The Tinguian
by
Fay-Cooper Cole
Part 5 out of 6
it is probable their types of ornamentation likewise approximate more
closely those in use in earlier times.
CHAPTER XI
PERSONAL ADORNMENT, DANCES, AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
The dress of the man is the clout (_ba-al_), either of beaten
bark or of cloth, and a woven belt (_balikes_) in which he keeps
small articles (Plates LXXV-LXXVI). On special occasions he wears a
long-sleeved jacket (_bado_), open in front, and in a few instances,
trousers. Both these garments are recent acquisitions, and the latter,
in particular, are not in favor, except where Ilocano influence is very
strong. The man is not inclined to adorn himself with brass and gold,
neither does he use tattooing to any extent, as do his Kalinga and
Igorot neighbors. Some have small patterns on an arm or thigh, but
these are usually property marks with which he brands his animals or
other possessions. Tattooing as an evidence of a successful head-hunt
is not found in this region, nor are there other marks or garments
to identify the warriors.
The hair is worn long, and is parted straight down the middle; the
two strands are twisted, crossed in the back, then carried to the
forehead, where they are again crossed, and the ends are fastened
by intertwining on each side of the head. A bark band (_ayabong_)
holds the hair in place, but at times it is replaced by a cloth or
a narrow ring of interwoven grass and rattan. Round bamboo hats,
with low dome-shaped tops, are commonly worn (Plate XLV), but these
are sometimes displaced by hats which go to a sharp peak, or by those
made of a gourd or of wood.
The woman's hair is parted in the middle, and is combed straight down
to the nape of the neck, where it is caught by strings of beads;
these are crossed in the back and encircle the head; the strand of
hair is then twisted and a loop formed which is carried to the left
side, where it is again caught under the beads, near to or above
the ear. Most of the Tinguian have luxuriant heads of hair, but,
nevertheless, switches are commonly used by both sexes. The hair is
often washed with the ashes of rice-straw, or with the bark of the
_gogo_ tree (_Entada purseta_), and is moistened with coconut oil.
Strings of beads encircle the women's necks, but the typical ornament
consists of strands above strands of beads reaching from the wrist
to the elbow, and if the wealth of the owner permits, even covering
the upper arm as well (Plate LXXIX). The strands are fastened tightly
above the wrist, causing that portion of the arm to swell. Slits of
bamboo are usually placed under the beads, and may be removed if the
pain or annoyance of the constriction is too severe. The upper arm
beads are removed with little difficulty; but those on the forearm are
taken off only once or twice a year, when new threads are substituted,
or when the owner is in mourning. Beneath these ornaments a delicate
fretwork of blue lines is tattooed, so that the woman's arms may not
be white and unsightly when she is without her beads. [244]
Most of the women have their ears pierced, but in the valley towns
only a small proportion wear earrings. In the mountain sections heavy
ornaments of gold or copper are worn, the weight often drawing the
lobe of the ear far down on the neck.
When at work, the woman discards all clothing from the upper portion
of her body, but at other times wears a short-sleeved jacket which
reaches to her waist (Plate LXXVII). The waist is cut so low in the
neck that the head can pass through. There is no shoulder seam. A
straight piece set over the shoulder extends down in square, both
front and back, to a line about even with the breast, where it is
sewed to the garment proper. A narrow skirt (_dingwa_), with colored
border, extends from the waist to the knees. It is held in place by
drawing it tightly and then tucking one corner under the upper edge,
or by pressing it beneath the girdle (Plate LXXVIII).
When a girl becomes a woman, she dons a girdle (_palingtan_) of
braided grass or rattan which fits over the hips, and to which a
clout is attached (Plate LXXX). As a rule, the girdle and clout are
not removed when bathing, as are the other garments.
The woman seldom wears a hat, except when she is working in the
fields, where sunshades large enough to protect the entire body are
used (Plate LIV). Frequently a cloth or a skirt is twisted about the
head as a protection against the sun.
On chilly mornings one often sees the people covered from head to
ankles with their sleeping blankets, or a woman may draw a particularly
wide skirt about her body just below the armpits so that she is
protected from her breasts to the knees.
The teeth of both sexes are blackened with iron salts and tan bark,
[245] but they are not cut or mutilated, as is common with many
Philippine peoples.
While both sexes are proud of heavy heads of hair, they do not look
with equal favor on face and body hairs. These are plucked out either
by grasping them between a knife blade and the thumb nail, or with a
bamboo device known as _iming_. This consists of a section of bamboo
split into several strips at one end. A hair is placed in one end of
the slits, and the bamboo is bent into a half circle, causing it to
take a firm hold, when it is jerked outwards.
Prized necklaces (_paliget_) made of small strands of twisted silver
wire, are placed on the neck of a corpse, and on some occasions are
worn by the living. During dances the hair is adorned with notched
chicken feathers attached to sticks, while circlets made of boar's
tusks are placed on the arms.
_Dances_.--Two dances, one ceremonial, the other suitable for all
occasions, are very popular.
The ceremonial dance known as _da-eng_ takes place at night, and is
carried on to the accompaniment of a song. [246] An equal number of
men and women take part. The women form a line facing a similar row
of men, about twenty feet distant. Locking arms about one another's
waists and with one foot advanced, they begin to sway their bodies
backwards and forwards. Suddenly they burst into song, at the same
time stepping forward with the left foot. Keeping perfect time to the
music, they take three steps toward the men, then retreat to their
original positions. The men then take up the song and in a similar
manner advance and retreat. This is repeated several times, after
which the two lines join to form a circle. With arms interlocked
behind one another's backs, and singing in unison, they begin to
move contra-clockwise. The left foot is thrown slightly backward
and to the side, and the right is brought quickly up to it, causing
a rising and falling of the body. The step, at first slow, becomes
faster and faster till the dancers have reached the limit of their
vocal and physical powers.
The _da-eng_ is sacred in character, is danced only at night and
then under the direction of the mediums. It is, however, in great
favor, and often so many of the younger people wish to take part
that double lines, or two or more groups, may be dancing at the same
time. It sometimes happens, when the _basi_ has been flowing freely,
that the participants become so boisterous and the pace so fast
that spectators are run down or the dancers are piled in a heap,
from which they emerge laughing and shouting.
The common dance, the _tadek_, is a part of nearly all gatherings of
a social and religious nature. The music for this dance usually is
made with three _gansas_ [247] and a drum. The _gansas_ are pressed
against the thighs of the players who kneel on the ground. Two of the
coppers are beaten with a stick and the palm of the hand, while the
third is played by the hands alone (Plate LXXXI, Fig. 2). The stick
or left hand gives the initial beat which is followed by three rapid
strokes with the right palm. A man and a woman enter the circle, each
holding a cloth about the size of a skirt. The man extends his cloth
toward the woman, and bringing it suddenly down, causes it to snap,
which is the signal to begin. With almost imperceptible movement of
the feet and toes and a bending at the knees, he approaches the woman,
who in a like manner goes toward him. They pass and continue until
at a distance about equal to the start, when they again turn and
pass. Occasionally the man will take a few rapid steps toward the
woman, with exaggerated high knee action and much stamping of feet,
or he will dance backward a few steps. At times the cloth is held
at arm's length in front or at the side; again it is wrapped about
the waist, the woman always following the actions of the man. At
last they meet; the man extends his hand, the woman does likewise,
but instead of taking his, she moves her own in a circle about his,
avoiding contact. Again they dance away, only returning to repeat
the performance. Finally she accepts the proffered hand, the headman
brings _basi_ for the couple to drink, and the dance is over. The
man sometimes ends the dance by the sharp snapping of his cloth,
or by putting it on his extended arms and dancing toward the woman,
who places her cloth upon his (Plate LXXXI, Fig. 1).
_Musical Instruments, Songs, and Dances_.--The Tinguian is naturally
musical. He sings at his work, he beats time with his head-axe against
his shield as he tramps the mountain trails, he chants the stories of
long ago as the workers gather about the fires each evening of the dry
season, he sings the praises of his host at feasts and festivals, [248]
joins with others in the dirge which follows a burial, and he and many
others will sing together as they dance the _da-eng_. But his music
does not stop with his vocal accomplishments. In the folk-tales the
pan pipe (_dew-dew-as_) occupies a most important place, and to-day
the maidens still play them in the evening hours. It is a simple
device made of reeds of various lengths lashed together (Fig. 26,
No. 1). The player holds the instrument just in front of her lips,
and blows into the reeds, meanwhile moving them to and fro, producing
a series of low notes without tune.
Another instrument of great importance in the legends is the nose
flute (_kalaleng_). This is a long reed with holes cut in the side,
to be stopped by the fingers in producing the notes. The player closes
one nostril with a bit of cotton, and then forces the air from the
other into a small hole cut in the end of the tube. The instrument
is popular with the men, and often one can hear the plaintive note
of the nose flute far into the night (Plate LXXXII).
The mouth flute (_tulali_) is similar to that found in civilized lands,
but is constructed from a reed.
A peculiar device used solely by the women is the _bunkaka_ (Fig. 26,
No. 2). This consists of a bamboo tube with one end cut away so as
to leave only two thin vibrating strips. These, when struck against
the palm of the left hand, give out a note which can be changed by
placing a finger over the opening at x.
A Jew's harp is constructed like a netting needle, but with a tongue of
bamboo cut so that it will vibrate when struck, or when a cord attached
to the end is jerked sharply (Fig. 26, No. 3). If made of bamboo,
the instrument is known as _kolibau_; if brass, _agiweng_. It is often
mentioned in the tales, and to-day is played by nearly all the men.
Bamboo guitars (_kuliteng_) are made by cutting narrow strips
throughout the length of a section of bamboo, but not detaching them
at the ends. They are raised and tuned by inserting small wedges of
wood at the ends. Small sections of thin bamboo are sometimes fitted
over two strings, and are beaten with sticks, or the strings can be
fingered like a guitar (Plate LXXXIII).
Music for dances is furnished by an orchestra consisting of four men,
three with copper gongs (_gangsas_), and one with a drum. The gongs
are tambourine shape, with sides about an inch and a half high. They
are placed against the thighs of the players who kneel on the ground,
and are beaten with a stick and the palm of the hand or by the hands
alone. [249] They doubtless came into this region through trade,
but at a time so remote that their origin is now credited to the
spirits. The drum (_tambor_) is made of a short section of a tree
hollowed out. The ends are covered with cow's hide or pig's skin.
CHAPTER XII
MUSIC
_Introduction_.--That the songs might be delivered as nearly as
possible at the same pitch which the singers used when making
the records, investigation was made as to the usual speed used by
manufacturers while recording. It was found to be 160 revolutions per
minute. Accordingly the phonograph was carefully set at this speed
during transcription.
In determining the keys in which to transcribe the various songs, the
pitch-pipe used was that of the "International," which was adopted
at the Vienna Congress in Nov. 1887. This congress established c2 =
522 double vibrations per second. All the records proved to be a
shade flat by this standard, but were found to be almost exactly in
accord with an instrument of fixed pitch, which in turn was found to
be approximately eleven beats at variance with the pitch-pipe on c2.
Assuming that the recording and transcribing speeds of the machines
were the same, this would place the original singing almost exactly in
accord with the old "philosophical standard of pitch" which places c2
at 512 double vibrations per second. Though the singing was not always
in perfect accord with the notes set down in transcriptions, with the
exception of those very marked departures especially indicated in the
music, the variations were so slight that, so far as true intonation
goes, the performances were fully up to the standard of those of the
average natural singer.
Special ear tubes were used while transcribing the records, and resort
made to a special device wherewith any order of whole, or even part
measures could be consecutively played. Thus it was possible to
closely compare parts which were similar in either words or music.
In some of the records two or more voices can be distinguished singing
in unison. Such unisons are shown in the transcription by single
notes. No attempt has been made to indicate the several voices. But
when such single notes are shown accompanied by the word "solo,"
it is to be understood that all of the performers have dropped out
but one, probably the leader. When the voices split up into parts,
it is so notated in the music.
Primitive people display more or less timidity in giving their
songs for scientific purposes. Such timidity is especially apt
to be manifested in their attacks. In the _Da-eng_, Girls' Part
(Record J), the delayed attack at the beginning of each new verse
is very marked. The delay varies considerably from verse to verse,
as indicated by the number of beats rest shown at the ends of the
lines. Similar pauses are found in the Boys' Part of the same ceremony
(see Record A). These beats rest or pauses are not to be taken as
part of the legitimate rhythm, for it is more than likely that if the
singers were giving their songs in their regular ceremonial and the
performers unconscious of observation, these pauses would not occur.
In transcribing those songs which have several verses on the record,
the notation has been so arranged on the page that the measures line
up vertically, making comparison easy between corresponding measures
of the different verses.
To indicate peculiar qualities, special signs are used in connection
with the regular musical symbols. The table which follows shows these
signs and also lists the qualities for which they stand. Some of these
qualities could have been represented by regular musical symbols,
but it was thought best to use the special signs to make them stand
out more prominently. The qualities thus indicated as well as those
which are represented by the regular musical notation will be found
listed and defined after the tabulation of qualities.
Words of the Da-Eng
_Part I_. Sung in line. [250]
Ma-li-dom ag-dag-da-gi yo-ma-yom
Yom-ma-yom ta yom-ma-yom ag-dag-da-gi yo-ma-yom.
Ma-la-nas ag-dag-da-gi na-sa-nas
Ma-sa-nas ta ma-sa-nas ag-dag-da-gi na-sa-nas.
Si On-na-i in-no-bi-yan ki-not-ko-tan Na-to-tan
Na-to-tan ta na-to-tan ki-not ko-tan na-to-tan.
Kol-kol-dong si gi-nol-bat nga ag-moli-moli-yat
Mo-li-yat ta mo-li-yat ag-mo-li mo-li-yat.
Ka-lan-tag kal-la-yan-nen ag-ka-idig-na-yan
dig-na-yan ta dig-na-yan ag-ka-i dig-na-yan.
A-na-on si Tak-la-yan na-is-ti-lo ai bolo
Bin-no-lo ta bin-no-lo na-is-ti-lo ai bo-lo.
Sok-bot ni ka-bin-bin-an adi ma-sil-si-li-ban
si-li-ban ta si-li-ban adi ma-sil-si-liban
Ba-gai-ba-yem dem-ma-ngen si-nol-bo-dan ni kolat.
ki-no-lat ta ki-no-lat ai ag-ki-no ki-no-lat.
Sabak ni am-mo-ga-wen mimog-go-mog di-kai-wen
di-kai-wen ta ki-kai wen mimog-go-mog di-kai-wen.
Sabak ni an-na-a-wen mi-ka-li-ya li-ya-wen.
Li-ya-wen ta li-ya-wen ai ag-li-ya li-ya-wen
_Part II_. Sung in line.
alin-to-bo ni ni-og ag-lam-pi-yok
lam-pi-yok ta lam-pi-yok ag-lam-pi lam-pi-yok.
al-in-to-bo ni aba ai adi nag-pada
pi-na-da ta pi-na-da ai adi nag-pa-da.
al-in-to-bo ni no-nang ag-ba-li ba-li-yang
ba-li-yang ta ba-li-yang ai ag-ba-li ba-li-yang.
al-in-to-bo ni lamai um-al-ali ma-ya-mai
ma-ya-mai ta ma-ya-mai umal ali ma-ya-mai.
al-in-to-bo ni bang-on ag-ba-la ba-la-ngon
ba-la-ngon ta ba-la-ngon ag-ba-la ba-la-ngon.
al-in-to-bo ni oway pel-sa-tem ket i-nom-lai
i-nom-lai ta i-nom-lai pel-sa-tem ket i-nom-lai.
al-in-to-bo ni oling bog-yo-ngem ket boom-li-sing
boom-li-sing ta boom-li-sing bog-yo-ngem ket boom-li-sing.
al-in-to-bo ni ba-kan umal ali ka-na-kan
ka-na-kan ta ka-na-kan umal ali ka-na-kan.
al-in-to-bo ni anis ai adi na-gi-nis
gi-ni-nis ta gi-ni-nis ai adi nedey na-gi-nis.
_Part III_. Sung as they dance in circle.
A-ya-mem si pa-ni-ki ag-sol-sol-wap si la-bi
ni la-bi ta ni labi ag-sol-sol-wap si la-bi.
A-ya-mem si bat-ta-teng ag-tiya ti ya-deng
ti-ya-deng ta ti-ya-deng ag-ti-ya ti-ya-deng.
A-ya-mem si bang-nga-an nga dum-ang-dang-lap si da-lan
din-na-lan ta din-na-lan dum-ang-dang-lap si da-lan.
A-ya-mem si om-om-bek nga ag-ma-si ma-sim-bek
si nim-bek ta si-nim-bek nga ag-ma-si ma-sim-bek.
A-ya-mem si po-na-yen nga omas-asi gai-ga-yen
gai-ga-yen ta gai-ga-yen om-as asi gai-ga-yen.
A-ya-mem si la-ga-dan nga tomal-la tal-la-dan
tal-la-dan ta tal-la-dan nga ag-ta-la tal-la-dan.
A-ya-mem si bal-ga-si nga agka-a ka-a-si
ka-a-si ta ka-a-si nga ag-ka-a ka-a-si.
_Part IV_.
Bwa di la-od to-mo-bo nga lo-mok-bot
lo-mok-bot ta lo-mok-bot to-mo-bo wa lo-mok-bot.
Bwa di Ba-li-la-si-bis nga gi-i-tem ket ma-i-mis
i-ni-mis ta i-ni-mis gi-i-tem ket ma-i-mis.
Bwa di Mal-la-pa-ai gi-i-tem ket tom-ga-ey
te-ga-ey ta te-ga-ey gi-i-tem ket tom ga-ey.
Bwa di Mal-lo-sa-ak gi-i-tem ket tom-ga-ak
te-ga-ak ta te-ga-ak gi-i-tem ket tom-ga-ak.
Bwa di Tom-mo nga kom-ma-lab ket tom-mo-bo
tom-mo-bo ta tom-mo-bo kom-ma-la-lab ket tom-mo-bo.
_Part V_.
Adi yo pai lau-lau-den lawed-ko nga do-la-wen
do-la-wen ta do-la-wen adi yo pai lau-lau-den.
La-wed ngaita di al-yo pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-o
bi-na-o ta bi-na-o pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-o.
La-wed di po-dok pang-lau-lau-dan ta bo-kod
bi-no-kod ta bi-no-kod pang-lau-lau-dan ta bo-kod.
La-wed di Sab-lang, pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-sang
bi-na-sang ta bi-na-sang pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-sang.
La-wed di Pa-wai pang-lau-lau-dan ta a-wai
in-na-wai ta in-na-wai pang-lau-lau-dan ta a-wai.
_Part VI_.
Ka-wa-yan di Po-da-yan na-tong-dan ta na-tong-dan
na-tong-dan ta na-tong-dan ka-wa-yan di Po-da-yan.
Ka-wa-yan di Bal-li-weyan om-mi-weyan
Om-mi-weyan ta om-mi-weyan ka-wa-yan di Bal-li-weyan.
Ka-wa-yan di Ba-ta-an ko-ma omi-na-lan
i-na-lan ta i-na-lan ka-wa-yan di Ba-ta-an.
Sol-kod-ko nga ka-wa-yan na-kak-la-ang di dem-mang
di dem-mang ta di dem-mang na-kak-la-ang di dem-mang.
Kawayan di Pa-la-i ag-ka-i dong-la don-la-li
dong-la-li ta dong-la-li ag-ka-i dong-la dong-la-li.
_Part VII_.
Da-num di la-od kom-mog-nod ket kom-mog-nod
Kom-mog-nod ta kom-mog-nod danum di la-od.
Dagsi-yan di Pa-la-wang ko-ma ta sum-mi na-wang
si-na-wang ta si-na-wang ko-ma ta sum-mi-na-wang.
Dagsi-yan di Langiden mi-ka si-li si-li-ten
sili-ten ta si-li-ten dag-si-yan di Lang-i-den.
Dagsi-yan di Ka-ba-lang-gan na-kal kalong go-kong-an
ga-kong-an taga-kong-an na-kal ka-long ga-kong-an.
Danum di Pa-da-ngi-tan ki-na-dang ta ka-witan
ka-wi-tan ta ka-wi-tan ki-na-dang ta ka-wi-tan.
Dag-si-yan di Lai-og-an nan-gol la-ol la-yo-san
la-yo-san ta la-yo-san o-mal-la al-lo-yo-san.
Danum di Abang sum-mol-wai ta sum-mol-wai
Sum-mol-wai ta sum-mol-wai da-num di A-bang.
Danum di Abas inum-bas ket inum-bas
inum-bas ta i-num-bas da-num di A-bas.
Danum di Ba-ai nag-kat-lo nga sa-long-ai
Sa-long-ai ta sa-long-ai nag-kat-lo nga sa-long-ai.
Danum di Da-ya nag-kil-la-yos nga si-pa
Si-ni-pa ta si-ni-pa nag-kil-la-yos nga sipa.
Danum di ngato ti-nung-dai ta a-nito
A-nito ta a-nito ti-nun-dai ta a-nito.
Danum di aging ti-nung-dai ta ka-la-ding
Ka-lad-ing ta ka-la-ding ti-nung-dai ta ka-la-ding.
Danum di A-yeng ti-nung-dai ta ba-yeng-yeng
ba-yeng-yeng ta ba-yeng-yeng ti-nung-dai ta ba-yeng-yeng.
Adi ka-pai man-gi-mon na-sal-li-bon ai bo-bon
bin-no-bon ta bin-no-bon na-sal-li-bon ai bo-bon.
_Approximate Translation of the Da-Eng_ [251]
I
?
?
The Malanus flows.
Flows, flows, flows onward.
Si (Mr.) On-na-i and Na-to-tan dig obi (taro) with their hands.
Dig, dig, dig with the hands.
The firefly in the woods opens his eyes.
Opens, opens, opens his eyes.
The bank caves into the river.
Caves, caves, caves in.
Here, your arm pretty bamboo (?)
Bamboo, bamboo, pretty bamboo.
Do not disturb the rest of the kabibinan (a bird).
Disturb, disturb, do not disturb.
Help the kolat (a plant) to grow.
Become kolat, become kolat, stir up to become kolat.
The flower of the Amogawen falls on you.
On you, on you, falls on you.
The flower of the Ana-an plays with you.
Plays, plays, it plays.
II.
The young leaves of the coconut wave.
Wave, wave, they wave.
The leaves of the aba are not alike.
Alike, alike, are not alike.
The leaves of the nonang turn back and forth.
Back and forth, back and forth, turn back and forth.
The leaves of the lamay quake.
Quake, quake, they quake.
The leaves of the bangon arise(?).
Arise, arise, they arise.
The leaves of the rattan cut and twist.
Twist, twist, cut, and twist.
The leaves of the oling rustle and rattle.
Rattle, rattle, rustle and rattle.
The leaves of the bakan fall before time.
Fall, fall, fall before time.
The leaves of the anis (a low shrub) are not clean.
Clean, clean, not clean.
III.
You play Mr. bat who fly by night.
Night, night, fly by night.
You play grasshopper whose back is concave.
Concave, concave, whose back is concave.
You play Bang-nga-an who shines like gold by the trail.
By the trail, by the trail, shines like gold by the trail.
You play onombek who hiccoughs.
Hiccough, hiccough, who hiccoughs.
You play dove who falls.
Falls, falls, who falls.
You play lagadan (a bird) who flees(?).
Flees, flees, who flees.
You play balgasi (?) who mourns for the dead.
Mourns, mourns, mourns for the dead.
IV.
Betel-nut of the west which grows up like the gourd.
Grows up, grows up like the gourd.
Betel-nut of Balasibis which smiles when it is cut. (Literally--is
cut and smiles.)
It smiles, it smiles, is cut, and smiles.
Betel-nut of Malapay which chuckles (like a woman) when it is cut.
Chuckles, chuckles, is cut, and chuckles.
Betel-nut of Malosak which laughs (like a man) when it is cut.
Laughs, laughs, is cut, and laughs.
Betel-nut of Tomo which climbs and grows.
Grows, grows, climbs, and grows.
V.
Do not take the leaves of my lawed, who am rich.
Rich, rich, do not take lawed leaves.
The widower takes often the top (best) lawed of Alyo.
The widower, the widower, the widower takes often.
The lawed of the wooded hill the widow takes often.
The widow, the widow, the widow takes often.
The lawed of Sablang the maiden takes often.
The maiden, the maiden, the maiden takes often.
The lawed of Paway the hermit (country man) takes often.
The hermit, the hermit, the hermit takes often.
VI.
Bamboo of Podayan, ever living, ever living.
Ever living, ever living, bamboo of Podayan.
Bamboo of Baliweyan sigh (literally "go wey") when the wind blows.
Sigh, sigh, bamboo of Baliweyan.
Bamboo of Bataan, like the sunshine.
Sunshine, sunshine, bamboo of Bataan.
My cane of bamboo gives out a clang.
Clang, clang, gives out a clang.
Bamboo of Palai wave up and down.
Wave, wave, wave up and down.
VII.
Water of the west, become less and less.
Less, less, water of the west.
Spring of Palawang overflow.
Overflow, overflow, be like the overflow.
Spring of Langiden flow fast. (Literally "like lightning".)
Flow, flow, spring of Langiden.
Spring of Ka-ba-lang, flow like a chain.
Chain, chain, flow like a chain.
Water of Padangitah be knee deep to the rooster.
Rooster, rooster, knee deep to the rooster.
Spring of Layogan flow on.
Flow, flow, flow on.
Water of Abang (?)
?
Water of Abas, become dry.
Become dry, become dry, water of Abas.
Water of Ba-ay has three branches.
Branches, branches, has three branches.
Water of the East shaped like a ball.
Ball, ball, shaped like a ball.
Water from above the anito holds (stops).
Anito, anito, the anito holds.
Water of the uninhabited place the ghost holds.
Ghost, ghost, the ghost holds.
Water of Ayeng the bamboo tube holds.
Bamboo tube, bamboo tube, the bamboo tube holds.
Do not be jealous, pretty spring.
Spring, spring, pretty spring.
_Da-Eng_. Boys' part.
Record A. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony.
There are at least two voices in this record. Possibly there were
three or more singers taking part, though it is not possible to
distinguish more than two.
The song is cast in the pentatonic scale of A major. The notes
G-natural and D-flat do not belong to this scale. At those places
where they are put down in the notation, they are used to better define
the glissandos. The singers pass over them rapidly, sliding from the
topmost note of the group to the lowest with no perceptible dwelling
on any of the intermediate tones. The glissandos are indicated by
straight lines drawn obliquely underneath such groups (see _Definition
of Qualities_, p. 478).
In each of measures 2 and 6 of verses 1, 2, and 3; and in measure
6 of verse 4, is shown a group of three notes with an asterisk
above. These groups, as shown in the notation, are B, A, G; but in
measure 2 of verse 4, the corresponding group is C, B, A. In those
measures marked *, the singers are very plainly striving to reach
the tones C, B, A. There is that quality of tension in the voices
with the accompanying forcing of tone which is peculiar to untrained
singers striving for a tone near the limit of their highest range. As
the tones actually sounded are neither B, A, G, nor C, B, A, but are
instead a sort of compromise between the two, it is quite evident that
the succession intended in each of the seven measures is the same
as in the eighth or odd one, viz. C, B, A. If we assume this to be
the case, it eliminates seven of the foreign G naturals shown in the
notation. If, however, this conjecture is wrong, and the performers
really feel that the groups in question all start on B, then the G
naturals are eliminated by the glissandos. The only other G-natural
is shown in measure 7 of verse 4. By comparing this measure with the
corresponding measure in each of the other three verses, it will be
seen that the singers have taken great pains in those verses to avoid
this note which does not belong to the pentatonic scale which they are
using,--evidence that they do not sense the tone in the fourth verse,
where it is taken glissando. The D-flat, also foreign to the scale,
occurs but once. It is in measure 3 of the top line. The glissando
here eliminates this tone also, but, by comparing this measure with
the corresponding measure of each of the other verses, we find the
same avoidance as in the case of the G-natural,--evidence that the
performers do not sense this other foreign tone. The song is therefore
very markedly pentatonic in character.
The assumption that the seven groups marked with asterisks do not
represent the real intent of the singers, is based entirely on the
"stress" heard in the record. This "stress" cannot be represented
in notation. Relying on the notation alone, one would be warranted
in drawing a contrary conclusion and assuming that the odd measure
should be made to conform to the other seven and all read, B, A, G; or,
from the phonographic record, one might assume that the compromise,
previously mentioned, was the intonation really intended. Primitive
peoples frequently do sing and play, quite intentionally, tones out of
conformity with scale tones of present-day concert music. Such tones
cannot be represented by our musical notation without resort to special
signs. This is not necessary in the present case, as the falling short
of true intonation does not appear to be from deliberate intent on
the part of the singers, but seems to be due to lack of ability.
In eight of the measures, at least one of the voices departs from the
melody proper, producing the harmony-intervals so frequently heard
in the music of primitive peoples, namely, that of a 5th without
the 3rd to complete the triad, and that of a 4th without the 6th
to complete the chord. Such thirdless 5ths are found in measures 5
(verse 1), 1 and 8 (verse 2), 5 (verse 3), and 1 and 5 (verse 4); and
the interval of a 4th without the 6th is found in measures 3 and 8 of
verse 4. In the last measure of the notation, however, the interval
of a 4th there shown is caused by the leader's voice departing from
the regular melodic succession instead of the accompanying voice or
voices, as is the case in each of the other measures mentioned.
In measures 1 and 5 of each of the four verses of the song, and also
in measure 3 of the second verse, the sign, "....." (mezzo staccato
marks), is used to indicate the pulsating of the voice of one of the
singers, probably the leader, marking the rhythm of the song.
The metronome tempo is mostly 88, but varies at times and runs as-high
as 92 per minute in the last half of the 4th verse.
Between verses 2 and 3 the phonograph shows that the singers paused
eight beats (two whole measures), and between verses 3 and 4 there was
a similar, though shorter, pause of two beats (one-half measure). These
pauses are not shown in the notation.
There was no special change in dynamics throughout the song except
as indicated by the sforzando marks in measures 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, and
8 of verse 4.
In general character this song resembles most the _Dang-dang-ay_
(Record M).
_Diwas_
Record B. Sung at night by the friends of a sick man.
There are two singers on this record, both men with bass voices. One
seems to be the leader, the accompanying singer dragging along
behind. As the tempo is very slow and many of the tones long drawn
out, this uncertainty on the part of the second performer is not so
noticeable, except on the quick runs as the leader passes to another
principal tone.
The song is cast in the natural minor scale of D. The E-flat near the
beginning of the second line does not belong to the scale. It is not
well defined on the record, and so is indicated in the transcription
with an interrogation-mark beneath.
Although not confined to the intervals of the pentatonic scale, the
number is distinctly pentatonic in character. It is made up mostly
of the tones A, C, D, and E. These tones belong to the pentatonic
scales of C major and its relative minor A. In tonality, the song
cannot be considered as belonging to either of these keys, as there
is a very distinct feeling of B-flat in it, notwithstanding that the
tone is seldom dwelt upon, but passed over quickly, almost glissando,
in nearly every place where it occurs.
The song ends on A. This is not the key note, however, but is the
fifth of the key.
The song is like a mournful chant. Throughout there is a peculiar
wailing which leaves a strange, haunting impression. The music
admirably suits the hour when it is used. It would be decidedly
incongruous given in broad daylight. These untutored savages could
hardly have conjured up a more typical tone-picture of the "shadowy
valley" than the song heard on this record.
The peculiarly weird character is due in large part to the swelling out
and dying away of the tones on certain syllables. (For comparison to
effects found in Igorot music, see "Swelled Tones" under _Definition
of Qualities_, p. 479).
_Sang-Sangit_
Record C. Sung during the evening following a funeral.
In this record we hear but one voice--a man's. The song is cast in
the minor scale of G, but whether the natural minor or the harmonic,
cannot be determined, as the singer does not use the 7th of the
scale. It is not pentatonic in character.
The song is given in the recitative style. There are several verses
which vary but little in the music, except for the changes in the
reiterated staccato tones which are made greater or less in number to
accommodate the difference in number of syllables. With the exception
of those starting the glissandos or trills, the repeated tones were
given with a very decided staccato punch.
Much of the intonation is vague. In taking the glissandos shown near
the middle of the top line, the upper tone is sung about half way
between B-flat and B-natural. There is some abandon in the rhythm also.
The group of six notes marked with an asterisk are trilled on the
semitone interval.
_Dawak_
Record D. The song of a medium when calling spirits into her (his)
body.
This song is doubtless the invention of the singer. It has that abandon
which usually characterizes the songs of workers in the occult among
primitive folk.
The song is cast mostly in the relative minor (G-sharp) of the
pentatonic scale of B-natural major. A-sharp does not belong to this
scale. There are five measures, where this note appears, but in each
instance the tonality of the phrase momentarily rests in D-sharp minor,
the relative of the pentatonic major of F-sharp. A-sharp belongs to
this scale, but B-natural does not. The singer, with his instinct for
the five-note scale, avoids the B-natural until the tonality shifts
back to the original key. The song is therefore classed as pentatonic
in character.
The melody is distinctly harmonic in structure, as nearly all of the
successions are made up of triad intervals.
Though the song runs but a minute and a half, the tempo changes eight
times. The performer takes nearly every new tempo with a well-defined
rhythm. There is considerable freedom shown in the first movement
when the tremolos between B-natural and the G-sharp below are taken.
The singer shows quite remarkable flexibility of voice, excellent
breath control, and a rather surprising quality of tone and accuracy
of intonation. As a demonstration of flexibility, about the middle of
the first movement, he takes the quarter note B-natural in falsetto
and immediately drops into the waver a tenth below, at the same time
assuming his natural voice. The falsetto tone is indicated in the
transcription by a tiny circle above the note. All of the wavered
tones, as well as the falsetto at the beginning and the turn at the
end are sung with one breath to a single syllable. This is quite
a remarkable performance considering that the singer had no voice
training.
Near the opening of the first 2/4 movement is shown a group of five
notes given in the time of four,--a rhythmic effect few trained
musicians can execute well.
Of the various performers who took part in making the fourteen records,
this singer shows the best voice technic and control.
The fact that the singer scarcely repeats a single motive throughout
the extent of the song, but is constantly introducing new tonal ideas
argues an extempore performance. It would be interesting to have for
comparison another record of the same song made at another time.
_Song of a Spirit_
Record E. Sung by a medium when possessed by a spirit.
Melodically this song is quite in contrast with the _Dawak_. This
one is distinctly melodic in structure, though there are suggested
harmonies. These harmonies are mostly tonic and dominant alternating
one with the other.
Using a two-measure motive, which he announces at the very start,
the singer works the material over and over, first in one harmonic
mode and then in the other, frequently changing the form of the motive
through embellishments or altered metric values, but always leaving
an impression which harks back to the original motive.
Arrange the various tones of this melody in any order that we will,
we cannot make them conform to any diatonic scale used in modern
music. If, however, we ignore the C-flat, which occurs twice in the
song, it gives us an incomplete ascending melodic-minor scale in
D-flat. But the song is not minor in mode. It is distinctly major
in tonality. It is formed mostly of the four tones D-flat, E-flat,
A-flat, and B-flat. All of these belong to the pentatonic major scale
of D-flat. This gives a very marked pentatonic flavor, yet the song
is not in the pentatonic scale, for the singer introduces half steps,
and there are no such intervals in the pentatonic scale.
Casting about among the scales used by various peoples, the nearest
approach I find to the tonal succession of this song is one of the
numerous scales or "tunings" used by the Japanese. It is that known
as the "Hirajoshi." To make comparison easy, I have transposed this
Japanese koto-tuning into the same key as that of the song. Along
with it I show the tonal material of the Tinguian song arranged in
corresponding sequence.
It will be seen that every note in the Japanese scale is found also
in the Tinguian, though not always in the same octave. All of the
Tinguian tones are found in the Japanese scale except the C-flat and
D-flat. These exceptions are shown with their stems turned down. The
notes shown in white in the Tinguian scale are not sung at the pitch
indicated, but occur in the song as octaves of these tones. The black
notes therefore show the actual tones sung. It will be noticed that
in the arrangement of the notes the opening tone is repeated a few
notes later on. This is because the Japanese usually tune the koto
with the first and fifth strings in unison to facilitate the execution
of certain passages in their music.
The "Jog," heard so frequently in the Igorot songs, occurs eight times
in this number. It is not quite so well defined here, however, as in
the _Dang-dang-ay,_ being modified in this song either by syncopation,
by phrasing, or by lack of accent. It is interesting to note however,
that it is always given on the tonic or the dominant, and also that
it is repeated in true Igorot style.
The unconcern and skill with which the performer of this song unravels
the mixed up duplet and triplet groups, is evidence of his inherent
sense of rhythm, as it pertains to the symetry of note groups and
their embodiment as beat-units into larger, varying measure-units;
but his indifference, as he juggles his metric values of 2/4, 3/8, and
3/4 time, shows an entire absence of appreciation for form as revealed
in even-measured sections, phrases, and periods of modern music.
Considered in the light of an oracle from the spirit himself speaking
through the medium, the music would indicate that the spectre is not
one of the gentle and kind disposition, but on the contrary is very
domineering. He is of frightful mien, and tries to terrorize all who
come under his sway.
_Song of a Spirit_
Record F. Sung by a medium when possessed by a spirit.
This song is very similar in general character to the _Dawak_,
and many qualities in it indicate that it is given by the same
performer. It has the same general formation as the _Dawak_. It is
harmonic in construction. Nearly all of its tones follow the triad
intervals of either the minor or its relative major tonic chords or
the minor dominant chord. There is no well-marked motive development
but instead a succession of tones first from one triad, then from
another, and so on, grouped in ever varying fashion.
The key is G minor, but closes in the relative major B. While singing
in the minor, the performer follows modern methods and raises his
seventh or "leading tone," when the progression is upwards into the
tonic (see measures 10, 13, 25, and 27).
The tempo is mostly 108, but at the tenth measure the movement
slows down to 80. At this point is shown a note with a large circle
above. This tone was taken with a very wide open mouth quite in
contrast with the one preceeding. The next measure following shows
two tones taken falsetto.
Like the Dawak, this song is probably the composition of the
singer. Although very primitive in its general aspect, it has absorbed
from some source a bit of modern influence.
If the surmise is correct that the performer of this song is the same
as the one who made the record of the _Dawak_, and if the two songs
were made at distinct times with a considerable period elapsing in
which other records were made, it would indicate, as is frequently the
case among primitive singers, that this performer almost invariably
sings at the same pitch. In other words, he has to some degree the
sense of absolute pitch.
_Bagoyas_
Record G. A song of praise and compliment sung by a guest at a feast
or party. Words are extempore, but music constant.
The singer is a tenor with considerable dramatic quality in his
voice. The words of the song must be extemporized to suit each new
occasion; so also, must the elemental tonal forms be extemporaneously
combined, for the music must fit the words, and these will vary in
rhythm and meter with each performance. The music may be considered
constant, however, in that the form of each component motive is more
or less fixed.
The following five group-ingredients, used either in the pure form
as shown, or with slight alterations, make up approximately one-half
of the entire song.
Reiterated tones and glissandos pad out between these and make up
practically the remainder of the number.
Turning our attention to the first of the above groups, which I have
marked "M.M.1." (melodic motive), we find that it is used nearly a
score of times throughout the extent of the song.
A motive may be modified in ten different recognized ways and each form
of modification employed in varying degrees, within certain limits,
and yet the motive will not loose its identity. As an example of this
we find in this song the first melodic motive _transposed_ from the
fourth degree of the scale (where it is originally announced) to the
first, the fifth, and the sixth degrees. We find the same motive
given with _omissions_, with _additions_, with _augmentations_,
with _contractions_, and with _altered rhythmic values_; in short,
the composer has turned this motive over and over, and unwittingly
developed it much after the manner used by musicians trained in the
art of composition. The fact that this motive is given four times
rhythmically and melodically intact, besides recurring frequently
throughout the composition in one or another of the accepted forms of
modification, argues that this melodic germ was a familiar tone-figure
to the singer, one that he could apply to most any syllable on which
he wished to dwell. In this connection it is interesting to note that
this motive, in its purest form, is always used in a transitional way,
not only musically, but rhetorically, thus "marking time," as it were,
while the improvisator chooses his next words of praise.
The second melodic motive (M.M.2.) occurs at least five times, with
some transformations to be sure, and sometimes even overlapping the
first motive. The third (R.M.) is purely rhythmic, but seems to be
a pet device of the singer and helps him out with syllables needing
special emphasis. The fourth can hardly be dignified by the name of
motive, in this case, but is simply a musical device (M.D.), used by
the singer mostly in his terminations.
I surmise that the song in its entirety, including the above elemental
groups, is the invention of the singer. He has equipped himself with
these particular tonal fragments, because they not only suit his fancy,
but lie well within the range of his vocal attainments. He has used
them so frequently and in such varied forms that he can instantly
twist, turn, or alter them to fit the requirements of the various
syllables of his ever changing flatteries.
With a few such elemental groups of his own invention at command,
any singer would be well equipped to extemporize for the delectation
of his host and the entertainment of the other guests.
The song is exceptional for strongly accented notes. The triplets
giving the value of three quarter notes in the time of two are rather
unusual in modern music. It is cast in the natural minor scale
of B-flat. The singer never uses either the raised 6th or 7th in
ascending, as do moderns in the melodic minor, but adheres strictly
to the old _normal_ or _natural minor_ form.
Although diatonic, in that both the G-flat and C-natural appear
frequently, yet the number savors much of the pentatonic.
At three places where the singer uses one or the other of the tones
foreign to the pentatonic scale, he makes half-step progressions.
In the fourth line of the song we find the single instance in these
records, where the performer takes an upward glissando. It is on the
two-note embellishment F-natural G-flat shown in the last measure of
that line. It is immediately followed by a downward glissando.
Balalognimas
Record II.
Two singers are heard on this record. They seem to be women. Possibly
there are more than the two voices. As the song has such a well-defined
swing and such a martial character, it must be wonderfully inspiring
when given by a large company of singers.
It is cast in the natural minor diatonic scale of C-sharp, though it
is strongly pentatonic in character.
The rhythm is partly 5/8 and partly 4/8, but it swings along so
naturally that it seems as if it could not be otherwise.
The distribution of the accents, sometimes falling on the first
and third beats and again on the second and fourth, helps to give
it a character which puts it in a class by itself. It has the most
character of any of the women's songs in this group.
There are several verses to the song almost precisely alike in words
and music.
_Da-Eng_. Boys and Girls Alternating.
Record I. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony.
This song is in two distinct movements or parts varying one from the
other in meter, in tempo, and in general style.
Part 1
There are at least two voices discernible in this part. They seem to
be the voices of girls or women.
It is cast in the relative minor (C) of the pentatonic scale of E-flat
major. The tones of this scale given in order are C, E-flat, F, G,
B-flat, and then the octave C. The tones D-natural and A-flat are
missing, thus avoiding the half step between D and E-flat, and between
G and A-flat (see remarks in pentatonic scale under _Definition of
Qualities_, p. 480).
The A-flat shown in the third from the last measure of this part is
written there to define more clearly that particular glissando which
seems to be of slightly different rhythmic construction than the one
in the corresponding measure above. The fact that the tone is passed
over glissando eliminates it from the scale.
In the fourth measure of each line we find a peculiar splitting up of
the parts, one voice holding the C, while the other skips to the E-flat
above, thus producing the harmony-interval of a minor third. This
behavior seems to be intentional on the part of the performers, as
it occurs precisely the same in each of the four lines of the song,
though not quite so well defined the last time owing to the fact that
the upper voice does not come out so strong on the E-flat. This is
indicated in the notation by a small square note.
Part 1 is in the very unusual rhythm of 5/4. The rhythm is not
well defined, however, as there is considerable abandon in the
style of rendition. The metronome tempo of 69 applies practically
throughout. Sometimes the singers are a trifle in advance of the count
and at others drag behind, but always sooner or later drop into the
regular beat. A stress on each fifth count gives the number a rhythm
of five. It is unique also in that each line has but five measures.
Part 2
In this, the same number of voices is heard as in the first part. The
performers seem to be the same ones who sang from the beginning.
The scale is the same as that of part 1. The intonation is very
distinct and the character unmistakably pentatonic.
In measure 2 there is the harmony-interval of a perfect fourth
followed immediately by that of a minor third, the same succession
as was used in the _Da-eng_, Girls' part (Record J). In the fourth
and fifth measures of this part are found unprepared minor thirds,
which also appear in Record J. These harmonies are not so primitive
as those found in the boys' part of the same ceremony (see Record A).
The tempo throughout this part is 80 and the rhythm strongly
marked. There is a wait between the two lines. The machine was
evidently stopped at this point or the needle raised and started
again. Each line has the uncommon number of five measures the same
as the first part, but metrically the part is in 4/4 rhythm.
The second time through, the singers seem to be striving to repeat
the first line of the movement with embellishments consisting of
inverted mordents, appogiature, and trills.
Musically, there seems to be absolutely no connection between this
song and the other two of the same ceremony. In many ways this song
is the most interesting of those submitted. In origin it probably
dates between the other two.
It is not given consecutively on the record, as there were breaks
between each two lines while the needle was raised.
_Da-Eng_. Girls' part.
Record J. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony.
The record shows but two voices one of which is greatly predominant
in strength and confidence as if it were the leader's voice.
The song is cast in the scale of B minor. It is not pentatonic. The
singers would employ, so an interrogation-mark is; placed below that
be either A-natural or A-sharp, according to whether the scale is
the _natural_ minor or the _harmonic_ minor, it is not possible to
determine which tone the singers would employ, so an interrogation mark
is placed below that note. The raised fourth (E-sharp), shown in the
fifth measure of four out of the six verses, is perfectly intentional
on the part of the singers, but musically, is to be interpreted as
an accidental, and does not affect the scale of the song.
In this song we again have the interval of a fourth without the sixth
above. It occurs four times, each time followed immediately by the
less primitive and more harmonious interval of a minor third. The
minor third harmony also occurs in three other measures,--in these
without preparation.
These minor thirds are all the same,--B-D, the foundation of the
tonic chord of the key,--evidence that the singers have a keen sense
of the minor tonality.
The tempo alternates between 96 and 108. The first half of each line
is given at 96, but the second half is taken more rapidly at 108 beats
per minute. Each of these rhythms is very evenly preserved, the time
being well marked by accented notes and pulsations of the voice as
shown in the score. The figures at the ends of the lines indicate
the number of beats rest actually taken by the performers. Twice
they take the normal number four, which, if preserved throughout,
would place the song in the regular eight-measure form. Some of the
measures are 4/4, and some are 3/4.
In each verse of this song we find an example of the characteristic
which I have termed a "jog." It is seen in each next-to-last measure
with special sign beneath. The jogs in the 2nd, 4th, and 6th measures
are the best defined (see table of special signs under _Introduction_,
p. 444).
There are three qualities in this song, which indicate that it is of
more modern origin than either of the other two which belong to the
same ceremony. The frequent and undoubtedly intentional use of the
raised fourth giving the half step E-sharp to F-sharp; the persistent
recurrence of the hardly primitive, minor-third harmony; and the fact
that the song is not cast in the pentatonic scale, as are the other
two records of the same ceremony, point to a more modern origin.
It may be that in the earliest practice of this ceremony the girls
or women did not participate, their parts having been a later
addition. This could not be determined musically, however, without
examining more records of songs from this or similar ceremonies.
_Bogoyas_
Record K. Sung by a woman.
This is a woman's song of praise, complimentary to the host at a party.
The singer makes use of all the scale tones of the major key of E-flat,
except the D-natural. The B-natural found in the next-to-last measure
is a passing tone, and does not affect the scale or tonality. At that
point the suggested supporting harmony is an augmented triad upon
the tonic leading into the subdominant. With the exception of this
one measure, the song is in the five-note scale. Notwithstanding that
this measure contains two A-flats and also the passing tone B-natural,
both of which tones are foreign to this particular five-note scale,
the song is not robbed of its pentatonic character.
The rhythm of this song is interesting. It alternates throughout
between 4/4 and 5/4. It might have been notated in 9/4 time instead,
in which case it would have but five measures.
The singer uses the downward glissandos, so characteristic of nearly
all of the Tinguian songs of this group. These glissandos are indicated
by oblique lines drawn beneath the tones covered by the slide.
In the second measure there is an almost inaudible tone at the end
of the glissando. It is indicated by a small, square note. Careful
listening to the record at this point shows that the singer really
leaves the principal tone E-flat and slides with a sudden dying-down
of volume. The abruptness with which the sound of the voice fades as it
starts the glissando, leaves the impression of E-flat still sounding.
One tone in this song is given on the inhaled breath. It is indicated
by a circle with a dot in the center placed beneath the note. This
tone was produced well back in the throat, while the singer sharply
inhaled the breath. This artifice, occasionally used by the Tinguian,
is seldom, if ever, heard in the singing of civilized peoples (for
other examples, see analysis of Record M, _Dang-dang-ay_).
This song, given by a woman, has not the well-marked motive development
shown in the other _Bogoyas_, sung by a man. However, we find two quite
distinct, prevailing ideas set forth. The first includes the whole of
the first measure and the first beat of the second. It seems to be
in the nature of a question which finds its answer in the remainder
of the second measure, and again in the third, and again in the
fourth measure. It is the same answer, but expressed each time in a
little different manner. In the fifth measure and carrying over into
the sixth, the questioning is heard again. Although put forth in a
different arrangement of tones, it is the same musical thought as that
expressed in the first measure. This time it is answered but once. The
answer takes parts of two measures. Now follows another query similar
to the first, and again comes the answer fully expressed in each of
the two concluding measures.
The principal interest in this centers around the B-natural, indicating
that the singer has a very decided appreciation of the half step
and of the upward leading tendency of a tone raised a semitone by
an accidental.
_Na-Way_
Record L. Sung at the celebration which closes the period of mourning
for the dead.
There are two voices heard in the record, probably women. In ten
of the measures there is a splitting up of the parts. In the first
measure of each of the second and third lines, and also in the third
measure of the third line, the difference in the parts is owing to
uncertainty of attack, one of the singers, usually the leader, starting
the syllable ahead of the other performer. In the second measure of
the last line, the first divergence is caused by the leader taking E
by way of embellishment; and the second divergence, producing a minor
third, is caused by the other voice dropping to B too soon. These are
not intentional harmonies. The other six departures from unison are
caused by the leader embellishing her part. The appogiatura, shown
with a tiny circle above, has the quality of falsetto. The singer
yodles down to the principal tone B.
The song is strictly pentatonic. Peculiarly enough, it may be
considered as belonging to any one of the following tonalities, B
minor, E minor, or G major, though there is no G in the melody. The
song seems the most primitive, however, when considered in the key
of E minor, for the harmonies required to place it in this tonality
carry more of the primitive atmosphere than do the chords which are
required in either of the other tonalities.
In this connection it would be interesting to know just how these
various harmonizations would appeal to the Tinguian. It is a well-known
fact among musicians who have recorded the songs of primitive peoples,
that though the songs are used with practically no harmonies, yet the
singers feel an harmonic support which they do not express. Experiments
along this line have been tried with the American Indians. Various
harmonizations of a given melody have been played for them, a melody
which they themselves sing only in unison, and they have been very
quick to choose the particular harmonic support which appeals to them
as being an audible expression of the vague something which they feel
within, but do not attempt to voice.
The tones of this song when arranged to represent the scale of E minor
coincide exactly with the scale tones of two of the tunings of the
Japanese 13 stringed _koto_. These tunings were both borrowed by the
Japanese from the Chinese by whom they were used as special tunings of
the _ch'in_, or _kin_, one of the most ancient of musical instruments.
In each of the eleven glissandos shown in the notation, the voices drop
suddenly to approximately the tone shown by the small square note. The
glides are taken diminuendo, the tone dying away completely. The
sudden diminuation of tone taken with a glissando gives an effect
something like a short groan. The song is in seven-measure periods.
_Dang-Dang-Ay_
Record M. Sung by women while pounding rice out of the straw and husks.
Only one voice can be distinguished in the record. It is that of
a woman.
Though strongly pentatonic in character, the song is cast in
the diatonic scale of F major. Metrically there is considerable
freedom. 3/4, 4/4, and 5/4 rhythms are thrown in with the most
haphazard abandon, yet it has the even pulsing which should dominate
a song of this character.
The song is in two rather distinct movements. The first, in spite
of the two triplets thrown in at the first and third measures, has
a straight-away motion which offers a striking contrast to the more
graceful, swaying second part which is mostly in triplets. The change
from one style to the other is made by the singer with no variation
in tempo. It is therefore admirably adapted to accompany the regular
falling of the pestles while beating out the rice.
Near the close of the song are two notes with [Sun] over them. These
were vocalized on the inhaled breadth (for other examples of Inhaled
Tones, see analysis of Record K, _Bogoyas_).
This song contains seven examples of the "Jog" (see _Definition
of Qualities_, p. 479). Those in the second part of the song are
the best defined. One of these is shown with open head. This jog is
given the most nearly like the Igorot manner of execution of any of
the examples found in these fourteen songs.
In general character, this song somewhat resembles the Boys' Part of
the _Da-eng_ ceremony (Record A).
_Kuilay-Kuilay_
Record N. Sung by women while passing liquor.
There is one singer only on this record. It is a woman. The song is
given in a lively, jolly, rollicking style.
It is cast in the F major scale. The melody has good variety. At
times it defines quite clearly the harmonic outline by following the
tonal framework of the tonic, dominant, or subordinant chords. Passing
tones are used more freely and naturally in this song than in any of
the others.
In the third measure of the fifth line, the singer very plainly
vocalizes a half step from F to E. The second and fourth lines also
show semitones, though these are not so distinctly given on the record
as the other example.
In the last measure of the third line there is a modulation into the
tonality of B-flat which carries through two measures.
In the fifth line are three accents which make the meter rather elusive
at that point. The two small notes shown at the beginning of the
third line seem to be spoken with no attempt at vocalization. They are
notated, however, at the pitch of the speaking voice. The small note
shown in the bottom line is given very faintly in the record and seems
more like a muffled exclamation than an intentionally vocalized tone.
The tempo throughout is quite regular, following the indicated pulse
of 92 in both the 6/8 and 2/4 rhythms.
In the latter part of the song there are a number of changes between
duple and triple rhythm. The singer makes these changes with perfect
ease and sings the groups with that exactness of proportion which
characterizes the performance of most of the singers in these records.
Musically this song is strikingly adapted to the purpose for which
it is intended.
_Tabulation of Qualities and Characteristics_.--The qualities found
in the records have been tabulated under two main headings. Under the
caption, "Rarely or Never Heard in Modern Music," are listed those
qualities which, so far as present research goes, are so very unusual
that they may be termed musical idiosyncrasies of the race. These
qualities are so eccentric that if found in several of the songs,
even if the number of songs be much in the minority, the qualities
may be accepted as characteristics. [252]
To receive recognition as a characteristic, any quality found under the
other heading, "Commonly Heard," would necessarily have to show that it
quite persistently occurred throughout a large majority of the songs.
The columns of the large table, when read horizontally, show which
qualities appear in a given song. Read vertically they show the
degrees of dominance of the various qualities.
The songs are grouped under two heads, those given by men and boys, and
those given by women and girls. This will facilitate comparison of the
degrees of dominance of the qualities found in the songs of each. [253]
Numbers have been put down in some of the columns of the table. These
figures indicate the number of times the quality appeared in the
song. If the song has several verses on the record, and the quality
appears the same number of times in each, then the tabulation gives the
number of times in but a single verse. If the verses vary in the use
of the quality, then an average has been struck and figure put down in
the tabulation. In those songs where a certain quality occurs with such
irregularity that it was impossible to represent the average without
fractions, only the mark X has been put down in the table, simply to
indicate that the quality was present. Such qualities as Tonality,
Character, Structure, Scale, etc., naturally, with few exceptions, run
through the whole song, and they are indicated by the X. Some songs
have both of two opposed qualities. When this occurs, it is shown
by checking both qualities. [254] Some qualities which were present,
but indeterminable are indicated by an interrogation-point. [255]
Following the tabulation is given a detailed explanation or definition
of each of the qualities listed at the heads of the vertical columns.
_Dying Tones_.--Found only at the end of some few glissandos. On
the glide, the volume of sound diminishes so rapidly that when the
final tone of the group is reached, the sound has practically died
out. The effect is something like a short groan with no anguish in
it. Sign,--same as a muted note, but written at the end of a glissando.
_Muted Tones_.--Sort of half-articulated tones, if I may use that
expression. Without more records of the same songs in which these are
shown, it is not possible to determine whether they are intended by
the singers as necessary parts of the records. Sign,--note with small
square head.
_Inhaled Tones_.--Tones produced well back in the throat while
sharply inhaling the breath rather than exhaling it, as practiced
almost universally by singers. Sign,--circle with dot in center.
_Pulsated Tones_.--Tones of more than one beat sung with a rythmic
stressing usually in accord with the time meter or some multiple
of that meter. Pulsation is rarely heard among modern musicians,
except in drilling ensemble singing. It is heard quite frequently in
the singing of our American Indians and in the songs of several other
primitive peoples. It occurs to some extent in nearly every one of the
Tinguian men's songs. It is found in but one of those sung by women.
Though pusation does serve to define the rhythm, I believe it is used
by primitive peoples mostly as a purely aesthetic touch. It is indicated
in the notation by the usual musical staccato sign thus, --.....
_Swelled Tones_.--Tones usually of from two to four beats which are
sung with increasing volume to the center, finishing with a decrescendo
to the end. The Swell is sometimes applied to tones of more than four
beats, but when so used, it looses some of its character. Swelled
tones must be given to single syllables only, and they are the most
effective when introduced several times in succession with but few, if
any, intervening tones. The sign which I have used is double diverging
lines followed by double converging lines placed under the note.
In 1905 it was my privilege to transcribe a number of native songs
from the singing of a group of Igorot. In these songs they made
frequent use of swelled tones.
_Downward Glissandos_.--An even sliding of the voice from the topmost
tone of a group to the lowest with no perceptible dwelling on any
intermediate tone and without in any manner defining any of the tones
lying between the extremes. Sign,--a straight line drawn obliquely
downward beneath the group.
_Upward Glissandos_.--An even sliding of the voice upward without
sounding any of the intermediate tones. Sign,--a straight line drawn
obliquely upward beneath the group.
_Notes in Group, Beats in Measure, or Measures in Period_.--Groups of
five seem to have no terrors for these people. In modern music it is
extremely unusual to find notes grouped in fives, or measures having
the rhythmic value of five beats, or periods made up of measures in
fives. A study of the tabulation shows that the Tinguian have a rather
natural bent for groupings in this number. It seems easy for them
to drop into that metric form. I consider this trait, evidenced in
their melodies, one of the marked characteristics of their music. [256]
Groups of notes, beats, or measures in seven are so few in these
records that we are not warranted in accepting it as a characteristic.
_Jog_.--An over-emphasized short-appoggiatura with always either the
tonic or dominant of the key as the principal tone. The first tone
is usually an eighth or sixteenth in value, and must stand on the
next degree above the principal tone. The principal tone is usually
a quarter note or longer in value.
In singing the jog, the short note is given a very pointed accent, the
voice dropping quickly with a sort of jerk to the second, unaccented,
sustained tone. It is executed without sliding, both tones being
well-defined. To be most effective, it should be given two, three,
or four times consecutively without intervening tones.
This device was heard very frequently in the Igorot songs; in fact,
some of their songs consisted of little else than the jog sounded
first on tonic two or three times, then the same number of times on
the dominant, then again on the tonic, then on the dominant, and so
on back and forth.
It would be interesting to know just how commonly this device is used
in the singing of the Tinguian and also in the music of other tribes
of these Islands. From it we might learn something of the contact of
other tribes with the Igorot.
Japanese Scales.--For structure of these scales, see analysis of those
songs using one or another of the Japanese "tunings" or approximations
to them.
Tonality.--That entire group of harmonies which, intimately related to
a foundation or "tonic" chord, may be considered as clustered around
and drawn to it.
Major Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones
constituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from its foundation
tone, are found at distances of four and seven semitones respectively
from it.
Minor Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones
constituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from its foundation
tone, are found at distances of three and seven semitones respectively
from it.
Pentatonic Character. That peculiar essence or quality which a melody
has when it is built up entirely or almost wholly of the tones of
the pentatonic or five-note scale. The melody may employ sparingly
one or both of the two tones foreign to the pentatonic scale, and
yet its pentatonic character will not be destroyed.
Diatonic Character. That quality which a melody takes on when the
two tones which are foreign to the pentatonic scale of the same key
or tonality are freely employed.
I use this term in contradistinction to "Pentatonic Character," and
not in contradistinction to "Chromatic," as it is usually employed
in musical literature.
Melodic Structure. That form of flowing succession of tones in
which the accented tones, if considered in sequence, show dominant
non-adherence to chord intervals.
_Harmonic Structure_. That form of tonal succession in which the
tones of the melody follow rather persistently the structural outline
of chords.
_Major Pentatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent
tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following
arrangement of whole and whole-and-a-half-step intervals,--(whole)
(whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole) (whole-and-a-half).
_Minor Pentatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones,
if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement
of whole and whole-and-a-half step intervals,--(whole-and-a-half)
(whole) (whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole).
The pentatonic scale is markedly primitive in character. It is known
to have been in use anterior to the time of Guido d'Arezzo, which
would give it a date prior to the beginning of the 11th century. [257]
Rowbotham ascribes the invention of scales to those primitive musicians
who, striving for greater variety in their one-toned chants, added
first one newly-discovered tone, then another, and another. [258]
The pentatonic scale might have resulted from such chanting.
Most of the primitive peoples of the present day do not seem to feel
or "hear mentally" the half step. If musicians of early days had this
same failing, it was only natural for them to avoid that interval
by eliminating from their songs one or the other of each couplet of
tones which if sung would form a half step, thus their chants would
be pentatonic.
Not only do people in the primitive state fail to sense the half step,
but also people in modern environment who have heard very infrequently
this smallest interval of modern music.
Inability to sense this interval may be better understood when we
stop to consider that most of us find it unnatural and difficult
to hear mentally the still smaller quarter-step interval or one of
the even-yet-smaller sub-divisions of the octave which some peoples
have come to recognize through cultivation, and have embodied in
their music.
This tendency to avoid the half step and develop along the line of
pentatonic character is sometimes seen in our own children when they
follow their natural bent in singing. It has been my observation
that children with some musical creative ability, but unaccustomed
to hearing modern music with its half steps, almost invariably hum
their bits of improvised melody in the pentatonic scale.
_Major Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones if
considered in upward sequence would show the following arrangement
of whole and half step intervals,--(whole) (whole) (half) (whole)
(whole) (whole) (half).
_Natural Minor Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent
tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following
arrangement of whole and half step intervals,--(whole) (half) (whole)
(whole) (half) (whole) (whole).
_Harmonic Minor Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the
constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show
the following arrangement of half, whole and whole-and-a-half step
intervals,--(whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (half) (whole-and-a-half)
(half).
_Melodic Minor Diatonic Scale_ (_Ascending_). That scale in which
the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show
the following arrangement of whole and half step intervals,--(whole)
(half) (whole) (whole) (whole) (whole) (half).
_Falsetto_. Artificial or strained head-tones which sound an octave
above the natural tone. Sign,--a tiny circle above the note.
In record L. _Naway_ is shown one falsetto tone. It is unusual to
find this effect in a woman's voice.
_Semitones Sung_. This needs no definition. The classification is put
down to show to what extent these singers appreciate the half-step
intervals, and are able to vocalize it (see preceeding definition
of Pentatonic Scale for footnote relative to appreciation of this
interval). Sign,--curved bracket above or below the notes.
In these records the men use the half-step interval in six of their
seven songs, while the women make use of it in but three of their
eight songs.
_Appoggiature_. These, with the exception of one double one shown in
the _Bagoyas_ (Record G), are all of the single, short variety. The
singers execute them with the usual quickness heard in modern music,
but with the accent about equally divided between the appoggiatura
and the principal tone. In the transcription they are indicated by
the usual musical symbol,--a small eighth note with a slanting stroke
through the hook.
_Mordents_. Those used in these songs are all of the "inverted"
kind, and were executed by the singers in the manner used by modern
musicians; that is, by giving a quick, single alternation of the
principal tone with the next scale tone above. Indicated in the score
by the usual musical symbol.
_Trills and Wavers_. These need no comment except to call attention
to the fact that there are none found in the regular songs of
the women. The one shown in Record I (_Da-eng,_ Boys and Girls
alternating) is in the boys' part.
_Changing Between Duple and Triple Rhythm_. I consider this quite a
striking quality in these songs. Some primitive peoples show little
concern over such rhythmic changes, in fact, among some races where
percussive instruments are used to accompany the singing, we frequently
hear the two rhythms at the same time fitted perfectly one against
the other. This is especially true among our American Indians.
While it is not uncommon to find compositions in modern music using
these two rhythms alternately, they are alternated rather sparingly. A
great many musicians have difficulty in passing smoothly from one to
the other, preserving perfect proportions in the note values.
In noting down in the table the findings under this head, I have
put down under each song, not the number of duple or triple or
quadruple groups in the song, but rather the number of "changes"
which occur. After one has made the transition from one style of
rhythm to the other, and has the new "swing" established, manifestly
it is no special feat to follow along in that same kind of measure;
but the real test is the "change" to the rhythm of the other sort. For
instance, in the Song of the Spirit (Record E), I find but 31 measures
and parts of measures which are in triple rhythm, yet the singer had
to change his meter 47 times to execute these. On the other hand,
the _Dang-dang-ay_ (Record M), has in it 21 triple-time measures and
triplet groups of notes, but because of the persistence of the triple
rhythm, when once established in the second part, the song requires
a changing of swing but 17 times.
Because of the frequency of changes found throughout these songs,
and noting, as heard in the records, the precision with which, in
nearly every instance, a new rhythm is taken, I conclude that the
Tinguian have a remarkable grasp of different metric values, which
enables them to change readily from one to the other. Naturally this
trait would stamp itself upon their music, and I consider the use of
such frequent metric changes a dominant characteristic.
Although frequent rhythmic change is also strongly characteristic
of the music of some other peoples, as I have indicated elsewhere,
it is important to tabulate it here to differentiate the Tinguian
from those peoples who do not make use of it.
_Minor 3rds, Perfect 4ths, and Perfect 5ths_. These are the only
intentional harmonies found in these songs. It is interesting to note
that the only examples are in the _Da-eng_ ceremony, where all three
are used, some in one part and some in another.
Among some primitive peoples, only the men take part in the songs. The
early chanting of all peoples was quite likely by men. Probably the
most primitive harmony was a perfect fifth resulting from the attempt
of men with different ranges to sing together. The difference between
a bass and a tenor voice is just about a fifth. Between an alto and
a soprano it is about a fourth. The difference in these voices made
it impossible to sing melodies of wide range in unison, and so the
basses and tenors sang in consecutive fifths. When women took up the
chanting, they sang either in fifths or in fourths.
These harmonies appealed to them, and so continued in use even when
there was no exigency on account of restricted range.
Referring again to the _Da-eng_ ceremony, it is interesting to observe
that the three different parts of this ceremony are in distinct scales,
and that the part sung by the girls alone, is diatonic in character
while the other two parts are pentatonic.
_Conclusion_.--I have long been of the opinion that the music of
different peoples should be given more consideration by scientists
in their endeavor to trace cultural relationships. In years gone by,
ethnologists have attached too little importance to the bearing which
music has on their science.
I am of the opinion that every peculiarity, even to the smallest
element that enters into the make-up of a given melody, has some
influence back of it which has determined the element and shaped
it into combination. It is not unlikely that a thorough study of
the music would reveal these influences, and through them establish
hitherto unknown ethnological facts.
I believe that a careful study of a large number of the songs or
instrumental pieces of a people will reveal a quite definite general
scheme of construction which can be accepted as representative of
that people alone; and if such an analysis be made of the music of
many peoples and the findings so tabulated that the material will
be comprehensible to ethnologists trained to that branch of musical
research, many interesting and instructive side-lights will be thrown
on the question of tribal relationship.
I realize that to examine exhaustively and then tabulate the
characteristics found in the music of just one of the many peoples
of the globe would be something of an undertaking; but nevertheless
I believe the work should be undertaken in this large way, and when
it is, I am sure the results will justify the experiment.
I appreciate that there is an intangible something about music, which
may prove baffling when it comes to reducing it to cold scientific
symbols and descriptions. Take, for instance, quality of tone. Each
one of us knows perfectly the various qualities of the different
speaking voices of friends and acquaintances, yet how many of us can
so accurately describe those qualities to a stranger that he also may
be able to identify the voices among a thousand others. The tabulation
of such elusive qualities would have to be in very general terms. Such
indefinable characteristics would, to some extent, have to depend
for comparison upon the memory of those workers who had received
first-hand impressions. It would be something like a present-day
musician identifying an unfamiliar composition as belonging to the
"French school," the "Italian school," or the "Russian school;"
and yet, this same musician might not be able to point out with
definiteness a single characteristic of that particular so-called
"school."
Though I have held these opinions for several years, I am more
than ever convinced, since examining these few Tinguian records,
that something really tangible and worth while can be deduced from
the music of various primitive peoples, and I trust this branch of
ethnology will soon receive more serious recognition.
Manifestly it would be unwise to draw any unalterable conclusions
from the examination of but fourteen records of a people. But even
in this comparatively small number of songs, ranging as they do
over such a variety of applications and uses, it is possible to
see tendencies which the examination of more records may confirm as
definite characteristics.
While it would be presumptuous at this time to attempt to formulate a
Tinguian style, I trust that what I have tabulated may prove valuable
in summing up the total evidence, which will accumulate as other
surveys are made; and if perchance, the findings here set down and
the conclusions tentatively drawn from them help to clear up any
obscure ethnological point, the effort has been well spent.
_Albert Gale_.
CONCLUSIONS
The first impression gained by the student of Philippine ethnology
is that there is a fundamental unity of the Philippine peoples, the
Negrito excepted, not only in blood and speech, but in religious
beliefs and practices, in lore, in customs, and industries. It is
realized that contact with outside nations has in many ways obscured
the older modes of thought, and has often swamped native crafts,
while each group has doubtless developed many of its present customs
on Philippine soil; yet it seems that enough of the old still remains
to proclaim them as a people with a common ancestry. To what extent
this belief is justified can be answered, in part, by the material
in the preceding pages.
A study of the physical types has shown that each group considered
is made up of heterogeneous elements. Pigmy blood is everywhere
evident, but aside from this there is a well-marked brachycephalic
and a dolichocephalic element. With the latter is a greater tendency
than with the first for the face to be angular; the cheek bones
are more outstanding, while there is a greater length and breadth
of the nose. Individuals of each type are found in all the groups
considered, but taken in the average, it is found that the Ilocano
and Valley Tinguian fall into the first or round-headed class, the
Bontoc Igorot are mesaticephalic, while between them are the mountain
Tinguian and Apayao.
Judging from their habitat and the physical data, it appears that
the Igorot groups were the first comers; that the brachycephalic
Ilocano-Tinguian arrived later and took possession of the coast,
and that the two groups have intermarried to form the intermediate
peoples. However, a comparison of our Luzon measurements with the
people of southern China and the Perak Malay leads us to believe
that the tribes of northwestern Luzon are all closely related to
the dominant peoples of southern China, Indo-China, and Malaysia in
general, in all of which the intermingling of these types is apparent.
The dialects of northwestern Luzon, while not mutually intelligible,
are similar in morphology, and have a considerable part of their
vocabularies in common. Here again the Igorot is at one extreme, the
Ilocano and Valley Tinguian at the other, while the intervening groups
are intermediate, but with a strong leaning toward the coast tongue.
Considering, for the moment, the Bontoc Igorot and the Tinguian, it is
found that both have certain elements of culture which are doubtless
old possessions, as, for instance, head-hunting, terraced rice-fields,
iron-working, a peculiar type of shield, and a battle-axe which they
share with the Apayao of Luzon and the Naga of Assam.
A part or all of these may be due to a common heritage, at any rate,
they help to strengthen the feeling that in remote times these
peoples were closely related. But a detailed study of their social
organizations; of their ceremonies, songs, and dances; of their customs
at birth, marriage, death, and burial; of their house-building; as
well as the details of certain occupations, such as the rice culture,
pottery making, and weaving, indicates that not only have they been
long separated, but that they have been subjected to very different
outside influences, probably prior to their entry into the Philippines.
It is not in the province of this monograph to deal with the probable
affiliations of the Igorot, neither is it our intention to attempt
to locate the ancient home of the Tinguian, nor to connect them with
any existing groups. However, our information seems to justify us in
certain general conclusions. It shows that the oft repeated assertions
of Chinese ancestry are without foundation. It shows that, while trade
with China had introduced hundreds of pieces of pottery and some
other objects into this region, yet Chinese influence had not been
of an intimate enough nature to influence the language or customs,
or to introduce any industry. On the other hand, we find abundant
evidence that in nearly every phase of life the Tinguian were at one
time strongly influenced by the peoples to the south, and even to-day
show much in common with Java, Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, and
through them with India. As a case in point we find in the procedure
at birth that the Tinguian are in accord with the Peninsular Malay
in at least eight particulars, some of which, such as the burning
of a fire beside the mother and newborn babe for a month or more,
the frequent bathing of both in water containing leaves and herbs,
the "fumigating" of the baby, the throwing of ashes to blind evil
spirits, are sufficiently distinctive to indicate a common source,
particularly when they still occur together in connection with one
of the great events of life.
Frequent reference has been made to the parallels between Tinguian
customs and those practiced in Sumatra, while the methods of
rice-culture are so similar that they can have come only from the same
source. In the weaving the influence of India seems evident, despite
the fact that cotton is not bowed in Abra, and the Tinguian method
of spinning seems unique. These methods, apparently distinctive,
may once have been practised more broadly, but were superseded by
more efficient instruments. The primitive method of ginning cotton by
rolling it beneath a tapering rod appears to be found nowhere in the
Philippines outside of Abra, but it is used in some remote sections
of Burma.
Part I of this volume presented a body of tales which showed many
resemblances to the Islands of the south, as well as incidents of
Indian lore. There is, in fact, a distinct feeling of Indian influence
in the tales of the mythical period; yet they lack the epics of that
people, and the typical trickster tales are but poorly represented.
The vocabulary shows comparatively little of Indian influence; yet,
at the time of the conquest, the Ilocano was one of the coast groups
making use of a native script which was doubtless of Hindu origin.
The many instances of Indian influence do not justify the
supposition that the Tinguian were ever directly in contact with
that people. The Malay islands to the south were pretty thoroughly
under Hindu domination by the second century of the Christian era,
and it is probable that they were influenced through trade at a
considerably earlier date. Judging from our data, it would seem that
the Ilocano-Tinguian group had left its southern home at a time after
this influence was beginning to make itself felt, but before it was
of a sufficiently intimate nature to stamp itself indelibly on the
lore, the ceremonial and economic life of this people, as it did in
Java and some parts of Sumatra. It is possible that these points of
similarity may be due to trade, but if so, the contact was at a period
antedating the fourteenth century, for in historic times the sea trade
of the southern islands has been in the hands of the Mohammedanized
Malay. Their influence is very marked in the southern Philippines,
but is not evident in northwestern Luzon.
Concerning the time of their arrival in Luzon, and the course
pursued by them, we have no definite proof; but it is evident that
the Tinguian did not begin to press inland until comparatively recent
times. Historical references and local traditions indicate that most
of this movement has taken place since the arrival of the Spaniards,
while the distribution of the great ceremonies gives a further
suggestion that the dominant element in the Tinguian population has
been settled in Abra for no great period. The probable explanation for
this distribution is that the interior valleys were sparsely settled
with a population more akin to the Igorot than to the Tinguian,
prior to the inland movement of the latter people; that the Tinguian
were already possessed of the highly developed ceremonial life,
before they entered Abra, and that this has been spread slowly,
through intermarriage and migration, to the people on the outskirts
of their territory.
These ceremonies are still practised by some families now residing
in Christianized settlements in Abra and Ilocos Sur, while discreet
questioning soon brings out the fact that they were formerly present
in towns which have long been recognized as Ilocano. The relationship
of the Tinguian and Ilocano has already been shown by the physical
data and historical references; but were these lacking, it requires
but a little inquiry and the compilation of geneaological tables to
show that many Ilocano families are related to the Tinguian. It is
a matter of common observation that the chief barrier between the
two groups is religion, and, once let the pagan accept Christianity,
he and his family are quickly absorbed by the Ilocano.
Uninterrupted trade with the coast in recent years, Spanish and
American influence, have doubtless affected considerable changes in
the Tinguian. If, however, we subtract recent introductions, it is
probable that we have in the life of this tribe an approximate picture
of conditions among the more advanced of the northern Philippine
groups prior to the entry of the European into their islands.
NOTES
[1] The _Bontoc_ Igorot is taken as one of the least influenced and
most typical of the Igorot groups.
[2] On this point see _Cole_, The Distribution of the Non-Christian
Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (_American Anthropologist_, N.S., Vol. XI,
1909, pp. 329-347).
[3] These are Ballasio, Nagbuquel, Vandrell, Rizal, Mision, Mambog,
and Masingit. Kadangla-an, Pila, Kolongbuyan (Sapang) and Montero
are mixed Tinguian and Igorot.
[4] See _Cole_, The Tinguian (_Philippine Journal of Science_,
Vol. III, No. 4, Sect. A, 1908, pp. 197, _et seq_.).
[5] _Beyer_ (Population of the Philippine Islands in 1916, p. 74,
Manila, 1917) gives the population as 27,648.
[6] North of Abra it is known as the Cordillera Norte.
[7] This river traffic is entirely in the hands of the Christianized
Ilocano. Rafts seldom proceed up the river beyond Bangued, the capital,
and at low water even this distance is negotiated with difficulty.
[8] Historical references to this trade, as well as to the Spanish
invasion of Ilocos, will be found in _Reyes_, Historia de Ilocos,
Manila, 1890; _Fray Gaspar De S. Augustin_, Conquista de las Islas
Filipinas (Manila, 1698), p. 267; _Medina_, Historia, translated
in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. XXIII,
pp. 279, _et seq_. See also translation of _Loarca_ and others in
same publication, Vol. III, p. 73, note; Vol. V, p. 109; Vol. XV,
p. 51; Vol. XVII, p. 285.
[9] _Loraca_, 1582, translated in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_.,
Vol. V, p. 105.
[10] _Laufer_, Relations of the Chinese to the Philippine Islands
(_Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections_, Vol. I, pp. 256, et seq.)
[11] _Cole_ and _Laufer_, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines (Field
Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 1).
[12] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XVII, p. 285; also III,
p. 73, note; V, p. 109; XV, p. 51.
[13] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXXIV, pp. 287,
_et seq._
[14] _Colin_ (Labor Evangelica, Chap. IV, Madrid 1663), calls the
Manguian of Mindoro and the Zambal, Tingues. _Morga, Chirino_, and
_Ribera_ also use the same name for the natives of Basilan, Bohol,
and Mindanao (see _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op cit_., Vols. IV,
p. 300; X, p. 71; XIII, pp. 137,205). Later writers have doubtless
drawn on these accounts to produce the weird descriptions sometimes
given of the Tinguian now under discussion. It is said (_op. cit_.,
Vol. XL, p. 97, note) that the radical _ngian_, in Pampanga, indicates
"ancient," a meaning formerly held in other Philippine languages,
and hence Tinguian would probably mean "old or ancient, or aboriginal
mountain dwellers."
[15] _Reyes_, Historia de Ilocos, p. 151 (Manila, 1890), also Filipinas
articulos varios, p. 345 (Manila, 1887); _Blair_ and _Robertson_,
_op. cit_., Vol. XIV, pp. 158-159; Vol. XXVIII, p. 167.
[16] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXVIII, p. 158.
[17] _Antonio Mozo_, _Noticia_ historico-natural (Madrid, 1763),
in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XLVIII, p. 69.
[18] These were: Tayum 1803; Pidigan 1823; La Paz and San Gregorio
1832; Bukay (Labon) 1847. For further details of this mission see
_Villacorta_, Breve resumen de los progresos de la Religion Catolica
en la admirable conversion de los indios Igorotes y Tinguianes
(Madrid, 1831).
[19] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXXVIII, p. 199.
[20] Discussions concerning the Chinese origin of the Tinguian will
be found in _Mallat_, Les Philippines, Vol. I, pp. 212-213; Vol. II,
pp. 104-7, 345 (Paris, 1846); _Plauchet_, L'Archipel des Philippines
(_Revue des deux Mondes_, 1887, p. 442); _Buzeto y Bravo_, Diccionario
geografico estadistico historico; _Semper_, Die Philippinen und ihre
Bewohner (Wuerzburg, 1869); _Blumentritt_, Versuch einer Ethnographie
der Philippinen (_Peterman's Mittheilungen_, 1882, No. 67); _Reyes_,
Die Tinguianen (_Mittheilungen K. K. Geogr. Gesellschaft in Wien_,
1887, p. 5, _et seq._); _Reyes_, Filipinas articulos varios (Manila,
1887); _Sanchez y Ruiz_, Razas de Filipinas, usos y custombres, Memoria
Exposicion General, pp. 51, 60, 138 (Manila, 1887); _Montblanc_,
Les Isles Philippines, p. 22 (Paris, 1887); _Montero y Vidal_, El
Archipelago Filipino, p. 289 (Manila, 1886); _Bowring_, A Visit to
the Philippines, p. 171 (London, 1859); _Sawyer_, The Inhabitants of
the Philippines, p. 276 (London, 1900); _Zuniga_, Historia, pp. 19-38
(Sampaloc, 1803); _Colin_, Labor evangelica, Vol. I, chaps. 4, 12-14
(Madrid, 1663); _Blair_ and _Robertson_ (The Philippine Islands,
Vol. XL, pp. 316, _et seq._) give a translation of _San Antonio_
Chronicas, written in Manila between 1738-44, also of _Colin_, Labor
evangelica, of 1663; _Brinton_, The Peoples of the Philippines
(_Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302).
[21] _Paul De La Gironiere_, Vingt annees aux Philippines (Paris,
1853); _Stuntz_, The Philippines and the Far East, p. 36 (New York,
1904).
[22] Quoted by _Paterno_, La antigua civilizacion Tagalog, pp. 122-123
(Madrid, 1887).
[23] _Brinton_, The Peoples of the Philippines (_Am. Anthropologist_,
Vol. XI, 1892, p. 297). See also _De Quatrefages_, Histoire generale
des races humaines, pp. 515-517, 527-528.
[24] Census of the Philippine Islands of 1903, pp. 453-477.
[25] The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon (_Philippine Journal
of Science_, Vol. I, pp. 798, 851, Manila, 1906).
[26] _Blumentritt_ (Ethnographie der Philippinen, Introduction;
also _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 296) has advanced
the theory of three Malay invasions into the Philippines. To the
first, which is put at about 200 B.C., belong the Igorot, Apayao, and
Tinguian, but the last are considered as of a later period. The second
invasion occurred about A.D. 100-500, and includes the Tagalog, Visaya,
Ilocano, and other alphabet-using peoples. The third is represented
by the Mohammedan groups which began to enter the Islands in the
fourteenth century.
[27] _Brinton_ (_Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302)
states that the Ilocano of northwestern Luzon are markedly Chinese
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