The Prose Works of Jonathan Swift, Vol. X.
by
Jonathan Swift
Part 6 out of 9
the King's defeat and imprisonment, reduced without any difficulty the
whole Duchy of Normandy to his obedience.
The legate himself, although brother to King Stephen, received her at
Winchester with great solemnity, accepted her oath for governing with
justice, redressing grievances, and supporting the rights of the Church,
and took the old conditional one of fealty to her; then in an assembly
of bishops and clergy convoked for the purpose, he displayed the
miscarriages of his brother, and declared his approbation of the Empress
to be Queen; to which they unanimously agreed. To complete all, he
prevailed by his credit with the Londoners, who stood out the last of
any, to acknowledge and receive her into the city, where she arrived at
length in great pomp, and with general satisfaction.
But it was the misfortune of this Princess to possess many weaknesses
that are charged to the sex, and very few of its commendable qualities:
she was now in peaceable possession of the whole kingdom, except the
county of Kent, where William d'Ypres pretended to keep up a small party
for the King; when by her pride, wilfulness, indiscretion, and a
disobliging behaviour, she soon turned the hearts of all men against
her, and in a short time lost the fruits of that victory and success
which had been so hardly gained by the prudence and valour of her
excellent brother. The first occasion she took to discover the
perverseness of her nature, was in the treatment of Maud, the wife of
King Stephen, a lady of great virtue, and courage above her sex, who,
coming to the Empress an humble suitor in behalf of her husband,
offered, as a price of his liberty, that he should resign all
pretensions to the crown, and pass the rest of his life in exile, or in
a convent: but this request was rejected with scorn and reproaches; and
the Queen finding all entreaties to no purpose, writ to her son Eustace
to let him understand the ill success of her negotiation, that no relief
was to be otherwise hoped for than by arms, and therefore advised him to
raise immediately what forces he could for the relief of his father.
Her next miscarriage was towards the Londoners, who presented her a
petition for redressing certain rigorous laws of her father, and
restoring those of Edward the Confessor. The Empress put them off for a
time with excuses, but at last discovered some displeasure at their
importunity. The citizens, who had with much difficulty been persuaded
to receive her against their inclinations, which stood wholly for the
King, were moved with indignation at her unreasonable refusal of their
just demands, and entered into a conspiracy to seize her person. But she
had timely notice of their design, and leaving the city by night in
disguise, fled to Oxford.
A third false step the Empress made,[36] was in refusing her new
powerful friend the legate a favour he desired in behalf of Eustace, the
King's son, to grant him the lands and honours held by his father before
he came to the crown. She had made large promises to this prelate, that
she would be directed in all things by his advice, and to be refused
upon his first application a small favour for his own nephew, stung him
to the quick; however, he governed his resentments a while, but began at
the same time to resume his affection for his brother. These thoughts
were cultivated with great address by Queen Maud, who prevailed at last
so far upon the legate, that private measures were agreed between them
for restoring Stephen to his liberty and crown. The bishop took leave of
the Empress, upon some plausible pretence, and retired to Winchester,
where he gave directions for supplying with men and provisions several
strong castles he had built in his diocese, while the Queen with her son
Eustace prevailed with the Londoners and men of Kent to rise in great
numbers for the King; and a powerful army was quickly on foot, under the
command of William d'Ypres Earl of Kent.
[Footnote 36: William of Malmesbury. [D.S.]]
In the mean time the Empress began to be sensible of the errors she had
committed; and in hope either to retrieve the friendship of the legate,
or take him prisoner, marched with her army to Winchester, where being
received and lodged in the castle, she sent immediately for the legate,
spoke much in excuse of what was past, and used all endeavours to regain
him to her interests. Bishop Henry, on the other side, amused her with
dubious answers, and kept her in suspense for some days; but sent
privately at the same time to the King's army, desiring them to advance
with all possible speed; which was executed with so much diligence, that
the Empress and her brother had only time with their troops to march a
back way out of the town. They were pursued by the enemy so close in the
rear, that the Empress had hardly time, by counterfeiting herself dead,
to make her escape; in which posture she was carried as a corpse to
Gloucester; but the Earl her brother, while he made what opposition he
could, with design to stop her pursuers, was himself taken prisoner,
with great slaughter of his men. After the battle, the Earl was in his
turn presented to Queen Maud, and by her command sent to Rochester to be
treated in the same manner with the King.
Thus the heads of both parties were each in the power of his enemy, and
Fortune seemed to have dealt with great equality between them. Two
factions divided the whole kingdom, and, as it usually happens, private
animosities were inflamed by the quarrel of the public; which introduced
a miserable face of things throughout the land, whereof the writers of
our English story give melancholy descriptions, not to be repeated in
this history; since the usual effects of civil war are obvious to
conceive, and tiresome as well as useless to relate. However, as the
quarrel between the King and Empress was grounded upon a cause that in
its own nature little concerned the interests of the people, this was
thought a convenient juncture for transacting a peace, to which there
appeared an universal disposition. Several expedients were proposed; but
Earl Robert would consent upon no other terms than the deposing of
Stephen, and immediate delivery of the crown to his sister. These
debates lasted for some months, until the two prisoners, weary of their
long constraint, by mutual consent were exchanged for each other, and
all thoughts of agreement laid aside.
The King, upon recovery of his freedom, hastened to London, to get
supplies of men and money for renewing the war. He there found that his
brother of Winchester had, in a council of bishops and abbots, renounced
all obedience to the Empress, and persuaded the assembly to follow his
example. The legate, in excuse for this proceeding, loaded her with
infamy, produced several instances wherein she had broken the oath she
took when he received her as Queen, and upon which his obedience was
grounded; said, he had received information that she had a design upon
his life.[37]
[Footnote 37: William of Malmesbury. [D.S.]]
It must be confessed that oaths of fealty in this Prince's reign were
feeble ties for binding the subject to any reasonable degree of
obedience; and the warmest advocates for liberty cannot but allow, from
those examples here produced, that it is very possible for people to run
upon great extremes in this matter, that a monarch may be too much
limited, and a subject too little; whereof the consequences have been
fully as pernicious for the time as the worst that can be apprehended
from arbitrary power in all its heights, although not perhaps so lasting
or so hard to be remedied; since all the miseries of this kingdom,
during the period we are treating of, were manifestly owing to that
continual violation of such oaths of allegiance, as appear to have been
contrived on purpose by ambitious men to be broken at pleasure, without
the least apprehension of perjury, and in the mean time keep the prince
in a continual slavish dependence.
The Earl of Gloucester, soon after his release, went over into Normandy,
where he found the Earl of Anjou employed in completing the conquest of
that duchy; there he delivered him the sons of several English noblemen,
to be kept as hostages for their fathers' fidelity to the Empress, and
used many arguments for persuading him to come over in person with an
army to her assistance: but Geoffrey excused himself by the importance
of other affairs, and the danger of exposing the dominions he had newly
acquired to rebellions in his absence. However, he lent the Earl of
Gloucester a supply of four hundred men, and sent along with him his
eldest son Henry, to comfort his mother, and be shewn to the people.
During the short absence of the Earl of Gloucester, the Empress was
closely besieged in Oxford by the King; and provisions beginning to
fail, she was in cruel apprehensions of falling into his hands. This
gave her occasion to put in practice the only talent wherein she seemed
to excel, which was that of contriving some little shift or expedient to
secure her person upon any sudden emergency. A long season of frost had
made the Thames passable upon the ice, and much snow lay on the ground;
Maud with some few attendants clad all in white, to avoid being
discovered from the King's camp, crossed the river at midnight on foot,
and travelling all night, got safe to Wallingford Castle, where her
brother and young son Henry, newly returned from France, arrived soon
after, to her great satisfaction: but Oxford, immediately upon the news
of her flight, surrendered to the King.
However, this disgrace was fully compensated soon after by another of
the same kind, which happened to King Stephen; for whilst he and his
brother of Winchester were fortifying a nunnery at Wilton, to bridle his
enemies at Salisbury, who very much harassed those parts by their
frequent excursions, the Earl of Gloucester, who watched all
opportunities, came unaware with a strong body of men, and set fire on
the nunnery while the King himself was in it. Stephen, upon the sudden
surprise of the thing, wholly lost or forgot his usual courage, and fled
shamefully away, leaving his soldiers to be cut in pieces by the Earl.
During the rest of the war, although it lasted nine years longer, there
is little memorable recorded by any writer; whether the parties being
pretty equal, and both sufficiently tired with so long a contention,
wanted vigour and spirit to make a thorough conquest, and only
endeavoured to keep what they had, or whether the multitude of strong
castles, whose number daily increased, made it very difficult to end a
war between two contending powers almost in balance; let the cause be
what it will, the whole time passed in mutual sieges, surprises,
revolts, surrenders of fortified places, without any decisive action, or
other event of importance to be related. By which at length the very
genius of the people became wholly bent upon a life of spoil, robbery,
and plunder; many of the nobles, although pretending to hold their
castles for the King or the Empress, lived like petty independent
princes in a perpetual state of war against their neighbours; the fields
lay uncultivated, all the arts of civil life were banished, no
veneration left for sacred persons or things; in short, no law, truth,
or religion among men, but a scene of universal misery, attended with
all the consequences of an embroiled and distracted state.
About the eleventh year of the King's reign, young Henry, now growing
towards a man, was sent for to France by a message from his father, who
was desirous to see him; but left a considerable party in England, to
adhere to his interests; and in a short time after (as some write[38])
the Empress herself grown weary of contending any longer in a cause
where she had met with nothing but misfortunes of her own procuring,
left the kingdom likewise, and retired to her husband. Nor was this the
only good fortune that befell Stephen; for before the year ended, the
main prop and pillar of his enemies was taken away by death; this was
Robert Earl of Gloucester, than whom there have been few private persons
known in the world that deserve a fairer place and character in the
registers of time, for his inviolable faith, disinterested friendship,
indefatigable zeal, and firm constancy to the cause he espoused, and
unparalleled generosity in the conduct thereof: he adhered to his sister
in all her fortunes, to the ruin of his own; he placed a crown on her
head; and when she had lost it by her folly and perverseness refused the
greatest offers from a victorious enemy, who had him in his power, and
chose to continue a prisoner rather than recover his liberty by any
hazard to her pretensions: he bore up her sinking title in spite of her
own frequent miscarriages, and at last died in her cause by a fever
contracted with perpetual toils for her service. An example fit to be
shewn the world, although few perhaps are like to follow it; but
however, a small tribute of praise, justly due to extraordinary virtue,
may prove no ill expedient to encourage imitation.
[Footnote 38: Gervase. [D.S.]]
But the death of this lord, together with the absence of the Empress and
her son in France, added very little to the quiet or security of the
King. For the Earl of Gloucester, suspecting the fidelity of the lords,
had, with great sagacity, delivered their sons to the Earl of Anjou, to
be kept as pledges for their fathers' fidelity, as we have before
related: by which means a powerful party was still kept up against
Stephen, too strong to be suddenly broken. Besides, he had, by an
unusual strain of his conduct, lately lost much good-will, as well as
reputation, in committing an act of violence and fraud on the person of
the Earl of Chester, a principal adherent of the Empress. This nobleman,
of great power and possessions, had newly reconciled himself to Stephen,
and came to his court at Northampton, where, against all laws of
hospitality, as well as common faith and justice, he was committed to
prison, and forced to buy his liberty with the surrender of Lincoln, and
all his other places, into the King's hands.
1149.
1150.
Affairs continued in this turbulent posture about two years, the nobles
neither trusting the King nor each other. The number of castles still
increased, which every man who had any possessions was forced to build,
or else become a prey to his powerful neighbours. This was thought a
convenient juncture, by the Empress and her friends, for sending young
Prince Henry to try his fortune in England, where he landed at the head
of a considerable number of horse and foot, although he was then but
sixteen years old. Immediately after his arrival he went to Carlisle,
where he met his cousin David King of Scots, by whom he was made knight,
after the usual custom of young princes and noblemen in that age. The
King of England, who had soon intelligence of Henry's landing and
motions, marched down to secure York, against which he expected the
first attempt of his enemy was designed. But, whatever the cause might
be (wherein the writers of those ages are either silent or
unsatisfactory) both armies remained at that secure distance for three
months, after which Henry returned back to Normandy, leaving the kingdom
in the state of confusion he found it at his coming.
The fortunes of this young prince Henry Fitz-Empress now began to
advance by great and sudden steps, whereof it will be no digression to
inform the reader, as well upon the connection they have with the
affairs at home about this time, as because they concern the immediate
successor to the crown.
1151.
Prince Henry's voyage to France was soon followed by the death of his
father Geoffrey Earl of Anjou, whereby the son became possessed of that
earldom, together with the Duchy of Normandy; but in a short time after
he very much enlarged his dominions by a marriage, in which he consulted
his reputation less than his advantage. For Louis the Young, King of
France, was lately divorced from his wife Eleanor, who, as the French
writers relate, bore a great contempt and hatred to her husband, and had
long desired such a separation. Other authors give her not so fair a
character: but whatever might be the real cause, the pretext was
consanguinity in the fourth degree.[39] Henry was content to accept this
lady with all her faults, and in her right became Duke of Aquitaine, and
Earl of Poitou, very considerable provinces, added to his other
dominions.
[Footnote 39: Louis VII., after living fourteen years with his Queen,
obtained a dissolution of the marriage on the plea of relationship
within the prohibited degrees. See Bouchet, "Annalles d'Acquitaine."
[W.S.J.]]
But the two Kings of France and England began to apprehend much danger
from the sudden greatness of a young ambitious prince; and their
interests were jointly concerned to check his growth. Duke Henry was now
ready to sail for England, in a condition to assert his title upon more
equal terms; when the King of France, in conjunction with Eustace, King
Stephen's son, and Geoffrey, the Duke's own brother, suddenly entered
into his dominions with a mighty army; took the Castle of Neufmarche by
storm, and laid siege to that of Angers. The Duke, by this incident, was
forced to lay aside his thoughts of England, and marching boldly towards
the enemy, resolved to relieve the besieged; but finding they had
already taken the castle, he thought it best to make a diversion, by
carrying the war into the enemy's country, where he left all to the
mercy of his soldiers, surprised and burnt several castles, and made
great devastations wherever he came. This proceeding answered the end
for which it was designed; the King of France thought he had already
done enough for his honour, and began to grow weary of a ruinous war,
which was likely to be protracted. The conditions of a peace, by the
intervention of some religious men, were soon agreed. The Duke, after
some time spent in settling his affairs, and preparing all things
necessary for his intended expedition, set sail for England, where he
landed[40] the same year in the depth of winter, with a hundred and
forty knights, and three thousand foot.
[Footnote 40: The place where he landed is not mentioned by our
historians. It was probably in the West of England, as the first
garrisoned town he attacked was Malmesbury. [D.S.]]
Some time before Henry landed, the King had conceived a project to
disappoint his designs, by confirming the crown upon himself and his own
posterity.[41] He sent for the Archbishop of Canterbury, with several
other prelates, and proposed that his son Eustace should be crowned King
with all the usual solemnity: but the bishops absolutely refused to
perform the office, by express orders from the Pope, who was an enemy to
Stephen, partly upon account of his unjust or declining cause, but
chiefly for his strict alliance with the King of France, who was then
engaged in a quarrel against that See, upon a very tender point relating
to the revenues of vacant churches. The King and his son were both
enraged at the bishops' refusal, and kept them prisoners in the chamber
where they assembled, with many threats to force them to a compliance,
and some other circumstances of rigour; but all to no purpose, so that
he was at length forced to desist. But the archbishop, to avoid further
vexation, fled the realm.
[Footnote 41: Gervase, Hen. Huntingdon. [D.S.]]
This contrivance of crowning the son during the life and reign of the
father, which appears so absurd in speculation, was actually performed
in the succeeding reign, and seems to have been taken up by those two
princes of French birth and extraction, in imitation of the like
practice in their native country,[42] where it was usual for kings grown
old and infirm, or swayed by paternal indulgence, to receive their
eldest son into a share of the administration, with the title of King; a
custom borrowed, no doubt, from the later emperors of Rome, who adopted
their Caesars after the like manner.
[Footnote 42: Mezeray. [D.S.]]
1153
The King was employed in his usual exercise of besieging castles when
the news was brought of Henry's arrival. He left the work he was about,
and marched directly against the Duke, who was then sat down before
Malmesbury. But Stephen forced him to raise the siege, and immediately
offered him battle. The Duke, although his army was much increased by
continual revolts, thought it best to gain time, being still in number
far inferior to the King, and therefore kept himself strongly
entrenched. There is some difference among writers about the particulars
of this war: however, it is generally agreed, that in a short time
after, the two armies met, and were prepared for battle, when the nobles
on both sides, either dreading the consequences, or weary of a tedious
war, prevailed with the King and Duke to agree to a truce for some days
in order to a peace; which was violently opposed by Eustace, the King's
son, a youth of great spirit and courage, because he knew very well it
could not be built but upon the ruin of his interests; and therefore
finding he could not prevail, he left the army in a rage, and, attended
by some followers, endeavoured to satiate his fury, by destroying the
country in his march: But in a few days, as he sat at dinner in a castle
of his own, he fell suddenly dead, either through grief, madness, or
poison.
The truce was now expired, and the Duke began to renew the war with
fresh vigour; but the King was wholly dispirited upon this fatal
accident, and now first began to entertain real thoughts of a peace. He
had lost a son whom he dearly loved, and with him he likewise lost the
alliance of the French King, to whose sister the young prince was
married. He had indeed another son left, but little esteemed by the
nobles and people; nor, as it appears, much regarded by his father. He
was now in the decline of his age, decayed in his health, forsaken by
his friends, who, since the death of Eustace, fell daily from him; and
having no further care at heart for his posterity, he thought it high
time to seek repose for his person. The nobles soon observed this
disposition in their King, which was so agreeable to their own;
therefore, by general consent, Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury was
appointed mediator between both princes. All matters were soon agreed;
an assembly of lords was convened at Winchester, where the King received
the Duke with great marks of courtesy and kindness. There the peace was
confirmed by the King's charter, wherein are expressed the terms of
agreement. But I shall relate only the principal.
The King, by this charter, acknowledged Henry for lawful successor to
the crown; in which capacity all the nobles paid him homage: and Henry
himself, with his party, paid homage to Stephen. There is likewise a
reservation for William, the King's son, of all the honours possessed by
his father before he came to the crown. The King likewise acknowledges
the obedience of his subjects to be no longer due to him than he shall
observe the conditions of this charter. And for the performance of these
articles, the archbishops and bishops were appointed guarantees. There
were some other articles agreed on, which are not mentioned in the
charter; as, a general pardon; a restitution, to the right owners, of
those lands and possessions, which had been usurped in the time of the
troubles; that all castles built during the war should be razed to the
ground, which are said to have been above eleven hundred; that the
rights of the Church should be preserved; with other matters of less
moment.
Thus, by the prudence of Archbishop Theobald, the moderation of the two
princes engaged, and the universal inclination of the people, a happy
period was put to this tedious and troublesome war: men began to have
the prospect of a long peace; nor was it easy to foresee what could
possibly arise to disturb it; when discovery was made, by accident, of a
most horrible piece of treachery, which, if it had met with success,
would have once more set the whole nation in a flame. The Duke, after
the peace, attended the King to London, to be shewn to the people as the
undoubted successor to the crown; and having made a progress together
through some other parts of the kingdom, they came to Canterbury; where
Henry received private notice of a design upon his life. It hath been
already observed, that the King employed in his wars a body of Flemings,
to the great discontent of his own subjects, with whom they were very
ungracious. These foreigners were much discontented at the peace,
whereby they were likely to become useless and burthensome to the
present King, and hateful to the successor. To prevent which, the
commanders among them began to practise upon the levity and ambition of
William the King's son. They urged the indignity he had received in
being deprived of his birthright; offered to support his title by their
valour, as they had done that of his father; and, as an earnest of their
intentions, to remove the chief impediment by dispatching his rival out
of the world, The young prince was easily wrought upon to be at the head
of this conspiracy; time and place were fixed; when, upon the day
appointed, William broke his leg by a fall from his horse; and the
conspirators wanting their leader immediately dispersed. This
disappointment and delay, as it usually happens among conspirators, were
soon followed by a discovery of the whole plot, whereof the Duke, with
great discretion, made no other use than to consult his own safety;
therefore, without any shew of suspicion or displeasure, he took leave
of the King, and returned to Normandy.
1154.
Stephen lived not above a year to share the happiness of this peace with
his people, in which time he made a progress through most parts of the
kingdom, where he gained universal love and veneration, by a most
affable and courteous behaviour to all men. A few months after his
return he went to Dover, to have an interview with the Earl of
Flanders;[43] where, after a short sickness, he died of the iliac
passion, together with his old distemper the hemorrhoids, upon the
twenty-fifth day of October, in the forty-ninth year of his age, and the
nineteenth of his reign.
[Footnote 43: The Earl of Flanders was a potent sovereign on the
continent, and had landed at Dover, in order to meet and confer with the
King. [D.S.]]
He was a prince of wonderful endowments, both in body and mind: in his
person tall and graceful, of great strength as well as vigour: he had a
large portion of most virtues that can be useful in a King towards the
happiness of his subjects or himself; courtesy and valour, liberality
and clemency, in an eminent degree; especially the last, which he
carried to an extreme, though very pardonable, yet hardly consisting
with prudence, or his own safety. If we except his usurpation of the
crown, he must be allowed a prince of great justice, which most writers
affirm to have been always unblemished, except in that single instance:
for, as to his treatment of the bishops and the Earl of Chester, it
seems very excusable by the necessity of the time; and it was the
general opinion, if he had not used that proceeding with the latter, it
would have cost him his crown. Perhaps his injustice to the Empress
might likewise admit a little extenuation. Four kings successively had
sat on the throne without any regard to lineal descent; a period beyond
the memory of most men then alive; whereby the people had lost much of
that devotion they were used to bear towards an established succession:
besides, the government of a woman was then a thing unknown, and for
that reason disliked by all who professed to hate innovations.
But the wisdom of this prince was by no means equal to the rest of his
virtues. He came to the crown upon as fair a title as his predecessor,
being elected by the general consent of the nobles, through the credit
of his brother, and his own personal merit. He had no disturbance for
some time, which he might easily have employed in settling the kingdom,
and acquiring the love of his people. He had treasure enough to raise
and pay armies, without burthening the subject. His competitor was a
woman, whose sex was the least of her infirmities, and with whom he had
already compounded for his quiet by a considerable pension: yet with all
these advantages he seldom was master of above half the kingdom at once,
and that by the force of perpetual struggling, and with frequent danger
of losing the whole. The principal difficulties he had to encounter,
appear to have been manifest consequences of several most imprudent
steps in his conduct, whereof many instances have been produced in the
history of his reign; such as, the unlimited permission of building
castles; his raising the siege of a weak place where the Empress was
shut up, and must, in a few days, have fallen into his hands; his
employing the Flemings in his wars, and favouring them above his own
subjects; and lastly, that abortive project of crowning his son, which
procured him at once the hatred and contempt of the clergy, by
discovering an inclination to violence and injustice that he durst not
pursue: whereas, it was nothing else but an effect of that hasty and
sudden disposition usually ascribed to those of his country, and in a
peculiar manner charged to this prince: for authors give it as a part of
his character, to be hot and violent in the beginning of an enterprise,
but to slacken and grow cold in the prosecution.
He had a just sense of religion, and was frequent in attending the
service of the Church, yet reported to be no great friend of the clergy;
which, however, is a general imputation upon all the kings of this realm
in that and some succeeding reigns, and by no means personal to this
prince, who deserved it as little as any.
I do not find any alterations during this reign in the meetings of
general assemblies, further than that the Commons do not seem to have
been represented in any of them; for which I can assign no other reason
than the will of the King, or the disturbance of the time.[44] I
observed the word Parliament is used promiscuously among authors, for a
general assembly of nobles, and for a council of bishops, or synod of
the clergy; which renders this matter too perplexed to ascertain
anything about it.
[Footnote 44: The rise and history of Parliaments had not been cleared
up when the Doctor writ in the beginning of this current century. It is
certain, that the Commons had as yet never been represented. [D.S.]]
As for affairs of the Church, that deserve particular mention, I have
not met with any; unless it should be worth relating, that Henry Bishop
of Winchester, the Pope's legate, who held frequent synods during this
reign, was the first introducer of appeals to Rome, in this kingdom, for
which he is blamed by all the monkish historians who give us the
account.
THE REIGN OF HENRY THE SECOND
A FRAGMENT
1154.
The spirit of war and contention, which had for a long time possessed
the nation, became so effectually laid during the last year of King
Stephen's reign, that no alteration or disturbance ensued upon his
death, although the new King,[45] after he had received intelligence of
it, was detained six weeks[46] by contrary winds: besides, the opinion
of this prince's power and virtues, had already begotten so great an awe
and reverence for him among the people, that upon his arrival he found
the whole kingdom in a profound peace. He landed at Hostreham,[47] about
the beginning of December, was received at Winchester by a great number
of the nobility, who came there to attend and swear fealty to him, and
three weeks after was crowned at Westminster, about the twenty-third
year of his age.
[Footnote 45: Henry was at that time besieging a castle on the frontiers
of Normandy. [D.S.]]
[Footnote 46: Five weeks at the most; a month, saith Brompton. [D.S.]]
[Footnote 47: At Hostreham, saith Gervase. This place is not easy to be
found; however, it must be on the Sussex or Hampshire coast, because the
King went directly from the place of his landing to Winchester. Carte
says he landed December 8th, near Hurst Castle in the New Forest.
[D.S.]]
For the further settling of the kingdom, after the long distractions in
the preceding reign, he seized on all the castles which remained
undestroyed since the last peace between him and King Stephen; whereof
some he demolished, and trusted others to the government of persons in
whom he could confide.
But that which most contributed to the quiet of the realm, and the
general satisfaction of his subjects, was a proclamation published,
commanding all foreigners to leave England, enforced with a most
effectual clause, whereby a day was fixed, after which it should be
capital for any of them to appear; among these was William d'Ypres Earl
of Kent, whose possessions the King seized into his own hands.
These foreigners, generally called Flemings by the writers of the
English story, were a sort of vagabond soldiers of fortune, who in those
ages, under several denominations, infested other parts of Europe as
well as England: they were a mixed people, natives of Arragon, Navarre,
Biscay, Brabant, and other parts of Spain and Flanders. They were ready
to be hired to whatever prince thought fit to employ them, but always
upon condition to have full liberty of plunder and spoil. Nor was it an
easy matter to get rid of them, when there was no further need of their
service. In England they were always hated by the people, and by this
prince in particular, whose continual enemies they had been.
After the expulsion of these foreigners, and the forcing a few
refractory lords to a surrender of their castles, King Henry, like a
wise prince, began to consider that a time of settled peace was the
fittest juncture to recover the rights of the crown, which had been lost
by the war. He therefore resumed, by his royal authority, all crown
lands that had been alienated by his predecessor; alleging that they
were unalienable in themselves, and besides, that the grants were void,
as coming from an usurper. Whether such proceedings are agreeable with
justice, I shall not examine; but certainly a prince cannot better
consult his own safety than by disabling those whom he renders
discontent, which is effectually done no other way but by depriving them
of their possessions.
1156.
While the King was thus employed at home, intelligence came that his
brother Geoffrey was endeavouring by force to possess himself of the
Earldom of Anjou, to which he had fair pretensions; for their father
considering what vast dominions would fall to his eldest son, bequeathed
that earldom to the second in his last sickness, and commanded his
nobles then about him, to take an oath that they would not suffer his
body to be buried until Henry (who was then absent) should swear to
observe his will. The Duke of Normandy, when he came to assist at his
father's obsequies, and found that without his compliance he must draw
upon himself the scandal of keeping a father unburied, took the oath
that was exacted for observance of his will, though very much against
his own. But after he was in possession of England, whether it were that
his ambition enlarged with his dominions, or that from the beginning he
had never intended to observe what he had sworn, he prevailed with Pope
Adrian (of English birth) to dispense with his oath, and in the second
year of his reign went over into Normandy, drove his brother entirely
out of Anjou, and forced him to accept a pension for his maintenance.
But the young prince, through the resentment of this unnatural dealing,
in a short time died of grief.
Nor was his treatment more favourable to the King of Scots, whom, upon a
slight pretence, he took occasion to dispossess of Carlisle, Newcastle,
and other places granted by the Empress to that prince's father, for his
services and assistance in her quarrel against Stephen.
Having thus recovered whatever he had any title to demand, he began to
look out for new acquisitions. Ireland was in that age a country little
known in the world. The legates sent sometimes thither from the Court of
Rome, for urging the payment of annats, or directing other Church
affairs, represented the inhabitants as a savage people, overrun with
barbarism and superstition: for indeed no nation of Europe, where the
Christian religion received so early and universal admittance, was ever
so late or slow in feeling its effects upon their manners and
civility.[48] Instead of refining their manners by their faith, they had
suffered their faith to be corrupted by their manners; true religion
being almost defaced, both in doctrine and discipline, after a long
course of time, among a people wholly sunk in ignorance and barbarity.
There seem to have been two reasons why the inhabitants of that island
continued so long uncultivated; first, their subjection or vassalage to
so many petty kings, whereof a great number is mentioned by authors,
besides those four or five usually assigned to the several provinces.
These princes were engaged in perpetual quarrels, in doing or revenging
injuries of violence, or lust, or treachery, or injustice, which kept
them all in a continual state of war. And indeed there is hardly any
country, how renowned soever in ancient or modern story, which may not
be traced from the like original. Neither can a nation come out from
this state of confusion, until it is either reduced under one head at
home, or by force or conquest becomes subject to a foreign
administration.
[Footnote 48: The Irish had been very learned in former ages, but had
declined for several centuries before the reign of Henry II. _Vide_
Bede. [D.S.]]
The other reason why civility made such late entrances into that island,
may be imputed to its natural situation, lying more out of the road of
commerce or conquest than any other part of the known world. All the
intercourse the inhabitants had, was only with the western coasts of
Wales and Scotland, from whence, at least in those ages, they were not
like to learn very much politeness.
1155.
The King, about the second year of his reign, sent ambassadors to Pope
Adrian, with injunctions to desire his licence for reducing the savage
people of Ireland from their brutish way of living, and subjecting them
to the crown of England. The King proceeded thus, in order to set up a
title to the island, wherein the Pope himself pretended to be lord of
the see; for in his letter, which is an answer and grant to the King's
requests, he insists upon it, that all islands, upon their admitting the
Christian faith, become subject to the See of Rome; and the Irish
themselves avowed the same thing to some of the first conquerors. In
that forementioned letter, the Pope highly praises the King's generous
design,[49] and recommends to him the civilizing the natives, the
protection of the Church, and the payment of Peter-pence. The ill
success of all past endeavours to procure from a people so miserable and
irreligious this revenue to the holy see was a main inducement with the
Pope to be easy and liberal in his grant; for the King professed a
design of securing its regular payment. However, this expedition was not
undertaken until some years after, when there happened an incident to
set it forward, as we shall relate in its place.
[Footnote 49: Radulphus de Diceto. [D.S.]]
HENRY THE SECOND'S CHARACTER
EXTRACTED FROM THE MONKS
Hard to gather his character from such bad authors.
A wise prince, to whom other princes referred their differences; and had
ambassadors from both empires, east and west, as well as others, at once
in his court.
Strong and brawny body, patient of cold and heat, big head, broad
breast, broken voice, temperate in meat, using much exercise, just
stature, _forma elegantissima, colore sub-rufo, oculis glaucis_, sharp
wit, very great memory, constancy in adversity [and] in felicity, except
at last he yielded, because almost forsaken of all; liberal, imposed few
tributes, excellent soldier and fortunate, wise and not unlearned. His
vices: mild and promising in adversity, fierce and hard, and a violator
of faith in prosperity; covetous to his domestics and children, although
liberal to soldiers and strangers, which turned the former from him;
loved profit more than justice; very lustful, which likewise turned his
sons and others from him. Rosamond and the labyrinth at Woodstock. Not
very religious;[50] _mortuos milites lugens plus quam vivos amans,
largus in publico, parcus in privato_. Constant in love and hatred,
false to his word, morose, a lover of ease. Oppressor of nobles, sullen,
and a delayer of justice; _verbo varius et versutus_--Used churchmen
well after Becket's death; charitable to the poor, levied few taxes,
hated slaughter and cruelty.[51] A great memory, and always knew those
he once saw.
[Footnote 50: Brompton. [D.S.]]
[Footnote 51: Giraldus. [D.S.]]
Very indefatigable in his travels backwards and forwards to Normandy,
&c. of most endless desires to increase his dominions.
_Caetera desiderantur_.
***** ***** ***** ***** *****
SWIFT'S REMARKS ON THE CHARACTERS
OF THE COURT OF QUEEN ANNE.
FROM "MEMOIRS OF THE SECRET SERVICES OF JOHN MACKY, ESQ."
NOTE.
JOHN MACKY, the author of the "Characters," was, for many years, in the
employ of the English government, as an agent for obtaining information
as to the movements of the French. He published, in 1696, "A View of the
Court of St. Germains from the Year 1690 to 1695." The information
embodied in this work he obtained from personal observation while in
Paris. About 1709, however, he aroused the government's suspicions, and
was imprisoned. He was kept confined until the accession of George I. On
his release he attempted to establish a packet-service between England
and Ireland, to Dublin; but the venture failed. He died at Rotterdam in
1726. The "Characters" was first published in 1733, with the title:
"Memoirs of the Secret Services of John Macky, Esq., during the Reigns
of King William, Queen Anne, and King George I. Including also the true
Secret History of the Rise, Promotions, etc., of the English and Scots
Nobility; Officers, Civil, Military, Naval, and other Persons of
distinction from the Revolution. In their respective Characters at
large: drawn up by Mr. Macky pursuant to the direction of Her Royal
Highness the Princess Sophia. Published from his original manuscript, as
attested by his son, Spring Macky, Esq. London, 1733." The work was
prepared for the press by a Mr. Davis, an officer in the Customs.
It has been questioned whether Swift did really make the "remarks"
attributed to him by his various editors; but there can be little doubt
about their authenticity. Thomas Birch seems to have transcribed the
"remarks" in 1753, if we are to believe a note in a copy of Macky's book
in the British Museum, which says: "The MS. notes on the Characters in
this Book were written by Dr. Swift, and transcribed by Tho. Birch. Aug.
15, 1753." Isaac Reed's copy is also in the British Museum, but his
notes were transcribed from another copy in the possession of J.
Putland, and Putland's copy, Reed notes, was "formerly in the possession
of Philip Carteret Webb, Esq., now [1770] of Thomas Astle, Esq." J.
Ritson's copy, which is at the South Kensington Museum, had the
"remarks" transcribed to it from Reed's copy, but Ritson notes that Reed
copied the "remarks" from J. Putland's transcript of the Dean's own
original. Ritson, however, does not say how he knew that Putland had the
"Dean's own original." In "Notes and Queries" (3, ii. 430) the Rev. J.
Jebb, Rector of Peterstow, states he had (in 1862) a copy of the
"Characters" with transcript of Swift's "remarks" by Bishop Jebb. Mr.
Edward Solly has an interesting paper on this matter in the
"Bibliographer" for March, 1883. He suggests that Mr. Putland may have
written them down himself from remarks made by Swift. "The Crypt" for
December, 1829, published Swift's "remarks" from a copy in the
possession of Mr. Pickering, the bookseller.
A careful collation of all the available copies has been made for this
edition, and the text of Macky's work has been read with the first
edition. Where neither Reed nor Birch give no remarks, they have been
omitted from this reprint. "The Crypt" and Nichols in his quarto edition
(vol. xiv.) often differ, but these differences have been adjusted.
It is almost needless to say that Sir Walter Scott's text and notes have
been very much altered by this process.
[T.S.]
REMARKS ON THE CHARACTERS
OF THE COURT OF QUEEN ANNE.
JOHN, DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH.
_Macky_.
A tall, handsome man for his age, with a very obliging address; of a
wonderful presence of mind, so as hardly ever to be discomposed; of a
very clean head, and sound judgment; ... every way capable of being a
great man, if the great success of his arms, and the heaps of favours
thrown upon him by his sovereign, does not raise his thoughts above the
rest of the nobility, and consequently draw upon him the envy of the
people of England. He is turned of 50 years of age.--_Swift_. Detestably
covetous.
JAMES, DUKE OF ORMONDE.
_Macky_. He hath all the qualities of a great man, except that one of a
statesman, hating business. ... He is about 40 years old.--_Swift_.
Fairly enough writ.
CHARLES, DUKE OF SOMERSET.
_Macky_. Is of a middle stature, well shaped, a very black complexion, a
lover of music and poetry; of good judgment.--_Swift_. Not a grain;
hardly common sense.
JOHN, DUKE OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE.
_Macky._ He is a nobleman of learning, and good natural parts, but of no
principles. Violent for the high-church, yet seldom goes to it. Very
proud, insolent, and covetous, and takes all advantages. In paying his
debts, unwilling; and is neither esteemed nor beloved.--_Swift_. This
character is the truest of any.
DANIEL, EARL OF NOTTINGHAM [AFTERWARDS EARL OF WINCHILSEA].
_Macky_. He hath the exterior air of business, and application enough to
make him very capable. In his habit and manners very formal; a tall,
thin, very black man, like a Spaniard or Jew, about 50 years
old.--_Swift_. He fell in with the Whigs, was an endless talker.
HENRY, EARL OF ROMNEY.
_Macky_. He was indeed the great wheel on which the Revolution
rolled.--_Swift_. He had not a wheel to turn a mouse.
_Macky_. He is a gentleman that hath lived up [_Swift_, down] to the
employments the King gave him; of great honour and honesty, with a
moderate capacity.--_Swift_. None at all.
JOHN, DUKE OF NEWCASTLE.
_Macky_. He hath one only daughter, who will be the richest heiress in
Europe.--_Swift_. Now Countess of Oxford; cheated by her father.
CHARLES [LENNOX], DUKE OF RICHMOND.
_Macky_. He is a gentleman good-natured to a fault; very well bred, and
hath many valuable things in him; is an enemy to business, very
credulous, well shaped, black complexion, much like King Charles; not 30
years old.--_Swift_. A shallow coxcomb.
CHARLES, DUKE OF BOLTON.
_Macky_. Does not now make any figure at court.--_Swift_. Nor anywhere
else. A great booby.
GEORGE, DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND.
_Macky_. He is a man of honour, nice in paying his debts, and living
well with his neighbours in the country; does not much care for the
conversation of men of quality, or business. Is a tall black man, like
his father the King, about 40 years old.--_Swift_. He was a most worthy
person, very good-natured, and had very good sense.
CHARLES [FITZROY], DUKE OF GRAFTON.
_Macky_. Grandson to King Charles II.; ... a very pretty gentleman, hath
been abroad in the world; zealous for the constitution of his country.
A tall black man, about 25 years old.--_Swift_. Almost a slobberer;
without one good quality.
SIR NATHAN WRIGHT, LORD KEEPER.
_Macky_. Is son of a clergyman,[1] a good common lawyer, a slow
chancellor, and no civilian. Chance more than choice brought him the
seals.--_Swift_. Very covetous.
[Footnote 1: His father had the living of Thurcaston, in Leicestershire.
[S.]]
RALPH, DUKE OF MONTAGU.
_Macky_. He is a great supporter of the French, and other Protestants
... an admirer of learning.--_Swift_. As arrant a knave as any in his
time.
WILLIAM, MARQUESS OF HARTINGTON.
_Macky_. One of the best beloved gentlemen, by the country party, in
England.--_Swift_. A very poor understanding.
JOHN, LORD SOMERS.
_Macky_. Of a creditable family, in the city of Worcester.--_Swift_.
Very mean; his father was a noted rogue.--_Macky_. He is believed to be
the best chancellor that ever sat in the chair.--_Swift_. I allow him to
have possessed all excellent qualifications except virtue. He had
violent passions, and hardly subdued them by his great prudence.
CHARLES, LORD HALIFAX [AFTERWARDS EARL OF HALIFAX].
_Macky_. He is a great encourager of learning and learned men, is the
patron of the muses, of very agreeable conversation, a short fair man,
not 40 years old.--_Swift_. His encouragements were only good words and
dinners; I never heard him say one good thing, or seem to taste what was
said by another.
CHARLES, EARL OF DORSET.
_Macky_. One of the finest gentlemen, in England, in the reign of King
Charles II.; of great learning [_Swift_. small, or none], extremely
witty, and hath been the author of some of the finest poems in the
English language, especially satire.... One of the pleasantest
companions in the world [_Swift_. not of late years, but a very dull
one], when he likes his company.
RICHARD, EARL RIVERS.
_Macky_. He was one of the greatest rakes in England in his younger
days, but always a lover of the constitution of his country; is a
gentleman of very good sense, and very cunning.--_Swift_. An arrant
knave in common dealings, and very prostitute.
ARNOLD, EARL OF ALBEMARLE.
_Macky_. He was King William's constant companion in all his diversions
and pleasures.--_Swift_. Very infamous pleasures.
ALGERNON, EARL OF ESSEX.
_Macky_. Is son to that earl whose throat was cut in the
Tower.--_Swift_. Cut his own throat.
WILLIAM, EARL OF PORTLAND.
_Macky_. He is supposed to be the richest subject in Europe, very
profuse in gardening, birds, and household furniture, but mighty frugal
and parsimonious in everything else; of a very lofty mien, and yet not
proud; of no deep understanding.--_Swift_. As great a dunce as ever I
knew.
JAMES, EARL OF DERBY.
_Macky_. On his brothers death he came to the House of Peers, where he
never will make any great figure, the sword being more his profession;
he is a fair-complexioned man, well shaped, taller than the ordinary
size, and a man of honour.--_Swift_. As arrant a scoundrel as his
brothers.
CHARLES, EARL OF PETERBOROUGH.
_Macky_. He affects popularity, and loves to preach in coffee-houses,
and public places; is an open enemy to revealed religion; brave in his
person; hath a good estate; does not seem expensive, yet always in debt,
and very poor.--_Swift_. This character is for the most part true.
CHARLES, EARL OF SUNDERLAND.
_Macky_. This gentleman is endued with a great deal of learning, virtue
[_Swift_, no], and good sense.
THOMAS, EARL OF STAMFORD.
_Macky_. Is one of the first branches of the Greys, a noble family in
England.... He doth not want sense; but by reason of a defect in his
speech, wants elocution.--_Swift_. He looked and talked like a very weak
man; but it was said he spoke well at council.
THOMAS [TUFTON], EARL OF THANET.
_Macky_. He is a good country gentleman, a great assertor of the
prerogatives of the monarchy and the Church.--_Swift_. Of great piety
and charity.
EDWARD [MONTAGU], EARL OF SANDWICH.
_Macky_. Of very ordinary parts; married the witty Lord Rochester's
daughter, who makes him very expensive.--_Swift_. As much a puppy as
ever I saw; very ugly, and a fop.
ROBERT, LORD LUCAS.
_Macky_. He is every way a plain man, yet took a great deal of pains to
seem knowing and wise; everybody pitied him when the Queen turned him
out, for his seeming good nature, and real poverty.--_Swift_. A good
plain humdrum.
CHARLES, EARL OF WINCHILSEA.
_Macky_. He hath neither genius nor gusto for business,... and is
zealous for the monarchy and Church to the highest degree. He loves
jests and puns, [_Swift_. I never observed it,] and that sort of low
wit.--_Swift_. Being very poor, he complied too much with the party he
hated.
JOHN, LORD POULETT OF HINTON [AFTERWARDS EARL POULETT].
_Macky_. He is certainly one of the hopefullest gentlemen in England; is
very learned, virtuous, and a man of honour; much esteemed in the
country, for his generous way of living with the gentry, and his charity
to the poorest sort.--_Swift_. This character is fair enough.
CHARLES, LORD [VISCOUNT] TOWNSHEND.
_Macky_. Is a gentleman of great learning, attended with a sweet
disposition; a lover of the constitution of his country; is beloved by
everybody that knows him.--_Swift_. I except one.
WILLIAM, LORD DARTMOUTH [AFTERWARDS EARL OF DARTMOUTH].
_Macky_. He sets up for a critic in conversation, makes jests, and loves
to laugh at them; takes a great deal of pains in his office, and is in a
fair way of rising at court.--_Swift_. This is right enough, but he has
little sincerity.
THOMAS, LORD WHARTON [AFTERWARDS EARL OF WHARTON].
_Macky_. One of the completest gentlemen in England, hath a very clear
understanding, and manly expressions, with abundance of wit. He is brave
in his person, much of a libertine, of a middle stature, fair
complexion, and 50 years old.--_Swift_. The most universal villain I
ever knew.
CHARLES, LORD MOHUN.
_Macky_. He is brave in his person, bold in his expressions, and
rectifies, as fast as he can, the slips of his youth by acts of
honesty; which he now glories in more, than he was formerly
extravagant.--_Swift_. He was little better than a conceited talker in
company.
HENRY, EARL OF KENT.[2]
[Footnote 2: Afterwards Duke of Kent.]
_Macky_. Is the first branch of the ancient family of Grey. The present
gentleman was much esteemed, when Lord Ruthen; was always very moderate,
has good sense, and a good estate; which, with his quality, must make
him always bear a considerable figure in the nation.--_Swift_. He seems
a good-natured man, but of very little consequence.
ROBERT, EARL OF LINDSEY [AFTERWARDS DUKE OF ANCASTER].
_Macky_. A fine gentleman, has both wit and learning.--_Swift_. I never
observed a grain of either.
MONTAGU, EARL OF ABINGDON.
_Macky_. A gentleman of fine parts, makes a good figure in the counties
of Oxford and Buckinghamshire:... is very high for the monarchy and
Church.--_Swift_. Very covetous.
PHILIP, EARL OF CHESTERFIELD.
_Macky_. He is very subtle and cunning, never entered into the measures
of King William, nor ever will, in all probability, make any great
appearance in any other reign.--_Swift_. If it be old Chesterfield, I
have heard he was the greatest knave in England.
CHARLES, EARL OF BERKELEY.
_Macky_. A gentleman of learning, parts, and a lover of the constitution
of his country; a short fat man.--_Swift_. Intolerably lazy and
indolent, and somewhat covetous.
LOUIS, EARL OF FEVERSHAM.
_Macky_. A third son of the family of Duras in France; he came over with
one of the Duke of York's family;... is a middle-statured brown man,
turned of 50 years old.--_Swift_. He was a very dull old fellow.
HENRY, EARL OF GRANTHAM.
_Macky_. He is a very pretty gentleman, fair complexioned, and past 30
years old.--_Swift_. And good for nothing.
JOHN, LORD DE LA WARR.
_Macky_. A free jolly gentleman, turned of 40 years old.--_Swift_. Of
very little sense; but formal, and well stocked with the low kind of
lowest politics.
ROBERT, LORD LEXINTON.
_Macky_. He is of a good understanding, and very capable to be in the
ministry; a well-bred gentleman, and an agreeable companion.--_Swift_. A
very moderate degree of understanding.
RALPH, LORD GREY OF WERKE.
_Macky_. A sweet disposed gentleman; he joined King William at the
Revolution, and is a zealous assertor of the liberties of the
people.--_Swift_. Had very little in him.
JAMES, LORD CHANDOS.
_Macky_. Was warm against King William's reign, and doth not make any
great figure in this; but, his son, Mr. Brydges[3] does, being a member
of the House of Commons, one of the counsellors to the prince, and a
very worthy gentleman.--_Swift_. But a great compiler with every court.
[Footnote 3: Afterwards Duke of Chandos.]
FRANCIS, LORD GUILFORD.
_Macky_. Is son to the lord-keeper North, hath been abroad, does not
want sense nor application to business, and his genius leads him that
way.--_Swift_. A mighty silly fellow.
EDWARD, LORD GRIFFIN.
_Macky_. Having-followed King James's fortunes, is now in France. He was
always a great sportsman, and brave; a good companion, turned of 60
years old.--_Swift_. His son was a plain drunken fellow.
HUGH, LORD CHOLMONDELEY [AFTERWARDS EARL OF CHOLMONDELEY].
_Macky_. This lord is a great lover of country sports; is handsome in
his person, and turned of 40 years old.--_Swift_. Good for nothing, as
far as ever I knew.
CHARLES, LORD BUTLER OF WESTON.
_Macky_. Earl of Arran in Ireland, and brother to the Duke of
Ormonde;... of very good sense, though seldom shows it.--_Swift_. This
is right; but he is the most negligent of his own affairs.
MR. THOMAS MANSELL [AFTERWARDS LORD MANSELL].
_Macky_. He is a gentleman of a great deal of wit and good nature, a
lover of the ladies, and a pleasant companion.--_Swift_. Of very good
nature, but a very moderate capacity.
ROBERT HARLEY, ESQ. [AFTERWARDS EARL OF OXFORD],
SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.
_Macky_. He is skilled in most things, and very eloquent, [_Swift_, a
great lie;] was bred a Presbyterian, yet joins with the Church party in
everything; and they do nothing without him.--_Swift_. He could not
properly be called eloquent, but he knew how to prevail on the House
with few words and strong reasons.
THE HON. HENRY BOYLE [AFTERWARDS LORD CARLETON],
CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER.
_Macky_. Is a good companion in conversation; agreeable amongst the
ladies; serves the Queen very assiduously in council; makes a
considerable figure in the House of Commons; by his prudent
administration, obliges everybody in the exchequer; and in time may
prove a great man.--_Swift_. He had some very scurvy qualities,
particularly avarice.
SIR THOMAS FRANKLAND, POST-MASTER-GENERAL.
_Macky_. He is a gentleman of a very sweet, easy, affable disposition;
of good sense, extremely zealous for the constitution of his country,
yet does not seem over forward; keeps an exact unity amongst the
officers under him, and encourages them in their duty, through a
peculiar familiarity, by which he obliges them, and keeps up the dignity
of being master.--_Swift_. A fair character.
THE RT. HON. JOHN SMITH,
ONE OF HER MAJESTY'S PRIVY-COUNCIL.
_Macky_. A gentleman of much honour, a lover of the constitution of his
country; a very agreeable companion in conversation, a bold orator in
the House of Commons,[4] when the interest of his country is at stake;
of a good address.--_Swift_. I thought him a heavy man.
[Footnote 4: He was Speaker of the House of Commons, 1705-1708. [T.S.]]
CHARLES D'AVENANT, LL.D.
_Macky_. He was very poor at the Revolution, had no business to support
him all the reign of King William, yet made a good figure. He is a very
cloudy-looked man, fat, of middle stature, about 50 years old.--_Swift_.
He was used ill by most ministries; he ruined his own estate, which put
him under a necessity to comply with the times.
MATTHEW PRIOR, ESQ., COMMISSIONER OF TRADE.
_Macky_. On the Queen's accession to the throne, he was continued in his
office, is very well at court with the ministry, and is an entire
creature of my Lord Jersey's, whom he supports by his advice. Is one of
the best poets in England, but very factious in conversation; a thin
hollow-looked man, turned of 40 years old.--_Swift_. This is near the
truth.
THOMAS TENISON, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.
_Macky_. A plain, good, heavy man, now much in years, and wearing out;
very tall, of a fair complexion, and 70 years old.--_Swift_. The most
good-for-nothing prelate I ever knew.
GILBERT BURNET. BISHOP OF SALISBURY.
_Macky_. Of a very good family in Scotland, of the name of Burnet, his
father was Lord [_Swift_, laird] of Cremont.... He is one of the
greatest [_Swift_, Scotch] orators of the age he lives in. His "History
of the Reformation," and his "Exposition of the Thirty-nine Articles,"
show him to be a man of great learning; but several of his other works
show him to be a man neither of prudence nor temper; his sometimes
opposing, and sometimes favouring, the Dissenters, hath much exposed him
to the generality of the people of England; yet he is very useful in the
House of Peers, and proves a great pillar, both of the civil and
ecclesiastical constitution, against the encroachments of a party which
would destroy both.--_Swift_. His true character would take up too much
time for me (who knew him well) to describe it.
GEORGE STEPNEY, ESQ.,
ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY TO THE EMPEROR [OF AUSTRIA].
_Macky_. A gentleman of admirable natural parts, very learned, one of
the best poets [_Swift_, scarce of a third rate] now in England.
MR. [AFTERWARDS SIR PAUL] METHUEN,
AMBASSADOR TO THE KING OF PORTUGAL.
_Macky_. A man of intrigue, but very muddy in his conceptions, and not
quickly understood in anything. In his complexion and manners, much of a
Spaniard.--_Swift_. A profligate rogue, without religion or morals; but
cunning enough, yet without abilities of any kind.
THOMAS, LORD RABY [AFTERWARDS EARL OF STRAFFORD],
ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY TO THE KING OF PRUSSIA.
_Macky_. He is a young gentleman, _de bon naturel_, handsome, of fine
understanding, [_Swift_, very bad, and can't spell,] and, with
application, may prove a man of business. He is of low stature [_Swift_,
he is tall].
MR. [RICHARD] HILL,
ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY TO THE DUKE OF SAVOY.
_Macky_. Is a gentleman of a good family in Shropshire. He was designed
for the church, and took deacon's [_Swift_, priest's] orders; but having
a genius for business, and falling into the acquaintance of my Lord
Ranelagh, when tutor to my Lord Hyde, he was sent into Flanders as
paymaster to the English troops there. ... He is a gentleman of very
clear parts, and affects plainness and simplicity [_Swift, au
contraire_] in his dress, and conversation especially. He is a favourite
to both parties [_Swift_, to neither]; and is beloved for his easy
access, and affable way by those he has business to do with. He is a
thin, tall man, [_Swift,_ short, if I remember right,] taller than the
ordinary stature, near 50 years old.
SIR LAMBERT BLACKWELL,
ENVOY TO THE GREAT DUKE OF TUSCANY.
_Macky_. He affects much the gentleman in his dress, and the minister in
his conversation: Is very lofty, yet courteous, when he knows his
people; much envied by his fellow merchants.--_Swift_. He seemed to be
a very good-natured man.
MR. _[Dr.]_ AGLIONBY,
ENVOY TO THE SWISS CANTONS.
_Macky_. He hath abundance of wit, and understands most of the modern
languages well; knows how to tell a story to the best advantage; but has
an affected manner of conversation; is thin, splenetic, and tawny
complexioned, turned of 60 years old.--_Swift_. He had been a Papist.
MR. D'AVENANT, AGENT AT FRANKFORT.
_Macky_. A very giddy-headed young fellow, with some wit; about 25 years
old.--_Swift_. He is not worth mentioning.
JOHN, LORD CUTTS.
_Macky_. He hath abundance of wit, but too much seized with vanity and
self-conceit; he is affable, familiar, and very brave; ... towards 50
years old.--_Swift_. The vainest old fool alive.
HENRY, EARL OF GALWAY.
_Macky_. One of the finest gentlemen in the army, with a head fitted for
the cabinet, as well as the camp; is very modest, vigilant, and sincere;
a man of honour and honesty, [_Swift_, in all directly otherwise;]
without pride or affectation; wears his own hair, is plain in his dress
and manners, towards 60 years old.--_Swift_. A deceitful, hypocritical,
factious knave; a damnable hypocrite, of no religion.
GEORGE, EARL OF ORKNEY.
_Macky_. He is a very well-shaped black man; is brave; but, by reason of
a hesitation in his speech wants expression.--_Swift_. An honest
good-natured gentleman, and hath much distinguished himself as a
soldier.
MR. JAMES STANHOPE [AFTERWARDS EARL STANHOPE],
ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY TO THE STATES GENERAL.
_Macky_. He is a man of honour,... and pleases the Dutch. His son,
Colonel Stanhope, is one of the finest young gentlemen we have; is very
learned, with a great deal of wit. ... A handsome [_Swift_, ugly] black
man.
SIR CHARLES O'HARA [AFTERWARDS LORD TYRAWLEY],
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL.
_Macky_. At the Revolution he had a company in the foot-guards; was
afterwards lieutenant-colonel to that regiment; was made colonel to the
fusileers, and gradually advanced to the post he now hath, which he well
deserves, being of good understanding, and abundance of learning; fit to
command, if not too covetous; he is a short, black man, 50 years
old.--_Swift_. His father was a groom; he was a man of sense, without
one grain of honesty.
COLONEL MATTHEW AYLMER [AFTERWARDS LORD AYLMER],
VICE-ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET.
_Macky_. He hath a very good head, indefatigable and designing; is very
zealous for the liberties of the people, makes a good figure in the
Parliament, as well as the fleet.--_Swift_. A virulent party man, born
in Ireland.
JAMES, DUKE OF HAMILTON.
_Macky_. On the Queen's accession to the throne, he made strong efforts
to get into the administration, but hath not yet succeeded, though he is
well received at court; he is brave in his person, with a rough air of
boldness; of good sense, very forward and hot for what he undertakes;
ambitious and haughty, a violent enemy; hath been very extravagant in
his manner of living; but now grows covetous.--_Swift_. He was made
master of the ordnance; a worthy good-natured person, very generous, but
of a middle understanding; he was murdered by that villain Macartney, an
Irish Scot.
ARCHIBALD, DUKE OF ARGYLL.
_Macky_. Few of his years hath a better understanding, nor a more manly
behaviour. He hath seen most of the courts of Europe, is very handsome
in his person, fair complexioned; about 25 years old.--_Swift_.
Ambitious, covetous, cunning Scot; has no principle, but his own
interest and greatness. A true Scot in his whole conduct.
JAMES, MARQUESS OF MONTROSE [AFTERWARDS DUKE OF MONTROSE].
_Macky_. Representative of the ancient and noble family of Graham;
great-grandson to that famous Montrose, who was hanged and quartered for
Charles I.; and grandson, by the mother, to the Duke of Rothes. He
inherits all the great qualities of those two families, with a sweetness
of behaviour, which charms all those who know him; hath improved himself
in most foreign courts; is very beautiful in his person, and about 25
years old.--_Swift_. Now very homely, and makes a sorry appearance.
JOHN, EARL OF SUTHERLAND.
_Macky_. A very honest man, a great assertor of the liberties of the
people; hath a good, rough sense; is open and free; a great lover of his
bottle and his friend; brave in his person, which he hath shown in
several duels; too familiar for his quality, and often keeps company
below it.--_Swift_. A blundering, rattle-pated, drunken sot.
SECRETARY [JAMES] JOHNSTOUN, NOW LORD-REGISTER.
_Macky_. Is a younger son of my Lord Warriston, who was beheaded. ... He
is very honest, [_Swift_, a treacherous knave,] yet something too
credulous and suspicious; endued with a great deal of learning and
virtue; is above little tricks, free from ceremony; and would not tell a
lie for the world.--_Swift._ One of the greatest knaves even in
Scotland.
MR. [WILLIAM] CARSTAIRS.
_Macky_. He is the cunningest, subtle dissembler in the world, with an
air of sincerity, a dangerous enemy, because always hid. An instance of
which was Secretary Johnstoun, to whom he pretended friendship, till the
very morning he gave him a blow, though he had been worming him
out of the King's favour for many months before; he is a fat,
sanguine-complexioned fair man, always smiling, where he designs most
mischief, a good friend when he is sincere; turned of 50 years
old.--_Swift_. A true character; but not strong enough by a fiftieth
part.
JOHN, EARL OF MAR.
_Macky_. He is a very good manager in his private affairs, which were in
disorder when his father died, and is a stanch countryman, fair
complexioned, low stature, and 30 years old.--_Swift_. He is crooked;
he seemed to me to be a gentleman of good sense and good nature,
ANDREW FLETCHER, OF SALTON.
_Macky_. A gentleman of a fair estate in Scotland, attended with the
improvement of a good education. ... He hath written some excellent
tracts, but not published in his name; and hath a very fine genius; is a
low, thin man, brown complexion, full of fire, with a stern, sour look,
and 50 years old.--_Swift_. A most arrogant, conceited pedant in
politics; cannot endure the least contradiction in any of his visions or
paradoxes.
CHARLES, EARL OF MIDDLETON.
_Macky_. He is one of the politest gentlemen in Europe; hath a great
deal of wit, mixed with a sound judgment, and a very clear
understanding; of an easy, indifferent access, but a careless way of
living. ... He is a black man, of a middle stature, with a sanguine
complexion; and one of the pleasantest companions in the world. Towards
60 years old.--_Swift_. Sir William Temple told me, he was a very
valuable man, and a good scholar. I once saw him.
DAVID, EARL OF WEEMS.
_Macky_. He hath not yet been in the administration; is a fine
personage, and very beautiful; hath good sense, and is a man of honour.
About 30 years old.--_Swift_. He was a black man, and handsome for a
Scot.
NOTE.--The characters on the Duke of Shrewsbury, the Duke of Devonshire,
the Earl of Ranelagh, and Rear-Admiral Byng, have been entirely omitted.
The first is not given by Reed, and includes in Birch the single word
"none"; the second is not given either by Birch or Reed, but appears
only in "The Crypt"; the third is given only by Nichols; and the last is
not given by Birch or Reed.
***** ***** ***** ***** *****
REMARKS ON
LORD CLARENDON'S HISTORY OF
THE REBELLION
OXFORD EDITION, 1707, 3 VOLS.
FROM THE ORIGINAL, IN ST. PATRICK'S LIBRARY.
NOTE.
The text of this edition of Swift's notes on Clarendon has been founded
on the careful transcript made by Mr. Percy Fitzgerald. This transcript
is now in the Victoria and Albert Museum, South Kensington. Mr.
Fitzgerald refers to Dr. Rowan's collation, but I have been unable to
find the original of this. Rowan's additions, however, were noted by Mr.
Fitzgerald, and they have been included here. Mr. Fitzgerald says:
"Scott's notes, subject to the corrections just given [by himself], are
correct, and would serve as the base of the new edition. The additions I
have given and the few given by Dr. Rowan (which are given here a little
further on) will have to be inserted in their proper places and will
make the whole complete." This has been done, and the present reprint is
a very careful following out of this suggestion.
After the following pages were in type, however, I have had the
opportunity, through the kindness of Dr. Bernard, the Dean of St.
Patrick's Cathedral, of examining the original copy in the Marsh Library
at Dublin. Assisted by the Rev. Newport J.D. White, the librarian of
the Marsh Library, I have been able to correct several of Mr. Percy
Fitzgerald's transcripts, and to add some "remarks" omitted both by him
and Scott.
Mr. White, in an article in "Hermathena" (No. xxvii., 1901), suggests
that the successive perusals by Swift account "for the fact that some of
the notes are in ink, though most are in pencil; while in one or two
cases Swift seems to have retraced in ink a remark originally in
pencil." Although Swift finished his fourth reading of the "History" in
1741, it is undoubted that he had already annotated the volumes at a
much earlier date. The copy of the "History," now in the Marsh Library,
was presented to it by Archbishop King, though the exact date of this
presentation can only be guessed. "In the register of benefactions,"
writes Mr. White in "Hermathena," "the first list, which was evidently
written at one time and by one hand, contains the names of all books
presented by King. Two of these were published as late as 1723. The next
entry is dated April 12th, 1726. It is probable, therefore, that these
volumes came into their present abode between 1723 and 1726. As Dean of
St. Patrick's, Swift was one of the governors of the library, and in
that capacity attended many of the annual visitations between 1718 and
1736. It is natural to suppose that he was a constant reader." It
follows, therefore, that Swift borrowed the volumes from the library for
his re-perusal; and perhaps retraced his annotations at that time and
added new ones.
It is worth while to reprint a sentence from Scott's note on these
"Remarks" of Swift's, if only to continue a record of retort against
Swift's intemperance of feeling against the Scottish nation: "The
ludicrous virulence of his execrations against the Scottish nation, go a
great way to remove the effect of his censure; and a native of Scotland
may be justified in retaining them, were it but for that reason."
[T.S.]
REMARKS ON CLARENDON'S
HISTORY OF THE
REBELLION.
VOL. I.
On the first board: Finished the 4th time, April 18, 1741. Judicium de
authore.[1]
[Footnote: 1 The note "Finished the 4th time April 18, 1741," which
Scott and Fitzgerald record as written on the first board of vol. i., is
not now to be traced, the volume having been rebound since their
transcripts were made.]
The cursed, hellish villainy, treachery, treasons of the Scots, were the
chief grounds and causes of that execrable rebellion.--_Swift_.
"The word of a king." This phrase is repeated some hundred times; but is
ever foolish, and too often false.--_Swift_.
PREFACE.
P. v. [p. xxi.[2]] _Clarendon_. We might give instances ... of those
points ... which have brought the prince, sometimes, under the
disadvantageous suspicion of being inclined to the love of arbitrary
power.--_Swift_. What king doth not love, and endeavour at it?
[Footnote: 2 The references in square brackets apply to the recent
Oxford edition of Clarendon's "Rebellion" (6 vols., cr. 8vo, 1888). The
prefaces can only be referred to by the page, but throughout the body of
the work the _paragraphs_ are separately numbered for each book. [T.
S.]]
P, vi. [p. xxii.] _Clarendon_. The people may not always be restrained
from attempting by force to do themselves right, though they ought
not.--_Swift_. They _ought!_
BOOK I.
P. 9. [par. 12.] _Clarendon_. All men being inhibited, by the
proclamation at the dissolution of the Parliament in the fourth year, so
much as to mention or speak as if a Parliament should be
called.--_Swift_. Great weakness.
P. 47. [par. 128.] _Clarendon_. He [the Earl of Montgomery] had not sat
many years in that sunshine, when a new comet appeared in court, Robert
Carr, a Scotsman, quickly after declared favourite.--_Swift_. A Scottish
king makes a Scottish favourite.
P. 48. [par. 133.] _Clarendon_. The Earl of Carlisle ... wrought himself
into ... greater affection and esteem with the whole English nation,
than any other of that country; by choosing their friendships, and
conversation, and really preferring it to any of his own--_Swift_. A
miracle in a Scot!
P. 58. [par. 159.] _Clarendon_. During the whole time that these
pressures were exercised, and those new, and extraordinary ways were
run, that is, from the dissolution of the Parliament in the fourth year,
to the beginning of this Parliament, which was above twelve years, this
kingdom ... enjoyed the greatest calm, and the fullest measure of
felicity, that any people in any age, for so long time together, have
been blessed with.--_Swift_. Partial.
P. 59. [par. 162.] _Clarendon_. The kingdoms, we now lament, were alone
looked upon as the garden of the world; Scotland (which was but the
wilderness of that garden), etc.--_Swift_. The _dunghill!_
_Ibid_, [par. 163.] _Clarendon_. Those rough courses, which made him
[the King] perhaps less loved at home, made him more feared abroad; by
how much the power of kingdoms is more reverenced than their justice by
their neighbours: and it may be this consideration might not be the
least motive, and may not be the worst excuse for those
counsels.--_Swift_ Too arbitrary.
P. 60. [par. 163.] _Clarendon_. Nerva was deified for uniting, _Imperium
et Libertas_.--_Swift_. "Libertas" underlined and "_nego_" written in
the margin.
_Ibid_. [par. 165.] _Clarendon_. Wise men knew that that which looked
like pride in some, would, etc. [Swift places a condemnatory pencil mark
beneath "that."]
P. 75. [par. 201.] _Clarendon_. A book so full of good learning,[3] [_i
e.,_ Bp. John Williams (of Lincoln) against Innovations in
Religion].--_Swift_. Is that book to be bought or borrowed?
[Footnote 3: Again referred to on p. 271. _See_ Scott's note _in loco_
(p. 297). [T.S.]]
BOOK II.
P. 88. [par. 18.] _Clarendon_. There was so little curiosity either in
the court, or the country, to know anything of Scotland, or what was
done there, that when the whole nation was solicitous to know what
passed weekly in Germany, and Poland, and all other parts of Europe, no
man ever enquired what was doing in Scotland, nor had that kingdom a
place or mention in one page of any gazette.--_Swift_. Should Bridewell
news be in any gazette?
P.88. [par 18.] _Clarendon_. The people [the Scotch] after they had once
begun, pursued the business vigorously, and with all imaginable contempt
of the government.--_Swift_. Scottish scoundrels!
P. 94. [par. 38.] _Clarendon_ in the address of the Scots to the
King:--Lamenting "their ill fortune that their enemies had so great
credit with the King, as to persuade him to believe that they were or
could be disobedient to him, a thing that could never enter into their
loyal hearts."--_Swift_. Scotch dogs!
_Ibid_. [par. 39.] _Clarendon_. Into Scotland ... as far as a place
called Dunce.--_Swift_. "Dunce" underlined.
P. 95. [par. 42.] _Clarendon_. The Covenanters ... were very reasonably
exalted with this success, [the retreat of the Earl of Holland from
Dunse,] and scattered their letters abroad amongst the noblemen at
court, according to the humours of the men to whom they writ.--_Swift_.
Cursed Scots for ever!
P. 96. [par. 46.] _Clarendon_, speaking of the Marquess of
Hamilton.--_Swift_. A cursed true Scot!
P. 100. [par. 55] _Clarendon_ The Scots got so much benefit and
advantage by it [the treaty of pacification], that they brought all
their other mischievous devices to pass, with ease.--_Swift_. Confounded
Scots!
P. 101. [par. 58.] Marginal note to Clarendon: The Earl of Argyle joins
with the Covenanters, notwithstanding his great obligations to the
King.--_Swift_. All Argyles, cursed Scottish hell-hounds for ever!
P. 103. [par. 60.] _Clarendon_, on the letter from the Scotch nobility
to the French King, which was intercepted, and upon Lord Lowden, in his
examination:--refusing to give any other answer, than that it was writ
before the agreement ... and never sent; that if he had committed any
offence, he ought to be questioned for it in Scotland, and not in
England.--_Swift_. Scottish traitors!
_Ibid_. [par. 61.] _Clarendon_. The opinion of the prejudice and general
aversion over the whole kingdom to the Scots, and the indignation they
had at their presumption in their design of invading England, made it
believed that a Parliament would express a very sharp sense of their
insolence and carriage towards the King.--_Swift_. Cursed hellish Scots
for ever!
P. 104. [par. 62.] _Clarendon_, on the calling together of the
Parliament in 1640:--The King ... directed the lord-keeper to issue out
writs for the meeting of a Parliament upon the third day of April then
next ensuing.--_Swift_. April 3d for knaves; the 1st for fools!
P. 114. [par, 90.] _Clarendon_. The Scots army ... were always
beaten.--_Swift_. "Always beaten" trebly underlined.
P. 116. [par. 97.] _Clarendon_ The convocation-house (the regular and
legal assembling of the clergy) customarily beginning and ending with
Parliaments, was, after the determination of the last, by a new writ
continued.--_Swift_. Convocations of the clergy are as legal and as
necessary as those of the laity.
P. 122. [par 108.] _Clarendon_, on the commissioners who met at
Ripon:--When these commissioners from the King arrived at Ripon, there
came others from the Scots army of a quality much inferior--_Swift_. A
cursed committee!
_Ibid_. [par. 108.] _Clarendon_. Alexander Henderson.--_Swift_. A cursed
fanatic! (Written in pencil, and partially rubbed out.)
P. 123. [par. 109.] _Clarendon_. There was not a man of all the English,
etc.--_Swift_. Cursed hellish Scots!
P. 124. [par. 111.] _Clarendon_. They brought them with them and
presented them to the King [Swift underscores _them_.]
_Ibid_. [par. 113.] _Clarendon_. Three of the commissioners, and no
more, were of the King's council, the Earls of Pembroke, Salisbury, and
Holland.--_Swift_. Bad counsellors.
P. 125. [par. 116.] _Clarendon_ The commissioners at Ripon quickly
agreed upon the cessation; and were not unwilling to have allowed fifty
thousand pounds a month for the support of the Scots army, when they did
assign but thirty thousand pounds a month for the payment of the
King's.--_Swift_. Greedy Scotch rebellious dogs.
P. 129. [par. 126.] _Clarendon_. It must not be doubted that there were
many particular persons of honour of that nation who abhorred the
outrages which were committed.--_Swift_. I doubt it; for they were
Scots.
P. 130. [par. 128.] _Clarendon_. It can hardly be conceived, with what
entire confidence in each other, the numerous and _not very rich_
nobility of Scotland ... concurred in the carrying on this
rebellion.--_Swift_. Beggarly, beggarly!
BOOK III.
P. 148. [par. 32.] _Clarendon_. Mr. Saint-John ... a natural son of the
house of Bullingbrook.--_Swift_. A bastard.
P. 151. [par. 38.] _Clarendon_. The Earl of Rothes ... was a man very
well bred, of very good parts, and great address.--_Swift_. A Scotch
freethinker.
P. 152. [par. 42.] _Clarendon_, on the order of the Houses of
Parliament, to use the appellation of "our brethren of Scotland" towards
the Scotch commissioners.--_Swift_ Cursed Scots, brethren in iniquity.
P. 153 [par 44] _Clarendon_ The allegation was, "That the charge against
the Earl of Stafford was of an extraordinary nature, being to make a
treason evident out of a complication of several ill acts, That he must
be traced through many dark paths," etc.--_Swift._ As a boy.
_Ibid_ [par 45] _Clarendon_ It was alleged, "That at his coming from
Ireland the Earl had said in council there, That if ever he returned to
that sword again, he would not leave a Scottishman in that
kingdom".--_Swift_ And it was a good resolution.
P 153 [par 45] _Clarendon_ ---- "And at his arrival in this kingdom, the
lord mayor and some aldermen of London attending the board about the
loan of moneys, and not giving that satisfaction was expected, that he
should tell the King, That it would never be well till he hanged up a
Lord Mayor of London in the City to terrify the rest".--_Swift_ At
worst, only a rash expression.
P 155 [par 50] _Clarendon_ Hereupon, in one day, were sworn privy
councillors, much to the public joy, the Earl of Hertford (whom the King
afterwards made marquess), the Earl of Bedford, the Earl of Essex, the
Earl of Bristol, the Lord Say, the Lord Saville, and the Lord Kimbolton,
and within two or three days after, the Earl of Warwick.--_Swift_ All
[_rogues,_ perhaps,[4]] but the first.
[Footnote: 4 P Fitzgerald says _[sworn,_ more likely] [T.S.]]
P 161 [par 67] _Clarendon_, on the method of procuring signatures to one
petition, and then cutting them off, and affixing them to a petition of
quite a different tendency.--_Swift_ Dogs, villains, almost as bad as
the cursed Scots.
P 366 [par 85] _Clarendon_ The Earl of Bedford prevailed with the King
... to make Oliver Saint-John ... his solicitor-general, which His
Majesty readily consented to: ... being a gentleman of an honourable
extraction (if he had been legitimate).--_Swift_ The bastard before
mentioned.
P 183 [par 140] _Clarendon_, trial of Strafford--Mr Solicitor Saint-John
... argued for the space of near an hour the matter of law. Of the
argument itself I shall say little, it being in print, and in many
hands, I shall only remember two notable propositions, which are
sufficient characters of the person and the time.--_Swift_ Bp.
A[tterbury]
P 187 [par 156] _Clarendon_, on the bill for extirpating bishops, deans,
and chapters, etc.--Though the rejecting it, was earnestly urged by very
many, ... yet, all the other people, as violently pressed the reading
it; and none so importunately, as Saint-John.--_Swift_. The bastard!
P. 195. [par. 179.] _Clarendon_. It being always their custom, when they
found the heat and distemper of the House (which they endeavoured to
keep up, by the sharp mention and remembrance of former grievances and
pressures) in any degree allayed, by some gracious act, or gracious
profession of the King's, to warm and inflame them again with a
discovery, or promise of a discovery, of some notable plot and
conspiracy against themselves.--_Swift._ King George I.'s reign.
P. 199. [par. 189.] _Clarendon_. Whereas some doubts, etc.--_Swift_.
True Popish evasion.
_Ibid. Clarendon_, on the explanation of the Protestation for the Church
of England:--concerning the meaning of these words ... "_viz_ The true
reformed Protestant religion, expressed in the doctrine of the Church of
England, against all Popery and Popish innovations within this realm,
contrary to the same doctrine," This House doth declare, that by those
words, was and is meant, only the public doctrine professed in the said
Church, so far as it is opposite to Popery, etc.--_Swift_. Fanatic dogs!
P. 202. [par. 198.] _Clarendon_. The Archbishop of York.--_Swift_.
Williams, before of Lincoln.
_Ibid_. [par. 200.] _Clarendon_, on the letter of Strafford to the King,
persuading him no longer to delay the order for his execution.--_Swift_.
Great magnanimity!
P. 203. [par. 201.] _Clarendon_. The delivery of this letter being
quickly known, new arguments were applied; "that this free consent of
his own, clearly absolved the King from any scruple that could remain
with him."--_Swift_. Weak, and wrong.
_Ibid_. [par. 202.] _Clarendon_. There was reason enough to believe,
their impious hands would be lifted up against his own person, and
(which he much more apprehended) against the person of his royal
consort.--_Swift_. A most unhappy marriage.
P. 204. [par. 206.] _Clarendon_. Together with that of attainder of the
Earl of Strafford, another Bill was passed by the King, of almost as
fatal a consequence both to the King and kingdom, ... "the Act for the
perpetual Parliament;" as it is since called.--_Swift_. Cursed
stupidity! _Hinc illae lachrymae_.
P. 205. [par. 207.] _Clarendon_. No way could be thought of so sure, as
an Act of Parliament, "that this Parliament should not be adjourned,
prorogued, or dissolved, but by Act of Parliament, which, upon this
occasion, His Majesty would never deny to pass."--_Swift_. The fatal
stroke.
_Ibid_. [par. 210.] _Clarendon_, on the King's passing this Bill.
--_Swift_. I wish the author had enlarged here upon what motives the
King passed that Bill.
P 205 [par 210] _Clarendon_, on the same.--_Swift_ The King by this act
utterly ruined.
P 207 [par 217] _Clarendon_, on the passing of the tonnage and poundage
bill--And so in expectation and confidence, that they would make
glorious additions to the state and revenue of the crown, His Majesty
suffered himself to be stripped of all that he had left.--_Swift_ Great
weakness in the King.
P 225 [par 271] _Clarendon_ These Acts of Parliament, etc will be
acknowledged, by an uncorrupted posterity, to be everlasting monuments
of the King's princely and fatherly affection to his people.--_Swift_
Rather of his weakness.
BOOK IV
P 237 [par 24] _Clarendon_ A general insurrection of the Irish, spread
itself over the whole country, in such an inhumane and barbarous manner,
that there were forty or fifty thousand of the English Protestants
murdered.--_Swift_ At least.
P 243 [par 43] _Clarendon_ That which should have been an act of
oblivion, was made a defence and justification of whatsoever they [the
Scotch] had done.--_Swift_ Scot, Scot, Scot, for ever Scot.
P 244 [par 47] _Clarendon_ His Majesty having never received any
considerable profit from Scotland, etc.--_Swift_ How could he, from
Scottish rebels and beggars?
P 245 [par 47] _Clarendon_ Surely he had then very hard thoughts of a
great part of the nation [the Scotch].--_Swift_ Who can doubt of it?
P 257 [par 87] _Clarendon_ The propositions made from Scotland, "for the
sending ten thousand men from thence, into Ulster, to be paid by the
Parliament," were consented to, whereby some soldiers were dispatched
thither, to defend their own plantation, and did in truth, at our
charge, as much oppress the English that were there, as the rebels could
have done.--_Swift_ Send cursed rebel Scots, who oppressed the English
in that kingdom as the Irish rebels did, and were governors of that
province, etc.
P 271 [par 130] _Clarendon_, Doctor Williams, Archbishop of York--had
himself published, by his own authority, a book against the using those
ceremonies [which were countenanced by Laud], in which there was much
good learning, and too little gravity for a bishop.--_Swift_ Where is
that book to be had?[5]
[Footnote 5: The book is extant, and was written in answer to Dr Heyhn's
"Coal from the Altar". Even the title page contains a punning allusion
to his adversary's work, rather too facetious for the subject of his
own. It is entitled "The Holy Table, name and thing, more anciently,
properly, and literally used under the New Testament, than that of
Altar."]
P. 272. [par. 130.] _Clarendon_, Archbishop Williams:--appeared to be a
man of a very corrupt nature, whose passions could have transported him
into the most unjustifiable actions.--_Swift._ This character I think
too severe.
P. 275. [par. 138.] _Clarendon_, the same:--The great hatred of this
man's person and behaviour, was the greatest invitation to the House of
Commons so irregularly to revive that Bill to remove the
bishops.--_Swift_. How came he to be so hated by that faction he is so
said to favour?
P. 277. [par. 140.] _Clarendon_, petition and protestation of the
bishops.--_Swift_. I see no fault in this protestation.
P. 280. [par. 149.] _Clarendon_, on the articles of high treason against
Lord Kimbolton, Pym, Hampden, Hollis, Haslerigg, and Strode.--_Swift_.
It proved a long and vexatious affair.
P. 281. [par. 152.] _Clarendon_. The next day in the afternoon, the King
... came to the House of Commons.... Himself, with his nephew, the
Prince Elector, went into the House, to the great amazement of
all.--_Swift._ Too rash and indiscreet; the second great and fatal
error.
P. 282. [par. 152.] _Clarendon_. He assured them in the word of a King,
etc.--_Swift_. Never to be relied upon.
P. 284. [par. 157.] _Clarendon_. The King ... published, the next day, a
proclamation, for the apprehension of all those, whom he had accused of
high treason, forbidding any person to harbour them; the articles of
their charge being likewise printed, and dispersed.--_Swift_. A very
weak and wrong proceeding in the King, which had very bad consequences.
_Ibid. Clarendon_, on the same proceeding.--_Swift_. What was their
crime?
P. 322. [par. 264.] _Clarendon_. The humble petition of many thousands
of poor people in and about the city of London.--_Swift._ Who was the
author?
P. 334. [par. 302.] _Clarendon_, on the King's passing the bills against
the bishops' votes, and about pressing.--_Swift_. Too great a weakness,
and attended by a heap of gross follies.
P. 336. [par. 307.] _Clarendon_, on:--An Ordinance of both Houses of
Parliament for the ordering of the Militia of the kingdom of England,
and dominion of Wales.--_Swift_. The most ruinous consequence of the
King's weakness and cowardice.
BOOK V.
P. 364. [par. 6.] _Clarendon,_ in the King's Declaration, March 9,
164-1/2:--For the Lord Digby, he assured them in the word of a King,
etc.--_Swift_. I cannot endure that phrase any more.
Written long ago by a minister in Lincolnshire, in answer to D. Coal, a
judicious divine of Q. Marie's dayes. 1637. [S.]
P. 365. [par. 9.] _Clarendon_, in the same:--What greater earnest of his
trust, and reliance on his Parliament could he give, than the passing
the Bill for the continuance of this present Parliament?--_Swift_. Like
a very weak prince.
_Ibid. Clarendon_, in the same:--The length of which [Parliament] he
said, he hoped, would never alter the nature of Parliaments, and the
constitution of this kingdom; or invite his subjects so much to abuse
his confidence, as to esteem anything fit for this Parliament to do,
which were not fit, if it were in his power to dissolve it
to-morrow.--_Swift_. Yet, that was his ruin.
P. 366. [par. 11.] _Clarendon_. The factious party [persuaded the
people] ... that there was a design to send the prince beyond the seas,
and to marry him to some Papist.--_Swift_. As it fell out.
P. 384. [par. 56.] _Clarendon_, in the King's answer to the petition to
remove the magazine from Hull:--We have ... most solemnly promised, in
the word of a king, etc.--_Swift_. How long is that phrase to last?
P. 415. [par. 136] _Clarendon_. Whoever concurred, voted, and sided with
them, in their extravagant conclusions, let the infamy of his former
life, or present practice be what it would; his injustice and oppression
never so scandalous, and notorious; he was received, countenanced, and
protected with marvellous demonstrations of affection.--_Swift_. King
George's reign.
P. 419. [par. 148.] _Clarendon_, in the King's answer to the petition to
dissolve his Guards:--He asked them, "when they had so many months
together not contented themselves to rely for security, as their
predecessors had done, upon the affection of the people, but by their
own single authority had raised to themselves a guard ... and yet all
those pikes and protestations, that army, on one side, and that navy, on
the other, had not persuaded His Majesty to command them to disband
their forces," etc.--_Swift_. What are those pikes?
P. 427. [par. 162.] _Clarendon_, in the Declaration of the Lords and
Commons, May 19, 1642--That, in the word of a King, _etc.--Swift._ A
frequent foolish word, battered as a phrase.
P. 472. [par. 269.] _Clarendon_. He divested himself of the power of
dissolving this Parliament.--_Swift_. Proved his ruin.
P. 543. [par. 425.] _Clarendon_, on the deposition of Sir Richard
Gurney, lord mayor.--_Swift_ Dogs!
VOL. II.--BOOK VI.
P. 7. [par. 11.] _Clarendon_, Message of the King, Aug. 25th,
1642:--"Wherein, as we promise, in the word of a King, all safety and
encouragement to such as shall be sent unto us ... for the
treaty."--_Swift_. Very weak.
P. 10. [par. 18.] _Clarendon_, answer of the Parliament to the King's
message received the 5th of September, 1642.--_Swift._ I do not much
dislike this answer.
P. 17. [par. 38.] _Clarendon._ The same rabble entered the house of the
Countess of Rivers near Colchester; for no other ground, than that she
was a Papist; and in few hours disfurnished it of all the
goods.--_Swift._ As bad as Scots.
P. 18. [par. 40.] _Clarendon._ There are monuments enough in the
seditious sermons at that time printed ... of such wresting,
and perverting of Scripture to the odious purposes of the
preacher.--_Swift._ I wish I could find them.
P. 20. [par. 43.] _Clarendon._ Scottish officers.--_Swift._ Dogs.
P. 31 [par. 74.] _Clarendon._. A thousand at the most. Most of the
persons of quality, etc. [Swift underscores _most._]
P. 33. [par. 78.] _Clarendon,_ on the exemption of Prince Rupert from
being under the command of the general, Lord Lindsey:--When the King at
midnight, being in his bed, and receiving intelligence of the enemy's
motion, commanded the Lord Falkland, his principal secretary of state,
to direct Prince Rupert, what he should do, his Highness took it very
ill, and expostulated with the Lord Falkland, for giving him
orders.--_Swift._ A great mistake in the King, by too much indulgence to
Prince Rupert.
P. 40. [par. 90.] _Clarendon._ The King's preferring the Prince's
[Rupert's] opinion in all matters relating to the war before his [Lord
Lindsey's].--_Swift._ I blame the King's Partiality.
P. 48, line 28.--_Swift._ Cursed Scots.
P. 50. [par. 109.] _Clarendon._ His Majesty had, from time to time,
given his council of that kingdom [Scotland] full relations of all his
differences with his Parliament.--_Swift._ Cursed Scots for ever.
P. 51. [par. 112.] _Clarendon._ The chief managers and governors in the
first war, by their late intercourse, and communication of guilt, having
a firm correspondence with the Marquess of Argyle, the Earl of Lowden,
and that party.--_Swift._ Always a cursed family of Scots.
P. 59. [par. 142.] _Clarendon._ As the inviting the Scots,
etc.--_Swift._ Too long a parenthesis.
P. 62. [par. 154.] _Clarendon._ For the better recruiting whereof [the
Parliament's army], two of their most eminent chaplains, Dr. Downing and
Mr. Marshal, publicly avowed, "that the soldiers lately taken prisoners
at Brentford, and discharged, and released by the King upon their oaths
that they would never again bear arms against him, were not obliged by
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