ecclesia sepelitur.
The same in English.
William the Prior of the Canons Regular in the Church of Ierusalem, called
the Lords Sepulchre, was an Englishman borne, and of a vertuous and good
behauiour. After that the Citie of Tyre was restored againe to the
Christian faith, Guimunde the Patriarke of Ierusalem made him the first
Archbishop of Tyre, in the yeere 1128. Which Tyre is a very ancient Citie,
the Metropolis of all Phoenicia, and hath bene accompted the chiefest
Prouince of Syria, both for fruitful commodities and multitude of
inhabitants. This William hauing in his life written many Bookes and
Epistles, died at last in the yeere 1130. hauing bene Archbishop the space
of two yeeres, and was buried in the Church of Tyre.
* * * * *
The trauailes of Robertus Ketenensis.
Robertus Ketenensis natione et cognomine Anglus, degustatis primum per
Anglorum gymnasia humanarum artium elementis literarijs, vltramarinas
statim visitare prouincias in animo constituit: Peragratis ergò Gallijs,
Italia, Dalmatia, et Græcia, tum demum peruenit in Asiam, vbi non paruo
labore, ac vitæ suæ periculo inter Saracenos truculentissimum hominum
genus, Arabicam linguam ad amussim didicit In Hispaniam postea nauigio
traductus, circa fluuium Hiberum Astrologicæ artis studio, cum Hermanno
quodam Dalmata, magni sui itineris comite se totum dedit. [Sidenote:
Claruit sub Stephano.] Clarutt anno seruatoris nostri, 1143 Stephano
regnante, et Pampilonæ sepelitur.
The same in English.
This Robert Ketenensis was called an Englishman by surname, as he was by
birth: who after some time spent in the foundations of humanitie, and in
the elements of good Artes in the Vniuersities of England, determined to
trauaile to the partes beyond sea: and so trauailed through France, Italie,
Dalmatia, and Greece, and came at last into Asia, where he liued in great
danger of his life among the cruell Saracens, but yet learned perfectly the
Arabian tongue. Afterwardes he returned by sea into Spaine, and there about
the riuer Iberus, gaue him selfe wholy to the studie of Astrologie, with
one Hermannus a Dalmatian, who had accompanied him in his long voyage. He
flourished in the yeere 1143. Steuen being then king of England, and was
buried at Pampilona.
* * * * *
A voyage of certaine English men vnder the conduct of Lewes king of France
vnto the Holy land.
[Sidenote: 1147. Tempore regis Stephani.] Tantæ expeditionis explicito
apparatu vterque princeps iter arripuit, et exercitu separtito. Imperator
enim Conradus præcedebat itinere aliquot dierum, cum Italorum, Germanorum,
aliarúmque gentium amplissimis copijs. Rex vero Lodouicus sequebatur
Francorum, Flandrensium, Normannorum, Britonum, Anglorum, Burgundionum,
Prouincialium, Aquitanorum, equestri simul et pedestri agmine comitatus.
Gulielmus Neobrigensis, fol. 371.
The same in English.
Both the princes prouision being made for so great an expedition, they
seuering their armies, entered on their iourney. For the Emperour Conradus
went before, certaine dayes iourney, with very great power of Italians,
Germans, and other countreys. And king Lewes followed after accompanied
with a band of horsemen and footmen of French men, Fiemmings, Normans,
Britons, Englishmen, Burgundions, men of Prouence, and Gascoins.
* * * * *
The voyage of Iohn Lacy to Ieirusalem.
[Sidenote: 1173.] Anno Domini 1172 fundata fuit abbatia de Stanlaw per
dominum; Iohannem Lacy Constabularium Cestriæ et dominum de Halton, qui
obijt in Terra sancta anno sequenti: qui fuit vicessimus annus regni regis
Henrici secundi.
The same in English.
In the yere of our Lord 1172 was founded the abbey of Stanlaw by the lord
Iohn Lacy Constable of Chester, and lord of Halton, who deceased in the
Holy land the yere following: which was in the twentieth yere of king Henry
the second.
* * * * *
The voyage of William Mandeuile to Ierusalem.
[Sidenote: 1177.] William Mandeuile earle of Essex, with diuers English
lords and knights, went to the Holy land in the 24 yere of Henry the
second. Holinshed pag. 101.
* * * * *
A great supply of money to the Holy land by Henry the 2.
The same yeere King Henry the second being at Waltham, assigned an aide to
the maintenance of the Christian souldiers in the Holy lande, That is to
wit, two and fortie thousand marks of siluer, and fiue hundred marks of
golde. Matth. Paris and Holins. pag. 105.
* * * * *
A letter written from Manuel the Emperour of Constantinople, vnto Henrie
the second King of England, Anno Dom. 1177. wherein mention is made that
certaine of King Henries Noble men and subjects were present with the
sayd Emperour in a battell of his against the Soldan of Iconium. Recorded
by Roger Houeden, in Annalium parte posteriore, in regno Hen. 2. fol.
316, et 317.
Eodem anno Manuel Constantinopolitanus imperator, habito prælio campestri
cum Soltano Iconij et illo devicto, in hac forma scripsit Domino regi
Angliæ.
Manuel in Christo deo Porphyrogenitus, diuinitus coronatus, sublimis,
potens, excelsus, semper Augustus, et moderator Romanorum, Comnenus,
Henrico nobilissimo regi Angliæ, charissimo amico suo, salutem et omne
bonum. Cum imperium nostrum necessarium reputet notificare tibi, vt dilecto
amico suo, de omnibus quæ sibi obueniunt; ideò et de his quæ nunc
acciderunt ei, opportunum iudicauit declarare tuæ voluntati. Igitur a
principio coronationis nostræ imperium nostrum aduersus dei inimicos Persas
nostrum odium in corde nutriuit, dum cerneret illos in Christianos
gloriari, eleuatique in nomen dei, et Christianorum dominari regionibus.
Quo circa et alio quidem tempore indifferentèr inuasit eos, et prout deus
ei concessit, sic et fecit. Et quæ ab ipso frequenter patrata sunt ad
contritionem ipsorum et perditionem, imperium nostrum credit nobilitatem
tuam non latere. Quoniam autem et nunc maximum exercitum contra eos ducere
proposuit, et bellum contra omnem Persidem mouere, quia res cogebat. Et non
vt voluit multum aliquem apparatum fecit, sicut ei visum est. Veruntamen
prout tempus dabat et rerum status, potentèr eos inuasit. Collegit ergo
circa se imperium nostrum potentias suas: sed quia carpenta ducebat
armorum, et machinarum, et aliorum instrumentorum conferentium ciuitatem
expugnationibus, pondera portantia: idcircò nequaquam cum festinatione iter
suum agere poterat. Ampliùs autem dum adhuc propriam regionem peragraret,
antequam barbarorum aliquis aduersus nos militaret in bellis aduersarius,
ægritudo difficillima fluxus ventris invasit nos, qui diffusus per agmina
imperij nostri pertransibat, depopulando et interimendo multos, omni
pugnatore grauior. Et hoc malum inualescens maximè nos contriuit. Ex quo
verò fines Turcorum inuasimus, bella quidem primum frequentia concrepabant,
et agmina Turcorum cum exercitibus imperij nostri vndique dimicabant. Sed
Dei gratia ex toto à nostris in fugam vertebantur barbari. Post verò vbi ei
qui illic adjacet angustiæ loci, quæ à Persis nominatur Cibrilcimam,
propinquauimus, tot Persarum turmæ peditum et equitum, quorum pleræque ab
interioribus partibus Persidis occurrerant in adiutorium contribulium
suorum, exercitui nostro superuenerunt, quot penè nostrorum excederent
numerum. Exercitu itaque imperii nostri propter viæ omnino angustiam et
difficultatem, vsque ad decem milliaria extenso; et cum neque qui præibant
possent postremos defendere, neque versa vice rursus postremi possent
præeuntes inuare, non mediocritèr ab inuicem hos distare accidit. Sanè
primæ cohortes permultùm ab acie imperij nostri diuidebantur, postremarum
oblitæ, illas non præstolantes. Quoniam igitur Turcorum agmina ex iam
factis prælijs cognouerant, non conforre sibi à fronte nobis repugnare,
loci angustiam bonum subuentorem cum inuenissent, posteriora statuerunt
inuadere agmina, quod et fecerunt. Arctissimo igitur vbique loco existente,
instabant barbari vndique, à dextris et a sinistris, et aliundè dimicantes,
et tela super nos quasi imbres descendentia interimebant viros et equos
complures. Ad hæc itaque imperium nostrum vbi malum superabundabat,
reputans secum oportunum iudicabat retrò expectare, atque illos qui illic
erant adiuuare, expectando vtiquè contra infinita illa Persarum agmina
bellum sustinuit. Quanta quidem, dum ab his circundaretur, patrauerit, non
opus est ad tempus sermonibus pertexere, ab illis autem qui interfuerunt,
forsitan discet de his tua nobilitas. Inter hæc autem existente imperio
nostro, et omne belli grauamen in tantum sustinente, postremæ cohortes
vniuersæ Gnecorum et Latinorum, et reliquorum omnium generum conglobatæ,
quæ iaciebantur ab inimicis tela non sustinentes, impactione vtuntur, et
ita violentèr ferebantur, dùm ad adiacentem ibi collem quasi ad
propugnaculum festinarent: sed precedentes impellunt nolentes. Multo autem
eleuato paluere, ac perturbante oculos, et neminem permittente videre quæ
circa pedes erant, in præcipitium quod aderat profundissimæ vallis alius
super alium homines et equi sic incontinentè portati corruerunt, quòd alij
alios conculcantes ab inuicem interemerunt non ex gregarijs tantum, sed ex
clarissimis et intimis nostris consanguineis. Quis enim inhibere poterat
tantæ multitudinis importabilem impulsum? At verò imperium nostrum tot et
tantis confertum barbáris saucians, sauciatúmque, adeò vt non modicam in
eos moueret perturbationem, obstupentes perseuerant iam ipsius, et non
remittebatur, benè iuuante deo, campum obtinuit. Neque locum illum scandere
aduersarios permisit, in quo dimicauit cum barbaris. Nec quidem equum suum
illorum timore incitauit, celerius aliquando ponere vestigia. Sed
congregando omnia agmina sua, et de morte eripiendo ea, collocauit circa
se: et sic primes attigit, et ordinatim proficiscens ad exercitus suos
accessit. Ex tunc igitur videns Soltanus, quòd post tanta quæ acciderant
exercitibus nostris, imperium nostrum, sicut oportunum erat, rem huiusmodi
dispensauit, vt ipsum rursùm inuaderet: mittens supplicauit imperio nostro,
et deprecatorijs vsus est sermonibus, et requisiuit pacem illius,
promittens omnem imperij nostri adimplere voluntatem, et seruitium suum
contra omnem hominem dare, et omnes qui in regno suo tenebantur captiuos
absoluere, et esse ex toto voluntatis nostræ. Ibidem ergo per duos dies
integros, in omni potestate morati sumtis, et cognito quòd nihil poterat
fieri contra ciuitatem Iconij, perditis testudinibus et machins bellicis,
eo quòd boues cecidissent a telis in modo pluuiæ iactis, qui eas trahebant:
Simul autem eo quòd et vniuersa animalia nostra irruente in illa
difficillima ægritudine laborabant, suscepit Soltani depræcationem et
foedera et iuramenta peracta sub vexillis nostris, et pacem suam ei dedit.
Inde ingressum imperium nostrum in regionem suam regreditur, tribulationem
habens non mediocrem super his quos perdidit corisanguineis, maximas tamen
Deo gratias agens, qui per suam bonitaiem et nunc Ipsum honorauit: Gratum
autem habuimus, quòd quosdam nobilitatis tuæ principes accidit interesse
nobiscum, qui narrabunt de omnibus quæ acciderant, tuæ voluntati seriem.
Cæterum autem, licèt contristati simus propter illos qui ceciderunt:
oportunum tamen duximus, de omnibus quæ; acciderant, declarare tibi, vt
dilecto amico nostro, et vt permultùm coniuncto imperio nostro, per
puerorum nostrorum intimam consanguinitatem. Vale. Data mense Nouembris,
indictione tertia.
The same in English.
In the yeere 1177, Manuel the emperour of Constantinople hauing fought a
field with the Soldan of Iconium, and vanquished him, wrote vnto Henry the
second king of England in maner following.
Manuel Comnenus in Christ the euerliuing God a faithful emperour, descended
of the linage of Porphyrie, crowned by Gods grace, high, puissant, mighty,
alwayes most souereign, and gouernour of the Romans; vnto Henry the most
famous king of England, his most deare friend, greeting and all good
successe. Whereas our imperiall highnesse thinketh it expedient to
aduertise you our welbeloued friend of all our affaires: We thought it not
amisse to signifie vnto your, royal Maiestie certaine exploits at this
present atchieued by vs. From the beginning therefore of our inauguration
our imperiall highnes hath mainteined most deadly feod and hostility
against Gods enemies the Persians, seeing them so to triumph ouer
Christians, to exalt themselues against the Name of God, and to vsurpe ouer
Christian kingdomes. For which cause our imperial highnesse hath in some
sort encountered them heretofore, and did as it pleased God to giue vs
grace. And we suppose that your Maiestie is not ignorant, what our
imperiall highnesse hath often performed for their ruine and subversion.
For euen now, being vrged thereunto, we haue determined to leade a mighty
army against them, and to wage warre against all Persia. And albeit our
forces be not so great as we could wish they were, yet haue we according to
the time, and the present state of things strongly inuaded them. Wherefore
our Maiestie imperiall hath gathered our armies together: but because we
had in our armie sundry carts laden with armour, engines and other
instruments for the assault of cities, to an exceeding weight we could not
make any great speed in our iourney. Moreouer while our imperiall highnesse
was yet marching in our owne dominions, before any barbarous enemy had
fought against vs: our people were visited with the most grieuous disease
of the fluxe, which being dispersed in our troups destroyed and slew great
numbers, more then the sword of the enemy would haue done, which mischiefe
so preuailing, did woonderfully abate our forces. But after we had inuaded
the Turkish frontiers, we had at the first very often and hot skirmishes,
and the Turks came swarming to fight against our imperiall troups. Howbeit
by Gods assistance those miscreants were altogether scattered and put to
flight by our souldiers. But as we approched vnto that strait passage which
is called by the Persians Cibrilcimam, so many bands of Persian footemen
and horsemen (most whereof came from the innermost parts of Persia, to
succour their Allies) encountred our army, as were almost superiour vnto vs
in number. Wherefore the army of our Imperiall highnesse, by reason of the
straightnesse and difficultie of the way, being stretched ten miles in
length; and the first not being able to helpe the last, nor yet
contrarywise the last to rescue the first, it came to passe that they were
very farre distant asunder. And in very deed the foremost troupes were much
separated from the guard of our imperiall person, who forgetting their
fellowes behind, would not stay any whit for them. Because therefore the
Turkish bands knew full well by their former conflicts that it was
bootlesse for them to assaile the forefront of our battell, and perceiuing
the narownesse of the place to be a great aduantage, they determined to set
vpon our rereward, and did so. Wherefore our passage being very straight,
and the infidels assayling vs upon the right hand and vpon the left, and on
all sides, and discharging their weapons as thicke as hailestones against
vs, slew diuers of our men and horses. Hereupon, the slaughter of our
people still encreasing, our maiestie imperiall deemed it requisite to stay
behind, and to succour our bands in the rereward, and so expecting them we
sustained the fierce encounter of many thousand Persians. What exploits our
Imperiall person atchieued in the same skirmish, I hold it needlesse at
this time to recount: your maiestie may perhaps vnderstand more of this
matter by them which were there present Howbeit our Imperiall highnesse
being in the middest of this conflict, and enduring the fight with so great
danger, all our hindermost troups, both Greekes, Latines, and other
nations, retiring themselues close together, and not being able to suffer
the violence of their enemies weapons, pressed on so hard, and were caried
with such maine force, that hastening to ascend the next hill for their
better safegard, they vrged on them which went before, whether they would
or no. Wherevpon, much dust being raised, which stopped our eyes and
vtterly depriued vs of sight, and our men and horses pressing so sore one
vpon the necke of another, plunged themselues on the sudden into such a
steepe and dangerous valley, that treading one vpon another, they quelled
to death not onely a multitude of the common souldiours, but diuers most
honourable personages, and some of our neere kinsmen. For who could
restraine the irresistable throng of so huge a multitude? Howbeit our
Imperiall highnesse being enuironed with such swarmes of Infidels, and
giuing and receiuing wounds (insomuch that the miscreants were greatly
dismaied at our constancie) we gaue not ouer, but by Gods assistance wonne
the field. Neither did we permit the enemie to ascend vnto that place, from
whence we skirmished with him. Neither yet spurred wee on our horse any
faster for all their assaults. But marshalling air our troupes together,
and deliuering them out of danger, we disposed them about our Imperial
person; and so we ouertooke the foremost, and marched in good order with
our whole army. Nowe the Soldan perceiuing that notwithstanding the great
damages which we had sustained, our Imperial hignes prouided to giue him a
fresh encounter, humbly submitting himselfe vnto vs, and vsing submissive
speaches, made suite to haue peace at our hands, and promised to fulfill
the pleasure of our maiestie Imperiall, to doe vs seruice against all
commers, to release all our subiects which were captiues in his realme, and
to rest wholy at our commaund. [Sidenote: The citie of Iconium intended to
haue bene besieged.] Here therefore we remained two dayes with great
authoritie; and considering that wee could attempt nought against the citie
of Iconium, hauing lost all our warrelike engines, both for defence and for
batterie, for that the oxen which drew them were slaine with the enemies
weapons, falling as thicke as hailestones: and also for because all our
beasts in a maner were most grieuously diseased; our maiestie Imperial
accepted of the Soldans petition, league, and oath being made and taken
vnder our ensignes, and granted our peace vnto him. Then returned we into
our owne dominions, being greatly grieued for the losse of our deere
kinsmen, and yeelding vnto God most humble thanks, who of his goodnesse had
euen now giuen vs the victory. [Sidenote: Certaine noblemen of the king of
England were with the Emperor in his battell against the Soldan of
Iconium.] We are right glad likewise that some of your maiesties princes
and nobles accompanied vs in this action, who are able to report vnto you
all things which haue happened. And albeit we were exceedingly grieued for
the losse of our people; yet thought it we expedient to signifie vnto you
the successe of our affaires, as vnto our welbeloued friend, and one who is
very neerely allied vnto our highnesse Imperial, by reason of the
consanguitie of our children Farewell. Giuen in the moneth of Nouember, and
vpon the tenth Indiction.
* * * * *
The life and trauailes of Baldwinus Deuonius, sometime Archbishop of
Canterbury.
Baldwinus Deuonius, tenui loco Excestrire natus, vir ore facundus, exactus
Philosophus, et de omne studiorum genus per illos dies aptissimus
inueniebatur. Scholarum rector primùm erat, tum postea Archidiaconus,
eruditione ac sapientia in omni negotio celebris: fuit præterea
Cisterciensis Monachus, et Abbas Fordensis Coenobij, magnus suorum
testimatione, ar vniuiersæ eorum societati quasi Antesignanus: fuit deinde
Wigorniensis præsul, fuit et mortuo demùm Richardo Cantuariorum
Archiepiscopus, ac totius Angliæ Primas. Cui muneri Baldwinus sollicitè
inuigilans, egregium se pastorem exhibuit, dominicum semen, quantum
patiebatur eius temporis, iniquitas, vbique locorum spargens. Richardus
Anglorum rex, acceptis tunc regni insignijs, summo studio classem, ac omnia
ad Hierosolymitanum bellum gerendum necessaria parauit. Secutus est illico
regem in Syriam, et Palestinam vsque Baldwinus, vt esset in tam Sancto (vt
ipse putabat) itinere laborum, dolorum, ac periculorum particeps. Præfuit
Cantuariensi Ecclesiæ ferè 6 annis, et Richardum regem in Syriam secutus,
anno Salutis nostræ 1190. Tyri vitam finiuit, vbi et sepultus est.
The same in English.
Baldwine a Deuonshire man borne in Exceter of mean parentage, was a very
eloquent man, an exact Philosopher, and in those dayes very excellent in
all kind of studies. He was first of all a Schoolemaster: afterwards he
became an Archdeacon, very famous for his learning and wisedom in all his
doings. He was also a Cistercian Monke and Abbot of Foord Monasterie, and
the chiefe of all those that were of his order: he grew after this to be
bishop of Worcester, and at last after the death of Archb. Richard he was
promoted and made Archbishop of Canterbury, and Primate of all England. In
the discharge of which place he being very vigilant, shewed, himself a
worthy Pastor, sowing the seed of Gods word in euery place as farre foorth
as the iniquitie of that time permitted. In his time king Richard with all
indeauour prepared a Fleet and all things necessary for waging of warre
against the Infidels at lerasalem, taking with him the standerd and
ensignes of the kingdome. This Baldwme eftsoones folowed the king into
Syria and Palestina, as one desirous to be partaker of his trauailes,
paines, and perils in so holy a voyage. Hee was Archbishop of Canterburie
almost sixe yeres: but hauing followed the king into Syria, in the yeere
1190. he died at Tyre, where he was also buried.
* * * * *
An annotation concerning the trauailes of the sayd Baldwirie, taken out of
Giraldus Cambrensis, in his Itinerarium Cambrise, lib, a. Cap. 14. Fol
229.
Inter primos Thomæ Becketi successor hic secundus, audita saluatoris et
salutiferæ Crucis iniuria nostris (proh dolor) diebus per Saladinum
irrogata, cruce signatus, in eiusdem obsequijs, tarn remotis finibus quàm
propinquis, prædicationis officiunm viriliter assumpsit. Et postmodùm iter
accipiens, nauigióque fungens apud Marsiliam, transcurso tandem pelagi
profundo, in portu Tyrensi incolumis applicuit: et inde ad exercitum
nostrum obsidentem pariter et obsessum Aconem transiuit: vbi multos ex
nostris inueniens, et ferè cunctos principum defectu, in summa desolatlone
iam positos, et desperatione, alios quidem longa expectatione fatigatos,
alios fame et inopia grauiter afflictos, quosdam verò aëris, inclementia
distemperatos, diem foelicitèr in terra sacra clausurus extremum, singulos
pro posse vinculo charitatis amplectens, sumptibus et impensis, verbis, et
vitæ mentis confirmauit.
The same in English.
This Baldwine being the second successor vnto Thomas Becket, after he had
heard the wrong which was done to our Sauiour, and the signe of the Crosse
by Saladin the Sultan of Egypt, taking vpon him the Lords Character, he
couragiously perfourmed his office of preaching in the obedience thereof,
as well in farre distant Countreis as at home. And afterwards taking his
iourney and imbarking himselfe at Marseils, hauing at length passed the
Leuant sea, he arriued safely in the Hauen of Tyrus, and from thence went
ouer to Achon vnto our armie, besieging the Towne, and yet (as it were)
besieged it selfe: where finding many of our Countreymen, and almost all
men remaining in wonderfull pensiuenesse and despaire, through the
withdrawing of the Princes, some of them tyred with long expectation,
others grieuously afflicted with hunger and pouertie, and others
distempered with the heate of the weather, being ready happily to ende his
dayes in the Holy land, embracing euery one according to his abilitie in
the bond of loue, he ayded them at his costes and charges, and strengthened
them with his wordes and good examples of life.
* * * * *
A note drawen out of a very ancient booke remaining in the hands of the
right worshipfull M. Thomas Tilney Esquire, touching Sir Frederike Tilney
his ancestor, knighted at Acon in the Holy land for his valour, by K.
Richard the first, as foloweth.
Pertinuit iste liber prius Frederico Tilney de Boston, in comitatu
Lincolniæ militi facto apud Acon in terra Iudeæ anno Regis Richardi primi
tertio. Vir erat iste magnæ staturæ et potens in corpore: qui cum partibus
suis dormit apud Tirrington iuxta villam sui nominis Tilney in Mershland.
Cuius altitudo in salua custodia permanet ibidem vsque in hunc diem. Et
post eius obitum sexdecem militibus eius nominis Tilney hæreditas illa
successiuè obuenit, quorum vnus post alium semper habitabat apud Boston
prædictum; dum fratris senioris hæreditas hæredi generali deuoluta est, quæ
nupta est Iohanni duci Norfolciæ. Eorum miles vltimus fuit Philippus Tilney
nuper de Shelleigh in Comitatu Suffolciæ, pater et genitor Thomæ Tilney de
Hadleigh in Comitatu prædicto Armigeri, cut modò attinet iste liber. Anno
ætatis suæ 64, Anno Domini 1556.
The same in English.
This booke pertained in times past vnto Sir Frederick Tilney of Boston in
the Countie of Lincolne, who was knighted at Acon in the land of Iurie, in
the third yeere of the reigne of king Richard the first. This knight was of
a tall stature, and strong of body, who resteth interred with his
forefathers at Tirrington, neere vnto a towne in Marshland called by his
owne name Tilney. The iust height of this knight is there kept in safe
custody vntill this very day. Also, after this mans decease, the
inheritance of his landes fell successively vnto sixteene sundry knights
called all by the name of Tilney, who dwelt alwayes, one after another, at
the towne of Boston aforesayd, vntill such time as the possessions of the
elder brother fell vnto an heire general, which was maried vnto Iohn duke
of Northfolke. The last knight of that name was sir Philip Tilney late of
Shelleigh in the Countie of Suffolke, predecessor and father vnto Thomas
Tilney of Hadleigh in the Countie aforesayd Esquire, vnto whom the said
booke of late appertained. In the yeere of his age 64 and in the yeere of
our Lord, 1556.
* * * * *
The trauailes of one Richard surnaræd Canonicus.
Richardus Canonicus ad Trinitatis fanum Londini Regularis, ab ipsa
pueritia, bonarum artium literas impense amauit, excoluit, ac didicit. Qui
ex continuo labore atque exercitatione longa, talis tandem euasit orator,
et Poeta, quales ea ætas rarissimos nutriebat. Ob id Richardo Anglorum tunc
Regi charus, longam cum eo peregrinationem in Palæstinam ac Syriam, dum
expugnaret Turcas, suscepit. Vnde in Angliam tum demum reuersus, omnia quæ
presens vidit in vrbibus, agris, ac militum castris, fideli narratione, tam
carmine, quam prosa descripsit. Neque interim omisit eiusdem Regis mores,
et formam, per omnia corporis lineamenta designare, addiditque præclaro suo
open hoc aptissimum pro titulo nomen, scilicet, Itinerarium Regis Richardi.
Claruit anno redemptionis nostne 1200 sub Ioanne Anglorimi Rege.
The same in English.
Richard surnamed Canonicus an obseruant Frier of Trinitie Church in London,
was in great loue with the studies of good Artes, and tooke paines in them
and learned them. And at last by his continuall endeauour and long exercise
therein, he grewe to bee such an Oratour and Poet, as fewe were in that age
liuing, by reason whereof hee grew in fauour with Richard then King of
England, and vndertooke that long voyage with him into Palestina and Syria
against the Turkes. From whence being returned againe into England, hee
faithfully described both in Verse and Prose all such things, as hee had
seene in the Cities, fieldes and tentes of the souldiours, where hee was
present, and omitted not to note the behauiour, forme, and proportion of
body in the foresayd king, giving to his notable worke this most apt name
for the title, The Iournall of King Richard. He flourished in the yeere of
our Redemption 1200. vnder Iohn king of England.
* * * * *
The large contribution to the succour of the Holy land, made by king Iohn
king of England, in the third yeere of his reigne 1201. Matth. Paris and
Holinsh. pag. 164.
At the same time also the Kings of France and England gaue large money
towards the maintenance of the army which at this present went foorth vnder
the leading of the earle of Flanders and other, to warre against the
enemies of the Christian faith at the instance of pope Innocent. There was
furthermore granted vnto them the fortieth part of all the reuenues
belonging vnto ecclesiastical persons, towards the ayd of the Christians
then being in the Holy and: and all such aswel of the nobility, as other of
the weaker sort, which had taken vpon them the crosse, and secretly layed
it downe were compelled eftsoones to receiue it now againe.
* * * * *
The trauailes of Hubert Walter bishop of Sarisburie.
Hubertus Walterus Sarisburiensis Episcopus, vir probus, ingenioque ac
pietate clarus, inter præcipuos vnus eorum erat, qui post Richardum regem
expugnandorum Saracenorum gratia in Syriam proficiscebantur. Cum ex
Palæstina rediens, audiret in Sicilia, quod idem Richardus in inimicorum
manus incidisset, omisso itinere incoepto, ad eum cursim diuertebat: Quem
et ille statim in Angliam misit, vt illic regij Senatus authoritate,
indicto pro eius redemptione tributo pecuniam colligeret quod et industrius
fecit ac regem liberauit. Inde Cantuariorum Archiepiscopus factus, post
eius mortem Ioanni illius fratri ac successori paria fidelitatis officia
præstitit. Longa enim oratione toti Anglorum nationi persuasit, quod vir
prouidus, præstans, fortis, genere nobilissimus, et imperio dignissimus
esset: quo salutatus a populo fuit, atque in regem coronatus. Composuit
quædam opuscula, et ex immenso animi dolore demum obijsse fertur, Anno
salutis humanæ 1205. cum sedisset annos 11. Menses octo, et dies sex. Quum
vidisset ex intestinis odijs, omnia in transmarinis regionibus pessùm ire,
regnante Ioanne.
The same in English.
Hubert Walter bishop of Sarisburie, a vertuous man, and famous for his good
wit and piety, was one of the chiefest of them that followed king Richard
into Syria going against the Saracens. As he returned from Palæstina and
came in his iourney into Sicilia, he there heard of the ill fortune of the
king being fallen into his enemies handes, and thereupon leauing his
iourney homewards, he went presently and in all haste to the place where
the king was captiued, whom the king immediatly vpon his comming sent into
England, that by the authority of the councell, a tribute might be
collected for his redemption: which this Hubert performed with great
diligence, and deliuered the king. After this he was made Archbishop of
Canterburie, and after the death of King Richard he shewed the like dueties
of fidelitie and trust to his brother Iohn that succeeded him. For by a
long oration he perswaded the whole nation of the English men, that he was
a very circumspect man, vertuous, valiant, borne of noble parentage, and
most woorthy of the crowne. Whereupon he was so receiued of all the people
and crowned king. He wrote certaine books, and died at the last with very
great griefe of minde, in the yeere 1205, hauing beene archbishop the space
of 11 yeres 8 moneths and sixe dayes, by reason of the ciuil discords
abroad, whereby all things went topsie turuy, and in the reigne of king
Iohn.
* * * * *
The trauailes of Robert Curson.
Robertus Curson ex nobili quodam Anglorum ortus genere, disciplinis tum
prophanis, tum sacris studiosus incubuit, idque (quantum ex coniecturis
colligo) in celebratissima Oxonij Academia. Præstantissimis illic
institutoribus vsus, ex summa circa ingenuas artes industria, et assiduo
literarum labore, famam sibi inter suos celeberrimam comparauit. Ampliora
deinde meditatus Parisiorum Lutetiam, atque Romam ipsam petijt, illic
Theologus Doctor, hic verò Cardinalis effectus. Vnde vterque Matthæus
Parisius, ac Westmonasterius, hoc de ipso testimonium adferunt: hic libro
2. ille 8. suorum Chronicorum. Anno Domini 1218 (inquiunt) in captione
Damiatæ Ægypti vrbis, sub Ioanne Brenno Hierosolymorum rege, fuit cum
Pelagio Albanensi Magister Robertus de Curson, Anglus, Clericus
celeberrimus, genere nobilis, ac Romanæ Ecclesiæ Cardinalis, etc. Bostonus
Buriensis in sua Catalogo Cursonum aliquos libros composuisse narrat.
Claruit anno superius numerato per prædictos testes in Anglia regnante
Henrico tertio Ioannis regis filio: fuitque hic diebus Honorij tertij
Romani pontificis in Angliam, Bostono teste, legatus.
The same in English.
Robert Curson descended of a noble family of England, vsed great diligence
aswell in prophane as in diuine studies in the famous Vniuersitie of Oxford
(as I coniecture.) He had there the best scholemasters that were to be
gotten, and was most industrious, in the arts and continual exercises of
learning: by meanes whereof he grew to be of great renowne where he liued.
Afterward thinking of greater matters he went to Paris, and thence to Rome
it selfe, and at Paris he proceeded doctor of Diuinity, at Rome he was made
cardinall: whereupon both Matthew Paris and Matthew of Westminster produce
this testimony of him, the one in his second booke, the other in his eight
booke of Chronicles. In the yere of our Lord (say they) 1218, at the taking
of Damiata a city of Egypt vnder Iohn Brenne king of Ierusalem, M. Robert
Curson an English man, a most famous clearke of noble parentage, and
cardinall of the church of Rome, was there with Pelagius Albanensis, &c.
Boston of Burie in Suffolke in his catalogue reporteth, that he wrote
diuers books. He flourished in the yeere aforesayd by the witnesses
aforesayd. Henry the third sonne of king Iohn being then king of England:
and by the further testimony of Boston, this Curson was legate into England
in the dayes of Honorius the third, bishop of Rome.
* * * * *
The voyage of Ranulph earle of Chester, of Saer Quincy earle of Winchester,
William de Albanie earle of Arundel, with diuers other noble men to the
Holy land, in the second yere of King Henry the third. Matth. Paris.
Holensh. pag. 202.
In the yeere 1218, Ranulph earle of Chester was sent into the Holy land by
king Henry the third with a goodly company of souldiers and men of warre,
to ayde the Christians there against the Infidels, which at the same time
had besieged the city of Damiata in Egypt. In which enterprise the valiancy
of the same earle after his comming thither was to his great praise most
apparent There went with him in that iourney Saer de Quincy earle of
Winchester, William de Albanie earle of Arundel, besides diuers barons, as
the lord Robert fitz Walter, Iohn constable of Chester, William de
Harecourt, and Oliuer fitz Roy sonne to the king of England, and diuers
others.
* * * * *
The voyage of Henry Bohun and Saer Quincy to the Holy land.
This yere, being the sixt yere of Henry the third, deceased Henry de Bohun
earle of Hereford, and Saer de Quincy earle of Winchester, in their journey
which they made to the Holy land. Matth. Paris. Holensh. pag. 202. col. 2.
* * * * *
The trauailes of Ranulph Glanuile earle of Chester.
Ranulphus Glanuile Cestriæ Comes, vir nobilissimi generis, et vtroque iure
eruditus, in albo illustrium virorum à me meritò ponendus venit. Ita probè
omnes adolescentiæ suæ annos legibus tum humanis tum diuinis consecrauit,
vt non prius in hominem pet ætatem euaserit, quàm nomen decúsque ab insigni
eruditione sibi comparauerit. Cum profecti essent Francorum Heroes
Ptolemaidem, inito cum Ioanne Brenno Hierosolymorum rege concilio, Damiatam
Ægypti vrbem obsidendam constituebant, anno salutis humanæ 1218. Misit
illùc Henricus rex, ab Honorio 3 Rom. Pontifice rogatus, cum magna
armatorum manu Ranulphum, ad rem Christianum iuuandam. Cuius virtus,
Polydoro teste, in eo bello miris omnium laudibus celebrata fuit. Quo
confecto negotio, Ranulphus in patriam reuersus, scripsit, De legibus
Angliæ librum vnum. Fertur præterea, et alia quædam scripsisse, sed tempus
edax rerum, ea nobis abstulit. Claruit anno à Seruatoris nostri natiuitate
1230 confectus senio, dum Henricus tertius sub Antichristi tyrannide in
Anglia regnaret.
The same in English.
Ranulph Granuile earle of Chester, a man of a very noble house, and learned
in both the Lawes, deserues of deutie to be here placed by me in the
catalogue of woorthy and notable men. He applied so well all the yeeres of
his youth to the study of humane and diuine Lawes, that he came not so
soone to the age of a man, as he had purchased to himselfe by reason of his
singular learning, renowme and honour. When the noble men of France went to
Ptolomais, vpon the counsell of Iohn Brenne king of Ierusalem, they
resolued to besiege Damiata a city of Egypt, in the yeere 1218. And then
Henry the king vpon the motion of Honorius the third, bishop of Rome, sent
thither this earle Ranulph with a great power of armed souldiers, to
further the enterprise of the Christians: whose valure in that warre (by
the testimonie of Polidor Virgil) was marueilously commended of all men.
After the end of which businesse, he being returned into his countrey,
wrote a booke of the lawes of England. It is also reported that he wrote
other books, but time the destroyer of many memorials, hath taken them from
vs. He flourished in the yeere after the natiuity of Christ 1230, being
very aged, and in the reigne of K. Henry the third.
* * * * *
The voyage of Petrus de Rupibus bishop, of Winchester, to Ierusalem in the
yere of grace 1231, and the 15 of Henry the third.
Anno gratis 1231, mense verò Iulio, Petrus Wintoniensis episcopus, completo
in terra sancta iam fere per quinquennium magnifice peregrinationis voto,
reuersus est in Angliam, Kalendis Augusti; et Wintoniam veniens, susceptus
est cum processione solenni in sua ecclesia cathedrali.
The same in English.
In the yere of grace 1231, and in the moneth of Iuly, Peter bishop of
Winchester hauing spent almost fiue whole yeres in fulfilling his vow of
pilgrimage in the Holy land with great pompe, returned into England, about
the Kalends of August, and coming unto Winchester was received with solemne
procession into his cathedrall church.
* * * * *
The honourable and prosperous voyage of Richard earle of Cornewall, brother
to king Henry the third, accompanied with William Longespee earle of
Sarisburie, and many other noble men into Syria.
In the 24 yere of king Henry the third, Richard earle of Cornwall the kings
brother, with a navy of ships sailed into Syria, where in the warres
against the Saracens he greatly advanced the part of the Christians. There
went over with him the earle of Sarisburie, William Longspee, and William
Basset, John Beauchampe, Geoffrey de Lucie, John Neuel, Geoffrey
Beauchampe, Peter de Brense, and William Furniuall.
Simon Montfort earle of Leicester went ouer also the same time; but whereas
the earle of Cornwall tooke the sea at Marseils, the earle of Leicester
passed thorow Italy, and tooke shipping at Brindize in Apulia: and with him
went these persons of name, Thomas de Furniual with his brother Gerard de
Furniuall, Hugh Wake, Almerike de S. Aumond, Wiscard Ledet, Punchard de
Dewin, and William de Dewin that were brethren, Gerald Pesmes, Fouke de
Baugie, and Peter de Chauntenay.
Shortly after also Iohn earle of Albemarle, William Fortis, and Peter de
Mallow a Poictouin, men for their valiancy greatly renowmed, went thither,
leading with them a great number of Christian souldiors, Matth. Paris.
Matth. West Holensh. pag. 225. col. 2.
* * * * *
The voyage of William Longespee [Marginal note:--Or, Longsword.] Earle of
Sarisburie into Asia, in the yeere 1248, and in the 32 yeere of the
reigne of Henry the third, king of England.
Lewis the French king being recovered of his sicknesse which he fell into,
in the yeere 1234, vowed thereupon for a free will sacrifice to God, that
he (if the Councell of his realme would suffer him) would in his owne
person visit the Holy land: which matter was opened and debated in the
Parliament of France held in the yeere 1247. Where at length it was
concluded, that the king according to his vow should take his journey into
Asia, and the time thereof was also prefixed, which should be after the
feast of S. John Baptist the next yeere ensuing.
At which time William Longespee a worthie warrior, with the bishop of
Worcester and certaine other great men in the Realme of England (mooved
with the example of the Frenchmen) prepared themselves likewise to the same
journey.
It fell out in this enterprise, that about the beginning of October, the
French king assaulted and tooke Damiata, being the principall fort or hold
of the Saracens in all Egypt, Anno 1249, and having fortified the Citie
with an able garrison left with the Duke of Burgundies he remooved his
tents from thence to goe Eastward. In whose armie followed William
Longespee, accompanied with a piked number of English warriors retaining
unto him. But such was the disdaine of the Frenchmen against this William
Longespee and the Englishmen that they could not abide them, but flouted
them after an opprobrious maner with English tailes, insomuch that the
French king himselfe had much adoe to keepe peace betweene them.
The originall cause of this grudge betweene them began thus. [Sidenote: A
fort won by the Englishmen] There was not farre from Alexandria in Egypt a
strong fort or castle replenished with great Ladies and rich treasure of
the Saracens: which hold it chanced the sayd William Longespee with his
company of English soldiers to get, more by politique dexteritie then by
open force of armes, wherewith, he and his retinue were greatly enriched.
When the Frenchmen had knowledge hereof (they not being made priuie hereto)
began to conceive an heart burning against the English souldiers, and could
not speake well of them after that.
[Sidenote: A rich bootie also gotten by the Englishmen.] It hapned againe
not long after that the sayd William had intelligence of a company of rich
merchants among the Saracens going to a certaine Faire about the parts of
Alexandria, having their camels, asses and mules, richly loden with silkes,
precious jewels, spices, gold and silver, with cart loades of other wares,
beside victuall and other furniture, whereof the souldiers then stood in
great need: he having secret knowledge hereof, gathered all the power of
Englishmen unto him that he could, and so by night falling vpon the
merchants, some he slew with their guides and conducters, some he tooke,
some hee put to flight: the carts with the driuers, and with the oxen,
camels, asses and mules, with the whole cariage and victuals he tooke and
brought with him, losing in all the skirmish but one souldier and eight of
his seruitors: of whom notwithstanding some he brought home wounded to be
cured.
[Sidenote: The iniurie of the Frenchmen to our English.] This being knowen
in the Campe, foorth came the Frenchmen which all this while loytered in
their pauilions, and meeting this cariage by the way, tooke all the
foresayd praie whole to themselues, rating the said William and the
Englishmen for aduenturing and issuing out of the Campe without leaue or
knowledge of their Generall, contrary to the discipline of warre. William
said againe he had done nothing but he would answere to it, whose purpose
was to haue the spoyle deuided to the behoofe of the whole armie.
[Sidenote: Will. Longspee iustly forsaketh the French king.] When this
would not serue, hee being sore grieued in his minde so cowardly to be
spoyled of that which he so aduenturously had trauailed for, went to the
King to complaine: But when no reason nor complaint would serue by reason
of the proude Earle of Artoys the Kings brother, which vpon spight and
disdaine stood agaynst him, he bidding the King forewell sayd hee would
serue him no longer: and so William de Longespee with the rest of his
company breaking from the French hoste went to Achon. Vpon whose departure
the earle of Artoys sayd, Now is the army of French men well rid of these
tailed people, which words spoken in great despight were ill taken of many
good men that heard them.
But not long after, when the keeper of Cayro & Babylonia, bearing a good
mind to the Christian religion, and being offended also with the Souldan,
promised to deliuer the same to the French king, instructing him what
course was best for him to take to accomplish it, the king hereupon in all
haste sent for William Longespee, promising him a full redress of all his
iniuries before receiued: who at the kings request came to him againe, and
so ioyned with the French power.
After this, it happened that the French king passing with his armie
towardes Cayro aforesayd, came to the great riuer Nilus, on the further
part whereof the Soldan had pitched himselfe to withstand his comming ouer:
there was at this time a Saracen lately conuerted to Christ, seruing the
earle Robert the French kings brother, who told him of the absence of the
Soldan from his tents, and of a shallow foord in the riuer where they might
easily passe ouer. Whereupon the sayd earle Robert and the Master of the
Temple with a great power, esteemed to the third part of the army issued
ouer the riuer, after whom followed W. Longspee with his band of English
souldiers. These being ioyned together on the other side of the water,
encountred the same day with the Saracens remaining in the tents and put
them to the worst. Which victory being gotten, the French earle surprised
with pride and triumph, as though hee had conquered the whole earth, would
needs forward, diuiding himselfe from the maine hoste, thinking to winne
the spurres alone. To whom certain sage men of the Temple, giuing him
contrary counsell, aduised him not to do so, but rather to returne and take
their whole company with them, and so should they be more sure against all
deceits and dangers, which might be layed priuily for them. The maner of
that people (they sayd) they better knew, and had more experience thereof
then he: alledging moreouer their wearied bodies, their tired horses, their
famished souldiers, and the insufficiency also of their number, which was
not able to withstand the multitude of the enemies, especially at this
present brunt, in which the aduersaries did well see the whole state of
their dominion now to consist either in winning all or losing all.
Which when the proud earle did heare, being inflated with no lesse
arrogancy then ignorance, with opprobrious taunts reuiled them, calling
them cowardly dastards, and betrayers of the whole countrey, obiecting vnto
them the common report of many, which sayd, that the land of the holy
crosse might soone be woon to Christendome, were it not for rebellious
Templaries, with the Hospitalaries, and their followers.
To these contumelious rebukes, when the master of the Temple answered
againe for him and his fellowes, bidding him display his ensigne when he
would, and where he durst, they were as ready to follow him, as he to goe
before them. Then began William de Longespe the worthy knight to speake,
desiring the earle to giue eare to those men of experience, who had better
knowledge of those countreyes and people then he had, commending also their
counsell to be discreet and wholesome, and so turning to the master of the
Temple, began with gentle wordes to mittigate him likewise. The knight had
not halfe ended his talke, when the Earle taking his wordes out of his
mouth, began to fume and sweare, crying out of those cowardly Englishmen
with tailes: What a pure armie (sayd he) should we haue here, if these
tailes and tailed people were purged from it, with other like words of
villany, and much disdaine: [Sidenote: The worthy answere of William
Longspe to Earle Robert.] whereunto the English knight answering againe,
well, Earle Robert (said he) wheresoeuer you dare set your foote, my step
shall go as farre as yours, and (as I beleeue) we goe this day where you
shall not dare to come neere the taile of my horse, as in deede in the
euent it prooued true: for Earle Robert would needes set forward, weening
to get all the glory to himselfe before the comming of the hoste, and first
inuaded a litle village or castle, which was not farre off, called Mansor.
The countrey Boores and Pagans in the villages, seeing the Christians
comming, ranne out with such a maine cry and shout, that it came to the
Soldans hearing, who was neerer then our men did thinke. In the meane time,
the Christians inuading and entring into the munition [Footnote:
Fortification.] incircumspectly, were pelted and pashed [Footnote: "That
can be cut with any iron, or pashed with mighty stones." CHAPMAN _Iliad_,
xiii., 297.] with stones by them which stood aboue, whereby a great number
of our men were lost, and the armie sore maymed, and almost in despaire.
Then immediatly vpon the same, commeth the Soldan with all his maine power,
which seeing the Christian armie to be deuided, and the brother separated
from the brother, had that which he long wished for, and so inclosing them
round about, that none should escape, had with them a cruell fight.
Then the earle beganne to repent him of his heady rashnes, but it was too
late, who then seeing William the English knight doughtily fighting in the
chiefe brunt of the enemies, cried vnto him most cowardly to flie, seeing
God (saith he) doth fight against vs: To whom the Knight answering againe,
God forbid (sayth he) that my fathers sonne should runne away from the face
of a Saracene. [Sidenote: The cowardly flight of Earle Robert.] The Earle
then turning his horse, fled away, thinking to auoid by the swiftnes of his
horse, and so taking the riuer Thafnis, oppressed with harnesse, was there
sunken and drowned.
Thus the Earle being gone, the Frenchmen began to dispaire and scatter.
[Sidenote: The valiant ende of William Longespe.] Then William de Longespe
bearing all the force of the enemies, stoode against them as long as he
could, wounding and slaying many a Saracen, till at length his horse being
killed, and his legges maymed, he could no longer stande, who yet
notwithstanding as he was downe, mangled their feete and legges, and did
the Saracens much sorrow, till at last after many blowes and wounds, being
stoned of the Saracens, he yeelded his life. And after the death of him,
the Saracens setting vpon the residue of the armie, whom they had compassed
on euery side, deuoured and destroyed them all, insomuch that scarce one
man remained aliue, sauing two Templaries, one Hospitaler, and one poore
rascall souldier, which brought tidings hereof to the King.
And thus by the imprudent and foolish hardines of that French Earle, the
Frenchmen were discomfited, and that valiant English Knight ouermatched, to
the griefe of all Christian people, the glory of the Saracens, and the
vtter destruction and ruine of the whole French armie, as afterwards it
appeared.
* * * * *
The Voyage of Prince Edward the sonne of king Henry the third into Asia, in
the yeere 1270.
About the yeere of our Lord, 1267. Octobonus the Popes Legate being in
England, prince Edward the sonne of king Henry, and other Noble men of
England tooke vpon them the crosse vpon S. Iohn Baptists day, by the sayd
Legates hands at Northampton, to the reliefe of the Holy land, and the
subuersion of the enemies of the crosse of Christ. For which purpose, and
for the better furnishing of the prince towards the iourney, there was
granted him a subsidie throughout all the realme, and in the moneth of May,
in the yeere of our Lord 1270. he began to set forward.
At Michælmas following he with his company came to Eguemortes, which is
from Marsilia eight leagues Westward, and there taking ship againe (hauing
a mery and prosperous wind) within ten dayes arriued at Tunez, where he was
with great ioy welcommed, and entertained of the Christian princes that
there were to this purpose assembled, as of Philip the French King, whose
father Lodouicus died a litle before, of Carolus the king of Sicilia, and
the two kings of Nauarre and Arragon, and as this lord Edward came thither
for his father the king of England, thither came also Henry the sonne of
the king of Almaine for his father, who at his returne from the voyage was
slaine in a chappell at Viterbium.
When prince Edward demanded of these kings and princes what was to be done,
they answered him againe and sayd, the prince of this citie and the
prouince adioyning to the same hath bene accustomed to pay tribute vnto the
king of Sicily euery yere: and now for that the same hath bene for the
space of seuen yeeres vnpaied and more, therefore we thought good to make
invasion vpon him. But the king knowing the same tribute to be but iustly
demaunded, hath now according to our owne desire satisfied for the time
past, and also paid his tribute before hand.
Then sayd he, My Lords, what is this to the purpose? are we not here all
assembled, and haue taken vpon vs the Lords Character to fight against the
infidels and enemies of Christ? What meane you then to conclude a peace
with them? God forbid we should do so, for now the land is plaine and hard,
so that we may approch to the holy city of Ierusalem. Then said they, now
haue we made a league with them, neither is it lawful for vs to breake the
same. But let vs returne againe to Sicilia, and when the winter is past we
may well take shipping to Acra. But this counsel nothing at all liked him,
neither did he shew himselfe wel pleased therewith: but after hee had made
them a princely banket, he went into his closet or priuy chamber from
amongst them, neither would be partaker of any of that wicked money which
they had taken. They notwithstanding continuing their purpose, at the next
mery wind tooke shipping, and for want of ships left 200. of their men a
shore, crying out, and pitiously lamenting for the peril and hazard of
death that they were in: wherewith prince Edward being somewhat mooued to
compassion: came backe againe to the land, and receiued and stowed them in
his owne ships, being the last that went aboord.
Within seuen dayes after, they arriued in the kingdom of Sicilia, ouer
agaynst the Citie Trapes, [Footnote: Trapani, N.E. of Marsala.] casting
their ankers a league from thence within the sea, for that their shippes
were of great burden, and throughly fraught: and from the hauen of the city
they sent out barges and boates to receiue and bring such of the Nobilitie
to land as would, but their horses for the most part, and all their armour
they kept still within boord.
At length towards the euening the sea began to be rough, and increased to a
great tempest and a mightie: insomuch that their ships were beaten one
against anothers sides, and drowned. There was of them at that tempest
lying at anker more then 120. with all their armour and munition, with
innumerable soules besides, and that wicked money also which they had taken
before, likewise perished, and was lost.
But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of prince Edwards, who had in
number 13. nor yet had one man lost thereby, for that (as it may be
presupposed) he consented not to the wicked counsell of the rest.
When in the morning the princes and kings came to the sea side, and saw all
their ships drowned, and saw their men and horses in great number cast vpon
the land drowned, they had full heauie hearts, as well they might, for of
all their ships and mariners, which were in number 1500. besides the common
souldiers, there was no more saued then the manners of one onely ship, and
they in this wise.
There was in that ship a good and wise Matrone, a Countesse or an Erles
wife, who perceiuing the tempest to grow, and fearing her selfe, called to
her the M. of the ship, and asked him whether in attempting to the shoare
it were not possible to saue themselues: he answered, that to saue the ship
it was impossible: howbeit the men that were therein by Gods helpe he
doubted not. Then sayd the countesse, for the ship force no whit, saue the
soules therein, and haue to thee double the value of the shippe: who
immediatly hoising the sailes with all force, ran the shippe aground so
neere the shore as was possible, so that with the vehemency of the weather
and force he came withall, he brast the ship and saued all that was within
the same, as he had shewed, and sayd before.
Then the kings and princes (altering their purpose after this so great a
shipwracke) returned home againe euery one vnto their owne lands: onely
Edward, the sonne of the king of England, remained behinde with his men and
ships, which the Lord had saued and preserued.
[Sidenote: The arriual of Prince Edward at Acra.] Then prince Edward
renouating his purpose, tooke shipping againe, and within fifteene daies
after Easter arriued he at Acra, and went a land, taking with him a
thousand of the best souldiers and most expert, and taried there a whole
moneth, refreshing both his men and horses, and that in this space he might
learne and know the secrets of the land. [Sidenote: Nazareth taken by the
prince.] After this he tooke with him sixe or seuen thousand souldiers, and
marched forward twenty miles from Acra, and tooke Nazareth, and those that
he found there he slew, and afterward returned againe to Acra. But their
enemies following after them, thinking to haue set vpon them at some streit
or other advantage, were espied by the prince, and returning againe vpon
them gaue a charge, and slew many of them, and the rest they put to flight.
[Sidenote: A victorie against the Saracens wherein 1000 of them are
slaine.] After this, about Midsummer, when the prince had vnderstanding
that the Saracens began to gather at Cakow which was forty miles from Acra,
he marching thither, set vpon them very earely in the morning, and slew of
them more then a thousand, the rest he put to flight, and tooke rich
spoiles, marching forward till they came to a castle named Castrum
peregrinorum, situate vpon the sea coast, and taried there that night, and
the next day they returned againe toward Acra.
In the meane season the king of Ierusalem sent vnto the noble men of
Cyprus, desiring them to come with speed to ayd the Christians, but they
would not come, saying they would keepe their owne land, and go no further.
[Sidenote: The Princes of Cyprus acknowledge obedience to the kings of
England.] Then prince Edward sent vnto them, desiring that at his request
they would come and ioyne in ayd with him: who immediatly thereupon came
vnto him with great preparation and furniture for the warres, saying, that
at his commandement they were bound to do no lesse, for that his
predecessors were sometimes the gouernors of that their land, and that they
ought alwayes to shew their fidelity to the kings of England.
Then the Christians being herewith animated, made a third voyage or road,
and came as farre as the fort called Vincula sancti Petri, and to S.
Georgius, and when they had slain certaine there, not finding any to make
resistance against them, they retired againe from whence they came: when
thus the fame of prince Edward grew amongst his enemies, and that they
began to stand in doubt of him, they deuised among themselues how by some
pollicy they might circumuent him, and betray him. Whereupon the prince and
admirall of Ioppa sent vnto him, faining himselfe vnder great deceit
willing to become a Christian, and that he would draw with him a great
number besides, so that they might be honorably entertained and vsed of the
Christians. This talke pleased the prince well, and perswaded him to finish
the thing he had so well begun by writing againe, who also by the same
messenger sent and wrote backe vnto him diuers times about the same matter,
whereby no mistrust should spring.
This messenger (sayth mine author) was one ex caute nutritis, one of the
stony hearted, that neither feared God nor dreaded death.
The fift time when this messenger came, and was of the princes seruants
searched according to the maner and custome what weapon and armour he had
about him, as also his purse, that not so much as a knife could be seene
about him, he was had vp into the princes chamber, and after his reuerence
done, he pulled out certaine letters, which he deliuered the prince from
his lord, as he had done others before. This was about eight dayes after
Whitsuntide, vpon a Tuesday, somewhat before night, at which time the
prince was layed vpon his bed bare headed, in his ierkin for the great heat
and intemperature of the weather.
When the prince had read the letters, it appeared by them, that vpon the
Saturday next following, his lord would be there ready to accomplish all
that he had written and promised. The report of these newes by the prince
to the standers by, liked them well, who drew somewhat backe to consult
thereof amongst themselues. [Sidenote: Prince Edward traiterously wounded.]
In the meane time, the messenger kneeling, and making his obeisance to the
prince (questioning further with him) put his hand to his belt, as though
he would haue pulled out some secret letters, and suddenly he pulled out an
enuenomed knife, thinking to haue stroken the prince in the belly therewith
as he lay: but the prince lifting vp his hand to defend the blow, was
striken a great wound into the arme, and being about to fetch another
stroke at him, the prince againe with his foot tooke him such a blow, that
he feld him to the ground: with that the prince gate him by the hand, and
with such violence wrasted the knife from him, that he hurt himselfe
therewith on the forehead, and immediately thrust the same into belly of
the messenger and striker, and slew him.
The princes seruants being in the next chamber not farre off, hearing the
busling, came with great haste running in, and finding the messenger lying
dead in the floore, one of them tooke vp a stoole, and beat out his brains:
whereat the prince was wroth for that he stroke a dead man, and one that
was killed before.
But the rumour of this accident, as it was strange, so it went soone
thorowout all the Court, and from thence among the common people, for which
they were very heauy, and greatly discouraged. To him came also the
Captaine of the Temple, and brought him a costly and precious drinke
against poison, least the venime of the knife should penetrate the liuely
blood, and in blaming wise sayd vnto him: did I not tell your Grace before
of the deceit and subtilty of this people? Notwithstanding, said he, let
your Grace take a good heart, you shall not die of this wound, my life for
yours. But straight way the Surgions and Physicians were sent for, and the
prince was dressed, and within few dayes after, the wound began to
putrifie, and the flesh to looke dead and blacke: wherupon they that were
about the prince began to mutter among themselues, and were very sad and
heauy.
Which thing, he himself perceiuing, said vnto them: why mutter you thus
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