The Wars of the Jews or History of the Destruction of Jerusalem
by
Flavius Josephus
Part 3 out of 12
4. Now there was a certain old soldier of the king's, whose name
was Tero, who had a son that was very familiar with and a friend
to Alexander, and who himself particularly loved the young men.
This soldier was in a manner distracted, out of the excess of the
indignation he had at what was doing; and at first he cried out
aloud, as he went about, that justice was trampled under foot;
that truth was perished, and nature confounded; and that the life
of man was full of iniquity, and every thing else that passion
could suggest to a man who spared not his own life; and at last
he ventured to go to the king, and said, "Truly I think thou art
a most miserable man, when thou hearkenest to most wicked
wretches, against those that ought to be dearest to thee; since
thou hast frequently resolved that Pheroras and Salome should be
put to death, and yet believest them against thy sons; while
these, by cutting off the succession of thine own sons, leave all
wholly to Antipater, and thereby choose to have thee such a king
as may be thoroughly in their own power. However, consider
whether this death of Antipater's brethren will not make him
hated by the soldiers; for there is nobody but commiserates the
young men; and of the captains, a great many show their
indignation at it openly." Upon his saying this, he named those
that had such indignation; but the king ordered those men, with
Tero himself and his son, to be seized upon immediately.
5. At which time there was a certain barber, whose name was
Trypho. This man leaped out from among the people in a kind of
madness, and accused himself, and said, "This Tero endeavored to
persuade me also to cut thy throat with my razor, when I trimmed
thee, and promised that Alexander should give me large presents
for so doing." When Herod heard this, he examined Tero, with his
son and the barber, by the torture; but as the others denied the
accusation, and he said nothing further, Herod gave order that
Tero should be racked more severely; but his son, out of pity to
his father, promised to discover the whole to the king, if he
would grant [that his father should be no longer tortured]. When
he had agreed to this, he said that his father, at the persuasion
of Alexander, had an intention to kill him. Now some said this
was forged, in order to free his father from his torments; and
some said it was true.
6. And now Herod accused the captains and Tero in an assembly of
the people, and brought the people together in a body against
them; and accordingly there were they put to death, together with
[Trypho] the barber; they were killed by the pieces of wood and
the stones that were thrown at them. He also sent his sons to
Sebaste, a city not far from Cesarea, and ordered them to be
there strangled; and as what he had ordered was executed
immediately, so he commanded that their dead bodies should be
brought to the fortress Alexandrium, to be buried with Alexander,
their grandfather by the mother's side. And this was the end of
Alexander and Aristobulus.
CHAPTER 28.
How Antipater Is Hated Of All Men; And How The King Espouses The
Sons Of Those That Had Been Slain To His Kindred;But That
Antipater Made Him Change Them For Other Women. Of Herod's
Marriages, And Children.
1. But an intolerable hatred fell upon Antipater from the nation,
though he had now an indisputable title to the succession,
because they all knew that he was the person who contrived all
the calumnies against his brethren. However, he began to be in a
terrible fear, as he saw the posterity of those that had been
slain growing up; for Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra,
Tigranes and Alexander; and Aristobulus had Herod, and Agrippa,
and Aristobulus, his sons, with Herodias and Mariamne, his
daughters, and all by Bernice, Salome's daughter. As for
Glaphyra, Herod, as soon as he had killed Alexander, sent her
back, together with her portion, to Cappadocia. He married
Bernice, Aristobulus's daughter, to Antipater's uncle by his
mother, and it was Antipater who, in order to reconcile her to
him, when she had been at variance with him, contrived this
match; he also got into Pheroras's favor, and into the favor of
Caesar's friends, by presents, and other ways of obsequiousness,
and sent no small sums of money to Rome; Saturninus also, and his
friends in Syria, were all well replenished with the presents he
made them; yet the more he gave, the more he was hated, as not
making these presents out of generosity, but spending his money
out of fear. Accordingly, it so fell out that the receivers bore
him no more good-will than before, but that those to whom he gave
nothing were his more bitter enemies. However, he bestowed his
money every day more and more profusely, on observing that,
contrary to his expectations, the king was taking care about the
orphans, and discovering at the same time his repentance for
killing their fathers, by his commiseration of those that sprang
from them.
2. Accordingly, Herod got together his kindred and friends, and
set before them the children, and, with his eyes full of tears,
said thus to them: "It was an unlucky fate that took away from me
these children's fathers, which children are recommended to me by
that natural commiseration which their orphan condition requires;
however, I will endeavor, though I have been a most unfortunate
father, to appear a better grandfather, and to leave these
children such curators after myself as are dearest to me. I
therefore betroth thy daughter, Pheroras, to the elder of these
brethren, the children of Alexander, that thou mayst be obliged
to take care of them. I also betroth to thy son, Antipater, the
daughter of Aristobulus; be thou therefore a father to that
orphan; and my son Herod [Philip] shall have her sister, whose
grandfather, by the mother's side, was high priest. And let every
one that loves me be of my sentiments in these dispositions,
which none that hath an affection for me will abrogate. And I
pray God that he will join these children together in marriage,
to the advantage of my kingdom, and of my posterity; and may he
look down with eyes more serene upon them than he looked upon
their fathers."
3. While he spake these words he wept, and joined the children's
fight hands together; after which he embraced them every one
after an affectionate manner, and dismissed the assembly. Upon
this, Antipater was in great disorder immediately, and lamented
publicly at what was done; for he supposed that this dignity
which was conferred on these orphans was for his own destruction,
even in his father's lifetime, and that he should run another
risk of losing the government, if Alexander's sons should have
both Archelaus [a king], and Pheroras a tetrarch, to support
them. He also considered how he was himself hated by the nation,
and how they pitied these orphans; how great affection the Jews
bare to those brethren of his when they were alive, and how
gladly they remembered them now they had perished by his means.
So he resolved by all the ways possible to get these espousals
dissolved.
4. Now he was afraid of going subtlely about this matter with his
father, who was hard to be pleased, and was presently moved upon
the least suspicion: so he ventured to go to him directly, and to
beg of him before his face not to deprive him of that dignity
which he had been pleased to bestow upon him; and that he might
not have the bare name of a king, while the power was in other
persons; for that he should never be able to keep the government,
if Alexander's son was to have both his grandfather Archelaus and
Pheroras for his curators; and he besought him earnestly, since
there were so many of the royal family alive, that he would
change those [intended] marriages. Now the king had nine wives,
(42) and children by seven of them; Antipater was himself born of
Doris, and Herod Philip of Mariamne, the high priest's daughter;
Antipas also and Archelaus were by Malthace, the Samaritan, as
was his daughter Olympias, which his brother Joseph's (43) son
had married. By Cleopatra of Jerusalem he had Herod and Philip;
and by Pallas, Phasaelus; he had also two daughters, Roxana and
Salome, the one by Phedra, and the other by Elpis; he had also
two wives that had no children, the one his first cousin, and the
other his niece; and besides these he had two daughters, the
sisters of Alexander and Aristobulus, by Mariamne. Since,
therefore, the royal family was so numerous, Antipater prayed him
to change these intended marriages.
5. When the king perceived what disposition he was in towards
these orphans, he was angry at it, and a suspicion came into his
mind as to those sons whom he had put to death, whether that had
not been brought about by the false tales of Antipater; so that
at that time he made Antipater a long and a peevish answer, and
bid him begone. Yet was he afterwards prevailed upon cunningly by
his flatteries, and changed the marriages; he married
Aristobulus's daughter to him, and his son to Pheroras's
daughter.
6. Now one may learn, in this instance, how very much this
flattering Antipater could do, - even what Salome in the like
circumstances could not do; for when she, who was his sister, and
who, by the means of Julia, Caesar's wife, earnestly desired
leave to be married to Sylleus the Arabian, Herod swore he would
esteem her his bitter enemy, unless she would leave off that
project: he also caused her, against her own consent, to be
married to Alexas, a friend of his, and that one of her daughters
should be married to Alexas's son, and the other to Antipater's
uncle by the mother's side. And for the daughters the king had by
Mariamne, the one was married to Antipater, his sister's son, and
the other to his brother's son, Phasaelus.
CHAPTER 29.
Antipater Becomes Intolerable. He Is Sent To Rome, And Carries
Herod's Testament With Him; Pheroras Leaves His Brother, That He
May Keep His Wife. He Dies At Home.
1. Now when Antipater had cut off the hopes of the orphans, and
had contracted such affinities as would be most for his own
advantage, he proceeded briskly, as having a certain expectation
of the kingdom; and as he had now assurance added to his
wickedness, he became intolerable; for not being able to avoid
the hatred of all people, he built his security upon the terror
he struck into them. Pheroras also assisted him in his designs,
looking upon him as already fixed in the kingdom. There was also
a company of women in the court, which excited new disturbances;
for Pheroras's wife, together with her mother and sister, as also
Antipater's mother, grew very impudent in the palace. She also
was so insolent as to affront the king's two daughters, (44) on
which account the king hated her to a great degree; yet although
these women were hated by him, they domineered over others: there
was only Salome who opposed their good agreement, and informed
the king of their meetings, as not being for the advantage of his
affairs. And when those women knew what calumnies she had raised
against them, and how much Herod was displeased, they left off
their public meetings, and friendly entertainments of one
another; nay, on the contrary, they pretended to quarrel one with
another when the king was within hearing. The like dissimulation
did Antipater make use of; and when matters were public, he
opposed Pheroras; but still they had private cabals and merry
meetings in the night time; nor did the observation of others do
any more than confirm their mutual agreement. However, Salome
knew every thing they did, and told every thing to Herod.
2. But he was inflamed with anger at them, and chiefly at
Pheroras's wife; for Salome had principally accused her. So he
got an assembly of his friends and kindred together, and there
accused this woman of many things, and particularly of the
affronts she had offered his daughters; and that she had supplied
the Pharisees with money, by way of rewards for what they had
done against him, and had procured his brother to become his
enemy, by giving him love potions. At length he turned his speech
to Pheroras, and told him that he would give him his choice of
these two things: Whether he would keep in with his brother, or
with his wife? And when Pheroras said that he would die rather
than forsake his wife? Herod, not knowing what to do further in
that matter, turned his speech to Antipater, and charged him to
have no intercourse either with Pheroras's wife, or with Pheroras
himself, or with any one belonging to her. Now though Antipater
did not transgress that his injunction publicly, yet did he in
secret come to their night meetings; and because he was afraid
that Salome observed what he did, he procured, by the means of
his Italian friends, that he might go and live at Rome; for when
they wrote that it was proper for Antipater to be sent to Caesar
for some time, Herod made no delay, but sent him, and that with a
splendid attendance, and a great deal of money, and gave him his
testament to carry with him, - wherein Antipater had the kingdom
bequeathed to him, and wherein Herod was named for Antipater's
successor; that Herod, I mean, who was the son of Mariarmne, the
high priest's daughter.
3. Sylleus also, the Arabian, sailed to Rome, without any regard
to Caesar's injunctions, and this in order to oppose Antipater
with all his might, as to that law-suit which Nicolaus had with
him before. This Sylleus had also a great contest with Aretas his
own king; for he had slain many others of Aretas's friends, and
particularly Sohemus, the most potent man in the city Petra.
Moreover, he had prevailed with Phabatus, who was Herod's
steward, by giving him a great sum of money, to assist him
against Herod; but when Herod gave him more, he induced him to
leave Syllcus, and by this means he demanded of him all that
Caesar had required of him to pay. But when Sylleus paid nothing
of what he was to pay, and did also accuse Phabatus to Caesar,
and said that he was not a steward for Caesar's advantage, but
for Herod's, Phabatus was angry at him on that account, but was
still in very great esteem with Herod, and discovered Sylleus's
grand secrets, and told the king that Sylleus had corrupted
Corinthus, one of the guards of his body, by bribing him, and of
whom he must therefore have a care. Accordingly, the king
complied; for this Corinthus, though he was brought up in Herod's
kingdom, yet was he by birth an Arabian; so the king ordered him
to be taken up immediately, and not only him, but two other
Arabians, who were caught with him; the one of them was Sylleus's
friend, the other the head of a tribe. These last, being put to
the torture, confessed that they had prevailed with Corinthus,
for a large sum of money, to kill Herod; and when they had been
further examined before Saturninus, the president of Syria, they
were sent to Rome.
4. However, Herod did not leave off importuning Pheroras, but
proceeded to force him to put away his wife; (45) yet could he
not devise any way by which he could bring the woman herself to
punishment, although he had many causes of hatred to her; till at
length he was in such great uneasiness at her, that he cast both
her and his brother out of his kingdom. Pheroras took this injury
very patiently, and went away into his own tetrarchy, [Perea
beyond Jordan,] and sware that there should be but one end put to
his flight, and that should be Herod's death; and that he would
never return while he was alive. Nor indeed would he return when
his brother was sick, although he earnestly sent for him to come
to him, because he had a mind to leave some injunctions with him
before he died; but Herod unexpectedly recovered. A little
afterward Pheroras himself fell sick, when Herod showed great
moderation; for he came to him, and pitied his case, and took
care of him; but his affection for him did him no good, for
Pheroras died a little afterward. Now though Herod had so great
an affection for him to the last day of his life, yet was a
report spread abroad that he had killed him by poison. However,
he took care to have his dead body carried to Jerusalem, and
appointed a very great mourning to the whole nation for him, and
bestowed a most pompous funeral upon him. And this was the end
that one of Alexander's and Aristobulus's murderers came to.
CHAPTER 30.
When Herod Made Inquiry About Pheroras's Death A Discovery Was
Made That Antipater Had Prepared A Poisonous Draught For Him.
Herod Casts Doris And Her Accomplices, As Also Mariamne, Out Of
The Palace And Blots Her Son Herod Out Of His Testament.
1. But now the punishment was transferred unto the original
author, Antipater, and took its rise from the death of Pheroras;
for certain of his freed-men came with a sad countenance to the
king, and told him that his brother had been destroyed by poison,
and that his wife had brought him somewhat that was prepared
after an unusual manner, and that, upon his eating it, he
presently fell into his distemper; that Antipater's mother and
sister, two days before, brought a woman out of Arabia that was
skillful in mixing such drugs, that she might prepare a love
potion for Pheroras; and that instead of a love potion, she had
given him deadly poison; and that this was done by the management
of Sylleus, who was acquainted with that woman.
2. The king was deeply affected with so many suspicions, and had
the maid-servants and some of the free women also tortured; one
of which cried out in her agonies, "May that God that governs the
earth and the heaven punish this author of all these our
miseries, Antipater's mother!" The king took a handle from this
confession, and proceeded to inquire further into the truth of
the matter. So this woman discovered the friendship of
Antipater's mother to Pheroras, and Antipater's women, as also
their secret meetings, and that Pheroras and Antipater had drunk
with them for a whole night together as they returned from the
king, and would not suffer any body, either man-servant or
maidservant, to be there; while one of the free women discovered
the matter.
3. Upon this Herod tortured the maid-servants every on by
themselves separately, who all unanimously agreed in the
foregoing discoveries, and that accordingly by agreement they
went away, Antipater to Rome, and Pheroras to Perea; for that
they oftentimes talked to one another thus: That after Herod had
slain Alexander and Aristobulus, he would fall upon them, and
upon their wives, because, after he Mariamne and her children he
would spare nobody; and that for this reason it was best to get
as far off the wild beast as they were able: - and that Antipater
oftentimes lamented his own case before his mother, and said to
her, that he had already gray hairs upon his head, and that his
father grew younger again every day, and that perhaps death would
overtake him before he should begin to be a king in earnest; and
that in case Herod should die, which yet nobody knew when it
would be, the enjoyment of the succession could certainly be but
for a little time; for that these heads of Hydra, the sons of
Alexander and Aristobulus, were growing up: that he was deprived
by his father of the hopes of being succeeded by his children,
for that his successor after his death was not to be any one of
his own sons, but Herod the son of Mariamne: that in this point
Herod was plainly distracted, to think that his testament should
therein take place; for he would take care that not one of his
posterity should remain, because he was of all fathers the
greatest hater of his children. Yet does he hate his brother
still worse; whence it was that he a while ago gave himself a
hundred talents, that he should not have any intercourse with
Pheroras. And when Pheroras said, Wherein have we done him any
harm? Antipater replied, "I wish he would but deprive us of all
we have, and leave us naked and alive only; but it is indeed
impossible to escape this wild beast, who is thus given to
murder, who will not permit us to love any person openly,
although we be together privately; yet may we be so openly too,
if we have but the courage and the hands of men."
4. These things were said by the women upon the torture; as also
that Pheroras resolved to fly with them to Perea. Now Herod gave
credit to all they said, on account of the affair of the hundred
talents; for he had no discourse with any body about them, but
only with Antipater. So he vented his anger first of all against
Antipater's mother, and took away from her all the ornaments
which he had given her, which cost a great many talents, and cast
her out of the palace a second time. He also took care of
Pheroras's women after their tortures, as being now reconciled to
them; but he was in great consternation himself, and inflamed
upon every suspicion, and had many innocent persons led to the
torture, out of his fear lest he should leave any guilty person
untortured.
5. And now it was that he betook himself to examine Antipater of
Samaria, who was the steward of [his son] Antipater; and upon
torturing him, he learned that Antipater had sent for a potion of
deadly poison for him out of Egypt, by Antiphilus, a companion of
his; that Theudio, the uncle of Antipater, had it from him, and
delivered it to Pheroras; for that Antipater had charged him to
take his father off while he was at Rome, and so free him from
the suspicion of doing it himself: that Pheroras also committed
this potion to his wife. Then did the king send for her, and bid
her bring to him what she had received immediately. So she came
out of her house as if she would bring it with her, but threw
herself down from the top of the house, in order to prevent any
examination and torture from the king. However, it came to pass,
as it seems by the providence of God, when he intended to bring
Antipater to punishment, that she fell not upon her head, but
upon other parts of her body, and escaped. The king, when she was
brought to him, took care of her, (for she was at first quite
senseless upon her fall,) and asked her why she had thrown
herself down; and gave her his oath, that if she would speak the
real truth, he would excuse her from punishment; but that if she
concealed any thing, he would have her body torn to pieces by
torments, and leave no part. of it to be buried.
6. Upon this the woman paused a little, and then said, "Why do I
spare to speak of these grand secrets, now Pheroras is dead? that
would only tend to save Antipater, who is all our destruction.
Hear then, O king, and be thou, and God himself, who cannot be
deceived, witnesses to the truth of what I am going to say. When
thou didst sit weeping by Pheroras as he was dying, then it was
that he called me to him, and said, My dear wife, I have been
greatly mistaken as to the disposition of my brother towards me,
and have hated him that is so affectionate to me, and have
contrived to kill him who is in such disorder for me before I am
dead. As for myself, I receive the recompence of my impiety; but
do thou bring what poison was left with us by Antipater, and
which thou keepest in order to destroy him, and consume it
immediately in the fire in my sight, that I may not be liable to
the avenger in the invisible world." This I brought as he bid me,
and emptied the greatest part of it into the fire, but reserved a
little of it for my own use against uncertain futurity, and out
of my fear of thee."
7. When she had said this, she brought the box, which had a small
quantity of this potion in it: but the king let her alone, and
transferred the tortures to Antiphilus's mother and brother; who
both confessed that Antiphilus brought the box out of Egypt, and
that they had received the potion from a brother of his, who was
a physician at Alexandria. Then did the ghosts of Alexander and
Aristobulus go round all the palace, and became the inquisitors
and discoverers of what could not otherwise have been found out
and brought such as were the freest from suspicion to be
examined; whereby it was discovered that Mariamne, the high
priest's daughter, was conscious of this plot; and her very
brothers, when they were tortured, declared it so to be.
Whereupon the king avenged this insolent attempt of the mother
upon her son, and blotted Herod, whom he had by her, out of his
treament, who had been before named therein as successor to
Antipater.
CHAPTER 31.
Antipater Is Convicted By Bathyllus ; But He Still Returns From
Rome Without Knowing It. Herod Brings Him To His Trial.
1. After these things were over, Bathyllus came under
examination, in order to convict Antipater, who proved the
concluding attestation to Antipater's designs; for indeed he was
no other than his freed-man. This man came, and brought another
deadly potion, the poison of asps, and the juices of other
serpents, that if the first potion did not do the business,
Pheroras and his wife might be armed with this also to destroy
the king. He brought also an addition to Antipater's insolent
attempt against his father, which was the letters which he wrote
against his brethren, Archelaus and Philip, which were the king's
sons, and educated at Rome, being yet youths, but of generous
dispositions. Antipater set himself to get rid of these as soon
as he could, that they might not be prejudicial to his hopes; and
to that end he forged letters against them in the name of his
friends at Rome. Some of these he corrupted by bribes to write
how they grossly reproached their father, and did openly bewail
Alexander and Aristobulus, and were uneasy at their being
recalled; for their father had already sent for them, which was
the very thing that troubled Antipater.
2. Nay, indeed, while Antipater was in Judea, and before he was
upon his journey to Rome, he gave money to have the like letters
against them sent from Rome, and then came to his father, who as
yet had no suspicion of him, and apologized for his brethren, and
alleged on their behalf that some of the things contained in
those letters were false, and others of them were only youthful
errors. Yet at the same time that he expended a great deal of his
money, by making presents to such as wrote against his brethren,
did he aim to bring his accounts into confusion, by buying costly
garments, and carpets of various contextures, with silver and
gold cups, and a great many more curious things, that so, among
the view great expenses laid out upon such furniture, he might
conceal the money he had used in hiring men [to write the
letters]; for he brought in an account of his expenses, amounting
to two hundred talents, his main pretense for which was file
law-suit he had been in with Sylleus. So while all his rogueries,
even those of a lesser sort also, were covered by his greater
villainy, while all the examinations by torture proclaimed his
attempt to murder his father, and the letters proclaimed his
second attempt to murder his brethren; yet did no one of those
that came to Rome inform him of his misfortunes in Judea,
although seven months had intervened between his conviction and
his return, so great was the hatred which they all bore to him.
And perhaps they were the ghosts of those brethren of his that
had been murdered that stopped the mouths of those that intended
to have told him. He then wrote from Rome, and informed his
[friends] that he would soon come to them, and how he was
dismissed with honor by Caesar.
3. Now the king, being desirous to get this plotter against him
into his hands, and being also afraid lest he should some way
come to the knowledge how his affairs stood, and be upon his
guard, he dissembled his anger in his epistle to him, as in other
points he wrote kindly to him, and desired him to make haste,
because if he came quickly, he would then lay aside the
complaints he had against his mother; for Antipater was not
ignorant that his mother had been expelled out of the palace.
However, he had before received a letter, which contained an
account of the death of Pheroras, at Tarentum, (46) and made
great lamentations at it; for which some commended him, as being
for his own uncle; though probably this confusion arose on
account of his having thereby failed in his plot [on his father's
life]; and his tears were more for the loss of him that was to
have been subservient therein, than for [an uncle] Pheroras:
moreover, a sort of fear came upon him as to his designs, lest
the poison should have been discovered. However, when he was in
Cilicia, he received the forementioned epistle from his father,
and made great haste accordingly. But when he had sailed to
Celenderis, a suspicion came into his mind relating to his
mother's misfortunes; as if his soul foreboded some mischief to
itself. Those therefore of his friends which were the most
considerate advised him not rashly to go to his father, till he
had learned what were the occasions why his mother had been
ejected, because they were afraid that he might be involved in
the calumnies that had been cast upon his mother: but those that
were less considerate, and had more regard to their own desires
of seeing their native country, than to Antipater's safety,
persuaded him to make haste home, and not, by delaying his
journey, afford his father ground for an ill suspicion, and give
a handle to those that raised stories against him; for that in
case any thing had been moved to his disadvantage, it was owing
to his absence, which durst not have been done had he been
present. And they said it was absurd to deprive himself of
certain happiness, for the sake of an uncertain suspicion, and
not rather to return to his father, and take the royal authority
upon him, which was in a state of fluctuation on his account
only. Antipater complied with this last advice, for Providence
hurried him on [to his destruction]. So he passed over the sea,
and landed at Sebastus, the haven of Cesarea.
4. And here he found a perfect and unexpected solitude, while
ever body avoided him, and nobody durst come at him; for he was
equally hated by all men; and now that hatred had liberty to show
itself, and the dread men were in at the king's anger made men
keep from him; for the whole city [of Jerusalem] was filled with
the rumors about Antipater, and Antipater himself was the only
person who was ignorant of them; for as no man was dismissed more
magnificently when he began his voyage to Rome so was no man now
received back with greater ignominy. And indeed he began already
to suspect what misfortunes there were in Herod's family; yet did
he cunningly conceal his suspicion; and while he was inwardly
ready to die for fear, he put on a forced boldness of
countenance. Nor could he now fly any whither, nor had he any way
of emerging out of the difficulties which encompassed him; nor
indeed had he even there any certain intelligence of the affairs
of the royal family, by reason of the threats the king had given
out: yet had he some small hopes of better tidings; for perhaps
nothing had been discovered; or if any discovery had been made,
perhaps he should be able to clear himself by impudence and
artful tricks, which were the only things he relied upon for his
deliverance.
5. And with these hopes did he screen himself, till he came to
the palace, without any friends with him; for these were
affronted, and shut out at the first gate. Now Varus, the
president of Syria, happened to be in the palace [at this
juncture]; so Antipater went in to his father, and, putting on a
bold face, he came near to salute him. But Herod Stretched out
his hands, and turned his head away from him, and cried out,
"Even this is an indication of a parricide, to be desirous to get
me into his arms, when he is under such heinous accusations. God
confound thee, thou vile wretch; do not thou touch me, till thou
hast cleared thyself of these crimes that are charged upon thee.
I appoint thee a court where thou art to be judged, and this
Varus, who is very seasonably here, to be thy judge; and get thou
thy defense ready against tomorrow, for I give thee so much time
to prepare suitable excuses for thyself." And as Antipater was so
confounded, that he was able to make no answer to this charge, he
went away; but his mother and wife came to him, and told him of
all the evidence they had gotten against him. Hereupon he
recollected himself, and considered what defense he should make
against the accusations.
CHAPTER 32.
Antipater Is Accused Before Varus, And Is Convicted Of Laying A
Plot [Against His Father] By The Strongest Evidence. Herod Puts
Off His Punishment Till He Should Be Recovered, And In The Mean
Time Alters His Testament.
1. Now the day following the king assembled a court of his
kinsmen and friends, and called in Antipater's friends also.
Herod himself, with Varus, were the presidents; and Herod called
for all the witnesses, and ordered them to be brought in; among
whom some of the domestic servants of Antipater's mother were
brought in also, who had but a little while before been caught,
as they were carrying the following letter from her to her son:
"Since all those things have been already discovered to thy
father, do not thou come to him, unless thou canst procure some
assistance from Caesar." When this and the other witnesses were
introduced, Antipater came in, and falling on his face before his
father's feet, he said, "Father, I beseech thee, do not condemn
me beforehand, but let thy ears be unbiassed, and attend to my
defense; for if thou wilt give me leave, I will demonstrate that
I am innocent."
2. Hereupon Herod cried out to him to hold his peace, and spake
thus to Varus: "I cannot but think that thou, Varus, and every
other upright judge, will determine that Antipater is a vile
wretch. I am also afraid that thou wilt abhor my ill fortune, and
judge me also myself worthy of all sorts of calamity for
begetting such children; while yet I ought rather to be pitied,
who have been so affectionate a father to such wretched sons; for
when I had settled the kingdom on my former sons, even when they
were young, and when, besides the charges of their education at
Rome, I had made them the friends of Caesar, and made them envied
by other kings, I found them plotting against me. These have been
put to death, and that, in great measure, for the sake of
Antipater; for as he was then young, and appointed to be my
successor, I took care chiefly to secure him from danger: but
this profligate wild beast, when he had been over and above
satiated with that patience which I showed him, he made use of
that abundance I had given him against myself; for I seemed to
him to live too long, and he was very uneasy at the old age I was
arrived at; nor could he stay any longer, but would be a king by
parricide. And justly I am served by him for bringing him back
out of the country to court, when he was of no esteem before, and
for thrusting out those sons of mine that were born of the queen,
and for making him a successor to my dominions. I confess to
thee, O Varus, the great folly I was guilty for I provoked those
sons of mine to act against me, and cut off their just
expectations for the sake of Antipater; and indeed what kindness
did I do them; that could equal what I have done to Antipater? to
I have, in a manner, yielded up my royal while I am alive, and
whom I have openly named for the successor to my dominions in my
testament, and given him a yearly revenue of his own of fifty
talents, and supplied him with money to an extravagant degree out
of my own revenue; and' when he was about to sail to Rome, I gave
him three talents, and recommended him, and him alone of all my
children, to Caesar, as his father's deliverer. Now what crimes
were those other sons of mine guilty of like these of Antipater?
and what evidence was there brought against them so strong as
there is to demonstrate this son to have plotted against me? Yet
does this parricide presume to speak for himself, and hopes to
obscure the truth by his cunning tricks. Thou, O Varus, must
guard thyself against him; for I know the wild beast, and I
foresee how plausibly he will talk, and his counterfeit
lamentation. This was he who exhorted me to have a care of
Alexander when he was alive, and not to intrust my body with all
men! This was he who came to my very bed, and looked about lest
any one should lay snares for me! This was he who took care of my
sleep, and secured me from fear of danger, who comforted me under
the trouble I was in upon the slaughter of my sons, and looked to
see what affection my surviving brethren bore me! This was my
protector, and the guardian of my body! And when I call to mind,
O Varus, his craftiness upon every occasion, and his art of
dissembling, I can hardly believe that I am still alive, and I
wonder how I have escaped such a deep plotter of mischief.
However, since some fate or other makes my house desolate, and
perpetually raises up those that are dearest to me against me, I
will, with tears, lament my hard fortune, and privately groan
under my lonesome condition; yet am I resolved that no one who
thirsts after my blood shall escape punishment, although the
evidence should extend itself to all my sons."
3. Upon Herod's saying this, he was interrupted by the confusion
he was in; but ordered Nicolaus, one of his friends, to produce
the evidence against Antipater. But in the mean time Antipater
lifted up his head, (for he lay on the ground before his father's
feet,) and cried out aloud, "Thou, O father, hast made my apology
for me; for how can I be a parricide, whom thou thyself
confessest to have always had for thy guardian? Thou callest my
filial affection prodigious lies and hypocrisy! how then could it
be that I, who was so subtle in other matters, should here be so
mad as not to understand that it was not easy that he who
committed so horrid a crime should be concealed from men, but
impossible that he should be concealed from the Judge of heaven,
who sees all things, and is present every where? or did not I
know what end my brethren came to, on whom God inflicted so great
a punishment for their evil designs against thee? And indeed what
was there that could possibly provoke me against thee? Could the
hope of being king do it? I was a king already. Could I suspect
hatred from thee? No. Was not I beloved by thee? And what other
fear could I have? Nay, by preserving thee safe, I was a terror
to others. Did I want money? No; for who was able to expend so
much as myself? Indeed, father, had I been the most execrable of
all mankind, and had I had the soul of the most cruel wild beast,
must I not have been overcome with the benefits thou hadst
bestowed upon me? whom, as thou thyself sayest, thou broughtest
[into the palace]; whom thou didst prefer before so many of thy
sons; whom thou madest a king in thine own lifetime, and, by the
vast magnitude of the other advantages thou bestowedst on me,
thou madest me an object of envy. O miserable man! that thou
shouldst undergo this bitter absence, and thereby afford a great
opportunity for envy to arise against thee, and a long space for
such as were laying designs against thee! Yet was I absent,
father, on thy affairs, that Sylleus might not treat thee with
contempt in thine old age. Rome is a witness to my filial
affection, and so is Caesar, the ruler of the habitable earth,
who oftentimes called me Philopater. (47) Take here the letters
he hath sent thee, they are more to be believed than the
calumnies raised here; these letters are my only apology; these I
use as the demonstration of that natural affection I have to
thee. Remember that it was against my own choice that I sailed
[to Rome], as knowing the latent hatred that was in the kingdom
against me. It was thou, O father, however unwillingly, who hast
been my ruin, by forcing me to allow time for calumnies against
me, and envy at me. However, I am come hither, and am ready to
hear the evidence there is against me. If I be a parricide, I
have passed by land and by sea, without suffering any misfortune
on either of them: but this method of trial is no advantage to
me; for it seems, O father, that I am already condemned, both
before God and before thee; and as I am already condemned, I beg
that thou wilt not believe the others that have been tortured,
but let fire be brought to torment me; let the racks march
through my bowels; have no regard to any lamentations that this
polluted body can make; for if I be a parricide, I ought not to
die without torture." Thus did Antipater cry out with lamentation
and weeping, and moved all the rest, and Varus in particular, to
commiserate his case. Herod was the only person whose passion was
too strong to permit him to weep, as knowing that the testimonies
against him were true.
4. And now it was that, at the king's command, Nicolaus, when he
had premised a great deal about the craftiness of Antipater, and
had prevented the effects of their commiseration to him,
afterwards brought in a bitter and large accusation against him,
ascribing all the wickedness that had been in the kingdom to him,
and especially the murder of his brethren; and demonstrated that
they had perished by the calumnies he had raised against them. He
also said that he had laid designs against them that were still
alive, as if they were laying plots for the succession; and (said
he) how can it be supposed that he who prepared poison for his
father should abstain from mischief as to his brethren? He then
proceeded to convict him of the attempt to poison Herod, and gave
an account in order of the several discoveries that had been
made; and had great indignation as to the affair of Pheroras,
because Antipater had been for making him murder his brother, and
had corrupted those that were dearest to the king, and filled the
whole palace with wickedness; and when he had insisted on many
other accusations, and the proofs for them, he left off.
5. Then Varus bid Antipater make his defense; but he lay along in
silence, and said no more but this, "God is my witness that I am
entirely innocent." So Varus asked for the potion, and gave it to
be drunk by a condemned malefactor, who was then in prison, who
died upon the spot. So Varus, when he had had a very private
discourse with Herod, and had written an account of this assembly
to Caesar, went away, after a day's stay. The king also bound
Antipater, and sent away to inform Caesar of his misfortunes.
6. Now after this it was discovered that Antipater had laid a
plot against Salome also; for one of Antiphilus's domestic
servants came, and brought letters from Rome, from a maid-servant
of Julia, [Caesar's wife,] whose name was Acme. By her a message
was sent to the king, that she had found a letter written by
Salome, among Julia's papers, and had sent it to him privately,
out of her good-will to him. This letter of Salome contained the
most bitter reproaches of the king, and the highest accusations
against him. Antipater had forged this letter, and had corrupted
Acme, and persuaded her to send it to Herod. This was proved by
her letter to Antipater, for thus did this woman write to him:
"As thou desirest, I have written a letter to thy father, and
have sent that letter, and am persuaded that the king will not
spare his sister when he reads it. Thou wilt do well to remember
what thou hast promised when all is accomplished."
7. When this epistle was discovered, and what the epistle forged
against Salome contained, a suspicion came into the king's mind,
that perhaps the letters against Alexander were also forged: he
was moreover greatly disturbed, and in a passion, because he had
almost slain his sister on Antipater's account. He did no longer
delay therefore to bring him to punishment for all his crimes;
yet when he was eagerly pursuing Antipater, he was restrained by
a severe distemper he fell into. However, he sent all account to
Caesar about Acme, and the contrivances against Salome; he sent
also for his testament, and altered it, and therein made Antipas
king, as taking no care of Archclaus and Philip, because
Antipater had blasted their reputations with him; but he
bequeathed to Caesar, besides other presents that he gave him, a
thousand talents; as also to his wife, and children, and friends,
and freed-men about five hundred: he also bequeathed to all
others a great quantity of land, and of money, and showed his
respects to Salome his sister, by giving her most splendid gifts.
And this was what was contained in his testament, as it was now
altered.
CHAPTER 33.
The Golden Eagle Is Cut To Pieces. Herod's Barbarity When He Was
Ready To Die. He Attempts To Kill Himself. He Commands Antipater
To Be Slain. He Survives Him Five Days And Then Dies.
1. Now Herod's distemper became more and more severe to him, and
this because these his disorders fell upon him in his old age,
and when he was in a melancholy condition; for he was already
seventy years of age, and had been brought by the calamities that
happened to him about his children, whereby he had no pleasure in
life, even when he was in health; the grief also that Antipater
was still alive aggravated his disease, whom he resolved to put
to death now not at random, but as soon as he should be well
again, and resolved to have him slain [in a public manner].
2. There also now happened to him, among his other calamities, a
certain popular sedition. There were two men of learning in the
city [Jerusalem,] who were thought the most skillful in the laws
of their country, and were on that account had in very great
esteem all over the nation; they were, the one Judas, the son of
Sepphoris, and the other Mattbias, the son of Margalus. There was
a great concourse of the young men to these men when they
expounded the laws, and there got together every day a kind of an
army of such as were growing up to be men. Now when these men
were informed that the king was wearing away with melancholy, and
with a distemper, they dropped words to their acquaintance, how
it was now a very proper time to defend the cause of God, and to
pull down what had been erected contrary to the laws of their
country; for it was unlawful there should be any such thing in
the temple as images, or faces, or the like representation of any
animal whatsoever. Now the king had put up a golden eagle over
the great gate of the temple, which these learned men exhorted
them to cut down; and told them, that if there should any danger
arise, it was a glorious thing to die for the laws of their
country; because that the soul was immortal, and that an eternal
enjoyment of happiness did await such as died on that account;
while the mean-spirited, and those that were not wise enough to
show a right love of their souls, preferred a death by a disease,
before that which is the result of a virtuous behavior.
3. At the same time that these men made this speech to their
disciples, a rumor was spread abroad that the king was dying,
which made the young men set about the work with greater
boldness; they therefore let themselves down from the top of the
temple with thick cords, and this at midday, and while a great
number of people were in the temple, and cut down that golden
eagle with axes. This was presently told to the king's captain of
the temple, who came running with a great body of soldiers, and
caught about forty of the young men, and brought them to the
king. And when he asked them, first of all, whether they had been
so hardy as to cut down the golden eagle, they confessed they had
done so; and when he asked them by whose command they had done
it, they replied, at the command of the law of their country; and
when he further asked them how they could be so joyful when they
were to be put to death, they replied, because they should enjoy
greater happiness after they were dead. (48)
4. At this the king was in such an extravagant passion, that he
overcame his disease [for the time,] and went out, and spake to
the people; wherein he made a terrible accusation against those
men, as being guilty of sacrilege, and as making greater attempts
under pretense of their law, and he thought they deserved to be
punished as impious persons. Whereupon the people were afraid
lest a great number should be found guilty and desired that when
he had first punished those that put them upon this work, and
then those that were caught in it, he would leave off his anger
as to the rest. With this the king complied, though not without
difficulty, and ordered those that had let themselves down,
together with their Rabbins, to be burnt alive, but delivered the
rest that were caught to the proper officers, to be put to death
by them.
5. After this, the distemper seized upon his whole body, and
greatly disordered all its parts with various symptoms; for there
was a gentle fever upon him, and an intolerable itching over all
the surface of his body, and continual pains in his colon, and
dropsical turnouts about his feet, and an inflammation of the
abdomen, and a putrefaction of his privy member, that produced
worms. Besides which he had a difficulty of breathing upon him,
and could not breathe but when he sat upright, and had a
convulsion of all his members, insomuch that the diviners said
those diseases were a punishment upon him for what he had done to
the Rabbins. Yet did he struggle with his numerous disorders, and
still had a desire to live, and hoped for recovery, and
considered of several methods of cure. Accordingly, he went over
Jordan, and made use of those hot baths at Callirrhoe, which ran
into the lake Asphaltitis, but are themselves sweet enough to be
drunk. And here the physicians thought proper to bathe his whole
body in warm oil, by letting it down into a large vessel full of
oil; whereupon his eyes failed him, and he came and went as if he
was dying; and as a tumult was then made by his servants, at
their voice he revived again. Yet did he after this despair of
recovery, and gave orders that each soldier should have fifty
drachmae a-piece, and that his commanders and friends should have
great sums of money given them.
6. He then returned back and came to Jericho, in such a
melancholy state of body as almost threatened him with present
death, when he proceeded to attempt a horrid wickedness; for he
got together the most illustrious men of the whole Jewish nation,
out of every village, into a place called the Hippodrome, and
there shut them in. He then called for his sister Salome, and her
husband Alexas, and made this speech to them: "I know well enough
that the Jews will keep a festival upon my death however, it is
in my power to be mourned for on other accounts, and to have a
splendid funeral, if you will but be subservient to my commands.
Do you but take care to send soldiers to encompass these men that
are now in custody, and slay them immediately upon my death, and
then all Judea, and every family of them, will weep at it,
whether they will or no."
7. These were the commands he gave them; when there came letters
from his ambassadors at Rome, whereby information was given that
Acme was put to death at Caesar's command, and that Antipater was
condemned to die; however, they wrote withal, that if Herod had a
mind rather to banish him, Caesar permitted him so to do. So he
for a little while revived, and had a desire to live; but
presently after he was overborne by his pains, and was disordered
by want of food, and by a convulsive cough, and endeavored to
prevent a natural, death; so he took an apple, and asked for a
knife for he used to pare apples and eat them; he then looked
round about to see that there was nobody to hinder him, and lift
up his right hand as if he would stab himself; but Achiabus, his
first cousin, came running to him, and held his hand, and
hindered him from so doing; on which occasion a very great
lamentation was made in the palace, as if the king were expiring.
As soon as ever Antipater heard that, he took courage, and with
joy in his looks, besought his keepers, for a sum of money, to
loose him and let him go; but the principal keeper of the prison
did not only obstruct him in that his intention, but ran and told
the king what his design was; hereupon the king cried out louder
than his distemper would well bear, and immediately sent some of
his guards and slew Antipater; he also gave order to have him
buried at Hyrcanium, and altered his testament again, and therein
made Archclaus, his eldest son, and the brother of Antipas, his
successor, and made Antipas tetrarch.
8. So Herod, having survived the slaughter of his son five days,
died, having reigned thirty-four years since he had caused
Antigonus to be slain, and obtained his kingdom; but thirty-seven
years since he had been made king by the Romans. Now as for his
fortune, it was prosperous in all other respects, if ever any
other man could be so, since, from a private man, he obtained the
kingdom, and kept it so long, and left it to his own sons; but
still in his domestic affairs he was a most unfortunate man. Now,
before the soldiers knew of his death, Salome and her husband
came out and dismissed those that were in bonds, whom the king
had commanded to be slain, and told them that he had altered his
mind, and would have every one of them sent to their own homes.
When these men were gone, Salome, told the soldiers [the king was
dead], and got them and the rest of the multitude together to an
assembly, in the amphitheater at Jericho, where Ptolemy, who was
intrusted by the king with his signet ring, came before them, and
spake of the happiness the king had attained, and comforted the
multitude, and read the epistle which had been left for the
soldiers, wherein he earnestly exhorted them to bear good-will to
his successor; and after he had read the epistle, he opened and
read his testament, wherein Philip was to inherit Trachonitis,
and the neighboring countries, and Antipas was to be tetrarch, as
we said before, and Archelaus was made king. He had also been
commanded to carry Herod's ring to Caesar, and the settlements he
had made, sealed up, because Caesar was to be lord of all the
settlements he had made, and was to confirm his testament; and he
ordered that the dispositions he had made were to be kept as they
were in his former testament.
9. So there was an acclamation made to Archelaus, to congratulate
him upon his advancement; and the soldiers, with the multitude,
went round about in troops, and promised him their good-will, and
besides, prayed God to bless his government. After this, they
betook themselves to prepare for the king's funeral; and
Archelaus omitted nothing of magnificence therein, but brought
out all the royal ornaments to augment the pomp of the deceased.
There was a bier all of gold, embroidered with precious stones,
and a purple bed of various contexture, with the dead body upon
it, covered with purple; and a diadem was put upon his head, and
a crown of gold above it, and a secptre in his right hand; and
near to the bier were Herod's sons, and a multitude of his
kindred; next to which came his guards, and the regiment of
Thracians, the Germans. also and Gauls, all accounted as if they
were going to war; but the rest of the army went foremost, armed,
and following their captains and officers in a regular manner;
after whom five hundred of his domestic servants and freed-men
followed, with sweet spices in their hands: and the body was
carried two hundred furlongs, to Herodium, where he had given
order to be buried. And this shall suffice for the conclusion of
the life of Herod.
WAR BOOK 1 FOOTNOTES
(1) I see little difference in the several accounts in Josephus
about the Egyptian temple Onion, of which large complaints are
made by his commentators. Onias, it seems, hoped to have :made it
very like that at Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions; and so
he appears to have really done, as far as he was able and thought
proper. Of this temple, see Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 3. sect. 1--3,
and Of the War, B. VII. ch. 10. sect. 8.
(2) Why this John, the son of Simon, the high priest and governor
of the Jews, was called Hyrcanus, Josephus no where informs us;
nor is he called other than John at the end of the First Book of
the Maccabees. However, Sixtus Seuensis, when he gives us an
epitome of the Greek version of the book here abridged by
Josephus, or of the Chronicles of this John Hyrcanus, then
extant, assures us that he was called Hyrcanus from his conquest
of one of that name. See Authent. Rec. Part I. p. 207. But of
this younger Antiochus, see Dean Aldrich's note here.
(3) Josephus here calls this Antiochus the last of the
Seleucidae, although there remained still a shadow of another
king of that family, Antiochus Asiaticus, or Commagenus, who
reigned, or rather lay hid, till Pompey quite turned him out, as
Dean Aldrich here notes from Appian and Justin.
(4) Matthew 16:19; 18:18. Here we have the oldest and most
authentic Jewish exposition of binding and loosing, for punishing
or absolving men, not for declaring actions lawful or unlawful,
as some more modern Jews and Christians vainly pretend.
(5) Strabo, B. XVI. p. 740, relates, that this Selene Cleopatra
was besieged by Tigranes, not in Ptolemais, as here, but after
she had left Syria, in Seleucia, a citadel in Mesopotamia; and
adds, that when he had kept her a while in prison, he put her to
death. Dean Aldrich supposes here that Strabo contradicts
Josephus, which does not appear to me; for although Josephus says
both here and in the Antiquities, B. XIII. ch. 16. sect. 4, that
Tigranes besieged her now in Ptolemais, and that he took the
city, as the Antiquities inform us, yet does he no where intimate
that he now took the queen herself; so that both the narrations
of Strabo and Josephus may still be true notwithstanding.
(6) That this Antipater, the father of Herod the Great was an
Idumean, as Josephus affirms here, see the note on Antiq. B. XIV.
ch. 15. sect. 2. It is somewhat probable, as Hapercamp supposes,
and partly Spanheim also, that the Latin is here the truest; that
Pompey did him Hyrcanus, as he would have done the others from
Aristobulus, sect. 6, although his remarkable abstinence from the
2000 talents that were in the Jewish temple, when he took it a
little afterward, ch. 7. sect. 6, and Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 4. sect.
4, will to Greek all which agree he did not take them.
(7) Of the famous palm trees and balsam about Jericho and
Engaddl, see the notes in Havercamp's edition, both here and B.
II. ch. 9. sect. 1. They are somewhat too long to be transcribed
in this place.
(8) Thus says Tacitus: Cn. Pompelna first of all subdued the
Jews, and went into their temple, by right of conquest, Hist. B.
V. ch. 9. Nor did he touch any of its riches, as has been
observed on the parallel place of the Antiquities, B. XIV. ch. 4.
sect. 4, out of Cicero himself.
(9) The coin of this Gadara, still extant, with its date from
this era, is a certain evidence of this its rebuilding by Pompey,
as Spanheim here assures us.
(10) Take the like attestation to the truth of this submission of
Aretas, king of Arabia, to Scaurus the Roman general, in the
words of Dean Aldrich. "Hence (says he) is derived that old and
famous Denarius belonging to the Emillian family [represented in
Havercamp's edition], wherein Aretas appears in a posture of
supplication, and taking hold of a camel's bridle with his left
hand, and with his right hand presenting a branch of the
frankincense tree, with this inscription, M. SCAURUS EX S.C.; and
beneath, REX ARETAS."
(11) This citation is now wanting.
(12) What is here noted by Hudson and Spanheim, that this grant
of leave to rebuild the walls of the cities of Judea was made by
Julius Caesar, not as here to Antipater, but to Hyrcanas, Antiq.
B. XIV. ch. 8. sect. 5, has hardly an appearance of a
contradiction; Antipater being now perhaps considered only as
Hyrcanus's deputy and minister; although he afterwards made a
cipher of Hyrcanus, and, under great decency of behavior to him,
took the real authority to himself.
(13) Or twenty-five years of age. See note on Antiq. B. I. ch.
12. sect. 3; and on B. XIV. ch. 9. sect. 2; and Of the War, B.
II. ch. 11. sect. 6; and Polyb. B. XVII. p. 725. Many writers of
the Roman history give an account of this murder of Sextus
Caesar, and of the war of Apamia upon that occasion. They are
cited in Dean Aldrich's note.
(14) In the Antiquities, B. XIV. ch. 11. sect. 1, the duration of
the reign of Julius Caesar is three years six months; but here
three years seven months, beginning nightly, says Dean Aldrich,
from his second dictatorship. It is probable the real duration
might be three years and between six and seven months.
(15) It appears evidently by Josephus's accounts, both here and
in his Antiquities, B. XIV. ch. 11. sect. 2, that this Cassius,
one of Caesar's murderers, was a bitter oppressor, and exactor of
tribute in Judea. These seven hundred talents amount to about
three hundred thousand pounds sterling, and are about half the
yearly revenues of king Herod afterwards. See the note on Antiq.
B. XVII. ch. 11. sect. 4. It also appears that Galilee then paid
no more than one hundred talents, or the seventh part of the
entire sum to be levied in all the country.
(16) Here we see that Cassius set tyrants over all Syria; so that
his assisting to destroy Caesar does not seem to have proceeded
from his true zeal for public liberty, but from a desire to be a
tyrant himself.
(17) Phasaelus and Herod.
(18) This large and noted wood, or woodland, belonging to Carmel,
called apago by the Septuagint, is mentioned in the Old
Testament, 2 Kings 19:23; Isaiah 37:24, and by I Strabo, B. XVI.
p. 758, as both Aldrich and Spanheim here remark very
pertinently.
(19) These accounts, both here and Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect.
5, that the Parthians fought chiefly on horseback, and that only
some few of their soldiers were free-men, perfectly agree with
Trogus Pompeius, in Justin, B. XLI. 2, 3, as Dean Aldrich well
observes on this place.
(20) Mariamac here, in the copies.
(21) This Brentesium or Brundusium has coin still preserved, on
which is written, as Spanheim informs us.
(22) This Dellius is famous, or rather infamous, in the history
of Mark Antony, as Spanheim and Aldrich here note, from the
coins, from Plutarch and Dio.
(23) This Sepphoris, the metropolis of Galilee, so often
mentioned by Josephus, has coins still remaining, as Spanheim
here informs us.
(24) This way of speaking, "after forty days," is interpreted by
Josephus himself, "on the fortieth day," Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 15.
sect. 4. In like manner, when Josephus says, ch. 33. sect. 8,
that Herod lived "after" he had ordered Antipater to be slain
"five days;" this is by himself interpreted, Antiq. B. XVII. ch.
8. sect. 1, that he died "on the fifth day afterward." So also
what is in this book, ch. 13. sect. 1, "after two years," is,
Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 3, "on the second year." And Dean
Aldrich here notes that this way of speaking is familiar to
Josephus.
(25) This Samosata, the metropolis of Commagena, is well known
from its coins, as Spanheim here assures us. Dean Aldrich also
confirms what Josephus here notes, that Herod was a great means
of taking the city by Antony, and that from
Plutarch and Dio.
(26) That is, a woman, not, a man.
(27) This death of Antigonus is confirmed by Plutarch and.
Straho; the latter of whom is cited for it by Josephus himself,
Antiq. B. XV. ch. 1. sect. 2, as Dean Aldrich here observes.
(28) This ancient liberty of Tyre and Sidon under the Romans,
taken notice of by Josephus, both here and Antiq. B. XV. ch. 4.
sect. 1, is confirmed by the testimony of Sirabe, B. XVI. p. 757,
as Dean Aldrich remarks; although, as he justly adds, this
liberty lasted but a little while longer, when Augtus took it
away from them.
(29) This seventh year of the reign of Herod [from the conquest
or death of Antigonus], with the great earthquake in the
beginning of the same spring, which are here fully implied to be
not much before the fight at Actium, between Octavius and Antony,
and which is known from the Roman historians to have been in the
beginning of September, in the thirty-first year before the
Christian era, determines the chronology of Josephus as to the
reign of Herod, viz. that he began in the year 37, beyond
rational contradiction. Nor is it quite unworthy of our notice,
that this seventh year of the reign of Herod, or the thirty-first
before the Christian era, contained the latter part of a Sabbatic
year, on which Sabbatic year, therefore, it is plain this great
earthquake happened in Judea.
(30) This speech of Herod is set down twice by Josephus, here and
Antiq. B. XV. ch. 5. sect. 3, to the very same purpose, but by no
means in the same words; whence it appears that the sense was
Herod's, but the composition Josephus's.
(31) Since Josephus, both here and in his Antiq. B. XV. ch. 7.
sect. 3, reckons Gaza, which had been a free city, among the
cities given Herod by Augustus, and yet implies that Herod had
made Costobarus a governor of it before, Antiq. B. XV. ch. 7.
sect. 9, Hardain has some pretense for saying that Josephus here
contradicted himself. But perhaps Herod thought he had sufficient
authority to put a governor into Gaza, after he was made tetrarch
or king, in times of war, before the city was entirely delivered
into his hands by Augustus.
(32) This fort was first built, as it is supposed, by John
Hyrcanus; see Prid. at the year 107; and called "Baris," the
Tower or Citadel. It was afterwards rebuilt, with great
improvements, by Herod, under the government of Antonius, and was
named from him "the Tower of Antoni;" and about the time when
Herod rebuilt the temple, he seems to have put his last hand to
it. See Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. 5. sect. 4; Of the War, B. I. ch. 3.
sect. 3; ch. 5. sect. 4. It lay on the northwest side of the
temple, and was a quarter as large.
(33) That Josephus speaks truth, when he assures us that the
haven of this Cesarea was made by Herod not less, nay rather
larger, than that famous haven at Athens, called the Pyrecum,
will appear, says Dean Aldrich, to him who compares the
descriptions of that at Athens in Thucydides and Pausanias, with
this of Cesarea in Josephus here, and in the Antiq. B. XV. ch. 9.
sect. 6, and B. XVII. ch. 9. sect. 1.
(34) These buildings of cities by the name of Caesar, and
institution of solemn games in honor of Augustus Caesar, as here,
and in the Antiquities, related of Herod by Josephus, the Roman
historians attest to, as things then frequent in the provinces of
that empire, as Dean Aldrich observes on this chapter.
(35) There were two cities, or citadels, called Herodium, in
Judea, and both mentioned by Josephus, not only here, but Antiq.
B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 9; B. XV. ch. 9. sect. 6; Of the War, B. I.
ch. 13. sect. 8; B. III. ch. 3. sect. 5. One of them was two
hundred, and the other sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem. One
of them is mentioned by Pliny, Hist. Nat. B. V. ch. 14., as Dean
Aldrich observes here.
(36) Here seems to be a small defect in the copies, which
describe the wild beasts which were hunted in a certain country
by Herod, without naming any such country at all.
(37) Here is either a defect or a great mistake in Josephus's
present copies or memory; for Mariamne did not now reproach Herod
with this his first injunction to Joseph to kill her, if he
himself were slain by Antony, but that he had given the like
command a second time to Soemus also, when he was afraid of being
slain by Augustus. Antiq. B. XV. ch. 3. sect. 5, etc.
(38) That this island Eleusa, afterward called Sebaste, near
Cilicia, had in it the royal palace of this Archclaus, king of
Cappadocia, Strabo testifies, B. XV. p. 671. Stephanus of
Byzantiam also calls it "an island of Cilicia, which is now
Sebaste;" both whose testimonies are pertinently cited here by
Dr. Hudson. See the same history, Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 10. sect. 7.
(39) That it was an immemorial custom among the Jews, and their
forefathers, the patriarchs, to have sometimes more wives or
wives and concubines, than one at the same the and that this
polygamy was not directly forbidden in the law of Moses is
evident; but that polygamy was ever properly and distinctly
permitted in that law of Moses, in the places here cited by Dean
Aldrich, Deuteronomy 17:16, 17, or 21:15, or indeed any where
else, does not appear to me. And what our Savior says about the
common Jewish divorces, which may lay much greater claim to such
a permission than polygamy, seems to me true in this case also;
that Moses, "for the hardness of their hearts," suffered them to
have several wives at the same time, but that "from the beginning
it was not so," Matthew 19:8; Mark 10:5.
(40) This vile fellow, Eurycles the Lacedemonian, seems to have
been the same who is mentioned by Plutarch, as (twenty-live years
before) a companion to Mark Antony, and as living with Herod;
whence he might easily insinuate himself into the acquaintance of
Herod's sons, Antipater and Alexander, as Usher, Hudson, and
Spanheim justly suppose. The reason why his being a Spartan
rendered him acceptable to the Jews as we here see he was, is
visible from the public records of the Jews and Spartans, owning
those Spartans to be of kin to the Jews, and derived from their
common ancestor Abraham, the first patriarch of the Jewish
nation, Antiq. B. XII. ch. 4. sect. 10; B. XIII. ch. 5. sect. 8;
and 1 Macc. 12:7.
(41) See the preceding note.
(42) Dean Aldrich takes notice here, that these nine wives of
Herod were alive at the same time; and that if the celebrated
Mariamne, who was now dead, be reckoned, those wives were in all
ten. Yet it is remarkable that he had no more than fifteen
children by them all.
(43) To prevent confusion, it may not be amiss, with Dean
Aldrich, to distinguish between four Josephs in the history of
Herod. 1. Joseph, Herod's uncle, and the [second] husband of his
sister Salome, slain by Herod, on account of Mariamne.
2. Joseph, Herod's quaestor, or treasurer, slain on the same
account. 3. Joseph, Herod's brother, slain in battle against
Antigonus. 4. Joseph, Herod's nephew, the husband of Olympias,
mentioned in this place.
(44) These daughters of Herod, whom Pheroras's wife affronted,
were Salome and Roxana, two virgins, who were born to him of his
two wives, Elpide and Phedra. See Herod's genealogy, Antiq. B.
XVII. ch. 1. sect. 3.
(45) This strange obstinacy of Pheroras in retaining his wife,
who was one of a low family, and refusing to marry one nearly
related to Herod, though he so earnestly desired it, as also that
wife's admission to the counsels of the other great court ladies,
together with Herod's own importunity as to Pheroras's divorce
and other marriage, all so remarkable here, or in the Antiquities
XVII. ch. 2. sect. 4; and ch. 3. be well accounted for, but on
the supposal that Pheroras believed, and Herod suspected, that
the Pharisees' prediction, as if the crown of Judea should be
translated from Herod to Pheroras's posterity and that most
probably to Pheroras's posterity by this his wife, also would
prove true. See Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 2. sect. 4; and ch. 3. sect.
1.
(46) This Tarentum has coins still extant, as Reland informs us
here in his note.
(47) A lover of his father.
(48) Since in these two sections we have an evident account of
the Jewish opinions in the days of Josephus, about a future happy
state, and the resurrection of the dead, as in the New Testament,
John 11:24, I shall here refer to the other places in Josephus,
before he became a catholic Christian, which concern the same
matters. Of the War, B. II. ch. 8. sect. 10, 11; B. III. ch. 8.
sect. 4; B. VII. ch. 6. sect. 7; Contr. Apion, B. II. sect. 30;
where we may observe, that none of these passages are in his
Books of Antiquities, written peculiarly for the use of the
Gentiles, to whom he thought it not proper to insist on topics so
much out of their way as these were. Nor is this observation to
be omitted here, especially on account of the sensible difference
we have now before us in Josephus's reason of the used by the
Rabbins to persuade their scholars to hazard their lives for the
vindication of God's law against images, by Moses, as well as of
the answers those scholars made to Herod, when they were caught,
and ready to die for the same; I mean as compared with the
parallel arguments and answers represented in the Antiquities, B.
XVII. ch. 6. sect, 2, 3. A like difference between Jewish and
Gentile notions the reader will find in my notes on Antiquities,
B. III. ch. 7. sect. 7; B. XV. ch. 9. sect. 1. See the like also
in the case of the three Jewish sects in the Antiquities, B.
XIII. ch. 5. sect. 9, and ch. 10. sect. 4, 5; B. XVIII. ch. 1.
sect. 5; and compared with this in his Wars of the Jews, B. II.
ch. 8. sect. 2-14. Nor does St. Paul himself reason to Gentiles
at Athens, Acts 17:16-34, as he does to Jews in his Epistles.
BOOK II.
Containing The Interval Of Sixty-Nine Years.
From The Death Of Herod Till Vespasian Was Sent To Subdue The
Jews By Nero.
CHAPTER 1.
Archelaus Makes A Funeral Feast For The People, On The Account Of
Herod. After Which A Great Tumult Is Raised By The Multitude And
He Sends The Soldiers Out Upon Them, Who Destroy About Three
Thousand Of Them.
1. Now the necessity which Archelaus was under of taking a
journey to Rome was the occasion of new disturbances; for when he
had mourned for his father seven days, (1) and had given a very
expensive funeral feast to the multitude, (which custom is the
occasion of poverty to many of the Jews, because they are forced
to feast the multitude; for if any one omits it, he is not
esteemed a holy person,) he put on a white garment, and went up
to the temple, where the people accosted him with various
acclamations. He also spake kindly to the multitude from an
elevated seat and a throne of gold, and returned them thanks for
the zeal they had shown about his father's funeral, and the
submission they had made to him, as if he were already settled in
the kingdom; but he told them withal, that he would not at
present take upon him either the authority of a king, or the
names thereto belonging, until Caesar, who is made lord of this
whole affair by the testament, confirm the succession; for that
when the soldiers would have set the diadem on his head at
Jericho, he would not accept of it; but that he would make
abundant requitals, not to the soldiers only, but to the people,
for their alacrity and good-will to him, when the superior lords
[the Romans] should have given him a complete title to the
kingdom; for that it should be his study to appear in all things
better than his father.
2. Upon this the multitude were pleased, and presently made a
trial of what he intended, by asking great things of him; for
some made a clamor that he would ease them in their taxes;
others, that he would take off the duties upon commodities; and
some, that he would loose those that were in prison; in all which
cases he answered readily to their satisfaction, in order to get
the good-will of the multitude; after which he offered [the
proper] sacrifices, and feasted with his friends. And here it was
that a great many of those that desired innovations came in
crowds towards the evening, and began then to mourn on their own
account, when the public mourning for the king was over. These
lamented those that were put to death by Herod, because they had
cut down the golden eagle that had been over the gate of the
temple. Nor was this mourning of a private nature, but the
lamentations were very great, the mourning solemn, and the
weeping such as was loudly heard all over the city, as being for
those men who had perished for the laws of their country, and for
the temple. They cried out that a punishment ought to be
inflicted for these men upon those that were honored by Herod;
and that, in the first place, the man whom he had made high
priest should be deprived; and that it was fit to choose a person
of greater piety and purity than he was.
3. At these clamors Archelaus was provoked, but restrained
himself from taking vengeance on the authors, on account of the
haste he was in of going to Rome, as fearing lest, upon his
making war on the multitude, such an action might detain him at
home. Accordingly, he made trial to quiet the innovators by
persuasion, rather than by force, and sent his general in a
private way to them, and by him exhorted them to be quiet. But
the seditious threw stones at him, and drove him away, as he came
into the temple, and before he could say any thing to them. The
like treatment they showed to others, who came to them after him,
many of which were sent by Archelaus, in order to reduce them to
sobriety, and these answered still on all occasions after a
passionate manner; and it openly appeared that they would not be
quiet, if their numbers were but considerable. And indeed, at the
feast of unleavened bread, which was now at hand, and is by the
Jews called the Passover, and used to he celebrated with a great
number of sacrifices, an innumerable multitude of the people came
out of the country to worship; some of these stood in the temple
bewailing the Rabbins [that had been put to death], and procured
their sustenance by begging, in order to support their sedition.
At this Archclaus was aftrighted, and privately sent a tribune,
with his cohort of soldiers, upon them, before the disease should
spread over the whole multitude, and gave orders that they should
constrain those that began the tumult, by force, to be quiet. At
these the whole multitude were irritated, and threw stones at
many of the soldiers, and killed them; but the tribune fled away
wounded, and had much ado to escape so. After which they betook
themselves to their sacrifices, as if they had done no mischief;
nor did it appear to Archelaus that the multitude could be
restrained without bloodshed; so he sent his whole army upon
them, the footmen in great multitudes, by the way of the city,
and the horsemen by the way of the plain, who, falling upon them
on the sudden, as they were offering their sacrifices, destroyed
about three thousand of them; but the rest of the multitude were
dispersed upon the adjoining mountains: these were followed by
Archelaus's heralds, who commanded every one to retire to their
own homes, whither they all went, and left the festival.
CHAPTER 2.
Archelaus Goes To Rome With A Great Number Of His Kindred. He Is
There Accused Before Caesar By Antipater; But Is Superior To His
Accusers In Judgment By The Means Of That Defense Which Nicolaus
Made For Him.
1. Archelaus went down now to the sea-side, with his mother and
his friends, Poplas, and Ptolemy, and Nicolaus, and left behind
him Philip, to be his steward in the palace, and to take care of
his domestic affairs. Salome went also along with him with her
sons, as did also the king's brethren and sons-in-law. These, in
appearance, went to give him all the assistance they were able,
in order to secure his succession, but in reality to accuse him
for his breach of the laws by what he had done at the temple.
2. But as they were come to Cesarea, Sabinus, the procurator of
Syria, met them; he was going up to Judea, to secure Herod's
effects; but Varus, [president of Syria,] who was come thither,
restrained him from going any farther. This Varus Archelaus had
sent for, by the earnest entreaty of Ptolemy. At this time,
indeed, Sabinus, to gratify Varus, neither went to the citadels,
nor did he shut up the treasuries where his father's money was
laid up, but promised that he would lie still, until Caesar
should have taken cognizance of the affair. So he abode at
Cesarea; but as soon as those that were his hinderance were gone,
when Varus was gone to Antioch, and Archclaus was sailed to Rome,
he immediately went on to Jerusalem, and seized upon the palace.
And when he had called for the governors of the citadels, and the
stewards [of the king's private affairs], he tried to sift out
the accounts of the money, and to take possession of the
citadels. But the governors of those citadels were not unmindful
of the commands laid upon them by Archelaus, and continued to
guard them, and said the custody of them rather belonged to
Caesar than to Archelaus.
3. In the mean time, Antipas went also to Rome, to strive for the
kingdom, and to insist that the former testament, wherein he was
named to be king, was valid before the latter testament. Salome
had also promised to assist him, as had many of Archelaus's
kindred, who sailed along with Archelaus himself also. He also
carried along with him his mother, and Ptolemy, the brother of
Nicolaus, who seemed one of great weight, on account of the great
trust Herod put in him, he having been one of his most honored
friends. However, Antipas depended chiefly upon Ireneus, the
orator; upon whose authority he had rejected such as advised him
to yield to Archelaus, because he was his elder brother, and
because the second testament gave the kingdom to him. The
inclinations also of all Archelaus's kindred, who hated him, were
removed to Antipas, when they came to Rome; although in the first
place every one rather desired to live under their own laws
[without a king], and to be under a Roman governor; but if they
should fail in that point, these desired that Antipas might be
their king.
4. Sabinus did also afford these his assistance to the same
purpose by letters he sent, wherein he accused Archelaus before
Caesar, and highly commended Antipas. Salome also, and those with
her, put the crimes which they accused Archelaus of in order, and
put them into Caesar's hands; and after they had done that,
Archelaus wrote down the reasons of his claim, and, by Ptolemy,
sent in his father's ring, and his father's accounts. And when
Caesar had maturely weighed by himself what both had to allege
for themselves, as also had considered of the great burden of the
kingdom, and largeness of the revenues, and withal the number of
the children Herod had left behind him, and had moreover read the
letters he had received from Varus and Sabinus on this occasion,
he assembled the principal persons among the Romans together, (in
which assembly Caius, the son of Agrippa, and his daughter
Julias, but by himself adopted for his own son, sat in the first
seat,) and gave the pleaders leave to speak.
5. Then stood up Salome's son, Antipater, (who of all Archelaus's
antagonists was the shrewdest pleader,) and accused him in the
following speech: That Archelaus did in words contend for the
kingdom, but that in deeds he had long exercised royal authority,
and so did but insult Caesar in desiring to be now heard on that
account, since he had not staid for his determination about the
succession, and since he had suborned certain persons, after
Herod's death, to move for putting the diadem upon his head;
since he had set himself down in the throne, and given answers as
a king, and altered the disposition of the army, and granted to
some higher dignities; that he had also complied in all things
with the people in the requests they had made to him as to their
king, and had also dismissed those that had been put into bonds
by his father for most important reasons. Now, after all this, he
desires the shadow of that royal authority, whose substance he
had already seized to himself, and so hath made Caesar lord, not
of things, but of words. He also reproached him further, that his
mourning for his father was only pretended, while he put on a sad
countenance in the day time, but drank to great excess in the
night; from which behavior, he said, the late disturbance among
the multitude came, while they had an indignation thereat. And
indeed the purport of his whole discourse was to aggravate
Archelaus's crime in slaying such a multitude about the temple,
which multitude came to the festival, but were barbarously slain
in the midst of their own sacrifices; and he said there was such
a vast number of dead bodies heaped together in the temple, as
even a foreign war, that should come upon them [suddenly], before
it was denounced, could not have heaped together. And he added,
that it was the foresight his father had of that his barbarity
which made him never give him any hopes of the kingdom, but when
his mind was more infirm than his body, and he was not able to
reason soundly, and did not well know what was the character of
that son, whom in his second testament he made his successor; and
this was done by him at a time when he had no complaints to make
of him whom he had named before, when he was sound in body, and
when his mind was free from all passion. That, however, if any
one should suppose Herod's judgment, when he was sick, was
superior to that at another time, yet had Archelaus forfeited his
kingdom by his own behavior, and those his actions, which were
contrary to the law, and to its disadvantage. Or what sort of a
king will this man be, when he hath obtained the government from
Caesar, who hath slain so many before he hath obtained it!
6. When Antipater had spoken largely to this purpose, and had
produced a great number of Archelaus's kindred as witnesses, to
prove every part of the accusation, he ended his discourse. Then
stood up Nicolaus to plead for Archelaus. He alleged that the
slaughter in the temple could not be avoided; that those that
were slain were become enemies not to Archelaus's kingdom, only,
but to Caesar, who was to determine about him. He also
demonstrated that Archelaus's accusers had advised him to
perpetrate other things of which he might have been accused. But
he insisted that the latter testament should, for this reason,
above all others, be esteemed valid, because Herod had therein
appointed Caesar to be the person who should confirm the
succession; for he who showed such prudence as to recede from his
own power, and yield it up to the lord of the world, cannot be
supposed mistaken in his judgment about him that was to be his
heir; and he that so well knew whom to choose for arbitrator of
the succession could not be unacquainted with him whom he chose
for his successor.
7. When Nicolaus had gone through all he had to say, Archelaus
came, and fell down before Caesar's knees, without any noise; -
upon which he raised him up, after a very obliging manner, and
declared that truly he was worthy to succeed his father. However,
he still made no firm determination in his case; but when he had
dismissed those assessors that had been with him that day, he
deliberated by himself about the allegations which he had heard,
whether it were fit to constitute any of those named in the
testaments for Herod's successor, or whether the government
should be parted among all his posterity, and this because of the
number of those that seemed to stand in need of support
therefrom.
CHAPTER 3.
The Jews Fight A Great Battle With Sabinus's Soldiers, And A
Great Destruction Is Made At Jerusalem.
1. Now before Caesar had determined any thing about these
affairs, Malthace, Arehelaus's mother, fell sick and died.
Letters also were brought out of Syria from Varus, about a revolt
of the Jews. This was foreseen by Varus, who accordingly, after
Archelaus was sailed, went up to Jerusalem to restrain the
promoters of the sedition, since it was manifest that the nation
would not he at rest; so he left one of those legions which he
brought with him out of Syria in the city, and went himself to
Antioch. But Sabinus came, after he was gone, and gave them an
occasion of making innovations; for he compelled the keepers of
the citadels to deliver them up to him, and made a bitter search
after the king's money, as depending not only on the soldiers
which were left by Varus, but on the multitude of his own
servants, all which he armed and used as the instruments of his
covetousness. Now when that feast, which was observed after seven
weeks, and which the Jews called Pentecost, (i. e. the 50th day,)
was at hand, its name being taken from the number of the days
[after the passover], the people got together, but not on account
of the accustomed Divine worship, but of the indignation they had
['at the present state of affairs']. Wherefore an immense
multitude ran together, out of Galilee, and Idumea, and Jericho,
and Perea, that was beyond Jordan; but the people that naturally
belonged to Judea itself were above the rest, both in number, and
in the alacrity of the men. So they distributed themselves into
three parts, and pitched their camps in three places; one at the
north side of the temple, another at the south side, by the
Hippodrome, and the third part were at the palace on the west. So
they lay round about the Romans on every side, and besieged them.
2. Now Sabinus was aftrighted, both at their multitude, and at
their courage, and sent messengers to Varus continually, and
besought him to come to his succor quickly; for that if he
delayed, his legion would be cut to pieces. As for Sabinus
himself, he got up to the highest tower of the fortress, which
was called Phasaelus; it is of the same name with Herod's
brother, who was destroyed by the Parthians; and then he made
signs to the soldiers of that legion to attack the enemy; for his
astonishment was so great, that he durst not go down to his own
men. Hereupon the soldiers were prevailed upon, and leaped out
into the temple, and fought a terrible battle with the Jews; in
which, while there were none over their heads to distress them,
they were too hard for them, by their skill, and the others' want
of skill, in war; but when once many of the Jews had gotten up to
the top of the cloisters, and threw their darts downwards, upon
the heads of the Romans, there were a great many of them
destroyed. Nor was it easy to avenge themselves upon those that
threw their weapons from on high, nor was it more easy for them
to sustain those who came to fight them hand to hand.
3. Since therefore the Romans were sorely afflicted by both these
circumstances, they set fire to the cloisters, which were works
to be admired, both on account of their magnitude and costliness.
Whereupon those that were above them were presently encompassed
with the flame, and many of them perished therein; as many of
them also were destroyed by the enemy, who came suddenly upon
them; some of them also threw themselves down from the walls
backward, and some there were who, from the desperate condition
they were in, prevented the fire, by killing themselves with
their own swords; but so many of them as crept out from the
walls, and came upon the Romans, were easily mastere by them, by
reason of the astonishment they were under; until at last some of
the Jews being destroyed, and others dispersed by the terror they
were in, the soldiers fell upon the treasure of God, which w now
deserted, and plundered about four hundred talents, Of which sum
Sabinus got together all that was not carried away by the
soldiers.
4. However, this destruction of the works [about the temple], and
of the men, occasioned a much greater number, and those of a more
warlike sort, to get together, to oppose the Romans. These
encompassed the palace round, and threatened to deploy all that
were in it, unless they went their ways quickly; for they
promised that Sabinus should come to no harm, if he would go out
with his legion. There were also a great many of the king's party
who deserted the Romans, and assisted the Jews; yet did the most
warlike body of them all, who were three thousand of the men of
Sebaste, go over to the Romans. Rufus also, and Gratus, their
captains, did the same, (Gratus having the foot of the king's
party under him, and Rufus the horse,) each of whom, even without
the forces under them, were of great weight, on account of their
strength and wisdom, which turn the scales in war. Now the Jews
in the siege, and tried to break down walls of the fortress, and
cried out to Sabinus and his party, that they should go their
ways, and not prove a hinderance to them, now they hoped, after a
long time, to recover that ancient liberty which their
forefathers had enjoyed. Sabinus indeed was well contented to get
out of the danger he was in, but he distrusted the assurances the
Jews gave him, and suspected such gentle treatment was but a bait
laid as a snare for them: this consideration, together with the
hopes he had of succor from Varus, made him bear the siege still
longer.
CHAPTER 4.
Herod's Veteran Soldiers Become Tumultuous. The Robberies Of
Judas. Simon And Athronoeus Take The Name Of King Upon Them.
1. At this time there were great disturbances in the country, and
that in many places; and the opportunity that now offered itself
induced a great many to set up for kings. And indeed in Idumea
two thousand of Herod's veteran soldiers got together, and armed
and fought against those of the king's party; against whom
Achiabus, the king's first cousin, fought, and that out of some
of the places that were the most strongly fortified; but so as to
avoid a direct conflict with them in the plains. In Sepphoris
also, a city of Galilee, there was one Judas (the son of that
arch-robber Hezekias, who formerly overran the country, and had
been subdued by king Herod); this man got no small multitude
together, and brake open the place where the royal armor was laid
up, and armed those about him, and attacked those that were so
earnest to gain the dominion.
2. In Perea also, Simon, one of the servants to the king, relying
upon the handsome appearance and tallness of his body, put a
diadem upon his own head also; he also went about with a company
of robbers that he had gotten together, and burnt down the royal
palace that was at Jericho, and many other costly edifices
besides, and procured himself very easily spoils by rapine, as
snatching them out of the fire. And he had soon burnt down all
the fine edifices, if Gratus, the captain of the foot of the
king's party, had not taken the Trachonite archers, and the most
warlike of Sebaste, and met the man. His footmen were slain in
the battle in abundance; Gratus also cut to pieces Simon himself,
as he was flying along a strait valley, when he gave him an
oblique stroke upon his neck, as he ran away, and brake it. The
royal palaces that were near Jordan at Betharamptha were also
burnt down by some other of the seditious that came out of Perea.
3. At this time it was that a certain shepherd ventured to set
himself up for a king; he was called Athrongeus. It was his
strength of body that made him expect such a dignity, as well as
his soul, which despised death; and besides these qualifications,
he had four brethren like himself. He put a troop of armed men
under each of these his brethren, and made use of them as his
generals and commanders, when he made his incursions, while he
did himself act like a king, and meddled only with the more
important affairs; and at this time he put a diadem about his
head, and continued after that to overrun the country for no
little time with his brethren, and became their leader in killing
both the Romans and those of the king's party; nor did any Jew
escape him, if any gain could accrue to him thereby. He once
ventured to encompass a whole troop of Romans at Emmaus, who were
carrying corn and weapons to their legion; his men therefore shot
their arrows and darts, and thereby slew their centurion Arius,
and forty of the stoutest of his men, while the rest of them, who
were in danger of the same fate, upon the coming of Gratus, with
those of Sebaste, to their assistance, escaped. And when these
men had thus served both their own countrymen and foreigners, and
that through this whole war, three of them were, after some time,
subdued; the eldest by Archelaus, the two next by falling into
the hands of Gratus and Ptolemeus; but the fourth delivered
himself up to Archelaus, upon his giving him his right hand for
his security. However, this their end was not till afterward,
while at present they filled all Judea with a piratic war.
CHAPTER 5.
Varus Composes The Tumults In Judea And Crucifies About Two
Thousand Of The Seditious.
1. Upon Varus's reception of the letters that were written by
Sabinus and the captains, he could not avoid being afraid for the
whole legion [he had left there]. So he made haste to their
relief, and took with him the other two legions, with the four
troops of horsemen to them belonging, and marched to Ptolenlais;
having given orders for the auxiliaries that were sent by the
kings and governors of cities to meet him there. Moreover, he
received from the people of Berytus, as he passed through their
city, fifteen hundred armed men. Now as soon as the other body of
auxiliaries were come to Ptolemais, as well as Aretas the
Arabian, (who, out of the hatred he bore to Herod, brought a
great army of horse and foot,) Varus sent a part of his army
presently to Galilee, which lay near to Ptolemais, and Caius, one
of his friends, for their captain. This Caius put those that met
him to flight, and took the city Sepphoris, and burnt it, and
made slaves of its inhabitants; but as for Varus himself, he
marched to Samaria with his whole army, where he did not meddle
with the city itself, because he found that it had made no
commotion during these troubles, but pitched his camp about a
certain village which was called Aras. It belonged to Ptolemy,
and on that account was plundered by the Arabians, who were very
angry even at Herod's friends also. He thence marched on to the
village Sampho, another fortified place, which they plundered, as
they had done the other. As they carried off all the money they
lighted upon belonging to the public revenues, all was now full
of fire and blood-shed, and nothing could resist the plunders of
the Arabians. Emnaus was also burnt, upon the flight of its
inhabitants, and this at the command of Varus, out of his rage at
the slaughter of those that were about Arias.
2. Thence he marched on to Jerusalem, and as soon as he was but
seen by the Jews, he made their camps disperse themselves; they
also went away, and fled up and down the country. But the
citizens received him, and cleared themselves of having any hand
in this revolt, and said that they had raised no commotions, but
had only been forced to admit the multitude, because of the
festival, and that they were rather besieged together with the
Romans, than assisted those that had revolted. There had before
this met him Joseph, the first cousin of Archelaus, and Gratus,
together with Rufus, who led those of Sebaste, as well as the
king's army: there also met him those of the Roman legion, armed
after their accustomed manner; for as to Sabinus, he durst not
come into Varus's sight, but was gone out of the city before
this, to the sea-side. But Varus sent a part of his army into the
country, against those that had been the authors of this
commotion, and as they caught great numbers of them, those that
appeared to have been the least concerned in these tumults he put
into custody, but such as were the most guilty he crucified;
these were in number about two thousand.
3. He was also informed that there continued in Idumea ten
thousand men still in arms; but when he found that the Arabians
did not act like auxiliaries, but managed the war according to
their own passions, and did mischief to the country otherwise
than he intended, and this out of their hatred to Herod, he sent
them away, but made haste, with his own legions, to march against
those that had revolted; but these, by the advice of Achiabus,
delivered themselves up to him before it came to a battle. Then
did Varus forgive the multitude their offenses, but sent their
captains to Caesar to be examined by him. Now Caesar forgave the
rest, but gave orders that certain of the king's relations (for
some of those that were among them were Herod's kinsmen) should
be put to death, because they had engaged in a war against a king
of their own family. When therefore Varus had settled matters at
Jerusalem after this manner, and had left the former legion there
as a garrison, he returned to Antioch.
CHAPTER 6.
The Jews Greatly Complain Of Archelaus And Desire That They May
Be Made Subject To Roman Governors. But When Caesar Had Heard
What They Had To Say, He Distributed Herod's Dominions Among His
Sons According To His Own Pleasure.
1. But now came another accusation from the Jews against
Archelaus at Rome, which he was to answer to. It was made by
those ambassadors who, before the revolt, had come, by Varus's
permission, to plead for the liberty of their country; those that
came were fifty in number, but there were more than eight
thousand of the Jews at Rome who supported them. And when Caesar
had assembled a council of the principal Romans in Apollo's (2)
temple, that was in the palace, (this was what he had himself
built and adorned, at a vast expense,) the multitude of the Jews
stood with the ambassadors, and on the other side stood
Archelaus, with his friends; but as for the kindred of Archelaus,
they stood on neither side; for to stand on Archelaus's side,
their hatred to him, and envy at him, would not give them leave,
while yet they were afraid to be seen by Caesar with his
accusers. Besides these, there were present Archelaus's brother
Philip, being sent thither beforehand, out of kindness by Varus,
for two reasons: the one was this, that he might be assisting to
Archelaus; and the other was this, that in case Caesar should
make a distribution of what Herod possessed among his posterity,
he might obtain some share of it.
2. And now, upon the permission that was given the accusers to
speak, they, in the first place, went over Herod's breaches of
their law, and said that be was not a king, but the most
barbarous of all tyrants, and that they had found him to be such
by the sufferings they underwent from him; that when a very great
number had been slain by him, those that were left had endured
such miseries, that they called those that were dead happy men;
that he had not only tortured the bodies of his subjects, but
entire cities, and had done much harm to the cities of his own
country, while he adorned those that belonged to foreigners; and
he shed the blood of Jews, in order to do kindnesses to those
people that were out of their bounds; that he had filled the
nation full of poverty, and of the greatest iniquity, instead of
that happiness and those laws which they had anciently enjoyed;
that, in short, the Jews had borne more calamities from Herod, in
a few years, than had their forefathers during all that interval
of time that had passed since they had come out of Babylon, and
returned home, in the reign of Xerxes (3) that, however, the
nation was come to so low a condition, by being inured to
hardships, that they submitted to his successor of their own
accord, though he brought them into bitter slavery; that
accordingly they readily called Archelaus, though he was the son
of so great a tyrant, king, after the decease of his father, and
joined with him in mourning for the death of Herod, and in
wishing him good success in that his succession; while yet this
Archelaus, lest he should be in danger of not being thought the
genuine son of Herod, began his reign with the murder of three
thousand citizens; as if he had a mind to offer so many bloody
sacrifices to God for his government, and to fill the temple with
the like number of dead bodies at that festival: that, however,
those that were left after so many miseries, had just reason to
consider now at last the calamities they had undergone, and to
oppose themselves, like soldiers in war, to receive those stripes
upon their faces [but not upon their backs, as hitherto].
Whereupon they prayed that the Romans would have compassion upon
the [poor] remains of Judea, and not expose what was left of them
to such as barbarously tore them to pieces, and that they would
join their country to Syria, and administer the government by
their own commanders, whereby it would [soon] be demonstrated
that those who are now under the calumny of seditious persons,
and lovers of war, know how to bear governors that are set over
them, if they be but tolerable ones. So the Jews concluded their
accusation with this request. Then rose up Nicolaus, and confuted
the accusations which were brought against the kings, and himself
accused the Jewish nation, as hard to be ruled, and as naturally
disobedient to kings. He also reproached all those kinsmen of
Archelaus who had left him, and were gone over to his accusers.
3. So Caesar, after he had heard both sides, dissolved the
assembly for that time; but a few days afterward, he gave the one
half of Herod's kingdom to Archelaus, by the name of Ethnarch,
and promised to make him king also afterward, if he rendered
himself worthy of that dignity. But as to the other half, he
divided it into two tetrarchies, and gave them to two other sons
of Herod, the one of them to Philip, and the other to that
Antipas who contested the kingdom with Archelaus. Under this last
was Perea and Galilee, with a revenue of two hundred talents; but
Batanea, and Trachonitis, and Auranitis, and certain parts of
Zeno's house about Jamnia, with a revenue of a hundred talents,
were made subject to Philip; while Idumea, and all Judea, and
Samaria were parts of the ethnarchy of Archelaus, although
Samaria was eased of one quarter of its taxes, out of regard to
their not having revolted with the rest of the nation. He also
made subject to him the following cities, viz. Strato's Tower,
and Sebaste, and Joppa, and Jerusalem; but as to the Grecian
cities, Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, he cut them off from the
kingdom, and added them to Syria. Now the revenue of the country
that was given to Archelaus was four hundred talents. Salome
also, besides what the king had left her in his testaments, was
now made mistress of Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis. Caesar
did moreover bestow upon her the royal palace of Ascalon; by all
which she got together a revenue of sixty talents; but he put her
house under the ethnarchy of Archelaus. And for the rest of
Herod's offspring, they received what was bequeathed to them in
his testaments; but, besides that, Caesar granted to Herod's two
virgin daughters five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver, and
gave them in marriage to the sons of Pheroras: but after this
family distribution, he gave between them what had been
bequeathed to him by Herod, which was a thousand talents,
reserving to himself only some inconsiderable presents, in honor
of the deceased.
CHAPTER 7.
The History Of The Spurious Alexander. Archelaus Is Banished And
Glaphyra Dies, After What Was To Happen To Both Of Them Had Been
Showed Them In Dreams.
1. In the meantime, there was a man, who was by birth a Jew, but
brought up at Sidon with one of the Roman freed-men, who falsely
pretended, on account of the resemblance of their countenances,
that he was that Alexander who was slain by Herod. This man came
to Rome, in hopes of not being detected. He had one who was his
assistant, of his own nation, and who knew all the affairs of the
kingdom, and instructed him to say how those that were sent to
kill him and Aristobulus had pity upon them, and stole them away,
by putting bodies that were like theirs in their places. This man
deceived the Jews that were at Crete, and got a great deal of
money of them for traveling in splendor; and thence sailed to
Melos, where he was thought so certainly genuine, that he got a
great deal more money, and prevailed with those that had treated
him to sail along with him to Rome. So he landed at Dicearchia,
[Puteoli,] and got very large presents from the Jews who dwelt
there, and was conducted by his father's friends as if he were a
king; nay, the resemblance in his countenance procured him so
much credit, that those who had seen Alexander, and had known him
very well, would take their oaths that he was the very same
person. Accordingly, the whole body of the Jews that were at Rome
ran out in crowds to see him, and an innumerable multitude there
was which stood in the narrow places through which he was
carried; for those of Melos were so far distracted, that they
carried him in a sedan, and maintained a royal attendance for him
at their own proper charges.
2. But Caesar, who knew perfectly well the lineaments of
Alexander's face, because he had been accused by Herod before
him, discerned the fallacy in his countenance, even before he saw
the man. However, he suffered the agreeable fame that went of him
to have some weight with him, and sent Celadus, one who well knew
Alexander, and ordered him to bring the young man to him. But
when Caesar saw him, he immediately discerned a difference in his
countenance; and when he had discovered that his whole body was
of a more robust texture, and like that of a slave, he understood
the whole was a contrivance. But the impudence of what he said
greatly provoked him to be angry at him; for when he was asked
about Aristobulus, he said that he was also preserved alive, and
was left on purpose in Cyprus, for fear of treachery, because it
would be harder for plotters to get them both into their power
while they were separate. Then did Caesar take him by himself
privately, and said to him, "I will give thee thy life, if thou
wilt discover who it was that persuaded thee to forge such
stories." So he said that he would discover him, and followed
Caesar, and pointed to that Jew who abused the resemblance of his
face to get money; for that he had received more presents in
every city than ever Alexander did when he was alive. Caesar
laughed at the contrivance, and put this spurious Alexander among
his rowers, on account of the strength of his body, but ordered
him that persuaded him to be put to death. But for the people of
Melos, they had been sufficiently punished for their folly, by
the expenses they had been at on his account.
3. And now Archelaus took possession of his ethnarchy, and used
not the Jews only, but the Samaritans also, barbarously; and this
out of his resentment of their old quarrels with him. Whereupon
they both of them sent ambassadors against him to Caesar; and in
the ninth year of his government he was banished to Vienna, a
city of Gaul, and his effects were put into Caesar's treasury.
But the report goes, that before he was sent for by Caesar, he
seemed to see nine ears of corn, full and large, but devoured by
oxen. When, therefore, he had sent for the diviners, and some of
the Chaldeans, and inquired of them what they thought it
portended; and when one of them had one interpretation, and
another had another, Simon, one of the sect of Essens, said that
he thought the ears of corn denoted years, and the oxen denoted a
mutation of things, because by their ploughing they made an
alteration of the country. That therefore he should reign as many
years as there were ears of corn; and after he had passed through
various alterations of fortune, should die. Now five days after
Archelaus had heard this interpretation he was called to his
trial.
4. I cannot also but think it worthy to be recorded what dream
Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, had, who
had at first been wife to Alexander, who was the brother of
Archelaus, concerning whom we have been discoursing. This
Alexander was the son of Herod the king, by whom he was put to
death, as we have already related. This Glaphyra was married,
after his death, to Juba, king of Libya; and, after his death,
was returned home, and lived a widow with her father. Then it was
that Archelaus, the ethnarch, saw her, and fell so deeply in love
with her, that he divorced Mariamne, who was then his wife, ,and
married her. When, therefore, she was come into Judea, and had
been there for a little while, she thought she saw Alexander
stand by her, and that he said to her; "Thy marriage with the
king of Libya might have been sufficient for thee; but thou wast
not contented with him, but art returned again to my family, to a
third husband; and him, thou impudent woman, hast thou chosen for
thine husband, who is my brother. However, I shall not overlook
the injury thou hast offered me; I shall [soon] have thee again,
whether thou wilt or no." Now Glaphyra hardly survived the
narration of this dream of hers two days.
CHAPTER 8.
Archelaus's Ethnarchy Is Reduced Into A [Roman] Province. The
Sedition Of Judas Of Galilee. The Three Sects.
1. And now Archelaus's part of Judea was reduced into a province,
and Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Romans, was
sent as a procurator, having the power of [life and] death put
into his hands by Caesar. Under his administration it was that a
certain Galilean, whose name was Judas, prevailed with his
countrymen to revolt, and said they were cowards if they would
endure to pay a tax to the Romans and would after God submit to
mortal men as their lords. This man was a teacher of a peculiar
sect of his own, and was not at all like the rest of those their
leaders.
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