The Tinguian
Fay-Cooper Cole

Part 3 out of 6

but is found in the Igorot villages farther south, it seems likely
that it is an importation from that region.

The members of the family gather in the afternoon, and kill a small
pig by cutting off its head. A part of the blood is saved, and the
balance is sprinkled against the house posts and ladder. The pig
itself is hung from one round of the ladder, so that its blood will
drip to the ground. The medium has been standing quietly to one side
watching, but now she calls upon the spirits, "You (calling one or
more by name), come out; be vomited up, for now you are being fed." She
allows them a few minutes for their repast, then cuts open the carcass
and removes the liver. A bit is cut from the top, then she splits open
the animal's skull, and removes a little of the brain. This she places
on a banana leaf; and, after adding a small piece of gold, wraps it up
and buries it beside the center post of the dwelling. The animal is
now cooked and served to the guests, but liberal portions are placed
on the house rafters and other places convenient for the spirits.

Next morning a piece is cut from a dog's ear, is smeared with blood,
and is placed in a small split bamboo, together with two stalks of
rice. A clout is tied to a spear, and all are rubbed on the body of
the patient, while the medium explains that this is the betel-nut
of the spirits, and that, when she takes it from the village, they
will go also, and the recovery be assured. The family follows her to
the gate of the town, and watches closely, as she thrusts the spear
and pole into the ground; for if they are firmly set in the ground,
yet lean away from the village, it is certain that the spirits have
departed, and the sick will recover.

Following the ceremony, members of the family may not work for
five days, neither may they lead a horse or carabao, or eat of wild
meat. Should they do any of the things forbidden, they will be struck
by lightning.

_Sapata the Oath_.--If a theft has been committed, and it has been
impossible to detect the guilty person, the following procedure
takes place. A rice-mortar is placed in the yard, and on it a dish of
_basi_. All the people are summoned to gather, and one by one they
drink of the liquor, meanwhile calling on the snakes to bite them,
the lightning to strike them, or their abdomens to swell up and burst
if they are guilty. Soon the people will know the culprit, for one
of these disasters will befall him. When that occurs, his family
will be compelled to make good the theft, as well as the expense of
this gathering.


The Great Ceremonies

In addition to the ceremonies and rites which may be celebrated by
all the people there are a number of more elaborate observances,
which can only be given by those who have the hereditary right,
or who have gained the privilege by a certain definite procedure.

In general these ceremonies are restricted to the villages in or
close to the valley of the Abra, the lower reaches of the Tineg,
Malanas, and Sinalong rivers. As one proceeds up the tributary
streams into such settlements as Baay, Likuan, and Lakub, it is
noticeable that the typical spirit houses become fewer in number,
while the participants in the accompanying ceremonies are limited to
recent emigrants from the lower valleys. The same thing is found to
be true on the western side of the coast range of mountains, as one
goes north or south from the Abra river, although there is evidence
here that some of the settlements formerly had these rites, but have
allowed them to fall into disuse, as a result of Ilocano influence.

This distribution of the great ceremonies seems to give a hint that
they are intrusive; that they probably were at one time restricted
to the families of emigrants and even to-day are barred from a part
of the people. They have not yet extended far into the interior,
despite the fact that in the lower valleys they almost completely
dominate the life of the people during a portion of the year.

In all the valley towns one sees little houses and platforms,
apparently of no practical value, yet occupying important places,
while in the period following the rice-harvest elaborate festivals are
carried on about them. Soon it develops that each of these structures
has a definite name, is associated with a particular ceremony, and
is built and kept in repair in honor of certain powerful spirits.

The culmination of these rites is the great _Sayang_ ceremony which
extends over seventeen days and nights. When this is held, it includes
all the minor events of this class, and the smaller spirit structures
are then built or repaired. This supreme event can only be celebrated
by a few families, but all the townpeople are welcome guests, and all,
regardless of age and sex, may witness or take part in the proceedings.

Since all the great events occur after the harvest, a time of leisure
and plenty, they become the great social events of the year. A person
who does not have the hereditary right to the ceremonies may gain the
liberty if he be warned in a dream or be notified by the spirits that
it is their wish. Since all the expenses of such a gathering fall on
the giver, it is imperative that he be well-to-do. Such a one gives
the ceremonies, in order, during a term of years, and eventually
obtains the right to the _Sayang_, the greatest social and religious
event in Tinguian life.

Adoption entitles an individual to all the privileges of the family,
and as the writer and his wife were adopted into a family possessing
the right to all the ceremonies, they became at once participants in
all the events which are here described. In this way it was possible
to obtain information and instruction on many points which observation
alone could scarcely afford.

The _Pala-an_ ceremony is the first round on the social and religious
ladder. It is here given in some detail, and is then followed by
others, in the order of their importance.

_Pala-an_.--The _Pala-an_ is held when some member of the family is
ill, or when the structure of that name needs repair. Many spirits
visit the people during this rite, but the one chiefly interested is
Idadaya, the spirit of the east. He and his ten grandchildren wear in
their hair the notched tail-feathers of a rooster, which are known
as _igam._ From time to time these lose their luster, and they can
only be refreshed by having some mortal celebrate _Pala-an_.

When it appears that these ornaments need attention, the Idadaya will
notify some family, either through a medium or by sending illness
to them.

A family having received such a notification summons a medium,
and she at once begins to gather _saklag_ (_Justicia gendarussa_
L.) and _sikag_ (_Lygodium_ sp. near _scandens_) and a grass known
as _bildis_, while the men secure the bamboo and other materials used
in building the spirit structure. One corner of the living room is
screened off with a large white blanket called _tabing_, and behind
it the medium places unthreshed rice and jars which she has decked
with vines and leaves.

While she is thus engaged, the men are busy building the _pala-an_
(Plate XXIV). This consists of four long poles--three of bamboo and
one of a resinous tree, _anteng_, [143] set in a square and supporting,
near the top, a platform of bamboo.

A number of women have been invited to assist the family, and they
now proceed to beat out sufficient rice to serve the guests. When
the pounding is finished, a rice-mortar is set out in the open, and
a little rice is placed in it. The women, armed with long pestles,
gather around and, keeping time to the music of copper gongs, they
circle the mortar contra-clockwise, striking its edge three times
in regular beats of 1, 2, 3; on the next beat the leader strikes the
bottom of her pestle against that of her neighbor, on the first and
second beats, but on the third she pounds the rice in the mortar. This
is repeated by the woman on her right and so on around the circle. Then
the leader strikes the top of her pestle against the top of the one
held by the women next her on two beats and on the third pounds rice,
and this is repeated by all. The music now becomes much faster, and,
keeping time with it, the leader strikes first into the rice, then
whirls clear around and strikes the pestle of the woman on her left;
again she turns and strikes that of the woman on her right. Each
follows her in turn, and soon all are in motion about the mortar,
alternately pounding the rice and clashing pestles. This is known as
_kitong_, and is the method prescribed by the great spirit Kaboniyan
for the breaking of a part of the rice to be used in this and other
ceremonies (Plate XXXI).

As soon as the pounding is finished, the medium places some of
the newly broken rice in a bamboo dish, and places this on a rice
winnower. She also adds a skirt, five pieces of betel-nut, two piper
leaves, and a little dish of oil, and carries the collection below
the _pala-an_, where a bound pig lies. The betel-nut and leaf are
placed on the animal, then the medium dips her fingers in the oil,
and strokes its side while she recites the following _diam_:--

"The spirit who lives in Dadaya lies in bed; he looks at his _igam_,
and they are dull. He looks again, 'Why are my _igam_ dull? Ala,
let us go to Sudipan, where the Tinguian live, and let us take our
_igam_, so that some one may make them bright again.' After that they
laid them (the _igam_) on the house of the Ipogau, and they are all
sick who live in that house. Kaboniyan looked down on them. 'Ala,
I shall go down to the Ipogau,' He truly went down to them, 'What is
the matter with you?' 'We are all sick who live in the same place,'
said those sick ones. 'That is true, and the cause of your sickness
is that they (the spirits) laid down their _igam_ on you. It is best
that you make _Pala-an_, since you have received their _igam_, for
that is the cause of your illness,' After that they made _Pala-an_,
and they recovered from their sickness, those who lived in the same
place. (Here the medium calls the spirits of Dadaya by name and then
continues.) 'Now those who live in the same place make bright again
those _igam_ which you left in their house. Make them well again,
if you please'."

As soon as she finishes her recital, the pig is stabbed in the throat,
its blood is collected, and is mixed with cooked rice. The carcass is
singed at once. Five men then carry it to the top of the _pala-an_,
where it is cut up. The suet and the hind legs are handed to the
medium, who places them behind the screen in the room, and the family
may then rest assured that the spirits thus remembered will free them
from headache and sore eyes. After the flesh has been cut into small
pieces, most of it is carried into the dwelling to be cooked for
the guests, but a portion is placed in a bamboo tube, and is cooked
beneath the _pala-an_. When it is ready to serve, the five men again
go to the top of the structure and eat it, together with cooked rice,
then they take the bamboo cooking tube, tie some of the sacred vines
from behind the curtain about it, and fasten it to one pole of the
_pala-an_. The men in the house are free to eat, and when they are
finished, the women dine.

In the cool of the afternoon, the people begin to assemble in the
yard, where they are soon joined by the medium carrying a spear in
one hand, a rooster in the other, and with a rice winnower atop her
head. She places the latter on a rice-mortar close to the _pala-an_,
and uncovering it reveals a small head-axe, notched chicken feathers,
her shells, five pieces of betel-nut and two leaves, a jar cover,
a dish of oil, and a coconut shell filled with rice and blood.

At the command of the medium, four or five men begin to play on
copper gongs, while the wife of the host comes forward and receives
the spear and rooster in one hand. The medium takes the head-axe,
and then the two women take hold of the winnower with their free
hands. Keeping time to the music, they lift it from the mortar,
take one step, then stop, strike the spear and head-axe together,
then step and stop again. At each halt the medium takes a little of
the rice and blood from the winnower and sprinkles it on the ground
for the spirits to eat. [144] When they have made half the circuit
of the mortar, they change places and retrace their steps; for "as
they take the gifts partly away and then replace them, in the same
manner the spirits will return that part of the patient's life which
they had removed, and he will become well and strong again."

The blood and rice which remain after this dance is placed on nine
pieces of banana bark. Five of these are carried to the _pala-an_;
one to the east and one to the west gate of the town; one is put on
the _talagan_, a miniature seat erected near by for the convenience of
visiting spirits, and one in a little spirit house known as _tangpap_
(cf.p.311). For an hour or more, the medium makes _dawak_, and summons
many spirits into her body. When the last of superior beings has made
his call, the medium goes to her home, carrying her payment for the
day's work, [145] but the townspeople remain to drink _basi_ and to
sing _da-eng_ until well into the night.

Early the next morning, the medium goes to the house, and removing
the jars and the bundle of decorated rice from the _tabing_, carries
them to the family's rice granary, and places them in the center of
that structure, covering them with six bundles of rice. This is an
offering to the spirit residing there, and for the next five days
the granary must not be opened.

Nothing more of importance takes place during the morning, but late
in the afternoon the people assemble in the dwelling to drink _basi_,
while one or more mediums summon the spirits. After a time a sterile
female pig is brought in and placed in the center of the room. Two
men armed with long knives slice the animal open along the length of
its stomach. An old man quickly slips in his hand, draws out the still
palpitating heart, and hands it to a medium, who in turn strokes the
stomachs of members of the family, thus protecting them from intestinal
troubles. She also touches the guests and the articles which have
been used during the day. For this second day this medium receives,
as pay, the head and two legs of the pig, a hundred fathoms of thread,
a dish of broken rice, and five bundles of unthreshed rice. She also
is given a small present in exchange for each bead she received when
the spirits entered her body.

Following the ceremony, the members of the family are barred from work,
usually for one moon, and during this period they may not eat of wild
pig or carabao, of lobsters or eels. An infraction of this rule would
incur, the wrath of the spirits and result in sickness and disaster.

_Tangpap_.--In many of the valley towns Tangpap is only a part
of _Sayang_ (cf.p.345), and is never given alone, but in Manabo,
Lagangilang, and nearby settlements it is recognized as one of the
ceremonies which must be celebrated before a family acquires the
right to _Sayang_. In these villages it follows _Pala-an_ after a
lapse of two or three years. It was during the progress of this
ceremony in the village of Manabo, in 1908, that the writer and
his wife were made members of the tribe, and since the mediums were
particularly anxious that we know all the details, the information
in this instance is unusually complete. It is here given in full,
as an excellent example of how all are conducted.

A Manabo woman, the wife of Sagasag, was seized with an illness which
deprived her of the use of her limbs, and when other means of relief
failed, was told by the spirits to give the _Tangpap_ ceremony, to
which she already had a hereditary right. A medium was summoned,
and she, with two assistants, began to prepare many presents for
the spirits who were expected to attend the ceremony. From previous
experience it was known the sort of gift each would appreciate, and
by the end of the second day the following things were in readiness.

For the spirits Bakod and Olak, [146] a rice winnower was loaded with
a shield, a clay dish, a coconut shell filled with _basi_, a string of
beads, a small basket, two bundles of rice, and leaves of the _atilwag_
(_Breynia acuminata_), later the half of a slain pig was also added.

Cords were attached at each corner of the living room, and beneath
the points where they crossed was a mat on which the mediums were to
sit when summoning the spirits. On the cords were leaves, grasses,
and vines, the whole forming a decoration pleasing to the superior
beings, I-anayan and I-angawan.

For Gapas they provided two small baskets of rice, a shell called
_gosipeng_, and a rattan-like vine, _tanobong_, betel-nuts and

Bogewan received a basket of rice, some white thread, sections of
_posel_--a variety of bamboo--, _atilwag_ leaves, and some beads. For
Bognitan, a jar was partly filled with _tanobong_, and for Gilin, a
jar of _basi_. Cooked rice was moulded into the form of an alligator,
and was spotted with red, betel saliva. This, when placed on a basket
of rice, was intended for Bolandan.

Soyan was provided with a basket which contained the medium's
shells and a cloth, while Ibaka received a jar cover filled with
salt. Dandawila had to be content with a stem of young betel-nuts,
and Bakoki with two fish baskets filled with pounded rice, also a
spear. A large white blanket was folded into a neat square, and on
it was laid a lead sinker for the use of Mamonglo.

As a rule, three spirits named Mabeyan attended this ceremony. For
the first, a bamboo frame was constructed, and on it was placed a
female pig, runo (a reed), and prepared betel nut. For the second,
a shield, fish net, rice and a rice winnower, and a bit of string;
while for the third, a rice winnower was set with eight coconut shells,
a small dish, and a gourd dipper.

During a considerable portion of the time that these articles
were being prepared, several men sat in the yard and played on
the _tongatong_, but when the mediums finally gave the signal that
everything was in readiness, they moved their instrument up on the
porch of the dwelling, where they continued playing softly.

One of the mediums took her place in the mat in the middle of the room,
and raising a Chinese plate above her head, began to strike against
it with her shells, in order to notify the spirits that the ceremony
was about to begin. Next she placed two dishes on the mat in front
of her, and as she sang a monotonous chant, she touched each one with
a small stick. The host was then ordered to shuffle his feet between
the lines of dishes and to step over each one. As soon as he did so,
the medium pulled the mat from beneath them, rolled it up, and used
it as a whip with which she struck the head of each member of the
family. The spirit who had caused the woman's illness was supposed to
be near by, and after he witnessed this whipping, he would be afraid
to remain longer. As a promise of future reward to the well-disposed
immortals, a bound pig was then placed beside the door of the dwelling.

Going to the hearth, the medium withdrew burning sticks, and placed
them in a jar, and held this over the head of the sick woman, for
"a spirit has made her sick, but the fire will frighten him away,
and she will get well." After she had made the circuit of the family,
she held a bundle of rice above the flames, and with it again went
to each person in the room; then she did the same thing with broken
rice and with the _atilwag_ vine.

Two mediums then seated themselves on the mat, and covering their
faces with their hands, began to chant and wail, beseeching the
spirits to enter their bodies. One after another the spirits came
and possesed the mediums, so that they were no longer regarded as
human beings, but as the spirits themselves. First came Kakalonan,
also known as Boboyonan, a friendly being whose chief duty it is
to find the cause of troubles. Addressing the sick woman, he said,
"Now you make this ceremony, and I come to make friends and to tell
you the cause of your trouble. I do not think it was necessary for you
to hold this ceremony now, for you built your _balaua_ only two years
ago; yet it is best that you do so, for you can do nothing else. You
are not like the spirits. If we die, we come to life again; if you
die, you do not." At this point an old man interrupted, and offered
him a drink of _basi_. At first Kakalonan refused, saying he did not
want to accept any payment; but finally he yielded and drained the
coconut shell of liquor. After assuring the family that all would be
well with them when the ceremony was complete, he took his departure.

The next spirit to come was Sagangan [147] of Anayan. He appeared to
be in a rage, because the proper present had not been prepared for his
coming, and was expressing himself vigorously when a passing woman
happened to touch him, and he at once departed. The medium chanted
for a long time, urging him to return, and finally he did so. At once
he demanded that two bundles of rice have wax heads moulded on them,
and that black beads be inserted for eyes. These, he assured them,
would serve him as well as the woman's life, so he would make the
exchange, and she would get well.

When the dolls were prepared, he addressed the husband, "My other
name is Ingalit, and I live in the sky. What is the matter with the
woman?" "I do not know," replied the man. "We ask you." "You ask me,
what is the matter with this woman, and I will tell you. How does
it happen that Americans are attending the ceremony?" The husband
replied that the Americans wished to learn the Tinguian customs, and
this finally seemed to satisfy the superior being. Turning toward the
door where the men were still softly playing on the _tongatong_, he
called out peevishly, "Tell the people not to play on the _tongatong_,
for the spirits who wish to hear it are not present, and we are ashamed
to have the Americans hear it. You make this ceremony now because you
are sick and do not wish to die, but you could have waited two years."

While this spirit was talking, another, who said he lived in
Langbosan, and had been sent by Gilen, came to the body of the
second medium. Paying no attention to the other spirit, he began
to give instructions for the conduct of the ceremony. The _tangpap_
was to be build the next morning, also two _balags_ (p.308), and for
them they were to prepare one pig. "Do not fail to prepare this pig,
but you may use it for both _tangpap_ and _balag_. You will also make
a _taltalabong_ (p.311). For this you must prepare a different pig,
for this is for the sons and servants of Kadaklan."

After the departure of these beings, ten other spirits came in quick
succession. Two of the latter claimed to be Igorot spirits, and both
talked with the peculiar stacatto accent of the people who live along
the Kalinga-Igorot border. [148]

After the departure of the Igorot spirits, both mediums were possessed,
one by Sanadan, a male spirit, and the other by the female spirit
of Pangpangdan. At their request the men began again to play on the
_tongatong_, and the spirits danced. Soon Sanadan began to fondle the
woman, to rub her face with his, to feel of her body and at last of
her privates. Other spirits, who stayed only long enough to drink,
followed them, and then Gonay appeared. The spectators had been
openly bored by the last few visitors, but the name of Gonay quickly
revived their interest. She began to sing a wailing song in which she
told of her sad plight. Time after time she repeated the sentence,
"Gongay has no husband, for her mother put a stone in her vagina,
yet she loves all young men." From time to time she would pause, and
make ludicrous attempts to fondle the young boys, and then when they
resisted her, she again took up her plaint. At last she succeeded in
getting one young fellow to exchange cigars and headbands with her,
and began to rub her hands on his body, urging him not to leave
her. Just when she seemed on the verge of success in winning him,
another spirit Baliwaga came to the medium, and the fun-maker had
to depart. The newcomer placed an agate bead in a dish, and held it
high above his head while he danced. Finally he called out that the
bead had vanished, but when he lowered the plate, it was still there,
and he left in chagrin. He was succeeded by a dumb female spirit named
Damolan, who undertook to do the trick in which her predecessor had
failed. Holding the plate high above her head, she danced furiously,
and from time to time struck against the side of the dish with the
medium's shells. Twice when she lowered the dish, the bead was there,
but on the third attempt it had vanished. The trick was so cleverly
done that, although we were beside her and watching closely, we did
not detect the final movement. With much satisfaction, the medium
assured us that the bead would be found in the hair of the man who
broke the first ground for the _tangpap_, a boast which was made good
the following morning.

Adadog came next, and not finding the chicken which should have been
placed on the mat for him, he broke out in a great fury and tried to
seize a man in its place. He was restrained from doing injury to his
victim, and soon left, still highly indignant. Seven other spirits
stopped only for a drink, and then Daliwaya appeared. Upon her arrival,
one of the headmen gravely informed her that the people wished to adopt
four Americans, but that only one was then present. The spirit bade the
writer to arise from the mat, where he was lying, and after stroking
his head for a time, said, "You wish to make this American an _Itneg_,
[149] but before you can do anything, the spirits must approve and
give him a name. I will give him a name now, and then to-morrow all
the people must say if they wish to give him another name and make him
Ipogau. [150] His name shall be Agonan, for that is the name of the
spirit who knows many languages." Again she stroked the writer's head,
and then taking a large porcelain platter, she filled it with _basi_,
and together we drank the liquor, alternately, a swallow at a time.

After her departure, an Alzado [151] came and danced with high knee
action, meantime saying, she was there to make some one ill, and that
she would do so unless the American gave her a cloth for her clout
when she returned the following day.

The next visitor was Sanadan, the spirit who owns and guards the deer
and wild pig. Up to this time the people had been mildly interested in
the arrivals, but when this important being appeared, the men at once
became alert; they told him of their troubles in the hunts, of the
scarcity of deer, and urged him to send more of them to Mt. Posoey,
where they were accustomed to hunt. He offered much good advice
concerning the methods of hunting, but refused to take any action
regarding the game on the nearby mountain, for, he said, the spirit
Dapwanay who owns Posoey was watching the game there. Just before he
departed, he called to the headmen, "I am very rich and very bold. I am
not afraid to go anywhere. I can become the sunset sky. I am going to
Asbinan in Kalaskigan to have him make me a shoe of gold. To-morrow
you must not use any of the things you have had out-of-doors, but
you may make use of them when you build the _taltalabong_."

The last spirit to come that night was Ablalansa who keeps guard
over the sons of Kadaklan. He paused only for a drink and to tell the
people that America was very near to the place, where the big birds
live who eat people.

It was midnight when the medium informed us that no more spirits
would come that evening, and we went to rest.

About six o'clock the next morning, the women began the ceremonial
pounding of the rice known as _kitong_ (cf. p. 329) in the yard, while
one of the mediums went to the bound pig lying in the dwelling and
recited a _diam_ as she stroked its side; she also poured a little
_basi_ through the slits in the floor for the use of any visiting
spirits. While the women were thus engaged, the men were busy
constructing spirit houses in the yard. Of greatest importance was
the _tangpap_ (Plate XXVII), a small bamboo structure with a slanting
roof, resting on four poles, and an interwoven bamboo floor fastened
about three feet above the ground. [152] Near one of the house poles
a funnel-shaped basket was tied, and in it was set a forked stick,
within the crotch of which was a little floor and roof, the whole
forming a resting place for the Igorot spirits of Talegteg. The
_pala-an_ needed a few repairs, and two of the old men looked after
these, while others made two long covered bamboo benches which might
be used either by visiting men or spirits. [153] Four long bamboo
poles were set in the ground, and a roof placed over them to form
the _bang-bangsal_, a shelter always provided for the spirits of Soyau.

By ten o'clock all was in readiness, and the people then gathered
in the dwelling, where the mediums began summoning the spirits. The
first to arrive was Omgbawan, a female spirit whose conversation
ran as follows: "I come now because you people ought to make this
ceremony. I did not come last night, for there were many spirits here,
and I was busy. You people who build _tangpap_ must provide all the
necessary things, even though they are costly. It is good that the
Americans are here. I never talked with one before."

Manaldek [154] was the next arrival, and as he was one of the spirits
who was supposed to have caused the patient's illness, his visit was
of considerable importance. He was presented with a spear and prepared
betel-nut. The latter was attached to the point of the weapon, and
this was pressed against the body of the pig, then the spirit touched
each member of the family in order to drive the sickness from them.

Mamonglo ordered the family under a white blanket, and then touched
the head of each person with a lead sinker, while his companion
spirit waved a bundle of rice and a firebrand over them, "To take
away the sickness which they had sent." Six other spirits came
long enough to drink, then Bisangolan occupied the attention of
all for a time. He is an old man, a giant who lives near the river,
and with his head-axe keeps the trees and driftwood from jamming,
and thus prevents floods. For quite a time he chatted about himself,
then finally blew smoke over the people, at the same time assuring
them that the sickness would now vanish like the smoke. Just before
departing he informed the family that a spirit named Imalbi had caused
the trouble in the patient's eyes, and that on the next morning they
must build a little house, called _balitang_, among the banana trees,
and place in it a live chicken.

Gayangayan, a female spirit from Lagayan, followed, rubbed the head
of each person, blew smoke over them, and then announced thus: "The
people of Layogan [155] must not close their doors when it rains,
or it will stop."

The attitude of the people toward the weaker and less important spirits
was well shown when Ambayau, a wild female spirit, arrived. She
demanded to know where she could secure heads, and immediately the
people began to tell her all sorts of impossible places, and made jests
about her and her family. Finally they told her to take the head of
a certain Christianized native; but she refused, since she had short
hair, and it would be hard for her to carry the skull. While she
was still talking, the men started to carry the pig from the room,
but she detained them, to explain that the people cut the meat into
too large pieces, for "we spirits eat only so much," indicating a
pinch. The spirit Soyau came for a drink, and then all the people
went out to the _tangpap_, where the pig was killed, singed, and cut
up. A small pig was laid beside the _pala-an_, and for a time was
guarded by the son of the sick woman, who for this event had placed
the notched chicken-feathers in his hair, and had put on bracelets
of boar's tusks. As soon as she had finished at the _tangpap_, the
medium came to the _pala-an_, and having recited the proper _diam_
over the pig lying there, ordered it killed in the manner already
described for this structure (cf. p. 329). Both animals were then
cooked, and soon all the guests were eating, drinking and jesting.

Late in the afternoon, the spirit mat was spread in the yard near to
the _tangpap_, and the mediums began summoning the spirits. The first
to come was Mamabeyan, an Igorot spirit for whom the people showed
the utmost contempt. They guyed him, threw dirty water on his body,
and in other ways insulted him, until in his fury he tried to climb the
house posts to punish a group of girls, the worst offenders, but men
and women rushed up with sticks and clubs, and drove him back. After
a time he calmed down, and going to a bound pig, he addressed it as
"a pretty lady," and tried to caress it.

While this clown spirit was amusing the crowd, a second medium
brought out ten coconut shells, one of which was filled with blood
and rice. These she placed on a winnower, which in turn was set on a
rice-mortar. Soon the spirit Ilongbosan entered her body, and commanded
the son of the patient to take some of the blood and rice from the
one dish, place it in all the others, and then put it back again,
"for when the spirits make a man sick, they take part of his life,
and when they make him well, they put it back. So the boy takes a part
of the blood and rice away, and gives it to the spirits, then puts
it back." The spirit was followed, by Gilen, who bade the lad take
hold of one side of the winnower, while he held the other. Raising
it in the air, they danced half way round the mortar, then retraced
their steps. "This is because the spirits only partially took the
life away. Now they put it back." As they finished dancing, Gilen
struck his spear against the boy's head-axe and departed.

The medium, now with her own personality, leaned a shield against the
rice-mortar, and in the [Lambda] thus formed she hung a small bundle
of rice and a burning cord, while over the whole she spread a fish
net. Scarcely had she completed this task, when she was possessed
by the spirit of Kibayen, this being walked round and round the
net, seeking for an opening, but without success. Later the medium
explained, "The rice and fire represent the woman's life, which the
spirit wishes to take; but she cannot, since she is unable to pass
through the fish net."

The next visitor was Yangayang, who began to boast of his power to make
persons ill. Suddenly the medium fell to the ground in convulsions,
and then stretched out in a dead faint. The writer examined her
closely, but could not detect her breathing. After a moment, the
second medium seized a rooster and waved it over the prostrate form,
while an old man gave a sharp stroke on a gong close to her head. The
medium awoke from her faint and thus "the death was frightened away."

Mamonglo, who had been present during the morning, returned for a
moment to again rub the family and guests with his lead sinker. While
he was thus engaged, the second medium was possessed by Baniyat,
a female who made a bit of fun by trying to steal the beads of the
young girls, "so the men would love her." Several times she tried
to scale the house ladder, but was always repulsed, and each failure
was greeted with jeers and ridicule.

Gomogopos, who causes stomach troubles, came, and after dancing
before the rice-mortar, demanded that a small pig be laid before the
_tangpap_. Scarcely had the animal been deposited, when the spirit
seized a head-axe and cut it in two at one blow. Then he dipped the
weapon in its blood and applied it to the stomach of each member
of the family. "The pig is his pay, and now he takes away his kind
of sickness."

The second medium secured a live rooster, and using its wings as a
brush, she took up the blood and the two halves of the pig, and put
them in the _tangpap_. "The rooster is the spirits' brush, and when
the dirt In front of the _tangpap_ is cleaned up, then the people will
be clean and well inside their bodies." At the command of the medium,
the husband of the patient went to the opposite side of the _tangpap_;
then she threw a bundle of rice over the structure to him. He caught
it, and immediately threw it back. This was repeated six times, but
on the seventh the bundle lighted on the roof, where it was allowed
to remain. "The spirit threw away the lives of the people, but the
man returned them. The bundle is now on the _tangpap_, so now the
people's lives will remain safe."

An unnamed spirit was next to appear, and at his command the fore part
of the pig was stood upright in the winnower, and a stick was placed in
each nostril. These were seized by the spirit, who pumped them up and
down, then withdrew them, and stroked each member of the family, while
he chanted, "I did this to your lives, so now I must do it to you."

Saking, a lame spirit, called for one of the pig's legs, and with
it rubbed the limbs of each member of the family, "so that they will
not become ill in their legs."

One of the mediums now became possessed by Mangamian, who carried
a feather which he used as a fighting knife. The onlookers seized
similar weapons and defended themselves, or drove the spirit away
by threatening him with a small dog. A fire had been built near
the _tangpap_, and from time to time the spirit would rush up to
this, thrust his feather into the flames, and then put it into his
mouth. Later it was explained, "He is an evil spirit who tries to
kill people. The feather is his bolo. He is like a blacksmith, and
when his knife gets dull, he puts it in the fire, then puts it in his
mouth to wet it, so as to make it ring." Three spirits now appeared in
quick succession, and discussed with the old men the advisability of
adopting the Americans [156] as Ipogau. Finally the leader Ilabdangan
called them to the mat before him and told them their names, and also
recited a list of their relations. Then, filling a coconut shell with
_basi_, he drank half and presented the shell to each candidate, who
had to drain it to the last drop. A circle was formed, and for the
balance of the afternoon the new members of the tribe had to dance
_tadek_ with their relations.

Just before dusk, the Igorot spirit Daliwaya, who had been present the
night before, appeared and demanded that the American give her cloth
for her clout. When she received this, she sang and then instructed
the men how to dance in Igorot fashion. When finally they were doing
her bidding, she danced beside them with outstretched arms in the
manner of the Igorot women. Later, when the medium was again herself,
we questioned her concerning her knowledge of this dance, but she
professed absolute ignorance.

That evening the people danced _tadek_, for a short time, near to the
_pala-an_, then a fire was built beside the _tangpap_, and by its light
the visitors danced _da-eng_ until far into the night (cf.p. 440).

Early the next morning, the men went to some banana trees near
to a rice granary, and there constructed a little spirit house,
which resembled the _pala-an_, except that it was only about four
feet high. This was called _balitang_, and was made in fulfilment of
the orders given by the spirit Imalbi on the previous evening. When
it was finished, the medium placed a dish of broken rice on it, and
then tied a rooster with a belt close enough, so that the fowl could
eat of the rice. Returning to the dwelling, she took down a small
shield which was attached to the wall, placed new leaves and a dish
of oil on it. Then as she stirred the oil, she sang the _Talatal_
(Plate XXXII). The significance of this song, which consists only
of mentioning the names of prominent men of various villages, seems
to be lost. The _kalang_, or spirit box, was then redecorated, food
was dropped through the slits in the floor for visiting spirits,
and finally the medium held the shield over the heads of the family,
beat upon it with a head-axe, while in a loud voice she asked the
spirits that, since the family was now celebrating _tangpap_, they
would please make them well again. The shield was fastened to the
wall, new offerings of _basi_ were placed in the _kalang_, and after
it had been swung over the head of the patient, it was again fastened
above the house beam near to the roof.

For the next hour the mediums summoned spirits to them. The first five
had little of interest to offer, except that each demanded that his
liquor be served to him on a head-axe. When the spirit Amangau arrived,
he spent the time boasting of his head-hunting exploits; he told of how
he had gone to one village, and had killed all the people, except one
pregnant woman, and of the dance which followed. Finally he claimed
the credit of having killed a man who had recently died in Manabo,
and assured the people that his friends were then dancing about the
head. The spirit Banbanyalan, who followed, disclaimed any part in the
killing just mentioned, but verified the statement of his predecessor.

Tomakdeg came, and after filling his mouth with rice, blew it out
over the people, in the same way that the sickness was to be spit
out. Meanwhile Bebeka-an, armed with a wooden spoon, tried to dig
up the floor and the people on it, "for that is the way she digs
up sickness." Awa-an, a spirit of the water, came to inform the
people that the spirit of a man recently drowned was just passing the
house. Everything else was abandoned for a few moments, while _basi_
was poured out of the window, so that the dead might receive drink.

Two female spirits, Dalimayawan and Ginlawan, came at the same
time and danced together, while they informed the people of their
beauty and their expertness in dancing. Suddenly they stopped,
and said that Andayau, the mother of Lakgangan, was near by; then
they instructed the host that he should wrap a gourd in a cloth and
tell Andayau that it was her son's head, and that he had been killed,
because he had stolen carabao. Scarcely had the two visitors departed,
when the mother appeared, and being informed of her son's death, she
began to wail, "He is lost. No one works the fields, where we planted
calabasa. Lakgangan is lost, he who has been killed. Why did you go
to steal carabao? We have put Lakgangan in a hammock; we take him to
Tomakdang. The _basi_ put out for Lakgangan is good. He is lost whom
they went to kill. Lakgangan is lost. We take him to Tomakdang."

The song was interrupted by a head-hunting spirit, who demanded the
heads of two visiting girls from Patok, but she finally went away
satisfied with a piece of cloth which they gave her. Blood and oil
were sprinkled liberally over the ground and the gathering broken up
for the morning.

All the forenoon, a small group of men and women, had been constructing
a small covered bamboo raft, and had placed in it a sack of rice,
which had been contributed by all the people. [157]

By four o'clock a large number of people had gathered in the yard near
the house, and soon the spirit mats were spread on an old bedstead,
and the mediums started again to summon the superior beings. The first
two to appear were Esteban from Cagayan and Maria from Spain. They wore
gay handkerchiefs about their shoulders, and when they danced, gave
an imitation of the Spanish dances now seen among the Christianized
natives of the coast. It was quite evident that these foreign spirits
were not popular with the people, and they were distinctly relieved
when Mananako replaced them. This spirit has the reputation of being
a thief, and the guests had great sport preventing him from stealing
the gifts intended for other spirits.

In the midst of this revelry, the other medium was suddenly possessed
by Kadaklan--the supreme being. The laughter and jesting ceased, and
breathlessly the people listened, while the most powerful being said,
"I am Kadaklan. Here in this town where I talk, you must do the things
you ought to do. I hear what you say you desire, and I see what you are
able to do. Something ill will befall you unless you quickly celebrate
_Sagobay_ (cf. p. 324), when there are no strangers or Christians in
your town. Where is the _basi_ which should have been in the place
where I first came?" [158] Without awaiting an answer he vanished,
and his wife Agemem took his place and repeated his remarks with
little variation.

Sopo, a gambler, next appeared and tossed handfuls of coins into a
blanket. He stated that if heads came up, the people won and would
have good health, but if they lost, their lives were his. As soon as
he threw, the people rushed up, and if they saw any tails they were
quickly turned, and the spirit was informed that he had lost.

Kimat, lightning, came and demanded a drink, which was given. As he is
usually considered as a dog, the writer inquired why he had appeared
as a man, but was rewarded only by a shrug of the shoulders and the
word--_kadauyan_ ("custom").

Another spirit, Andeles, quickly replaced lightning, and with Sopo
danced on the spirit raft, while the old men put dishes of water and
coins inside, and fastened a small live chicken to the roof. The people
then tried to induce the spirits to leave, but they refused. Suddenly
they were flung aside, and two strong men seized the raft and started
to run with it. Immediately the two spirits gave chase and fought
viciously all who tried to get in their way, but when, finally,
their opponents were joined by an old woman carrying a bundle of
burning rice straw and an old man beating a drum, they gave up the
chase and vanished. The party proceeded on to the Abra river, where
they waded out into deep water and set the raft afloat (Plate XXVI).

That evening the guests danced _da-eng_, and the ceremony was over.

Throughout the three days, the mediums had been constantly drinking
of _basi_, and while under the strain of the ceremony, they had not
appeared intoxicated, but at its conclusion both were hopelessly
drunk. The payment for the service was one half of the largest pig,
unthreshed rice, and about two pesos in money, which was given in
exchange for the beads which different spirits had demanded.

Kalangan.--In Manabo and the villages of that vicinity a period
of about seven years elapses between the building of _tangpap_ and
the celebration of _Kalangan_, but in most of the valley towns the
latter ceremony follows _Pala-an_ after two or three years. [159]
The ceremony is so similar to the _Tangpap_ just described that only
the barest outline will be given here. The chief difference in the
two is the type of structure built for the spirits. _Kalangan_ has
four supporting timbers to which the flooring is lashed, and from
which kingposts go to ridge poles. A bamboo frame rests on this and,
in turn, supports an overhanging grass roof (Plate XXIII).

The procedure is as follows: Late in the afternoon, all the necessary
articles are brought to the house, then the mediums dance for a time to
the music of the _tongatong_. _Basi_ is served to the guests, and for
an hour or more the spirits are summoned. Next morning the _kalangan_
is built, and two pigs are sacrificed beside it. Their blood mixed with
oil is offered to the spirits, and many acts, such as distributing the
rice into ten dishes and then replacing it in the original container,
the churning of sticks in the nose of a slaughtered animal and the
like, are performed. Spirits are summoned in the afternoon, and in
the evening _da-eng_ is danced. On the third day new offerings are
placed on the spirit shield and hanger; offerings are made at the
new structure, numerous spirits appear, talk to and amuse the people,
and finally _da-eng_ is danced until late evening.

Following the ceremony, all members of the family are barred from work
for about one month. They may not eat the meat of the wild carabao,
wild hog, beef, eels, nor may they use peppers in their food. Wild
fowl are barred for a period of one year.

_Kalangan_ is much more widespread than either _Tangpap_ or the
_Sayang_ ceremony, and this spirit structure is often found in
villages, where the other great ceremonies are lacking.

_Sayang_.--The greatest of all the ceremonies is the _Sayang_,
the ability to celebrate which proclaims the family as one of
wealth and importance. In most cases the right is hereditary, but,
as already indicated, a person may gain the privilege by giving,
in order, and through a term of years, all the minor ceremonies. In
such circumstances _Sayang_ follows _Kalangan_ after a lapse of from
four to eight years. Otherwise the ceremony will be held about once
in seven years, or when the spirit structure known as _balaua_ is in
need of repairs.

Originally this appears to have been a seventeen-day ceremony, as
it still is in Manabo, Patok, Lagangilang, and neighboring villages,
but in San Juan, Lagayan, Danglas, and some other settlements it now
lasts only five or seven days. However, even in those towns where it
occupies full time, the first twelve days are preliminary in nature.

On the first day, the mediums go to the family dwelling and take
great pains to see that all forbidden articles are removed, for wild
ginger, peppers, shrimps, carabao flesh, and wild pork are tabooed,
both during the ceremony and for the month following. The next duty
is to construct a woven bamboo frame known as _talapitap_ on which
the spirits are fed, and to prepare two sticks known as _dakidak_,
one being a thin slender bamboo called _bolo_, the other a reed. These
are split at one end, so they will rattle when struck on the ground,
and thus call the attention of the spirit for whom food is placed on
the rack.

That evening a fire is built in the yard, and beside it the mediums
dance _da-eng_ alone. Meanwhile a number of women gather in the yard
and pound rice out of the straw. This pounding of rice continues
each evening of the first five days. The first night they beat out
ten bundles, the second, twenty, and so on, until they clean fifty
on the fifth day.

Little occurs during the second and third days, but on these evenings
the young men and girls join the mediums and dance _da-eng_ by the
fire in the yard. The fourth and fifth nights are known as _ginitbet_
("dark"), for then no fires are lighted, and the mediums dance
alone. It is supposed that the black spirits, those who are deformed,
or who are too shy to appear before the people, will come out at this
time and enjoy the ceremony.

Beginning with the sixth day the women pound rice in the early
morning. Starting with ten bundles, they increase the number by
ten each day until on the thirteenth morning they pound out eighty
bundles. A fire is lighted in the yard on the sixth day, and is kept
burning continuously through the eighth, but the ninth and tenth are
nights of darkness. When the fire is burning, it is a sign for all who
wish, to come and dance, and each evening finds a jolly party of young
people gathered in the yard, where they take part in the festivities,
or watch the mediums, as they offer rice to the superior beings.

On the eleventh day, a long white blanket (_tabing_) is stretched
across one corner of the room, making a private compartment for the use
of visiting spirits. That evening, as it grows dark, a jar of _basi_
is carried up into the house. All lights are extinguished both in
the yard and the dwelling, so that the guests have to grope their way
about. After the liquor is consumed, they go down into the yard, where,
in darkness, they join the medium in dancing _da-eng._ The twelfth day
is known as _Pasa-ad_--"the building." During the preliminary days,
the men have been bringing materials for use in constructing the great
spirit-house called _balaua_, and on this morning the actual work is
started. In form the _balaua_ resembles the _kalangan_, but it is large
enough to accommodate a dozen or more people, and the supporting posts
are trunks of small trees (Plate XXI). After the framework is complete,
one side of the roof is covered with cogon grass, but the other is
left incomplete. Meanwhile the women gather near by and pound rice in
the ceremonial manner described in the _Pala-an_ ceremony (cf. p. 329).

As soon as the building is over for the day, a jar of _basi_ is
carried into the structure, a little of the liquor is poured into
bamboo tubes and tied to each of the corner poles. The balance of the
liquor is then served to the men who sit in the _balaua_ and play
on copper gongs. Next, a bound pig is brought in, and is tied to a
post decorated with leaves and vines. Soon the medium appears, and
after placing prepared betel-nut and lime on the animal, she squats
beside it, dips her fingers into coconut oil, and strokes its side,
then later dips a miniature head-axe into the oil, and again strokes
the animal, while she repeats a _diam_. This is a recital of how in
ancient times Kadaklan and Agemen instructed the Tinguian as to the
proper method of celebrating the _Sayang_ ceremony. [160] A little
later the pig is removed from the _balaua_, and its throat is cut,
first with a metal blade, but the deep, mortal thrust is made with a
bamboo spike. The animal is then singed, but its blood is carefully
saved for future use (Plate XXXIII). While all this is taking place,
the men in the _balaua_ drink _basi_ and sing _dalengs_ in which they
praise the liberality of their hosts, tell of the importance of the
family, and express hope for their continued prosperity. As they sing,
the chief medium goes from one to another of the guests, and after
dipping a piece of lead in coconut oil, holds it to their nostrils
as a protection against evil. When finally the pig has been singed
and scraped, it is again brought into the _balaua_, and its body is
opened by a transverse cut at the throat and two slits lengthwise of
its abdomen. The intestines are removed and placed in a tray, but the
liver is carefully examined for an omen. If the signs are favorable,
the liver is cooked and is cut up, a part is eaten by the old men, and
the balance is attached to the corner pole of the spirit structure. The
head, one thigh, and two legs are laid on a crossbeam for the spirits,
after which the balance of the meat is cooked and served with rice
to the guests. That evening many friends gather in the yard to dance
_da-eng_, to drink _basi_, or to sing _daleng_. According to tradition,
it was formerly the custom to send golden betel-nuts to invite guests
whom they wished especially to honor. [161] Nowadays one or more
leading men from other villages may be especially invited by being
presented with a bit of gold, a golden earring or bead. When such
a one arrives at the edge of the yard, he is placed in a chair, is
covered with a blanket, and is carried to the center of the dancing
space by a number of women singing _diwas_ (cf. p. 452). At frequent
intervals the merry-making is interrupted by one of the mediums who
places the _talapitap_ on the ground, puts rice and water on it,
and then summons the spirits with the split sticks. Once during the
evening, she places eight dishes and two coconut shells of water on
the rack. Reaching into one of the dishes which contains rice, she
takes out a handful and transfers it, a little at a time, into each
of the others, then extracting a few grains from each, she throws
it on the ground and sprinkles it with water from the two cups. The
remaining rice is returned to the original holder, and the act is
repeated eight times. The significance of this seems to be the same
as in the _Tangpap_ ceremony, where the life of the individual is
symbolized by the rice, which is only partially taken away and is again
returned. The next act is always carried out, but its meaning appears
to be lost. The eight dishes are filled with rice, and are placed on
the frame together with sixteen coconut shells of water, and eight men
and eight women seat themselves on opposite sides. First they eat a
little of the food, then taking a small amount in their fingers, they
dip it into the water and place it in the mouth of the person opposite.

The fourteenth day is known as _Palay-lay_--"the seasoning"--and
during the next twenty-four hours the people remain quietly in the
village while the bamboo used in the _balaua_ "becomes good."

Next day is one of great activity. The roofing of the _balaua_ is
completed, all necessary repairs are made to the dwelling, for dire
results would follow should any part of the house break through during
the concluding days of the ceremony. The balance of the day is taken
up in dancing and in the construction of the following spirit-houses:
the _Aligang, Balabago, Talagan, Idasan, Balag, Batog, Alalot, Pangkew_
and _Sogayob_ (cf. pp. 308-311). Also a little bench is built near
the hearth, and on it are placed coconut shell cups and drinks for
the use of the Igorot spirits who usually come this night.

The evening of this day is known as _Libon_--"plenty" or
"abundance." Toward nightfall the mediums, and their helpers enter the
dwelling and decorate it in a manner already described for the great
ceremonies. Cords cross the room from opposite corners and beneath,
where they meet, the medium's mat is spread. On the cords are hung
grasses, flowers, girdles, and wreaths of young coconut leaves. When
all is ready, a small pig is brought into the room, while the men
play frantically on their gongs and drums. On the medium's mat are
many articles, _alangtin_ leaves, a rooster, a branch filled with
young betel-nuts, cooked rice moulded into the form of an alligator,
but with a wax head and seeds for eyes, a spear, and a bundle of
rice straw. Taking up a dish of water, the medium pours a part of it
into the pig's ear; then, as the animal shakes its head, she again
catches it in the dish. Rolling up a mat, she dips it into the water,
and with it touches the heads of all members of the family, for in
the same manner that the pig has thrown the water out of its ear,
so in a like fashion will illness and misfortune be thrown from
all the family who have been sprinkled with it. This act finished,
the medium dances before the doors and windows, while she waves the
chicken, betel-nuts, or other objects taken from the mat.

At her invitation, the host and his wife join her, but previously
they have dressed themselves in good garments, and on their heads
and at their waists they wear girdles and wreaths of _alangtin_,
or wild grasses. The host is handed a long knife, and is instructed
to cut the throat of the pig. His wife takes a rice winnower and
a stick, and going to each window strikes the winnower five times,
then drops it to the floor, at the same time crying, "Wa-hui." Next,
she strikes a jar of liquor with the winnower, then shakes a coconut
shell filled with rice against her abdomen; when finished she is
handed a live chicken and again she approaches the jar. Soon she is
joined by her husband, armed with a spear and head-axe. As he passes
the liquor, he stamps on the ground, while his wife waves the fowl,
and all this time the medium continues to sprinkle them with a grass
brush dipped in water. No explanation is given for the individual acts,
but the purpose of the whole is to drive away sickness, "just as the
rooster flaps his wings." Ten dishes are placed on the spirit mat,
and as the medium sings, she touches each one in turn with a split
bamboo; after which she piles the dishes up and has the host come and
squat over them three times. Another sprinkling with water follows
this act, and then the medium swings a bundle of rice and a lighted
torch over the head of each member of the family, while she assures
them that all evil spirits will now depart.

The guests go down to the yard, where they are served with liquor,
and where they dance _da-eng_ and _tadek_. On all former occasions,
the liquor has been served in shell cups, but on this night a sort
of pan-pipe, made of bamboo tubes, is filled with liquor. The guest
drinks from the lowest of the series, and as he does so, the liquor
falls from one to another, so that he really drinks from all at one
time. Bamboo tubes attached to poles by means of cords are likewise
filled with _basi_ and served to the dancers.

While the others are enjoying themselves, the mediums and the hosts
are attending strictly to the business in hand. Dressed in their best
garments, the husband and wife go to each one of the spirit houses,
and touch them with their feet, a circuit which has to be repeated
ten times. Each time as they pass the little porch-like addition,
known as _sogayob_, the mediums sprinkle them with water. When they
have completed their task, the mediums spread a mat in front of the
pig, which lies below the _sogayob_, and on it they dance, pausing
now and then to give the animal a vicious kick or to throw broken
rice over it. And so the night is passed without sleep or rest for
any of the principals in the ceremony.

The sixteenth day is _Kadaklan_,--"the greatest." Soon after daybreak,
the people accompany the medium to the guardian stones near the gate
of the village, and watch her in silence, while she anoints the head
of each stone with oil, and places a new yellow bark band around its
"neck." As soon as she finishes, the musicians begin to play vigorously
on their gongs and drums, while two old men kill a small pig and
collect its blood. The carcass is brought to the medium, who places
it beside four dishes, one filled with _basi_, one with salt, one with
vinegar, and the last with the pig's blood. She drinks of the liquor,
dips her fingers in coconut oil, and strokes the pig's stomach, after
which it is cut up in the usual manner. The liver is studied eagerly,
for by the markings on it the fate of the host can be foretold. Should
the signs be unfavorable, a chicken will be sacrificed in the hope that
the additional offering may induce the spirits to change their verdict;
but if the omens are good, the ceremony proceeds without a halt. The
intestines and some pieces of meat are placed on the _ansi-silit,_--a
small spirit frame or table near the stones. The host, who has been
watching from a distance, is summoned, and is given a piece of the
flesh to take back to his house for food, and then the rest of the
meat is cooked and served to the guests. But before anything is eaten,
the medium places prepared betel-nuts before the stones, mixes blood
with rice, and scatters it broadcast, meanwhile calling the spirits
from near and far to come and eat, and to go with her to the village,
where she is to continue the ceremony. As the company approaches the
_balaua_, the musicians begin to beat on their gongs, while women in
the yard pound rice in ceremonial fashion. When they have finished,
the family goes up into the _balaua_ and dances to the music of the
gongs until the medium bids them stop.

The pig which has been lying in front of the _sogayob_, and another
from the yard, are killed, and are laid side by side near to the
_balaua_ in a spot indicated by the medium. She places a bamboo tube
of water between them, on their backs she lays several pieces of
prepared betel-nut, then strokes their sides with oiled fingers. Her
next duty is to sprinkle _basi_ from the jar onto the ground with
a small head-axe, at the same time calling the spirits to come and
drink. (Plate XXXIV). A bundle which has been lying beside the animals
is opened, and from it the medium takes a red and yellow headband
with chicken feathers attached, and boar's tusk armlets. These she
places on the host, then hands him a blanket. Holding the latter in
his outstretched arms, as he would do if dancing _tadek_, he squats
repeatedly over a dish of water. As he finishes, the medium takes
the tube of water from between the pigs, and pouring a little of it
on her hand, she applies it to the abdomen of the man's wife and
children. The animals are now cooked in yard, while a quantity of
rice is made ready in the house. During the preparation of the meal,
the musicians play incessantly, but as the food is brought out,
they cease and join the others in the feast.

It is late in the afternoon before much activity is again manifest. At
first a few gather and begin to dance _tadek_; little by little
others come in until by nightfall the yard is full. _Basi_ is served
to all, and soon, above the noisy laughter of the crowd, is heard the
voice of some leading man singing the _daleng_. The visitors listen
respectfully to the song and to the reply, then resume the music and
dancing. After a time a huge fire is built in the yard, and by the
flickering light two lines of boys and girls or older people will
form to sing and dance the _daeng._ [162]

On the morning of the seventeenth day, the men kill two pigs, usually
by chasing them through the brush and spearing them to death. They
are prepared in the usual way, and are placed, one in the _balaua_,
the other in the _sogayob_, where they are cut up. A bit of the flesh
is left in each structure, the fore half of one animal is carried
into the yard, but the rest is prepared for food.

On an inverted rice-mortar, in the yard, is placed a jar of _basi_,
notched chicken feathers, and boar's tusks. The man and his wife are
summoned before this, are decorated as on the day before, and are
instructed to dance three times around the mortar. While this is going
on, a shield and a rice winnower are leaned against each other so as
to form an arch on which lies a sheaf of rice. From the middle hangs
a piece of burning wood, while over all a fish net is thrown. As in a
former ceremony (cf. p. 347), the rice and fire represent the life of
some member of the family, which the evil spirits may desire to seize,
but they are prevented, since they are unable to pass through the
meshes of the net. Going to the half of the pig, which stands upright
in a rice winnower, the medium places a string of beads--agate and
gold--around its neck and attaches bits of gold to its legs. Then
she places a thin stick in each nostril and pumps them alternately
up and down, as a smith would work his forge. After a little she
removes the plungers, and with them strokes the bodies of members of
the family. Near to the pig stands a dish of water in which the heart
is lying. The host goes to this, removes the heart, and placing it on
his head-axe, takes it in front of the animal, where it lies, while
he pumps the nostril-sticks up and down ten times. Meanwhile his wife
is decorated with wreathes of leaves and vines; a leaf containing
the pig's tail and some of the flesh is placed on her head, and a
spear is put in her left hand. As her husband completes his task,
she goes to the mortar, where she finds one dish full of blood and
rice and the empty coconut shells. The rice and blood represent the
lives of the family, and following the instructions of the medium,
she takes these lives and places them little by little on the shells,
but before all is gone, the medium bids her return them to the big
dish. In a like manner the spirits may take a part of the life of the
family, but will return it again. This act is repeated ten times. Next
she takes a piece of woven bamboo, shaped like two triangles set end
on end [163], and goes to the _batog_, where her daughter sits under
a fish-net holding a similar "shield." They press these together,
and the mother returns to the mortar eight times. The mediums who
have gathered beneath the _sogayob_ begin to sing, while one of them
beats time with a split bamboo stick. At the conclusion of the song,
one of them offers _basi_ to the spirits and guests, and then placing
a bundle of green leaves on the ground, she pours water over it,
while the host and his wife are made to tramp in the mud. The man is
now carrying the spear, while the woman holds a cock in one hand, and
an empty dish in the other. As they are stamping on the damp leaves,
old women stand near by showering them with rice and water.

Since early morning a dog has been tied at the end of the house. It
is now brought up to the bundle of leaves, and is knocked on the head
with a club, its throat is cut, and some of its blood is applied with a
head-axe to the backs of the man and woman. More water is poured on the
bundle, again they tramp in the mud, and again they are showered with
rice and water. The man goes to one side of the _balaua_, and throws
a bundle of rice over it to his wife, who returns it eight times.

A strange procession now forms and winds its way to the stream. In the
lead is the host armed with spear, shield, and head-axe; next comes
the medium carrying the bamboo rack--_talapitap_--like a shield,
and the split bamboo--_dakidak_--as a spear; next is an old woman
with a coconut shell dish, then another with a bundle of burning
rice straw; behind her is the wife followed by a man who drags the
dead dog. They stop outside of the village, while the medium hides
the rack and split bamboo near the trail. Soon the man with the dog
leaves the line and drags the animal to a distant tree, where he ties
it in the branches. As they arrive at the stream, the people pause,
while the medium holds the shell cup beside the burning straw, and
recites a _diam_. The writer tried on two occasions to get this _diam_,
but it was given so low and indistinctly that its full content was
not secured, neither was it possible to get the medium to repeat it
after the ceremony. From what was heard it seems probable it is the
_dawak diam_, [164] a guess made more probable by the killing of the
dog and the bathing which follows. As soon as the medium finishes,
the whole party disrobes and bathes.

Upon their return to the village, they are met by a company of men and
boys who assail them by throwing small green nuts. The host secures
the spirit rack which the medium had hidden, and with it attempts to
ward off the missiles. Despite this show of hostility, the company
proceeds to the _sogayob_, where the man and his wife wash their faces
in water containing pieces of coconut leaves. During all the morning
a number of women have been preparing food, and this is now served
to the guests, a considerable company of whom have collected. Late
in the afternoon, all the spirits are remembered in a great offering
of food. A framework is constructed in the yard, [165] and on it
are placed eggs, meat, fish, rice cakes, sugar, betel-nut, tobacco,
_basi_, and rice mixed with blood. After allowing the superior beings
a few moments to finish their repast, the viands are removed, and from
then until sunset all the guests dance _tadek_. As darkness comes,
a great fire is lighted in the yard, and within the circle of its
light the company gathers, while the more important men sing _daleng_.

In some of the villages men gather the next morning to do any necessary
work on the _balaua_, and then the mediums celebrate the _dawak_,
[166] which always forms a part of this ceremony. In Manabo the _dawak_
follows after an interval of three days.

This great and final event is so much like the procedure which makes
up the _Tangpap_ ceremony that it seems necessary to give it only
in skeleton form, adding explanations whenever they appear to be
necessary. In the _balaua_ is spread a mat covered with gifts for
the spirits who are expected. Here also is the spirit shield from
the dwelling, and a great heap of refuse made up of the leaves,
vines and other articles used in the preceding days.

When all is ready, a medium seats herself by the mat, dips oil from a
shallow dish with a small head-axe, and lets it drip onto the ground;
then she does the same with _basi_, and finally strokes a rooster
which lies beside the jar, all the while reciting the proper _diam_.

Taking the spirit shield, which belongs in the dwelling, she puts
oil at each corner, and then touches the heads of all the family with
it. Beads and betel-leaf are added, and the shield is carried to the
house, where it is again fastened to the wall, as a testimony to all
passing spirits that the ceremony has been made, and food provided
for them.

The time has now arrived for the spirits to appear. Seating herself
beside the mat, the medium strikes on a plate with her shells or a
piece of lead, and then starts her song. She rubs her hands together
with a revolving motion, swings her arms, and begins to tremble from
head to foot. Suddenly she is possessed by a spirit, and under his
direction holds oil to the nostrils of the host, and beats him with a
small whip of braided betel-leaf. This done, she drinks for the spirit,
and it departs. Again she sings, and again she is possessed. One
spirit takes the rooster, and with its wings cleans up the rubbish
in the _balaua_ and in the yard, empties it in a tray, and orders it
taken from the village. In the same way all sickness and misfortune
will be removed from the settlement.

Several spirits follow, and as the morning wears on, the medium becomes
more and more intense. The muscles of her neck and the veins of her
forehead stand out like cords, while perspiration streams from her
bod. Taking a shield and head-axe in her hand, she does a sort of
muscle dance, then goes to each member of the family, and strikes the
weapons together over their heads; from them she goes to the doors
and windows, and strikes at them with the axe. Finally she returns to
the mat, balances a cup of _basi_ on the weapon, and causes the host
to drink. Another attack on the doors follows, and then in exhaustion
she sinks beside the mat. After a short rest, she dips beads in oil,
and with them touches the heads of the family. The musicians strike
up a lively tattoo at this point, and again seizing her weapons,
the medium dances in front of the spirit shield. Going to the rooster
on the mat, she cuts off a part of its comb, and presses the bloody
fowl against the back or leg of each person in the room. The spirit
drinks and disappears.

The next visitor dances with the host, and then wrestles with him, but
upon getting the worst of the match takes leave. As in the _Tangpap_,
large number of minor beings call for a moment or two and pass on. One
spirit places the family beneath a blanket, cuts a coconut in two
above their heads, and first allows the water to run over them; then
finally the halves are allowed to drop. She waves burning rice-straw
above them, and removes the blanket. It is explained that the water
washes all evil away, and that as the shells fall from the family,
so will sickness leave them. Evil spirits are afraid of the fire,
and leave when the burning rice-straw is waved about the blanket.

As a final act the members of the family are instructed to hold,
in their hands the head-axe, chicken feathers, agate beads, and
other articles, and then to mount the rice-mortar in the yard. Soon
one or more of the mediums is possessed by spirits, who rush toward
the mortar, and strive to seize the prized objects. Before they can
accomplish their design, they are met by old men and women, who fight
them off. At last they abandon the attempt and, together with the
host and his wife, go to the edge of the town, where they pick sweet
smelling leaves and vines. These they carry back to the village to
give to the guests, and to place in the house and spirit dwellings.

As a final act _basi_ is served to all, and _tadek_ is danced until
the guests are ready to return to their homes.

In San Juan they make the spirit raft--_taltalabong_--as in _Tangpap_,
and set it afloat at sunset.

The mediums are paid off in rice, a portion of the slaughtered animals,
beads, one or two blankets, and perhaps a weapon or piece of money.

During the succeeding month the family is prevented from doing
any work, from approaching a dead body, or entering the house of
death. Wild carabao, pig, beef, eels, and wild peppers may not be
eaten during this period, and wild chickens are taboo for one year.


Special Ceremonies

The two ceremonies which follow do not have a wide distribution,
neither are they hereditary. They are given at this time because of
their similarity to the great ceremonies just described.

_Pinasal_.--This rather elaborate rite seems to be confined to San
Juan and nearby settlements. The right to it is not hereditary, and
any one who can afford the expense involved may celebrate it. However,
it usually follows the _Sayang_, if some member of the family is ill,
and is not benefited by that ceremony, for "all the spirits are not
present at each ceremony, and so it may be necessary to give others,
until the one who caused the sickness is found."

On the first day the house is decorated as in _Tangpap_ and _Sayang;_
a bound pig is placed beside the door, and over it the mediums recite
a _diam_ and later summon several spirits. Liquor is served to the
guests, who dance _tadek_ or sing songs in praise of the family.

Early the next day, the pig is killed and, after its intestines have
been removed, it is covered with a colored blanket, and is carried
into the dwelling. Here it is met by the mediums who wave rain coats
above the animal, and then wail over the carcass. "The pig and its
covering are in part payment for the life of the sick person. They
cry for the pig, so they will not need to cry for the patient." Later
the pig is cut up and prepared as food, only the head and feet being
left for the spirits.

_Gipas_, the dividing, follows. A Chinese jar is placed on its side,
and on each end a spear is laid, so that they nearly meet above
the center of the jar. Next a rolled mat is laid on the spears,
and finally four beads and a headband are added. The mat then is
cut through the middle, so as to leave equal parts of the headband
and two beads on each half. "This shows that the spirit is now paid,
and is separated from the house."

The next act is to stretch a rattan cord across the center of the
room and to place on it many blankets and skirts. A man and a woman,
who represent the good spirits Iwaginan and Gimbagon, are dressed in
fine garments, and hold in their hands pieces of gold, a fine spear,
and other prized articles. They are placed on one side of the cord,
and in front of them stand a number of men with their hands on each
others' shoulders. Now the mediums enter the other end of the room,
spread a mat, and begin to summon the spirits. Soon they are possessed
by evil beings who notice the couple representing the good spirits,
and seizing sticks or other objects, rush toward them endeavoring
to seize their wealth. When they reach the line of men, they strive
to break through, but to no avail. Finally they give this up, but
now attempt to seize the objects hanging on the line. Again they
are thwarted. "If the evil spirits get these things, they will come
often, their children will marry, and they also will harm the family;
but if the good beings keep their wealth, their children will marry,
and will aid the owner of the house."

Later one of the mediums and an old woman count the colors in a fine
blanket. Usually there are five colors, so "the spirit is powerless
to injure the people for five years." Next the couple gamble, but
the medium always loses. Finally the spirit becomes discouraged
and departs. The decorations are now taken from the room, and
the sick person is carried down to the river by the members of the
family. Arrived at the water's edge, the oldest relative will cut off
a dog's head as final payment for the life of the invalid. Since the
act is carried on beside the river, the spirits will either witness
the act, or see the blood as it floats away, and hence will not need
to visit the town. The rattan cord and vines used in the dwelling
are thrown onto the water for the same reason.

The whole family is covered with a large blanket, and a medium swings
a coconut over them, then resting the halves on the head of each one
for a moment, she releases them, meanwhile calling to the spirit,
"You see this; this is your share; do not come any more." After
assuring them that the sickness will now fall away from them, she
waves burning _cogon_ grass over their heads while she cries, "Go
away, sickness." The blanket is removed, and the family bathes. While
they are still in the water, the medium takes a spear and shield
in her hands, and going to the edge of the stream, she begins to
summon spirits, but all the while she keeps sharp watch of the
old man who killed the dog, for he is now armed and appears to be
her enemy. However, she is not molested until she starts toward the
village. When quite near to the settlement, she is suddenly attacked by
many people carrying banana stalks which they hurl at her. She succeeds
in warding these off, but while she is thus engaged, an old man runs
in and touches her with a spear. Immediately she falls as if dead,
and it is several moments before she again regains consciousness. This
attack is made to show the spirit how unwelcome it is, and in hopes
that such bad treatment will induce it to stay away.

After the return of the family to the village, the guests drink
_basi_, sing and dance, and usually several spirits are summoned by
the mediums.

The next morning two _Pinalasang_ [167] are constructed in the
yard. Each supports a plate containing beads, a string of beads
is suspended from one of the poles, and a jar of _basi_ is placed
beneath. In front of them the mediums call the spirits, then offer the
heart, livers, and intestines, while they call out, "Take me and do not
injure the people." The final act of the ceremony is to construct the
spirit raft _taltalabong_, load it with food, and set it afloat on the
river, "so that all the spirits may see and know what has been done."

In addition to the regular pay for their services, the mediums divide
the jaw of a pig and carry the portions home with them, as their
protection against lightning, and the spirits whose hostility they
may have incurred.

_Binikwau_.--This ceremony, like the one just described, seems
to be limited to the San Juan region, and is given under similar

The room is decorated as usual, and a bound pig is laid in the
center. This is known as "the exchange," since it is given in place
of the patient's life. Two mediums place betel-nut on the animal,
then stroke it with oil, saying, "You make the liver favorable,"
i.e., give a good omen. After a time they begin summoning the spirits,
and from then until late evening the guests divide their time between
the mediums and the liquor jars. Soon all are in a jovial mood, and
before long are singing the praises of their hosts, or are greeting
visiting spirits as old time friends.

The pig is killed early next morning, and its liver is eagerly examined
to learn whether or no the patient is destined to recover. A part of
the flesh is placed on the house rafters, for the use of the spirits,
while the balance is cooked and served. Following the meal, the gongs
and drums are brought up into the house, and the people dance or sing
until the mediums appear, ready to summon the spirits. The first to
come is Sabian, the guardian of the dogs. He demands that eight plates
and a coconut shell be filled with blood and rice; another shell is
to be filled with uncooked rice, in which a silver coin is hidden; and
finally a bamboo dog-trough must be provided. When his demands are met,
he begins to call, "Come, my dogs, come and eat." Later the blood and
rice are placed in the trough, and are carried to the edge of the town,
where they are left. This done, the spirit pierces the pig's liver with
a spear and, placing it on a shield, dances about the room. Finally,
stopping beside the mat, he lays them on the patient's stomach. The
next and final act is to scrape up a little of the liver with a small
head-axe, and to place this, mixed with oil, on the sick person.

On the third and last day, the medium leads a big dog to the edge of
the village, and then kills it with a club. A piece of the animal's ear
is cut off, is wrapped in a cloth, and is hung around the patient's
neck as a protection against evil, and as a sign to all spirits that
this ceremony has been held.

Throughout the rest of the day many spirits visit the mediums, and at
such a time Kakalonan is sure to appear to give friendly advice. The
final act is to set the spirit raft afloat on the stream.



The village is the social unit within which there are no clans,
no political, or other divisions. The Tinguian are familiar with the
Igorot town, made up of several _ato_ [168] but there is no indication
that they have ever had such an institution.

The head of the village is known as _lakay_. He is usually a man
past middle age whose wealth and superior knowledge have given him
the confidence of his people. He is chosen by the older men of the
village, and holds his position for life unless he is removed for
cause. It is possible that, at his death, his son may succeed him,
but this is by no means certain.

The _lakay_ is supposed to be well versed in the customs of the
ancestors, and all matters of dispute or questions of policy are
brought to him. If the case is one of special importance he will summon
the other old men, who will deliberate and decide the question at
issue. They have no means of enforcing their decisions other than the
force of public opinion, but since an offender is ostracised, until
he has met the conditions imposed by the elders, their authority is
actually very great. Should a _lakay_ deal unjustly with the people,
or attempt to alter long established customs, he would be removed from
office and another be selected in his stead. No salary or fees are
connected with this office, the holder receiving his reward solely
through the esteem in which he is held by his people.

In former times two or three villages would occasionally unite to
form a loose union, the better to resist a powerful enemy, but with
the coming of more peaceful times such beginnings of confederacies
have vanished. During the Spanish regime attempts were made to
organize the pagan communities and to give titles to their officers,
but these efforts met with little success. Under American rule local
self government, accompanied by several elective offices, has been
established in many towns. The contest for office and government
recognition of the officials is tending to break down the old system
and to concentrate the power in the _presidente_ or mayor.

It is probable that the early Tinguian settlement consisted of one
or more closely related groups. Even to-day the family ties are so
strong that it was found possible, in compiling the genealogical
tables, to trace back the family history five or six generations.

These families are not distinguished by any totems, guardian spirits,
or stories of supernatural origin, but the right to conduct the
more important ceremonies is hereditary. Descent is traced through
both the male and female lines, and inheritance is likewise through
both sexes. There are no distinguishing terms for relations on the
father's or mother's side, nor are there other traces of matriarchal

Families of means attain a social standing above that of their
less fortunate townsmen, but there is no sharp stratification of
the community into noble and serf, such as was coming into vogue
along many parts of the coast at the time of the Spanish conquest,
neither has slavery ever gained a foothold with this people. The
wealthy often loan rice to the poor, and exact usury of about fifty
per cent. Payment is made in service during the period of planting
and harvesting, so that the labor problem is, to a large extent,
solved for the land-holders. However, they customarily join the
workers in the fields and take their share in all kinds of labor.

The concubines, known as _pota_ (cf. p. 283), are deprived of certain
rights, and they are held somewhat in contempt by the other women,
but they are in no sense slaves. They may possess property, and their
children may become leaders in Tinguian society.

The only group which is sharply separated from the mass is composed
of the mediums, and they are distinctive only during the ceremonial
periods. At other times they are treated in all respects as other
members of the community.

On three occasions the writer has found men dressing like women,
doing women's work, and spending their time with members of that
sex. Information concerning these individuals has always come by
accident, the people seeming to be exceedingly reticent to talk about
them. In Plate XXXVI is shown a man in woman's dress, who has become
an expert potter. The explanation given for the disavowal of his sex is
that he donned women's clothes during the Spanish regime to escape road
work, and has since then retained their garb. Equally unsatisfactory
and unlikely reasons were advanced for the other cases mentioned.

It should be noted that similar individuals have been described from
Zambales, Panay, from the Subanun of Mindanao, and from Borneo. [169]
It has been suggested, with considerable probability, that at least
a part of these are hermaphrodites, but in Borneo, where they act
as priests, _Roth_ states that they are unsexed before assuming
their roles.

_Laws_.--Law, government, and custom are synonymous. Whatever the
ancestors did is right, and hence has religious sanction. The _lakay_
and his advisors will give their decisions according to the decrees
of the past, if that is possible, but when precedent is lacking,
they will deliberate and decide on a course. The following may be
taken as typical of the laws or customs which regulate the actions
of the people, within a group, toward one another.

_Rules governing the family._--A man may have only one wife, but
he may keep concubines. If the wife's relatives suspect that a
mistress is causing the husband's affections to wane, they may hold
the _Nagkakalonan_ or "trial of affection" (cf. p. 282), and if their
charges are sustained, the husband must pay them a considerable amount,
and, in addition, stand all the expenses of the gathering. If it is
shown that they are not justified in their suspicions, the expense
falls on the accusers.

The wife may bring a charge of cruelty or laziness against her husband,
and if it is substantiated, he will be compelled to complete the
marriage agreement and give the woman her freedom. Unfaithfulness on
the part of a wife, or a betrothed girl, justifies the aggrieved in
killing one or both of the offenders. He may, however, be satisfied
by having the marriage gift returned to him, together with a fine
and a decree of divorce.

A man who has a child by an unmarried woman, not a _pota_, must
give the girl's people about one hundred pesos, and must support the
infant. Later the child comes into his keeping, and is recognized as
an heir to his estate.

Marriage is prohibited between cousins, between a man and his adopted
sister, his sister-in-law, or mother-in-law. Union with a second cousin
is also tabooed. It is said that offenders would be cut off from the
village; no one would associate with them, and their children would
be disinherited.

A widow may remarry after the _Layog_ ceremony (cf. p. 290), but all
the property of her first husband goes to his children.

If a wife has neglected her husband during his final illness, she may
be compelled to remain under two blankets, while the body is in the
house (cf. p. 286), unless she pays a fine of ten or fifteen pesos
to his family.

Children must care for and support infirm parents. Should there be
no children, this duty falls upon the nearest relative.

_Inheritance_.--Although a price is paid for the bride, the Tinguian
woman is in no sense a slave. She may inherit property from her
parents, hold it through life, and pass it on to her children.

Following the death of a man, enough is taken from his estate to pay
up any part of the marriage agreement which may still be due, and
the balance is divided among his children. If there are no children,
it is probable that his personal possessions will go to his father
or mother, if they are still living; otherwise, to his brothers and
sisters. However, the old men in council may decide that the wife
is entitled to a share. Should she remarry and bear children to her
second husband, she cannot give any part of this property to them,
but upon her death it goes to the offspring of the first marriage, or
reverts to the relatives. Land is divided about equally between boys
and girls, but the boys receive the major part of the animals, and the
girls their mother's beads. Oftentimes the old men will give the oldest
child the largest share, "since he has helped his parents longest."

Whatever the husband and wife have accumulated in common during their
married life is divided, and the man's portion is disposed of, as
just indicated. Illegitimate children and those of a _pota_ receive a
share of their father's property, but not in the same proportion as
the children of the wife. No part of the estate goes to a concubine
unless, in the judgment of the old men, it is necessary to provide
for her, because of sickness or infirmity.

_Transfer and sharing of property._--Land and houses are seldom
transferred, except at the death of the owner, but should a sale or
trade be desired, the parties to the contract will make the bargain
before the _lakay_ and old men, who thus become witnesses. A feast
is given at such a time, and is paid for by either the seller or
the buyer. The sale or barter of carabao, horses, valuable jars, and
beads may be witnessed in this manner, but the transfer of personal
property is purely a matter between the parties concerned.

If a man works the property of another, he furnishes the seed and
labor, and the crop is divided. If an owner places his animals in the
care of another, the first of the increase goes to him, the second
to the caretaker. Should an animal die, the caretaker must skin
it, and give the hide to the owner, after which he is freed from
responsibility, but he is liable for the loss, theft, or injury to
his charges.

_Murder and Theft._--The relatives of a murdered man may kill his
assailant without fear of punishment, but, if they are willing,
the guilty party may settle with them by paying in Chinese jars,
carabao, or money. The usual payment varies from fifty to one hundred
pesos. A thief is compelled to make restitution, and is also subject
to a small fine.

The practice of evil magic, and the breaking of a taboo, are considered
serious crimes, but as they have been treated under Religion and Magic,
they will not be repeated here.

_Lying, Cheating, Breaches of Etiquette._--Falling outside the realm
of law are those things which may be considered right and wrong,
but the infraction of which carries with it no penalty. Lying, for
instance, is not bad, if it is done to protect yourself or a friend,
but falsifying without purpose is mean and to be despised. Cheating
is not wrong. Your ability to outwit the other person is proof that
you are the smarter man.

It is bad manners for a man to sit with his legs far apart or to
expose all of his clout, or for a woman to sit on the floor with one
leg drawn up. A person should not walk about while others are singing
or dancing. Basi should never be drunk, until it has been offered to
every one present, especially the elders.

Before eating, a person should invite all in the room to join him,
even though he does not expect them to accept. A visitor should never
eat with the wife of another during his absence.

Always call before entering a house. Never enter a dwelling, when
the owner is away, and has removed the ladder from the door. Never
enter a village dirty; stop and bathe at the spring before going up.
Only dogs enter the houses without bathing.

_The Village_ (Plate XXXVIII).--A village generally consists of two
or three settlements, situated near together, and under the authority
of a single _lakay_ or headman. There is no plan or set arrangement
for the dwellings or other structures, but, as a rule, the house,
spirit structure, and perhaps corrals are clustered closely together,
while at the edge of the settlement are the rice granaries and garden
plots. Formerly a double bamboo stockade surrounded each settlement,
but in recent years these have disappeared, and at the time of our
visit only one town, Abang, was so protected.

The dwellings vary in size and shape. They conform in general to
two types. The first and most common is a single room with a door
at one end opening off from an uncovered porch (Plate XXXIX). The
second consists of three rooms, or rather two rooms, between which
is a porch or entry way, all under one roof. There is seldom an outer
door to this entry way, but each room has its own door, and oftentimes
windows opening on to it, so that one has the feeling that we have
here two houses joined by the covered porch. In such buildings this
entry way is a convenient place for hanging nets or for drying tobacco.

In one room is the hearth, the water pots, and dishes, while the
other is the family sleeping-room.

The construction of the dwelling is shown in Plates XL-XLI. A number
of heavy hard-wood posts are sunk deeply into the ground and project
upward 10 or more feet. At a height of 4 or 5 feet above the ground,
crossbeams are lashed or pegged to form the floor supports, while
at the tops are other beams on which the roof rests. Plate XL shows
the skeleton of this roof so plainly that further description is
unnecessary. This framework, generally constructed on the ground, is
raised on to the upright timbers, and is lashed in place. A closely
woven mat of bamboo strips, or of bamboo beaten flat, covers each
side of the roof, and on this the thatch is laid. Bundles of _cogon_
grass are spread clear across the roof, a strip of bamboo is laid
at the upper ends, and is lashed to the mat below. A second row of
thatch overlaps the top of the first, and thus a waterproof covering
is provided.

Another type of roofing is made by splitting long bamboo poles,
removing the sectional divisions and then lashing them to the
framework. The first set is placed with the concave sides up, and runs
from the ridge pole to a point a few inches below the framework, so
as to overhang it somewhat. A second series of halved bamboos is laid
convex side up, the edges resting in the concavity of those below,
thus making an arrangement similar to a tiled roof.

For the side walls this tiled type of construction is commonly used
(Plate LXXVIII). A coarse bamboo mat is likewise employed, while a
crude interweaving of bamboo strips is by no means uncommon. Such a
wall affords little protection against a driving rain or wind, but the
others are quite effective. Well-to-do families often have the side
walls and floors of their houses made of hard-wood boards. Since planks
are, or have been until recently, cut out with knives, head-axes,
or adzes, much time and wealth is consumed in constructing such a
dwelling. When completed, it is less well adapted to the needs of
the people than the structures just described, but its possession is
a source of gratification to the owner, and aids in establishing him
as a man of affairs in his town.

The floor is made of poles tied to the side-beams, and on these strips
of bamboo are laid so as to leave small cracks between them. This
assists in the house-cleaning, as all dirt and refuse is swept through
the openings on to the ground. When the floor is made of wood, it is
customary to leave one corner to be finished off in the bamboo slits,
and it is here that the mother gives birth to her children. This
is not compulsory, but it is custom, and indicates clearly that the
planked floor is a recent introduction.

Entrance to the dwelling is by means of a bamboo ladder which is
raised at night, or when the family is away. Windows are merely square
holes over which a bamboo mat is fitted at night, but the door is a
bamboo-covered framework which turns in wooden sockets.

Such a house offers no barriers to mosquitoes, flies, flying roaches,
or white ants, while rats, scorpions, and centipedes find friendly
shelter in the thatch roof. Quite commonly large but harmless snakes
are encouraged to take up their residence in the cook room, as their
presence induces the rats to move elsewhere. Little house lizards
are always present, and not infrequently a large lizard makes its
home on the ridge pole, and from time to time gives its weird cry.

The ground beneath the house is often enclosed with bamboo slats, and
is used for storage purposes, or a portion may be used as a chicken
coop. It is also customary to bury the dead beneath the dwelling,
and above the grave are the boxes in which are placed supplies for
the spirits of the deceased.

With some modification this description of the Tinguian house and
village would apply to those of the western Kalinga and the Apayao,
[170] and likewise the Christian natives of the coast, but a very
different type of dwelling and grouping is found among the neighboring
Igorot. [171] It is also to be noted that we do not find to-day any
trace of tree dwellings, such as were described by _La Gironiere_ [172]
at the time of his visit scarcely a century ago. Elevated watch-houses
are placed near to the mountain fields, and it is possible that in
times of great danger people might have had similar places of refuge
in or near to their villages, but the old men emphatically deny that
they were ever tree-dwellers, and there is nothing in the folk-tales
to justify such a belief; on the contrary, the tales-indicate that
the type of dwelling found to-day, was that of former times. [173]

_House Furnishings_.--The average house has only one room. Inside the
door, at the left, one usually finds the stove, three stones sunk in a
box of ashes or dirt, or a similar device of clay (Fig 5, No. 1). Above
the fire is suspended a hanger on which are placed dishes and food, in
order that they may not be disturbed by insects. Along the wall stands
a small caldron, jars for water and rice, and the large Chinese jars,
tke latter as a general rule heirlooms or marriage gifts. These are
sometimes used for _basi_, but more often they contain broken rice,
cotton, or small articles. Above the jars is a rack or hangar on which
dishes or coconut shells are placed. At one end of the room a set of
pegs, deer horns, or a cord supports a variety of clothes, blankets,
a woman's switch, and perhaps a man's belt. The sleeping-mats either
hang here or occupy a rack of their own. Below the cord stand chests
secured in early years through trade with the Chinese. In these are
the family treasures, valuable beads, coins, blankets, ceremonial
objects, and the like. Piled on the boxes is a variety of pillows,
for no Tinguian house is complete without a number of these (Plate
LXVI). The other house furnishings, consisting of a spinning wheel,
loom, coconut rasp, and clothes beater (Fig. 5, No. 10) find space
along the other wall. Behind the door, except in the valley towns,
stand the man's spear and shield; above or near the door will be the
spirit offering in the form of a small hanger or a miniature shield
fastened against the wall. The center of the floor affords a place
for working, eating, and sleeping. If there are small children in
the family a cradle or jumper will be found suspended from a beam or
a bamboo pole placed across one corner of the room (cf. p. 272).

The type of jars made by the Tinguian is shown in Fig. 5, No. 7,
while those of foreign introduction have been fully described in a
previous publication. [174]

The native jars are used both for cooking and as water containers. With
them will be found pot rings and lifters. The first is a simple ring of
plaited bamboo, which fits on the head or sets on the floor, and forms
a support for the rounded bottom of the jar. The second (Figure 5,
No. 3) consists of a large rattan loop, which is placed over the neck
of the jar. The hands are drawn apart, and the weight closes the loop,
causing it to grip the jar. Long bamboo tubes with sections removed are
used as water containers, while smaller sections often serve as cups
or dippers. Gourds are also used in this manner (Fig. 5, Nos. 8-9).

Food is removed from the jars with spoons and ladles (Fig. 6) made of
wood or coconut shells, but they are never put to the mouth. Meat is
cut up into small pieces, and is served in its own juice. The diner
takes a little cooked rice in his fingers, and with this dips or scoops
the meat and broth into his mouth. Greens are eaten in the same manner.

Halved coconut shells serve both as cups and as dishes (Fig. 5,
No. 6). Wooden dishes are likewise used, but they are employed chiefly
in ceremonies for the feeding of the spirits or to hold the rice from
which a bride and groom receive the augury of the future (Fig. 5,
Nos. 4-5).

Baskets, varying considerably in material, size and type, are
much used, and are often scattered about the dwelling or, as in
the case of the men's carrying baskets, are hung on pegs set into
the walls. Somewhere about the house will be found a coconut rasp
(Fig. 5, No. 11). When this is used, the operator kneels on the wooden
standard, and draws the half coconut toward her over the teeth of
the blade. The inside of the shell is thus cleaned and prepared for
use as an eating or drinking dish. Torches or bamboo lamps formerly
supplied the dwellings with light. Lamps consisting of a section
of bamboo filled with oil and fitted with a cord wick are still in
use, but for the most part they have been superseded by tin lamps of
Chinese manufacture. Oil for them is extracted from crushed seeds of
the _tau-tau_ (_Jatropha grandulifera_ Roxb.)

A very necessary article of house furnishing is the fire-making
device. In many instances, the housewife will go to a neighboring
dwelling and borrow a light rather than go to the trouble of building
a fire, but if that is not convenient, a light may be secured by one
or two methods. The first is by flint and steel, a method which is
probably of comparatively recent introduction. The second and older is
one which the Tinguian shares with all the neighboring tribes. Two
notches are cut through a section of bamboo, and tree cotton is
placed below them. A second section of bamboo is cut to a sharp edge,
and this is rubbed rapidly back and forth in the notches until the
friction produces a spark, which when caught on tinder can be blown
into a flame. [175] At the door of the house will be found a foot
wiper (Fig. 5, No. 12) made of rice-straw drawn through an opening
cut in a stick, or it may consist of coconut husks fastened together
to make a crude mat, while near by is the broom made of rice-straw or
grass. Rice-mortars, pestles, and similar objects are found beneath
the dwellings.

_The Village Spring_.--Each village is situated near to a spring or
on the banks of a stream. In the latter case deep holes are dug in the
sands, and the water that seeps in is used for household purposes. In
the morning, a number of women and girls gather at the springs,
carrying with them the plates and dishes used in the meals, also
garments which need to be laundered. The pots and dishes are thoroughly
scoured with sand and water, applied with a bundle of rice-straw or
grass. The garments to be washed are laid in the water, generally in
a little pool near to the main spring or beside the stream. Ashes from
rice-straw are then mixed with water and, after being strained through
a bunch of grass, are applied to the cloth in place of soap. After
being thoroughly soaked, the cloth is laid on a clean stone, and is
beaten with a stick or wooden paddle. The garment is again rinsed,
and later is hung up on the fence near the dwelling to dry.

Before returning to her home, the woman fills her pots with water, and
then takes her bath in a pool below the main spring (Plate XLII). All
garments are removed except the girdle and clout, and then water,
dipped up in a coconut shell, is poured on to the face, shoulders,
and body. In some cases sand is applied to the body, and is rubbed in
with the hand or a stone; rinsing water is applied and the garments
are put back on without drying the body. Every one, men, women,
and children, takes a daily bath, and visitors will always stop to
bathe at the spring or river before entering a village. Promiscuous
bathing is common, and is accepted as a matter of course, but there
is no indication of embarrassment or self-consciousness. When she
returns to the village, the woman will often be seen carrying one
or two jars of water on her head, her washing under her arm, while
a child sets astride her hip or lies against her back (Plate XLIII).



Head-hunting and warfare are practically synonymous. To-day both are
suffering a rapid decline, and a head is seldom taken in the valley of
the Abra. In the mountain district old feuds are still maintained, and
sometimes lead to a killing, and here too the ancient funerary rites
are still carried out in their entirety on rare occasions. However,
this peaceful condition is not of long standing. In every village the
older men tell with pride of their youthful exploits, of the raids
they indulged in, the heads they captured; and they are still held
in high esteem as men "who fought in the villages of their enemies."

During the time of our stay in Abra, the villages of the Buklok
valley were on bad terms with the people of the neighboring Ikmin
valley, and were openly hostile to the Igorot on the eastern side of
the mountain range. Manabo and Abang were likewise hostile to their
Igorot neighbors, and the latter village was surrounded with a double
bamboo stockade, to guard against a surprise attack. Manabo at this
time anticipated trouble with the warriors of Balatok and Besao, as a
result of their having killed six men from those towns. The victims
had ostensibly come down to the Abra river to fish, but, judging by
previous experience, the Tinguian believed them to be in search of
heads, and acted accordingly. This feud is of old standing and appears
to have grown out of a dispute over the hunting grounds on Mt. Posoey,
the great peak which rises only a few miles from Manabo. There have
been many clashes between the rival hunters, the most serious of
which occurred in 1889, when the Tinguian had twenty-nine of their
number killed, and lost twenty-five heads to the Igorot of Besao.

The people of Agsimo and Balantai suffered defeat in a raid carried on
against Dagara in 1907, and at the time of our visit a number of the
warriors still bore open wounds received in that fight. In the same
year at least three unsuccessful attacks, probably by lone warriors,
were made against individuals of Lagangilang, Likuan, and Lakub.

Accounts of earlier travelers offer undoubted proof that head-hunting
was rampant a generation ago; while the folk-tales feature the taking
of heads as one of the most important events in Tinguian life.

The first incentive for head-taking is in connection with funeral
rites. According to ancient custom it was necessary, following
the death of an adult, for the men of the village to go out on a
headhunt, and until they had done so, the relatives of the deceased
were barred from wearing good clothing, from taking part in any
pastimes or festivals, and their food was of the poorest and meanest
quality. To remove this ban, the warriors would don white head-bands,
arm themselves, and sally forth either to attack a hostile village
or to ambush an unsuspecting foe. Neighboring villages were, out
of necessity, usually on good terms, but friendly relations seldom
extended beyond the second or third settlement, a distance of ten or
fifteen miles. Beyond these limits most of the people were considered
enemies and subject to attack.

While such a raid was both justifiable and necessary to the village
in which a death had occurred, it was considered an unprovoked attack
by the raided settlement; a challenge and an insult which had to be
avenged. Thus feuds were established, some of which ran through many
years, and resulted in considerable loss of life. A town, which had
lost to another a greater number of heads than they had secured, was
in honor bound to even the score, and thus another cause for battle
was furnished. The man who actually succeeded in taking a head was
received with great acclaim upon his return to the village; he was
the hero in the festival which followed, and thereafter was held in
high esteem, and so another motive was furnished. [176]

There is an indication in the _Saloko_ ceremony that heads may have
been taken to cure headache and similar ills (cf. p. 319); while the
presence of the head-basket, of the same name, in the fields suggests
a possible connection between head-hunting and the rice culture,
such as still exists among the neighboring Kalinga. [177]

The Tinguian do not now, and apparently never have practised human
sacrifice, but this custom and head-hunting seem to be closely
related, and to have as a primary cause the desire to furnish slaves
or companions for the dead. This idea was found among the ancient
Tagalog, Visayan, and Zambal, and still exists among the Apayao
of Northern Luzon; the Bagobo, Mandaya, Bila-an, and Tagakaola of
Mindanao; as well as in Borneo and the islands to the south. [178]
That it once had a strong hold on the Ilocano of the coast is made
evident by the mysterious cult known as _axibrong_, which at times
terrifies whole communities. In 1907 the region about Bangui, in
Ilocos Norte, was greatly excited over several attempts to kill people
of that settlement, and it was whispered that when a leading man,
who had recently died, was placed in his coffin, his right hand had
suddenly raised up with four fingers extended. This, it was said, was a
demand on the part of the dead for four companions, and the subsequent
attacks on the villagers were thought to be due to the activities of
the bereaved family in complying with the wishes of the deceased.

The raids following a death were usually carried out as a village
affair, and many warriors participated, but it seems that by far the
greater number of heads were secured by individuals or couples, who
would lie in ambush near to the trails, or to the places, where the
women had to pass in carrying water from the streams to the village.

While the Tinguian always chose to attack from ambush, yet he did
not hesitate to fight in the open when occasion demanded it. For a
distance of fifteen or twenty feet he depended on his spear, but for
close quarters he relied on his shield and head-axe. An examination of
Plate XLIV will show that the shield has three prongs at the top. These
the warrior seeks to slip between the legs of his enemy to trip him
up, then one stroke downward with the axe, and the opponent is put out
of the fight. The two lower prongs are meant to be slipped about the
neck. One more stroke of the head-axe, and the victor takes his trophy
and starts for home, while the relatives of the dead man seek to secure
the remains to carry them back to their village. As the loss of a head
reflects on the whole party, and in a like manner its acquisition adds
distinction to the victors, a hot fight usually develops over a man
who is stricken down, and only ceases when the enemy is beaten off,
or has been successful in getting away with the trophy.

If a war party finds it necessary to make a night camp, or if they
are hard pressed by the foe, they plant long, thin strips of bamboo
or _palma brava_ [179] in the grass. The ends of these are cut to
sharp points, and they are so cleverly concealed that pursuers must
use great care, and consequently lose much time, or they will have
their legs and feet pierced with these needle-like blades.

Upon their return to the village, the warriors were formerly met
at the gate by their relatives, who held two ladders in A shape,
thus forming a pathway over which each had to climb. Once inside
the town, the heads were placed on a bamboo spike known as _sagang_
(cf. p. 310), or in the _saloko_ (cf. p. 310), and for three days
were exhibited beside the gate. In the meantime messages were sent
to friendly villages to invite the people to the celebration.

On the morning of the last day, the heads were carried up to the center
of the village, where, amid great rejoicing, the men sang the praises
of the victors or examined the skulls of the victims. Sometime during
the morning, the men who had taken the heads split them open with
their axes and removed the brains. To these they added the lobes of
the ears and joints of the little fingers, and they placed the whole
in the liquor which was afterwards served to the dancers. There seems
to be no idea here of eating the brains of the slain as food. They are
consumed solely to secure a part of their valor, an idea widespread
among the tribes of Mindanao. [180] The writer does not believe that
any people of the Philippines indulges in cannibalism, if that term


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