The World's Greatest Books, Vol XII.
by
Arthur Mee

Part 1 out of 6







Produced by John Hagerson, Kevin Handy and PG Distributed Proofreaders




THE WORLD'S GREATEST BOOKS

JOINT EDITORS

ARTHUR MEE Editor and Founder of the Book of Knowledge

J.A. HAMMERTON Editor of Harmsworth a Universal Encyclopaedia

VOL. XII MODERN HISTORY

* * * * *


_Table of Contents_


MODERN HISTORY

AMERICA
ELIOT, SAMUEL
History of the United Stales

PRESCOTT, W.H.
History of the Conquest of Mexico
History of the Conquest of Peru

ENGLAND
EDWARD HYDE, E. OF CLARENDON
History of the Rebellion

MACAULAY, LORD
History of England

BUCKLE, HENRY
History of Civilization in England

BAGEHOT, WALTER
English Constitution

FRANCE
VOLTAIRE
Age of Louis XIV

TOCQUEVILLE, DE
Old Regime

MIGNET, FRANCOIS
History of the French Revolution

CARLYLE, THOMAS
History of the French Revolution

LAMARTINE, A.M.L. DE
History of the Girondists

TAINE, H.A.
Modern Regime

GERMANY
CARLYLE, THOMAS
Frederick the Great

GREECE
FINLAY, GEORGE
History of Greece

HOLLAND
MOTLEY, J.L.
Rise of the Dutch Republic
History of the United Netherlands

INDIA
ELPHINSTONE, MOUNTSTUART
History of India

RUSSIA
VOLTAIRE
Russia under Peter the Great

SPAIN
PRESCOTT, W.H.
Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella

SWEDEN
VOLTAIRE
History of Charles XII

PAPACY
MILMAN, HENRY
History of Latin Christianity

VON RANKE, LEOPOLD
History of the Popes

A Complete Index of THE WORLD'S GREATEST BOOKS will be found at the end
of Volume XX.

* * * * *

_Acknowledgment_

Acknowledgment and thanks for permitting the use of the
selection by H.A. Taine on "Modern Regime," appearing in this
volume, are hereby tendered to Madame Taine-Paul-Dubois, of
Menthon St. Bernard, France, and Henry Holt & Co., of New
York.

* * * * *




SAMUEL ELIOT


History of the United States


Samuel Eliot, a historian and educator, was born in Boston in
1821, graduated at Harvard in 1839, was engaged in business
for two years, and then travelled and studied abroad for four
years more. On his return, he took up tutoring and gave
gratuitous instruction to classes of young workingmen. He
became professor of history and political science in Trinity
College, Hartford, Conn., in 1856, and retained that chair
until 1864. During the last four years of that time, he was
president of the institution. From 1864 to 1874 he lectured on
constitutional law and political science. He lectured at
Harvard from 1870 to 1873. He was President of the Social
Science Association when it organised the movement for Civil
Service reform in 1869. His history of the United States
appeared in 1856 under the title of "Manual of United States
History between the Years 1792 and 1850." It was revised and
brought down to date in 1873, under the title of "History of
the United States." A third edition appeared in 1881. This
work gained distinction as the first adequate textbook of
United States history and still holds the place it deserves in
popular favor. The epitome is supplemented by a chronicle
compiled from several sources.


The first man to discover the shores of the United States, according to
Icelandic records, was an Icelander, Leif Erickson, who sailed in the
year 1000, and spent the winter somewhere on the New England coast.
Christopher Columbus, a Genoese in the Spanish service, discovered San
Salvador, one of the Bahama Islands, on October 12, 1492. He thought
that he had found the western route to the Indies, and, therefore,
called his discovery the West Indies. In 1507, the new continent
received its name from that of Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine who had
crossed the ocean under the Spanish and Portuguese flags. The middle
ages were Closing; the great nations of Europe were putting forth their
energies, material and immaterial; and the discovery of America came
just in season to help and be helped by the men of these stirring years.

Ponce de Leon, a companion of Columbus, was the first to reach the
territory of the present United States. On Easter Sunday, 1512, he
discovered the land to which he gave the name of Florida or Flower Land.
Numberless discoverers succeeded him. De Soto led a great expedition
northward and westward, in 1539-43, with no greater reward than the
discovery of the Mississippi. Among the French explorers to claim Canada
under the name of New France, were Verrazzano, 1524, and Cartier,
1534-42. Champlain began Quebec in 1608. The oldest town in the United
States, St. Augustine, Florida, was founded September 8, 1565, by
Menendez de Aviles, who brought a train of soldiers, priests and negro
slaves. The second oldest town, Santa Fe, was founded by the Spaniards
in 1581.

John Cabot, a Venetian residing in Bristol, was the first person sailing
under the English flag, to come to these shores. He sailed in 1497, with
his three sons, but no settlement was effected. Sir Humphrey Gilbert was
lost at sea in 1583, and Walter Raleigh, his cousin, took up claims that
had been made to him by Queen Elizabeth, and crossed to the shores of
the present North Carolina. Sir Richard Grenville left one hundred and
eighty persons at Roanoke Island, in 1585. They were glad to escape at
the earliest opportunity. Fifteen persons left there later were murdered
by the Indians. Still a third settlement, consisting of one hundred and
eighteen persons, disappeared, leaving no trace. Raleigh was discouraged
and made over his patent to others, who were still less successful.

The Plymouth Colony and London Colony were formed under King James I. as
business enterprises. The parties to the patents were capitalists, who
had the right to settle colonists and servants, impose duties and coin
money, and who were to pay a share of the profits in the enterprise to
the Crown.

The London company, under the name of Jamestown, established the
beginning of the first English town in America, May 13, 1607, with one
hundred colonists. Captain John Smith was the genius of the colony, and
it enjoyed a certain prosperity while he remained with it. A curious
incident of its history was the importation of a large number of young
women of good character, who were sold for one hundred and twenty, or
even one hundred and fifteen, pounds of tobacco (at thirteen shillings a
pound) to the lonely settlers. The Company failed, with all its
expenditures, some half-million dollars, in 1624, and at that time,
numbered only two thousand souls--the relics of nine thousand, who had
been sent out from England.

Though the Plymouth Company had obtained exclusive grants and
privileges, they never achieved any actual colony. A band of
independents, numbering one hundred and two, whose extreme principles
led to their exile, first from England and then from Holland, landed at
a place called New Plymouth, in 1620. Half died within a year.
Nevertheless, the Pilgrims, as they were called, extended their
settlement. The distinction of the Pilgrims at Plymouth is that they
relied upon themselves, and developed their own resources. Salem was
begun in 1625, and for three years was called Naumkeag. In 1628, John
Endicott came from England with one hundred settlers, as Governor for
the Massachusetts Colony, extending from the Charles to the Merrimac
river. A royal charter was procured for the Governor and Company of
Massachusetts Bay in New England, and one thousand colonists, led by
John Winthrop, settled Boston, 1630. These colonists were Puritans, who
wished to escape political and religious persecution. They brought over
their own charter and developed a form of popular government. The
freemen of the town elected the governor and board of assistants, but
suffrage was restricted to members of the church. Representative
government was granted in other colonies, but in the royal colonies of
Virginia and New York, the executive officers and members of the upper
branch of the legislature were appointed by the Crown. In Maryland,
appointments were made in the same way by the Proprietor. Maryland was
founded 1632, by royal grant to Cecilius Calvert, Lord Baltimore.

The English colonies were divided in the middle by the Dutch at New
Amsterdam and the Swedes on the Delaware. The claim of the prior
discovery of Manhattan was raised by the English, who took New
Amsterdam, in 1664. Charles II. presented a charter to his brother,
James, Duke of York. East and west Jersey were formed out of part of the
grant.

The patent for the great territory included in the present state of
Pennsylvania was granted to William Penn in 1681. Penn laid the
foundations for a liberal constitution. Patents for the territory of
Carolina were given in 1663. Carolina reached the Spanish possessions in
the South.

The New England settlers spread westward and northward. Connecticut
adopted a written constitution in 1639. The charter of Rhode Island,
1663, confirmed the aim of its founder, Roger Williams, in the
separation of civil and religious affairs.

The English predominated in the colonies, though other nationalities
were represented on the Atlantic seaboard. The laws were based on
English custom, and loyalty to England prevailed. The colonists united
for mutual support during the early Indian wars. The United Colonies of
New England, comprised Massachusetts Bay, Plymouth, Connecticut and New
Haven. This union was formed in 1643, and lasted nearly forty years. The
"Lord of Trade" caused the colonies to unite later, at the time of the
French and Indian War, 1754.

The colonies, nevertheless, were too far apart to feel a common
interest. Communication between them was slow, and commerce was almost
entirely carried on with the English. The boundaries were frequently a
cause of conflict between them. The plan of a constitution was devised
by Franklin, but even the menace of war could not make the colonies
adopt it.

While the English were establishing themselves firmly on the coast, the
French were all the time quietly working in the interior. Their
explorers and merchants established posts to the Great Lakes, the
northwest and the valley of the Mississippi. The clash with the English
came in 1690. King William's War, Queen Anne's War and the French and
Indian War, were all waged before the difficulties were settled in the
rout of the French from the continent. The so-called French and Indian
War (1701-13) was the American counterpart of the Seven Years' War of
Europe. The chief events of this war were: the surrender of Washington
at Fort Necessity, 1754; removal of the Arcadian settlers, 1755;
Braddock's defeat, July 9, 1755; capture of Oswego by Montcalm, 1756;
the capture of Louisburg and Fort Duquesne, 1758; the capture of
Ticonderoga and Niagara in 1759; battle of Quebec, September 13, 1759;
surrender of Montreal, 1760.

At the Peace of Paris, 1763, the French claims to American territory
were formally relinquished. Spain, however, got control of the territory
west of the Mississippi, in 1762. This was known as Louisiana, and
extended from the Mississippi to the Rocky Mountains.

At this period the relations of the colonies with the home government
became seriously strained. The demands that goods should be transported
in English ships, that trade should be carried on only with England,
that the colonies should not manufacture anything in competition with
home products, were the chief causes of friction. The navigation laws
were evaded without public resistance, and smuggling became a common
practice.

The Stamp Act, in 1765, required stamps to be affixed to all public
documents, newspapers, almanacs and other printed matter. All of the
colonies were taxed at the same time by this scheme, which was contrary
to their belief that they should be taxed only by their legislatures;
although the proceeds of the taxes were to have been devoted to the
defence of the colonies. Delegates, protesting against the Act, were
sent to England by nine colonies. The Stamp Act Congress, October 7,
1765, passed measures of protest. The people never used the stamps, and
the Act was repealed the next year. As a substitute, the English
government established, in 1767, duties on paper, paint, glass and tea.
The colonies replied by renewing the agreement which they made in 1765,
not to import any English goods. The sending of troops to Boston
aggravated the trouble. All the duties but that on tea were then
withdrawn. Cargoes of tea were destroyed at Boston and Charleston, and a
bond of common sympathy was slowly forged between the colonies.

In 1774, the harbour of Boston was closed, and the Massachusetts charter
was revoked. Arbitrary power was placed in the hands of the governor.
The colonies mourned in sympathy. The assembly of Virginia was dismissed
by its governor, but merely reunited, and proceeded to call a
continental congress.

The first continental congress was held at Capitol Hall, Philadelphia,
September 5, 1774. All the colonies but Georgia were represented. The
congress appealed to George III. for redress. They drafted the
Declaration of Rights, and pledged the colonies not to use British
importations and to export no American goods to Great Britain or to its
colonies.

The battles of Lexington and Concord were precipitated by the attempt of
the British to seize the colonists' munitions of war. The immediate
result was the assembling of a second continental congress at
Philadelphia, May 10, 1775. The second congress was in a short time
organising armies and assuming all the powers of government.

On November 1, 1775, it was learned that King George would not receive
the petition asking for redress, and the idea of the Declaration of
Independence was conceived. On May 15, 1776, the congress voted that all
British authority ought to be suppressed. Thomas Jefferson, in December,
drafted the Constitution, and it was adopted on July 4, 1776.

The leading events of the Revolution were the battles of Lexington and
Concord, April 19, 1775; capture of Ticonderoga, May 10; Bunker Hill,
June 17; unsuccessful attack on Canada, 1775-1776; surrender of Boston,
March 17, 1776; battle of Long Island, August 27; White Plains, October
28; retreat through New Jersey, at the end of 1776; battle of Trenton,
December 26; battle of Princeton, January 3, 1777; Bennington, August
16; Brandywine, September 11; Germantown, October 4; Saratoga, October
7; Burgoyne's surrender, October 17; battle of Monmouth, June 28, 1778;
storming of Stony Point, July 15, 1779; battle of Camden, August 16,
1780; battle of Cowpens, January 17, 1781; surrender of Cornwallis,
October 19, 1781.

The surrender of Cornwallis terminated the struggle. The peace treaty
was signed in 1783. The financial situation was very deplorable. One of
the greatest difficulties that confronted the colonists, was the limited
power of Congress. The states could regulate commerce and exercise
nearly all authority. But disputes regarding their boundaries prevented
their development as a united nation.

Congress issued an ordinance in 1784 under which territories might
organise governments, send delegates to Congress, and obtain admission
as states. This was made use of in 1787 by the Northwest Territory, the
region lying between the Ohio and the Mississippi and the Great Lakes.
The states made a compact in which it was agreed that there should be no
slavery in this territory.

The critical period lasted until 1789. In the absence of strong
authority, economic and political troubles arose. Finally, a commission
appointed by Maryland and Virginia to settle questions relating to
navigation on the Potomac resulted in a convention to adjust the
navigation and commerce of the whole of the United States, called the
Annapolis Convention from the place where it met, May 1, 1787. Rhode
Island was the only state that failed to send delegates. Instead of
taking up the interstate commerce questions the convention formulated
the present Constitution. A President, with power to carry out the will
of the people, was provided, and also, a Supreme Court.

Washington was elected first President, his term beginning March 4,
1789. A census was taken in 1790. The largest city was Philadelphia,
with a population of 42,000--the others were New York, 33,000, and
Boston, 18,000. The total population of the United States was 4,000,000.
The slaves numbered 700,000; free negroes, 60,000, and the Indians,
80,000.

The Federalists, who believed in centralised government, were the most
influential men in Congress. Washington appointed Thomas Jefferson
Secretary of State, Knox Secretary of War, Hamilton Secretary of the
Treasury, Osgood Postmaster General, and Jay Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court.

The first tariff act was passed with a view of providing revenue and
protection, in 1789. The national debt amounted to $52,000,000.00--a
quarter of which was due abroad. The states had incurred an expense of
$25,000,000.00 more, in supporting the Revolution. The country suffered
from inflated currency. The genius of Hamilton saved the situation. He
persuaded Congress to assume the whole obligation of the national
government and of the states. Washington selected the site of the
capitol on the banks of the Potomac. But the government convened at
Philadelphia for ten years. Vermont and Kentucky were admitted as states
by the first Congress.

In Washington's administration, a number of American ships were captured
by British war vessels. England was at war with France and claimed the
right of stopping American vessels to look for possible deserters. War
was avoided by the Jay Treaty, November 19, 1794.

Washington retired, in 1796, at the end of two terms. John Adams, who
had been Ambassador to France, Holland and England, became second
President. The Democratic-Republican party, originated at this time,
stood for a strict construction of the constitution and favoured France
rather than England. Its leader was Thomas Jefferson. Adams proved but a
poor party leader, and the power of the Federalists failed after eight
years. He had gained some popularity in the early part of his first term
when France began to retaliate for the Jay Treaty by seizing American
ships, and would not receive the American minister. He appointed Charles
Coatesworth Pinckney, with John Marshall and Elbridge Gerry, as a
commission to treat with the French. The French commissioners who met
them demanded $24,000,000.00 as a bribe to draw up a treaty. The names
of the French commissioners were referred to in American newspapers as
X, Y and Z. Taking advantage of the popular favour gained in the conduct
of this affair, the Federalists succeeded in passing the Alien and
Sedition Laws.

Napoleon seized the power in France and made peace with the United
States. In the face of impending war between France and England,
Napoleon gave up his plans of an empire in America and sold Louisiana to
the United States for $15,000,000.00. The territory included 1,500,000
square miles. The Lewis and Clarke Expedition, sent out by Jefferson,
started from St. Louis May 14, 1804, crossed the Rocky Mountains and
discovered the Oregon country.

Aaron Burr was defeated for Governor of New York, and in his
Presidential ambitions, and in revenge killed Hamilton in a duel. He
fled the Ohio River country and made active preparations to carry out
some kind of a scheme. He probably intended to proceed against the
Spanish possessions in the Southwest and Mexico, and set himself up as a
ruler. He was betrayed by his confidante, Wilkinson, and was tried for
treason and acquitted in Richmond, Va., in 1807.

The momentous question of slavery in the territories came up in
Jefferson's administration. The institution was permitted in
Mississippi, but the ordinance of 1787 was maintained in Indiana. The
importation of slaves was prohibited after January 1, 1808.

James Madison, a Republican, became President, in 1809. The Indians,
under Tecumseh, attacked the Western settlers, but were defeated at
Tippecanoe by William Henry Harrison in 1811. In the same year, Congress
determined to break with England. Clay and Calhoun led the agitation.
Madison acceded, and war was declared June 18, 1812. The Treaty of Ghent
was signed on December 24, 1814. British commerce had been devastated. A
voyage even from England to Ireland was made unsafe.

The leading events of the War of 1812 were the unsuccessful invasion of
Canada and surrender at Detroit, August 12, 1812; sea fight in which the
"Constitution" took the "Guerriere," August 19th; sea fight in which the
"United States" took the "Macedonian," October 25, 1813; defeat at
Frenchtown, January 22nd; victory on Lake Erie, September 10th; loss of
the "Chesapeake" to the "Shannon," June 1st; victory at Chippewa, July
5, 1814; victory at Lundy's Lane, July 15th; Lake Champlain, September
11th; British burned public buildings in Washington, August 25th;
American defeated British at Baltimore, September 13th; American under
Jackson defeated the British at New Orleans, December 23rd and 28th.

Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio, were admitted as states, in 1792, 1796,
and 1803, respectively. In 1806, the federal government began a wagon
road, from the Potomac River to the West through the Cumberland Gap. New
York State finished the Erie Canal, in 1825. The population increased so
rapidly, that six new states, west and south of the Allegheny Mountains,
were admitted between 1812 and 1821. A serious conflict arose in 1820
over the admission of Missouri. The Missouri Compromise resulted in the
prohibition of slavery in the Louisiana Purchase, north of 36 deg. and 30'
north latitude. Missouri was admitted in 1831, and Maine, as a free
state, in 1820.

With the passing of protective tariff measures in 1816 a readjustment of
party lines took place. Protection brought over New England from
Federalism to Republicanism. Henry Clay of Kentucky was the leading
advocate of protection. Everybody was agreed upon this point in
believing that tariff was to benefit all classes. This time was known as
"The Era of Good Feeling."

Spain ceded Florida to the United States for $5,000,000.00, throwing in
claims in the Northwest, and the United States gave up her claim to
Texas. The treaty was signed in 1819.

The Monroe Doctrine was contained in the message that President Monroe
sent to Congress December 2, 1823. The colonies of South America had
revolted from Spain and had set up republics. The United States
recognised them in 1821. Spain called on Europe for assistance. In his
message to Congress, Monroe declared, "We could not view any
interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any
other manner their destiny by any European power, in any other light
than as a manifestation of an unfriendly feeling toward the United
States....The American Continents are henceforth not to be considered as
subjects for future colonisation by any European power." Great Britain
had previously suggested to Monroe that she would not support the
designs of Spain.

Protective measures were passed in 1824 and 1828. Around Adams and Clay
were formed the National-Republican Party, which was joined by the
Anti-Masons and other elements to form the Whig Party. Andrew Jackson
was the centre of the other faction, which came to be known as the
Democratic Party and has had a continuous existence ever since. South
Carolina checked the rising tariff for a while by declaring the tariff
acts of 1828 and 1832 null and void.

The region which now forms the state of Texas had been gradually filling
up with settlers. Many had brought slaves with them, although Mexico
abolished slavery in 1829. The United States tried to purchase the
country. Mexican forces under Santa Anna tried to enforce their
jurisdiction in 1836. Texas declared her independence and drew up a
constitution, establishing slavery. Opposition in the United States to
the increase of slave territory defeated a plan for the annexation of
this territory.

The New England Anti-Slavery Society was formed 1832, and the American
Anti-Slavery Society was founded in Philadelphia in 1833. William Lloyd
Garrison was the leader of abolition as a great moral agitation.

John C. Calhoun, Tyler's Secretary of State, proposed the annexation of
Texas in 1844, but the scheme was rejected by the Senate. The election
of Polk changed the complexion of affairs and Congress admitted Texas,
which became a state in December, 1845.

The boundaries had never been settled and war with Mexico followed.
Taylor defeated the Mexican forces at Palo Alto, May 8, 1846, at Resaca
de la Palma, May 9th, and later at Monterey and Buena Vista. Scott was
sent to Vera Cruz with an expedition, which fought its way to the City
of Mexico by September 14, 1846. The United States troops also seized
New Mexico. California revolted and joined the United States. The
Gadsden Purchase of 1853 secured a further small strip of territory from
Mexico.

The Boundary Treaty with Great Britain, in June, 1846, established the
northern limits of Oregon at 49th parallel north latitude.

The plans for converting California into a slave state were frustrated
by the discovery of gold. Fifty thousand emigrants poured in. The men
worked with their own hands, and would not permit slaves to be brought
in by their owners. Five bills, known as the Compromise of 1850,
provided that New Mexico should be organised as a territory out of
Texas; admitted California as a free state; established Utah as a
territory; provided a more rigid fugitive slave law; and abolished
slavery in the District of Columbia.

Cuba was regarded as a promising field for the extension of the slave
territory when the Democratic Party returned to power in 1853 with the
administration of Franklin Pierce. The ministers to Spain, France and
Great Britain met in Belgium, at the President's direction, and issued
the Ostend Manifesto, which declared that the United States would be
justified in annexing Cuba, if Spain refused to sell the island. This
Manifesto followed the popular agitation over the Virginius affair. The
Spaniards had seized a ship of that name, which was smuggling arms to
the Cubans, and put to death some Americans. War was averted, and Cuba
remained in the control of the Spaniards.

The Supreme Court in 1857, in the Dred Scott decision, held that a slave
was not a citizen and had no standing in the law, that Congress had no
right to prohibit slavery in the territories, and that the constitution
guaranteed slave property.

The Presidential campaign in 1858, which was signalised by the debates
between Douglass and Lincoln, resulted in raising the Republican power
in the House of Representatives, to equal that of the Democrats.

A fanatic Abolitionist, John Brown, with a few followers, seized the
Federal arsenal at Harper's Ferry in 1859, defended it heroically
against overpowering numbers, but was finally taken, tried and condemned
for treason. This incident served as an argument in the South for the
necessity of secession to protect the institution of slavery.

In the Presidential election of 1860, the Republican convention
nominated Lincoln. Douglass and John C. Breckenridge split the
Democratic vote, and Lincoln was elected President. This was the
immediate cause of the Civil War. The first state to secede was South
Carolina. A state convention, called by the Legislature, met on December
20, 1860, and declared that the union of that state and the other states
was dissolved. Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia and Louisiana,
followed in the first month of 1861, and Texas seceded February 1st.
They formed a Confederacy with a constitution and government at a
convention at Montgomery, Alabama, February, 1861. Jefferson Davis was
chosen President, and Alexander H. Stephens, Vice-President.

Sumter fell on April 14th, and the following day Lincoln called for
75,000 volunteers. The demand was more than filled. The Confederacy,
also, issued a call for volunteers which was enthusiastically received.
Four border states went over to the Confederacy, Arkansas, North
Carolina, Virginia and Tennessee. Three went over, in May, and the last,
June 18.

The leading events of the Civil War were, the battle of Bull Run, July
21, 1861; Wilson's Creek, August 2; Trent Affair, November 8, 1862;
Battle of Mill Spring, January 19; Ft. Henry, February 6; Ft. Donelson,
February 13-16: fight between the "Monitor" and "Merrimac," March 9;
Battle of Shiloh, April 6-7; capture of New Orleans, April 25; battle of
Williamsburgh, May 5; Fair Oaks, May 31-June 1; "Seven Days'
Battle"--Mechanicsville, Gaines's Mill, Frazier's Farm, Malvern Hill,
June 25-July 1; Cedar Mountain, August 9; second battle of Bull Run,
August 30; Chantilly, September 1; South Mountain, September 14;
Antietam, September 17; Iuka, September 19; Corinth, October 4;
Fredericksburg, December 13; Murfreesboro, December 31-January 2, 1863.
Emancipation Proclamation, January 1; battle of Chancellorsville, May
1-4; Gettysburg, July 1-3; fall of Vicksburg, July 4; battle of
Chickamauga, September 19-20; Chattanooga, November 23-25; 1864--battles
of Wilderness and Spottsylvania, May 5-7; Sherman's advance through
northern Georgia, in May and June; battle of Cold Harbor, June 1-3; the
"Kearsarge" sank the "Alabama," June 19; battles of Atlanta, July 20-28;
naval battle of Mobile, August 5; battle of Winchester, September 19;
Cedar Creek, October 19; Sherman's march through Georgia to the sea,
November and December; battle of Nashville, December 15-16;
1865--surrender of Fort Fisher, January 15; battle of Five Forks, April
1; surrender of Richmond, April 3; surrender of Lee's army at
Appomattox, April 9; surrender of Johnston's army, April 26; surrender
of Kirby Smith, May 26.

Lincoln, who had been elected for a second term, was assassinated on
April 14, 1865, in Ford's Theatre, Washington.

The United States expended $800,000,000 in revenue, and incurred a debt
of three times that amount during the war.

The Reconstruction Period lasted from 1865 to 1870. The South was left
industrially prostrate, and it required a long period to adjust the
change from the ownership to the employment of the negro.

Alaska was purchased from Russia, in 1867, for $7,200,000.00.

An arbitration commission was called for by Congress to settle the
damage claims of the United States against Great Britain, on account of
Great Britain's failure to observe duties of a neutral during the war.
The conference was held at Geneva, at the end of 1871, and announced its
award six months later. This was $15,000,000.00 damages, to be paid to
the United States for depredations committed by vessels fitted out by
the Confederates in British ports. The chief of these privateers was the
"Alabama."

One of the first acts of President Hayes, in 1877, was the withdrawal of
the Federal troops of the South. The new era of prosperity dates from
the resumption of home rule.

The Bland Bill of 1878 stipulated that at least $2,000,000, and not more
than $4,000,000, should be coined in silver dollars each month, at the
fixed ratio of 16-1.

Garfield, the twentieth President of the United States, was elected
1880, and was assassinated on July 2, 1881, in Washington, by an insane
office-seeker, and died September 19th.

The Civil Service Act of 1833 provided examinations for classified
service, and prohibited removal for political reasons. It also forbade
political assessments by a government official, or in the government
buildings.

The Interstate Commerce Commission was established in 1877 with very
limited powers, based on the clause in the constitution, drawn up in
1787, giving Congress the power to regulate domestic commerce.

Harrison was elected 1888. Both Houses were Republican, and the tariff
was increased. In 1890, the McKinley Bill raised the duties to an
average of 50 per cent, but reciprocity was provided for.

The Sherman Bill superseded the Bland Bill, and provided that 4,500,000
ounces of silver bullion must be bought and stored in the Treasury each
month. This measure failed to sustain the price of silver, and there was
a great demand, in the South and West, for the free coinage of that
metal.

The tariff was made the issue of the next Presidential election, in
1892, when Cleveland defeated Harrison by a large majority of electoral
votes. Each received a popular vote of 5,000,400. The Populist Party,
which espoused the silver cause, polled 1,000,000 votes.

Congress was called in special session, and repealed the Silver Purchase
Bill, and devised means of protection for the gold reserve which was
approaching the vanishing point.

Cleveland forced Great Britain to arbitrate the boundary dispute with
Venezuela in 1895, by a defiant enunciation of the Monroe doctrine.
Congress supported him and voted unanimously for a commission to settle
the dispute.

Free coinage of silver was the chief issue of the Presidential election,
in 1896. McKinley defeated Bryan by a great majority. The Dingley Tariff
Bill maintained the protective theory.

The blowing up of the "Maine," in the Havana Harbor, in 1898, hastened
the forcible intervention of the United States, in Cuba, where Spain had
been carrying on a war for three years.

On May 1st, Dewey entered Manila Bay and destroyed a Spanish fleet. The
more powerful and stronger Spanish fleet was destroyed while trying to
escape from the Harbour of Santiago de Cuba, on July 3.

By the Treaty of Paris, December 10, Porto Rico was ceded, and the
Philippine Islands were made over on a payment of $20,000,000, and a
republic was established in Cuba, under the United States protectory.

Hawaii had been annexed, and was made a territory, in 1900.

A revolt against the United States in the Philippine Islands was put
down, in 1901, after two years.

McKinley was elected to a second term, with a still more overwhelming
majority over Bryan.

McKinley was assassinated on September 6, 1901, at the Pan-American
Exposition at Buffalo, by an Anarchist. Theodore Roosevelt, the
Vice-President, succeeded him, and was re-elected, in 1904, defeating
Alton B. Parker.

Roosevelt intervened in the Anthracite Coal Strike, in 1902, recognised
the revolutionary Republic of Panama, and in his administration, the
United States acquired the Panama Canal Zone, and began work on the
inter-oceanic canal. Great efforts were made, during his administration,
to repress the big corporations by prosecutions, under the Sherman
Anti-Trust Law. The conservation of natural resources was also taken up
as a fixed policy.

* * * * *




WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT


History of the Conquest of Mexico


The "Conquest of Mexico" is a spirited and graphic narrative
of a stirring episode in history. To use his own words, the
author (see p. 271) has "endeavoured to surround the reader
with the spirit of the times, and, in a word, to make him a
contemporary of the 16th century."


_I. The Mexican Empire_


Of all that extensive empire which once acknowledged the authority of
Spain in the New World, no portion, for interest and importance, can be
compared with Mexico--and this equally, whether we consider the variety
of its soil and climate; the inexhaustible stores of its mineral wealth;
its scenery, grand and picturesque beyond example; the character of its
ancient inhabitants, not only far surpassing in intelligence that of the
other North American races, but reminding us, by their monuments, of the
primitive civilisation of Egypt and Hindostan; and lastly, the peculiar
circumstances of its conquest, adventurous and romantic as any legend
devised by any Norman or Italian bard of chivalry. It is the purpose of
the present narrative to exhibit the history of this conquest, and that
of the remarkable man by whom it was achieved.

The country of the ancient Mexicans, or Aztecs as they were called,
formed but a very small part of the extensive territories comprehended
in the modern Republic of Mexico. The Aztecs first entered it from the
north towards the beginning of the thirteenth century, but it was not
until the year 1325 that, led by an auspicious omen, they laid the
foundations of their future city by sinking piles into the shallows of
the principal lake in the Mexican valley. Thus grew the capital known
afterwards to Europeans as Mexico. The omen which led to the choice of
this site--an eagle perched upon a cactus--is commemorated in the arms
of the modern Mexican Republic.

In the fifteenth century there was formed a remarkable league,
unparallelled in history, according to which it was agreed between the
states of Mexico, Tezcuco, and the neighbouring little kingdom of
Tlacopan, that they should mutually support each other in their wars,
and divide the spoil on a fixed scale. During a century of warfare this
alliance was faithfully adhered to and the confederates met with great
success. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, just before the
arrival of the Spaniards, the Aztec dominion reached across the
continent, from the Atlantic to the Pacific. There was thus included in
it territory thickly peopled by various races, themselves warlike, and
little inferior to the Aztecs in social organisation. What this
organisation was may be briefly indicated.

The government of the Aztecs, or Mexicans, was an elective monarchy, the
sovereign being, however, always chosen from the same family. His power
was almost absolute, the legislative power residing wholly with him,
though justice was administered through an administrative system which
differentiated the government from the despotisms of the East. Human
life was protected, except in the sense that human sacrifices were
common, the victims being often prisoners of war. Slavery was practised,
but strictly regulated. The Aztec code was, on the whole, stamped with
the severity of a rude people, relying on physical instead of moral
means for the correction of evil. Still, it evinces a profound respect
for the great principles of morality, and as clear a perception of those
principles as is to be found in the most cultivated nations. One
instance of their advanced position is striking; hospitals were
established in the principal cities, for the cure of the sick, and the
permanent refuge of the disabled soldier; and surgeons were placed over
them, "who were so far better than those in Europe," says an old
chronicler, "that they did not protract the cure, in order to increase
the pay."

In their religion, the Aztecs recognised a Supreme Creator and Lord of
the universe, "without whom man is as nothing," "invisible, incorporeal,
one God, of perfect perfection and purity," "under whose wings we find
repose and a sure defence." But beside Him they recognised numerous
gods, who presided over the changes of the seasons, and the various
occupations of man, and in whose honour they practised bloody rites.
Such were the people dwelling in the lovely Mexican valley, and wielding
a power that stretched far beyond it, when the Spanish expedition led by
Hernando Cortes landed on the coast. The expedition was the fruit of an
age and a people eager for adventure, for gain, for glory, and for the
conversion of barbaric peoples to the Christian faith. The Spaniards
were established in the West Indian Islands, and sought further
extension of their dominions in the West, whence rumours of great
treasure had reached them. Thus it happened that Velasquez, the Spanish
Governor of Cuba, designed to send a fleet to explore the mainland, to
gain what treasure he could by peaceful barter with the natives, and by
any means he could to secure their conversion. It was commanded by
Cortes, a man of extraordinary courage and ability, and extraordinary
gifts for leadership, to whose power both of control and inspiration
must be ascribed, in a very great degree, the success of his amazing
enterprise.


_II.--The Invasion of the Empire_


It was on the eighteenth of February, 1519, that the little squadron
finally set sail from Cuba for the coast of Yucatan. Before starting,
Cortes addressed his soldiers in a manner both very characteristic of
the man, and typical of the tone which he took towards them on several
occasions of great difficulty and danger, when but for his courageous
spirit and great power of personal influence, the expedition could only
have found a disastrous end. Part of his speech was to this effect: "I
hold out to you a glorious prize, but it is to be won by incessant toil.
Great things are achieved only by great exertions, and glory was never
the reward of sloth. If I have laboured hard and staked my all on this
undertaking, it is for the love of that renown, which is the noblest
recompense of man. But, if any among you covet riches more, be but true
to me, as I will be true to you and to the occasion, and I will make you
masters of such as our countrymen have never dreamed of! You are few in
number, but strong in resolution; and, if this does not falter, doubt
not but that the Almighty, who has never deserted the Spaniard in his
contest with the infidel, will shield you, though encompassed by a cloud
of enemies; for your cause is a _just cause_, and you are to fight under
the banner of the Cross. Go forward then, with alacrity and confidence,
and carry to a glorious issue the work so auspiciously begun."

The first landing was made on the island of Cozumel, where the natives
were forcibly converted to Christianity. Then, reaching the mainland,
they were attacked by the natives of Tabasco, whom they soon reduced to
submission. These made presents to the Spanish commander, including some
female slaves. One of these, named by the Spaniards Marina, became of
great use to the conquerors in the capacity of interpreter, and by her
loyalty, her intelligence, and, not least, by her distinguished courage
became a powerful influence in the fortunes of the Spaniards.

The next event of consequence in the career of the Conquerors was the
foundation of the first colony in New Spain, the town of Villa Rica de
Vera Cruz, on the sea-shore. Following this, came the reduction of the
warlike Republic of Tlascala, and the conclusion of an alliance with its
inhabitants which proved of priceless value to the Spaniards in their
long warfare with the. Mexicans.

More than one embassy had reached the Spanish camp from Montezuma, the
Emperor of Mexico, bearing presents and conciliatory messages, but
declining to receive the strangers in his capital. The basis of his
conduct and of that of the bulk of his subjects towards the Spaniards
was an ancient tradition concerning a beneficent deity named
Quetzalcoatl who had sailed away to the East, promising to return and
reign once more over his people. He had a white skin, and long, dark
hair; and the likeness of the Spaniards to him in this respect gave rise
to the idea that they were his representatives, and won them honour
accordingly; while even to those tribes who were entirely hostile a
supernatural terror clung around their name. Montezuma, therefore,
desired to conciliate them while seeking to prevent their approach to
his capital. But this was the goal of their expedition, and Cortes, with
his little army, never exceeding a few hundred in all, reinforced by
some Tlascalan auxiliaries, marched towards the capital. Montezuma, on
hearing of their approach, was plunged into despondency. "Of what avail
is resistance," he is said to have exclaimed, "when the gods have
declared themselves against us! Yet I mourn most for the old and infirm,
the women and children, too feeble to fight or to fly. For myself and
the brave men round me, we must bare our breasts to the storm, and meet
it as we may!"

Meanwhile the Spaniards marched on, enchanted as they came by the beauty
and the wealth of the city and its neighbourhood. It was built on piles
in a great lake, and as they descended into the valley it seemed to them
to be a reality embodying in the fairest dreams of all those who had
spoken of the New World and its dazzling glories. They passed along one
of the causeways which constituted the only method of approach to the
city, and as they entered, they were met by Montezuma himself, in all
his royal state. Bowing to what seemed the inevitable, he admitted them
to the capital, gave them a royal palace for their quarters, and
entertained them well. After a week, however, the Spaniards began to be
doubtful of the security of their position, and to strengthen it Cortes
conceived and carried out the daring plan of gaining possession of
Montezuma's person. With his usual audacity he went to the palace,
accompanied by some of his cavaliers, and compelled Montezuma to consent
to transfer himself and his household to the Spanish quarters. After
this, Cortes demanded that he should recognise formally the supremacy of
the Spanish emperor. Montezuma agreed, and a large treasure, amounting
in value to about one and a half million pounds sterling, was despatched
to Spain in token of his fealty. The ship conveying it to Spain touched
at the coast of Cuba, and the news of Cortes's success inflamed afresh
the jealousy of Velasquez, its governor, who had long repented of his
choice of a commander. Therefore, in March, 1520, he sent Narvaez at the
head of a rival expedition, to overcome Cortes and appropriate the
spoils. But he had reckoned without the character of Cortes. Leaving a
garrison in Mexico, the latter advanced by forced marches to meet
Narvaez, and took him unawares, entirely defeating his much superior
force. More than this, he induced most of these troops to join him, and
thus, reinforced also from Tlascala, marched back to Mexico. There his
presence was greatly needed, for news had reached him that the Mexicans
had risen, and that the garrison was already in straits.


_III.--The Retreat from Mexico_


It was indeed in a serious position that Cortes found his troops,
threatened by famine, and surrounded by a hostile population. But he was
so confident of his ability to overawe the insurgents that he wrote to
that effect to the garrison of Vera Cruz, by the same dispatches in
which he informed them of his safe arrival in the capital. But scarcely
had his messenger been gone half an hour, when he returned breathless
with terror, and covered with wounds. "The city," he said, "was all in
arms! The drawbridges were raised, and the enemy would soon be upon
them!" He spoke truth. It was not long before a hoarse, sullen sound
became audible, like that of the roaring of distant waters. It grew
louder and louder; till, from the parapet surrounding the enclosure, the
great avenues which led to it might be seen dark with the masses of
warriors, who came rolling on in a confused tide towards the fortress.
At the same time, the terraces and flat roofs in the neighbourhood were
thronged with combatants brandishing their missiles, who seemed to have
risen up as if by magic. It was a spectacle to appall the stoutest.

But this was only the prelude to the disasters that were to befall the
Spaniards. The Mexicans made desperate assaults upon the Spanish
quarters, in which both sides suffered severely. At last Montezuma, at
the request of Cortes, tried to interpose. But his subjects, in fury at
what they considered his desertion of them, gave him a wound of which he
died. The position became untenable, and Cortes decided on retreat. This
was carried out at night, and owing to the failure of a plan for laying
a portable bridge across those gaps in the causeway left by the
drawbridges, the Spaniards were exposed to a fierce attack from the
natives which proved most disastrous. Caught on the narrow space of the
causeway, and forced to make their way as best they could across the
gaps, they were almost overwhelmed by the throngs of their enemies.
Cortes who, with some of the vanguard, had reached comparative safety,
dashed back into the thickest of the fight where some of his comrades
were making a last stand, and brought them out with him, so that at last
all the survivors, a sadly stricken company, reached the mainland.

The story of the reconstruction by Cortes of his shattered and
discouraged army is one of the most astonishing chapters in the whole
history of the Conquest. Wounded, impoverished, greatly reduced in
numbers and broken in spirit by the terrible experience through which
they had passed, they demanded that the expedition should be abandoned
and themselves conveyed back to Cuba. Before long, the practical wisdom
and personal influence of Cortes had recovered them, reanimated their
spirits, and inspired them with fresh zeal for conquest, and now for
revenge. He added to their numbers the very men sent against him by
Velasquez at this juncture, whom he persuaded to join him; and had the
same success with the members of another rival expedition from Jamaica.
Eventually he set out once more for Mexico, with a force of nearly six
hundred Spaniards, and a number of allies from Tlascala.



_IV.--The Siege and Capture of Mexico_



The siege of Mexico is one of the most memorable and most disastrous
sieges of history. Cortes disposed his troops so as to occupy the three
great causeways leading from the shore of the lake to the city, and thus
cut off the enemy from their sources of supply. He was strong in the
possession of twelve brigantines, built by his orders, which swept the
lake with their guns and frequently defeated the manoeuvres of the
enemy, to whom a sailing ship was as new and as terrible a phenomenon as
were firearms and cavalry. But the Aztecs were strong in numbers, and in
their deadly hatred of the invader, the young emperor, Guatemozin,
opposed to the Spaniards a spirit as dauntless as that of Cortes
himself. Again and again, by fierce attack, by stratagem, and by their
indefatigable labours, the Aztecs inflicted checks, and sometimes even
disaster, upon the Spaniards. Many of these, and of their Indian allies,
fell, or were carried off to suffer the worse fate of the sacrificial
victim. The priests promised the vengeance of the gods upon the
strangers, and at one point Cortes saw his allies melting away from him,
under the power of this superstitious fear. But the threats were
unfulfilled, the allies returned, and doom settled down upon the city.
Famine and pestilence raged with it, and all the worst horrors of a
siege were suffered by the inhabitants.

But still they remained implacable, fighting to their last breath, and
refusing to listen to the repeated and urgent offers of Cortes to spare
them and their property if they would capitulate. It was not until the
15th of August, 1521, that the siege, which began in the latter part of
May, was brought to an end. After a final offer of terms, which
Guatemozin still refused, Cortes made the final assault, and carried the
city in face of a resistance now sorely enfeebled but still heroic.
Guatemozin, attempting to escape with his wife and some followers to the
shore of the lake, was intercepted by one of the brigantines and carried
to Cortes. He bore himself with all the dignity that belonged to his
courage, and was met by Cortes in a manner worthy of it. He and his
train was courteously treated and well entertained.

Meanwhile, at Guatemozin's request, the population of Mexico were
allowed to leave the city for the surrounding country; and after this
the Spaniards set themselves to the much-needed work of cleansing the
city. They were greatly disappointed in their hope of treasure, which
the Aztecs had so effectively hidden that only a small part of the
expected riches was ever discovered. It is a blot upon the history of
the war that Cortes, yielding to the importunity of his soldiers,
permitted Guatemozin to be tortured, in order to gain information
regarding the treasure. But no information of value could be wrung from
him, and the treasure remained hidden.

At the very time of his distinguished successes in Mexico, the fortunes
of Cortes hung in the balance in Spain. His enemy Velasquez, governor of
Cuba, and the latter's friends at home, made such complaint of his
conduct that a commissioner was sent to Vera Cruz to apprehend Cortes
and bring him to trial. But, as usual, the hostile effort failed, and
the commissioner sailed for Cuba, having accomplished nothing. The
friends of Cortes, on the other hand, made counter-charges, in which
they showed that his enemies had done all in their power to hinder him
in what was a magnificent effort on behalf of the Spanish dominion, and
asked if the council were prepared to dishonour the man who, in the face
of such obstacles, and with scarcely other resources than what he found
in himself, had won an empire for Castile, such as was possessed by no
European potentate. This appeal was irresistible. However irregular had
been the manner of proceeding, no one could deny the grandeur of the
results. The acts of Cortes were confirmed in their full extent. He was
constituted Governor, Captain General, and Chief Justice of New Spain,
as the province was called, and his army was complimented by the
emperor, fully acknowledging its services.

The news of this was received in New Spain with general acclamation. The
mind of Cortes was set at ease as to the past, and he saw opening before
him a noble theatre for future enterprise. His career, ever one of
adventure and of arms, was still brilliant and still chequered. He fell
once more under suspicion in Spain, and at last determined to present
himself in person before his sovereign, to assert his innocence and
claim redress. Favourably received by Charles V., he subsequently
returned to Mexico, pursued difficult and dangerous voyages of
discovery, and ultimately returned to Spain, where he died in 1547.

The history of the Conquest of Mexico is the history of Cortes, who was
its very soul. He was a typical knight-errant; more than this, he was a
great commander. There is probably no instance in history where so vast
an enterprise has been achieved by means apparently so inadequate. He
may be truly said to have effected the conquest by his own resources. It
was the force of his genius that obtained command of the co-operation of
the Indian tribes. He arrested the arm that was lifted to smite him, he
did not desert himself. He brought together the most miscellaneous
collection of mercenaries who ever fought under one standard,--men with
hardly a common tie, and burning with the spirit of jealousy and
faction; wild tribes of the natives also, who had been sworn enemies
from their cradles. Yet this motley congregation was assembled in one
camp, to breathe one spirit, and to move on a common principle of
action.

As regards the whole character of his enterprise, which seems to modern
eyes a bloody and at first quite unmerited war waged against the Indian
nations, it must be remembered that Cortes and his soldiers fought in
the belief that their victories were the victories of the Cross, and
that any war resulting in the conversion of the enemy to Christianity,
even as by force, was a righteous and meritorious war. This
consideration dwelt in their minds, mingling indeed with the desire for
glory and for gain, but without doubt influencing them powerfully. This
is at any rate one of the clues to this extraordinary chapter of
history, so full of suffering and bloodshed, and at the same time of
unsurpassed courage and heroism on every side.

* * * * *




History of the Conquest of Peru


The "History of the Conquest of Peru," which appeared in 1847,
followed Prescott's "History of the Conquest of Mexico." It is
a vivid and picturesque narrative of one of the most romantic,
if also in some ways one of the darkest, episodes in history.
It is impossible in a small compass to convey a tithe of the
astonishing series of hairbreadth escapes, of conquest over
tremendous odds, and of rapid eventualities which make up this
kaleidoscopic story.


_I.--The Realm of the Incas_


Among the rumours which circulated among the ambitious adventurers of
the New World, one of the most dazzling was that of a rich empire far to
the south, a very El Dorado, where gold was as abundant as were the
common metals in the Old World, and where precious stones were to be
had, almost for the picking up. These rumours fired the hopes of three
men in the Spanish colony at Panama, namely, Francisco Pizarro and Diego
de Almagro, both soldiers of fortune, and Hernando de Luque, a Spanish
priest. As it was primarily from the efforts of these three that that
astonishing episode, the Spanish conquest of Peru, came to pass.

The character of that empire which the Spaniards discovered and
undertook to conquer may be briefly sketched.

According to the traditions of Peru, there had come to that country,
then lying in barbarism and darkness, two "Children of the Sun." These
had taught them wise customs and the arts of civilisation, and from them
had sprung by direct descent the Incas, who thus ruled over them by a
divine right. Besides the ruling Inca, whose person and decrees received
an honour that was almost worship, there were numerous nobles, also of
the royal blood, who formed a ruling caste. These were held in great
honour, and were evidently of a race superior to the common people, a
fact to which the very shape of their skulls testifies.

The government was developed to an extraordinary pitch of control over
even the private lives of the people. The whole land and produce of the
country were divided into three parts, one for the Sun, the supreme
national deity; one for the Inca, and the third for the people. This
last was divided among them according to their needs, especially
according to the size of their families, and the distribution of land
was made afresh each year. On this principle, no one could suffer from
poverty, and no one could rise by his efforts to a higher position than
that which birth and circumstances allotted to him. The government
prescribed to every man his local habitation, his sphere of action, nay,
the very nature and quality of that action. He ceased to be a free
agent; it might almost be said, that it relieved him of personal
responsibility. Even his marriage was determined for him; from time to
time all the men and women who had attained marriageable age were
summoned to the great squares of their respective towns, and the hands
of the couples joined by the presiding magistrate. The consent of
parents was required, and the preference of the parties was supposed to
be consulted, but owing to the barriers imposed by the prescribed age of
the parties, this must have been within rather narrow limits. A dwelling
was prepared for each couple at the charge of the district, and the
prescribed portion of land assigned for their maintenance.

The country as a whole was divided into four great provinces, each ruled
by a viceroy. Below him, there was a minute subdivision of supervision
and authority, down to the division into decades, by which every tenth
man was responsible for his nine countrymen.

The tribunals of justice were simple and swift in their procedure, and
all responsible to the Crown, to whom regular reports were forwarded,
and who was thus in a position to review and rectify any abuses in the
administration of the law.

The organisation of the country was altogether on a much higher level
than that encountered by the Spaniards in any other part of the American
continent. There was, for example, a complete census of the people
periodically taken. There was a system of posts, carried by runners,
more efficient and complete than any such system in Europe. There was,
lastly, a method of embodying in the empire any conquered country which
can only be compared to the Roman method. Local customs were interfered
with as little as possible, local gods were carried to Cuzco and
honoured in the pantheon there, and the chiefs of the country were also
brought to the capital, where they were honoured and by every possible
means attached to the new _regime_. The language of the capital was
diffused everywhere, and every inducement to learn it offered, so that
the difficulty presented by the variety of dialects was overcome. Thus
the Empire of the Incas achieved a solidarity very different from the
loose and often unwilling cohesion of the various parts of the Mexican
empire, which was ready to fall to pieces as soon as opportunity
offered. The Peruvian empire arose as one great fabric, composed of
numerous and even hostile tribes, yet, under the influence of a common
religion, common language, and common government, knit together as one
nation, animated by a spirit of love for its institutions and devoted
loyalty to its sovereign. They all learned thus to bow in unquestioning
obedience to the decrees of the divine Inca. For the government of the
Incas, while it was the mildest, was the most searching of despotisms.


_II.--First Steps Towards Conquest_


It was early in the sixteenth century that tidings of the golden empire
in the south reached the Spaniards, and more than one effort was made to
discover it. But these proved abortive, and it was not until after the
brilliant conquest of Mexico by Cortes that the enterprise destined for
success was set on foot. Then, in 1524, Francisco Pizarro, Almagro, and
Father Luque united their efforts to pursue the design of discovering
and conquering this rich realm of the south. The first expedition,
sailing under Pizarro in 1524, was unable to proceed more than a certain
distance owing to their inadequate numbers and scanty outfit, and
returned to Panama to seek reinforcements. Then, in 1526, the three
coadjutors signed a contract which has become famous. The two captains
solemnly engaged to devote themselves to the undertaking until it should
be accomplished, and to share equally with Father Luque all gains, both
of land and treasure, which should accrue from the expedition. This last
provision was in recognition of the fact that the priest had supplied by
far the greater part of the funds required, or apparently did so, for
from another document it appears that he was only the representative of
the Licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa, then at Panama, who really furnished
the money.

The next expedition met with great vicissitudes, and it was only the
invincible spirit of Pizarro which carried them as far as the Gulf of
Guayaquil and the rich city of Tumbez. Hence they returned once more to
Panama, carrying this time better tidings, and again seeking
reinforcements. But the governor of the colony gave them no
encouragement, and at last it was decided that Pizarro should go to
Spain and apply for help from the Crown. He did so, and in 1529 was
executed the memorable "Capitulation" which defined the powers and
privileges of Pizarro. It granted to Pizarro the right of discovery and
conquest in the province of Peru, (or New Castile as it was then
called,) the title of Governor, and a salary, with inferior honours for
his associates; all these to be enjoyed on the conquest of the country,
and the salaries to be derived from its revenues. Pizarro was to provide
for the good government and protection of the natives, and to carry with
him a specified number of ecclesiastics to care for their spiritual
welfare.

On Pizarro's return to America, he had to contend with the discontent of
Almagro at the unequal distribution of authority and honours, but after
he had been somewhat appeased by the efforts of Pizarro the third
expedition set sail in January, 1531. It comprised three ships, carrying
180 men and 27 horses--a slender enough force for the conquest of an
empire.

After various adventures, the Spaniards landed at Tumbez, and in May,
1532, set out from there to march along the coast. After founding a town
some thirty leagues south of Tumbez, which he named San Miguel, he
marched into the interior with the bold design of meeting the Inca
himself. He came at a moment when Peru was but just emerging from a
civil conflict, in which Atahuallpa had routed the rival and more
legitimate claimant to the throne of the Incas, Huascar. On his march,
Pizarro was met by an envoy from the Inca, inviting him to visit him in
his camp, with, as Pizarro guessed, no friendly intent. This coincided,
however, with the purpose of Pizarro, and he pressed forward. When his
soldiers showed signs of discouragement in face of the great dangers
before them, Pizarro addressed them thus:

"Let every one of you take heart and go forward like a good soldier,
nothing daunted by the smallness of your numbers. For in the greatest
extremity God ever fights for His own; and doubt not He will humble the
pride of the heathen, and bring him to the knowledge of the true faith,
the great end and object of the Conquest." The enthusiasm of the troops
was at once rekindled. "Lead on!" they shouted as he finished his
address. "Lead on wherever you think best! We will follow with goodwill;
and you shall see that we can do our duty in the cause of God and the
king!"

They had need of all their daring. For when they had penetrated to
Caxamalca they found the Inca encamped there at the head of a great host
of his subjects, and knew that if his uncertain friendliness towards
them should evaporate, they would be in a desperate case. Pizarro then
determined to follow the example of Cortes, and gain possession of the
sovereign's person. He achieved this by what can only be called an act
of treachery; he invited the Inca to visit his quarters, and then,
taking them unawares, killed a large number of his followers and took
him prisoner. The effect was precisely what Pizarro had hoped for. The
"Child of the Sun" once captured, the Indians, who had no law but his
command, no confidence but in his leadership, fled in all directions,
and the Spaniards remained masters of the situation.

They treated the Inca at first with respect, and while keeping him a
prisoner, allowed him a measure of freedom, and free intercourse with
his subjects. He soon saw a door of hope in the Spaniards' eagerness for
gold, and offered an enormous ransom. The offer was accepted, and
messengers were sent throughout the empire to collect it. At last it
reached an amount, in gold, of the value of nearly three and a half
million pounds sterling, besides a quantity of silver. But even this
ransom did not suffice to free the Inca. Owing partly to the malevolence
of an Indian interpreter, who bore the Inca ill-will, and partly to
rumours of a general rising of the natives instigated by the Inca, the
army began to demand his life as necessary to their safety. Pizarro
appeared to be opposed to this demand, but to yield to his soldiers, and
after a form of trial the Inca was executed. But Pizarro cannot be
acquitted of responsibility for a deed which formed the climax of one of
the darkest chapters in Spanish colonial history, and it is probable
that the design coincided only too well with his aims.


_III.--Triumph of Pisarro; his Assassination_


There was nothing now to hinder the victorious march of the Spaniards to
Cuzco, the Peruvian capital. They now numbered nearly five hundred,
having been reinforced by the arrival of Almagro from Panama.

In Cuzco they found great quantities of treasure, with the natural
result that the prices of ordinary commodities rose enormously as the
value of gold and silver declined, so that it was only those few who
returned with their present gains to their native country who could be
called wealthy.

All power was now in the hands of the Spaniards. Pizarro indeed placed
upon the throne of the Incas the legitimate heir, Manco, but it was only
in order that he might be the puppet of his own purposes. His next step
was to found a new capital, which should be near enough to the sea-coast
to meet the need of a commercial people. He determined upon the site of
Lima on the festival of Epiphany, 1535, and named it "Ciudad de los
Reyes," or City of the Kings, in honour of the day. But this name was
before long superseded by that of Lima, which arose from the corruption
of a Peruvian name.

Meanwhile Hernando Pizarro, the brother of Francisco, had sailed to
Spain to report their success. He returned with royal letters confirming
the previous grants to Francisco and his associates, and bestowing upon
Almagro a jurisdiction over a given tract of country, beginning from the
southern limit of Pizarro's government. This grant became a fruitful
source of dissension between Almagro and the Pizarros, each claiming as
within his jurisdiction the rich city of Cuzco, a question which the
uncertain knowledge of distances in the newly-explored country made it
difficult to decide.

But the Spaniards had now for a time other occupation than the pursuit
of their own quarrels. The Inca Manco, escaping from the captivity in
which he had lain for a time, put himself at the head of a host of
Indians, said to number two hundred thousand, and laid siege to Cuzco
early in February, 1536. The siege was memorable as calling out the most
heroic displays of Indian and European valour, and bringing the two
races into deadlier conflict with each other than had yet occurred in
the conquest of Peru. The Spaniards were hard pressed, for by means of
burning arrows the Indians set the city on fire, and only their
encampment in the midst of an open space enabled the Spaniards to endure
the conflagration around. They suffered severely, too, from famine. The
relief from Lima for which they looked did not come, as Pizarro was in
no position to send help, and from this they feared the worst as to the
fate of their companions. Only the firm resolution of the Pizarro,
brothers and the other leaders within the city kept the army from
attempting to force a way out, which would have meant the abandoning of
the city. At last they were rewarded by the sight of the great host
around them melting away. Seedtime had come, and the Inca knew it would
be fatal for his people to neglect their fields, and thus prepare
starvation for themselves in the following year. Thus, though bodies of
the enemy remained to watch the city, the siege was virtually raised,
and the most pressing danger past.

While these events were passing, Almagro was engaged upon a memorable
expedition to Chili. His troops suffered great privations, and hearing
no good tidings of the country further south, he was prevailed upon to
return to Cuzco. Here, claiming the governorship, he captured Hernando
and Gonzalo Pizarro, though refusing the counsel of his lieutenant that
they should be put to death. Then, proceeding to the coast, he met
Francisco Pizarro, and a treaty was concluded between them by which
Almagro, pending instructions from Spain, was to retain Cuzco, and
Hernando Pizarro was to be set free, on condition of sailing for Spain.
But Francisco broke the treaty as soon as made, and sent Hernando with
an army against Almagro, warning the latter that unless he gave up Cuzco
the responsibility of the consequences would be on his own head. The two
armies met at Las Salinas, and Almagro was defeated and imprisoned in
Cuzco. Before long Hernando brought him to trial and to death, thus ill
requiting Almagro's treatment of him personally. Hernando, on his return
to Spain, suffered twenty years' imprisonment for this deed, which
outraged both public sentiment and sense of justice.

Francisco Pizarro, though affecting to be shocked at the death of
Almagro, cannot be acquitted of all share in it. So, indeed, the
followers of Almagro thought, and they were goaded to still further
hatred of the Pizarros by the poverty and contempt in which they now
lived, as the survivors of a discredited party. The house of Almagro's
son in Lima formed a centre of disaffection, to whose menace Pizarro
showed remarkable blindness. He paid dearly for this excessive
confidence, for on Sunday, the 26th of June, 1541, he was attacked while
sitting in his own house among his friends, and killed.


_IV.--Later Fortunes of the Conquerors_


The death of Pizarro did not prove in any sense a guarantee of peace
among the Spaniards in Peru. At the time of his death, indeed, an envoy
from the Spanish court was on his way to Peru, who from his integrity
and wisdom might indeed have given rise to a hope that a happier day was
about to dawn. He was endowed with powers to assume the governorship in
the event of Pizarro's death, as well as instructions to bring about a
more peaceful settlement of affairs. He arrived to find himself indeed
the lawful governor, but had before him the task of enforcing his
authority. This brought him into collision with the son of Almagro, at
the head of a strong party of his father's followers. A bloody battle
took place on the plains of Chupas, in which Vaca de Castro was
victorious. Almagro was arrested at Cuzco and executed.

The history of the Spanish dominion now resolves itself into the history
of warring factions, the chief hero of which was Gonzalo Pizzaro, one of
the brothers of the great Pizarro. The Spaniards in Peru felt themselves
deeply injured by the publication of regulations from Spain, by which a
sudden check was put upon their spoliation and oppression of the
natives, which had reached an extreme pitch of cruelty and
destructiveness. They called upon Gonzalo to lead them in vindication of
what they regarded as their privileges by right of conquest and of their
service to the Spanish crown. His hands were strengthened by the rash
and high-handed behaviour of, Blasco Nunez Vela, yet another official
sent out from Spain to deal with this turbulent province. Pizarro
himself was an able and daring leader, and, at least in his earlier
years, of a chivalrous spirit which made him beloved of his soldiers. He
had great personal courage, and, as says one who had often seen him,
"when mounted on his favourite charger, made no more account of a
squadron of Indians than of a swarm of flies." He was soon acclaimed as
governor by the Spaniards, and was actually supreme in Peru. But in the
following year, 1545, the Spanish government selected an envoy who was
to bring the now ascendant star of Pizarro to eclipse. This was an
ecclesiastic named Pedro de la Gasea, a man of great resolution,
penetration, and knowledge of affairs. After varying fortunes, in which
Pizarro for some time held his own, he was routed by the troops of
Gasea, largely through the defection of a number of his own soldiers,
who marched over to the enemy. Pizarro surrendered to an officer, and
was carried before Gasea. Addressing him with severity, Gasea abruptly
inquired, "Why had he thrown the country into such confusion; raising
the banner of revolt; usurping the government; and obstinately refusing
the offer of grace that had been repeatedly made to him?" Gonzalo
defended himself as having been elected by the people. "It was my
family," he said, "who conquered the country, and as their
representative here, I felt I had a right to the government." To this
Gasea replied, in a still severer tone, "Your brother did, indeed,
conquer the land; and for this the emperor was pleased to raise both him
and you from the dust. He lived and died a true and loyal subject; and
it only makes your ingratitude to your sovereign the more heinous." A
sentence of death followed, and thus passed the last of Pizarro's name
to rule in Peru.

Under the wise reforms instituted by Gasea, Peru was somewhat relieved
of the disastrous effects of the Spanish occupation, and under the mild
yet determined policy inaugurated by him, the ancient distractions of
the country were permanently healed. With peace, prosperity returned
within the borders of Peru, and this much-tried land settled down at
last to a considerable measure of tranquillity and content.

* * * * *




EDWARD HYDE


The History of the Rebellion


Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, who was born February 18,
1608; at Dinton, Wilts, and who died at Rouen, 1674, was son
of a private gentleman and was educated at Oxford, afterwards
studying law under Chief Justice Nicholas Hyde, his uncle.
Early in his career he became distinguished in political life
in a stormy period, for, as a prominent member of the Long
Parliament, he espoused the popular cause. The outbreak of the
Civil War, however, threw his sympathies over to the other
side, and in 1642 King Charles knighted him and appointed him
Chancellor of the Exchequer. When Charles, Prince of Wales,
afterwards King Charles II., fled to Jersey after the great
defeat of his father at Naseby, he was accompanied by Hyde,
who, in the island, commenced his great work, "The History of
the Rebellion," and also issued a series of eloquently worded
papers which appeared in the king's name as replies to the
manifestoes of Parliament. After the Restoration he was
appointed High Chancellor of England and ennobled with the
title of Earl of Clarendon. But the ill success of the war
with Holland brought the earl into popular disfavour, and his
unpopularity was increased by the sale of Dunkirk to the
French. Court intrigues led to the loss of his offices and he
retreated to Calais. An apology which he sent to the Lords was
ordered to be burnt by the common hangman. For six years, till
his death in Rouen, he lived in exile, but he was honoured by
burial in Westminster Abbey. His private character in a
dissolute age was unimpeachable. Anne Hyde, daughter of the
earl, became Queen of England, as wife of James II., and was
mother of two queens, Anne and Mary. The "History of the
Rebellion" is a noble and monumental work, invaluable as
written by a contemporary.


King James, in the end of March, 1625, died, leaving his majesty that
now is, engaged in a war with Spain, but unprovided with money to manage
it, though it was undertaken by the consent and advice of Parliament;
the people being naturally enough inclined to the war (having surfeited
with the uninterrupted pleasures and plenty of 22 years of peace) and
sufficiently inflamed against the Spaniard, but quickly weary of the
charge of it. Therefore, after an unprosperous attempt by sea on Cadiz,
and a still more unsuccessful one on France, at the Isle of Rhe (for
some difference had also begotten a war with that country), a general
peace was shortly concluded with both kingdoms.

The exchequer was exhausted by the debts of King James and the war, so
that the known revenue was anticipated and the king was driven into
straits for his own support. Many ways were resorted to for supply, such
as selling the crown lands, creating peers for money, and other
particulars which no access of power or plenty could since repair.

Parliaments were summoned, and again dissolved: and that in the fourth
year after the dissolution of the two former was determined with a
declaration that no more assemblies of that nature should be expected,
and all men should be inhibited on the penalty of censure so much as to
speak of a parliament. And here I cannot but let myself loose to say,
that no man can show me a source from whence these waters of bitterness
we now taste have probably flowed, than from these unseasonable,
unskilful, and precipitate dissolutions of parliaments. And whoever
considers the acts of power and injustice in the intervals between
parliaments will not be much scandalised at the warmth and vivacity
displayed in their meetings.

In the second parliament it was proposed to grant five subsidies, a
proportion (how contemptible soever in respect of the pressures now
every day imposed) never before heard of in Parliament. And that meeting
being, upon very unpopular and implausible reasons immediately
dissolved, those five subsidies were exacted throughout the whole
kingdom with the same rigour as if in truth an act had passed to that
purpose. And very many gentlemen of prime quality, in all the counties,
were for refusing to pay the same committed to prison.

The abrupt and ungracious breaking of the first two parliaments was
wholly imputed to the Duke of Buckingham; and of the third, principally
to the Lord Weston, then high treasurer of England. And therefore the
envy and hatred that attended them thereupon was insupportable, and was
visibly the cause of the murder of the first (stabbed to the heart by
the hand of an obscure villain).

The duke was a very extraordinary person. Never any man in any age, nor,
I believe, in any nation, rose in so short a time to such greatness of
honour, fame, and fortune, upon no other advantage or recommendation,
than that of the beauty and gracefulness of his person. He was the
younger son of George Villiers, of Brookesby, Leicestershire. After the
death of his father he was sent by his mother to France, where he spent
three years in attaining the language and in learning the exercises of
riding and dancing; in the last of which he excelled most men, and
returned to England at the age of twenty-one.

King James reigned at that time. He began to be weary of his favourite,
the Earl of Somerset, who, by the instigation and wickedness of his
wife, became at least privy to the poisoning of Sir Thomas Overbury. For
this crime both he and his wife, after trial by their peers, were
condemned to die, and many persons of quality were executed for the
same.

While this was in agitation, Mr. Villiers appeared in court and drew the
king's eyes upon him. In a few days he was made cupbearer to the king
and so pleased him by his conversation that he mounted higher and was
successively and speedily knighted, made a baron, a viscount, an earl, a
marquis, lord high admiral, lord warden of the cinque ports, master of
the horse, and entirely disposed of all the graces of the king, in
conferring all the honours and all the offices of the kingdom, without a
rival. He was created Duke of Buckingham during his absence in Spain as
extraordinary ambassador.

On the death of King James, Charles, Prince of Wales, succeeded to the
crown, with the universal joy of the people. The duke continued in the
same degree of favour with the son which he had enjoyed with the father.
But a parliament was necessary to be called, as at the entrance of all
kings to the crown, for the continuance of supplies, and when it met
votes and remonstrances passed against the duke as an enemy to the
public, greatly to his indignation.

New projects were every day set on foot for money, which served only to
offend and incense the people, and brought little supply to the king's
occasions. Many persons of the best quality were committed to prison for
refusing to pay. In this fatal conjuncture the duke went on an embassy
to France and brought triumphantly home with him the queen, to the joy
of the nation, but his course was soon finished by the wicked means
mentioned before. In the fourth year of the king, and the thirty-sixth
of his own age, he was assassinated at Portsmouth by Felton, who had
been a lieutenant in the army, to whom he had refused promotion.

Shortly after Buckingham's death the king promoted Dr. Laud, Bishop of
Bath and Wells, to the archibishopric of Canterbury. Unjust modes of
raising money were instituted, which caused increasing discontent,
especially the tax denominated ship-money. A writ was directed to the
sheriff of every county to provide a ship for the king's service, but
with the writ were sent instructions that, instead of a ship, he should
levy upon his county a sum of money and send it to the treasurer of the
navy for his majesty's use.

After the continued receipt of the ship-money for four years, upon the
refusal of Mr. Hampden, a private gentleman, to pay thirty shillings as
his share, the case was solemnly argued before all the judges of England
in the exchequer-chamber and the tax was adjudged lawful; which judgment
proved of more advantage and credit to the gentleman condemned than to
the king's service.

For the better support of these extraordinary ways the council-table and
star-chamber enlarged their jurisdictions to a vast extent, inflicting
fines and imprisonment, whereby the crown and state sustained deserved
reproach and infamy, and suffered damage and mischief that cannot be
expressed.

The king now resolved to make a progress into the north, and to be
solemnly crowned in his kingdom of Scotland, which he had never seen
from the time he first left it at the age of two years. The journey was
a progress of great splendour, with an excess of feasting never known
before. But the king had deeply imbibed his father's notions that an
Episcopal church was the most consistent with royal authority, and he
committed to a select number of the bishops in Scotland the framing of a
suitable liturgy for use there. But these prelates had little influence
with the people, and had not even power to reform their own cathedrals.

In 1638 Scotland assumed an attitude of determined resistance to the
imposition of the liturgy and of Episcopal church government. All the
kingdom flocked to Edinburgh, as in a general cause that concerned their
salvation. A general assembly was called and a National Covenant was
subscribed. Men were listed towards the raising of an army, Colonel
Leslie being chosen general. The king thought it time to chastise the
seditious by force, and in the end of the year 1638 declared his
resolution to raise an army to suppress their rebellion.

This was the first alarm England received towards any trouble, after it
had enjoyed for so many years the most uninterrupted prosperity, in a
full and plentiful peace, that any nation could be blessed with. The
army was soon mustered and the king went to the borders. But
negotiations for peace took place, and civil war was averted by
concessions on the part of the king, so that a treaty of pacification
was entered upon. This event happened in the year 1639.

After for eleven years governing without a parliament, with Archbishop
Laud and the Earl of Strafford as his advisers, King Charles was
constrained, in 1640, to summon an English parliament, which, however,
instead of at once complying with his demands, commenced by drawing up a
list of grievances. Mr. Pym, a man of good reputation, but better known
afterwards, led the remonstrances, observing that by the long
intermission of parliaments many unwarrantable things had been
practiced, notwithstanding the great virtue of his majesty. Disputes
took place between the Lords and Commons, the latter claiming that the
right of supply belonged solely to them.

The king speedily dissolved Parliament, and, the Scots having again
invaded England, proceeded to raise an army to resist them. The Scots
entered Newcastle, and the Earl of Strafford, weak after a sickness, was
defeated and retreated to Durham. The king, with his army weakened and
the treasury depleted, was in great straits. He was again constrained to
call a parliament, which met on November 3, 1640. It had a sad and
melancholic aspect. The king himself did not ride with his accustomed
equipage to Westminster, but went privately in his barge to the
parliament stairs. The king being informed that Sir Thomas Gardiner, not
having been returned a member, could not be chosen to be Speaker, his
majesty appointed Mr. Lenthall, a bencher of Lincoln's Inn. In this
parliament also Mr. Pym began the recital of grievances, and other
members followed with invectives against the Earl of Strafford, accusing
him of high and imperious and tyrannical actions, and of abusing his
power and credit with the king.

After many hours of bitter inveighing it was moved that the earl might
be forthwith impeached of high treason; which was no sooner mentioned
than it found a universal approbation and consent from the whole House.
With very little debate the peers in their turn, when the impeachment
was sent up to them, resolved that he should be committed to the custody
of the gentleman usher of the black-rod, and next by an accusation of
high treason against him also the Archbishop of Canterbury was removed
from the king's council.

The trial of the earl in Westminster Hall began on March 22, 1641, and
lasted eighteen days. Both Houses passed a bill of attainder. The king
resolved never to give his consent to this measure, but a rabble of many
thousands of people besieged Whitehall, crying out, "Justice, justice;
we will have justice!" The privy council being called together pressed
the king to pass the bill of attainder, saying there was no other way to
preserve himself and his posterity than by so doing; and therefore he
ought to be more tender of the safety of the kingdom than of any one
person how innocent soever. No one counsellor interposed his opinion, to
support his master's magnanimity and innocence.

The Archbishop of York, acting his part with prodigious boldness and
impiety, told the king that there was a private and a public conscience;
that his public conscience as a king might not only dispense with, but
oblige him to do that which was against his private conscience as a man;
and that the question was not whether he should save the earl, but
whether he should perish with him. Thus in the end was extorted from the
king a commission from some lords to sign the bill. This was as valid as
if he had signed it himself, though they comforted him even with that
circumstance, "that his own hand was not in it."

The earl was beheaded on May 12, on Tower Hill. Together with that of
the attainder of this nobleman, another bill was passed by the king, of
almost as fatal consequences to him and the kingdom as that was to the
earl, "the act for perpetual parliament," as it is since called. Thus
Parliament could not be adjourned, prorogued, or dissolved, without its
consent.

Great offence was given to the Commons by the action of the king in
appointing new bishops to certain vacant sees at the very time when they
were debating an act for taking away bishops' votes. And here I cannot
but with grief and wonder remember the virulence and animosity expressed
on all occasions from many of good knowledge in the excellent and wise
profession of the common law, towards the church and churchmen. All
opportunities were taken uncharitably to improve mistakes into crimes.

Unfortunately the king sent to the House of Lords a remonstrance from
the bishops against their constrained absence from the legislature. This
led to violent scenes in the House of Commons, which might have been
beneficial to him, had he not been misadvised by Lord Digby. At this
time many of his own Council were adverse to him. Injudiciously, the
king caused Lord Kimbolton and five members of the Commons to be accused
of high treason, advised thereto by Lord Digby. The king's attorney,
Herbert, delivered to Parliament a paper, whereby, besides Lord
Kimbolton, Denzil Hollis, Sir Arthur Haslerig, Mr. Pym, Mr. Hampden, and
Mr. Strode, stood accused of conspiring against the king and Parliament.

The sergeant at arms demanded the persons of the accused members to be
delivered to him in his majesty's name, but the Commons refused to
comply, sending a message to the king that the members should be
forthcoming as soon as a legal charge should be preferred against them.
The next day the king, attended by his own guard and a few gentlemen,
went into the House to the great amazement of all; and the Speaker
leaving the chair, the king went into it. Asking the Speaker whether the
accused members were in the House, and he making no answer, the king
said he perceived that the birds had flown, but expected that they
should be sent to him as soon as they returned; and assured them in the
word of a king that no force was intended, but that he would proceed
against them in a fair and legal way; and so he returned to Whitehall.

The next day the king went to the City, where the accused had taken
refuge. He dined with the sheriffs, but many of the rude people during
his passage through the City flocked together, pressed very near his
coach, and cried out, "Privilege of Parliament; privilege of Parliament;
to your tents, O Israel!" The king returned to Whitehall and next day
published a proclamation for the apprehension of the members, forbidding
any person to harbour them.

Both Houses of Parliament speedily manifested sympathy with the accused
persons, and a committee of citizens was formed in the City for their
defence. The proceedings of the king and his advisers were declared to
be a high breach of the privileges of Parliament. Such was the temper of
the populace that the king thought it convenient to remove from London
and went with the queen and royal children to Hampton Court. The next
day the members were brought in triumph to Parliament by the trained
bands of London. The sheriffs were called into the House of Commons and
thanked for their extraordinary care and love shown to the Parliament.

Though the king had removed himself out of the noise of Westminster, yet
the effects of it followed him very close, for printed petitions were
pressed on him every day. In a few days he removed from Hampton Court to
Windsor, where he could be more secure from any sudden popular attempt,
of which he had reason to be very apprehensive.

After many disagreements with Parliament the king in 1642 published a
declaration, that had been long ready, in which he recapitulated all the
insolent and rebellious actions which Parliament had committed against
him: and declared them "to be guilty; and forbade all his subjects to
yield any obedience to them": and at the same time published his
proclamation; by which he "required all men who could bear arms to
repair to him at Nottingham by August 25, on which day he would set up
his royal standard there, which all good subjects were obliged to
attend."

According to the proclamation, on August 25 the standard was erected,
about six in the evening of a very stormy day. But there was not yet a
single regiment levied and brought there, so that the trained bands
drawn thither by the sheriff was all the strength the king had for his
person, and the guard of the standard. There appeared no conflux of men
in obedience to the proclamation. The arms and ammunition had not yet
come from York, and a general sadness covered the whole town, and the
king himself appeared more melancholy than he used to be. The standard
was blown down the same night it had been set up.

Intelligence was received the next day that the rebel army, for such the
king had declared it, was horse, foot, and cannon at Northampton,
whereas his few cannon and ammunition were still at York. It was evident
that all the strength he had to depend upon was his horse, which were
under the command of Prince Rupert at Leicester, not more than 800 in
number, whilst the enemy had, within less than twenty miles of that
place, double the number of horse excellently well armed and appointed,
and a body of 5,000 foot well trained and disciplined.

Very speedily intelligence came that Portsmouth was besieged by land and
sea by the Parliamentary forces, and soon came word that it was lost to
the king through the neglect of Colonel Goring. The king removed to
Derby and then to Shrewsbury. Prince Rupert was successful in a skirmish
at Worcester. The two universities presented their money and plate to
King Charles, but one cause of his misfortunes was the backwardness of
some of his friends in lending him money.

Banbury Castle surrendered to Charles, and, marching to Oxford, he there
experienced a favourable reception and recruited his army. At the battle
of Edghill neither side gained the advantage, though altogether about
_5,000_ men fell on the field. Negotiations were entered into between
the king and the Parliament, and these were renewed again and again, but
never with felicitous issues.

On June 13, 1645, the king heard that General Fairfax was advanced to
Northampton with a strong army, much superior to the numbers he had
formerly been advised of. The battle began at ten the next morning on a
high ground about Naseby. The first charge was given by Prince Rupert,
with his usual vigour, so that he bore down all before him, and was soon
master of six pieces of cannon. But though the king's troops prevailed
in the charge they never rallied again in order, nor could they be
brought to make a second charge. But the enemy, disciplined under such
generals as Fairfax and Cromwell, though routed at first, always formed
again. This was why the king's forces failed to win a decisive victory
at Edghill, and now at Naseby, after Prince Rupert's charge, Cromwell
brought up his troops with such effect that in the end the king was
compelled to quit the field, leaving Fairfax, who was commander-in-chief
of the Parliamentary army, master of his foot, cannon, and baggage.

It will not be seasonable in this place to mention the names of those
noble persons who were lost in this battle, when the king and the
kingdom were lost in it; though there were above one hundred and fifty
officers, and gentlemen of prime quality, whose memories ought to be
preserved, who were dead on the spot. The enemy left no manner of
barbarous cruelty unexercised that day; and in the pursuit thereof
killed above one hundred women, whereof some were officers' wives of
quality. The king and Prince Rupert with the broken troops marched by
stages to Hereford, where Prince Rupert left the king to hasten to
Bristol, that he might put that place in a state of defence.

Nothing can here be more wondered at than that the king should amuse
himself about forming a new army in counties that had been vexed and
worn out with the oppressions of his own troops, and not have
immediately repaired into the west, where he had an army already formed.
Cromwell having taken Winchester and Basing, the king sent some messages
to Parliament for peace, which were not regarded. A treaty between the
king and the Scots was set on foot by the interposition of the French,
but the parties disagreed about church government. To his son Charles,
Prince of Wales, who had retired to Scilly, the king wrote enjoining him
never to surrender on dishonourable terms.

Having now no other resource, the king placed himself under the
protection of the Scots army at Newark. But at the desire of the Scots
he ordered the surrender of Oxford and all his other garrisons. Also the
Parliament, at the Scots' request, sent propositions of peace to him,
and these proposals were promptly enforced by the Scots. The Chancellor
of Scotland told him that the Parliament, after the battles that had
been fought, had got the strongholds and forts of the kingdom into their
hands, that they had gained a victory over all, and had a strong army to
maintain it, so that they might do what they would with church and
state, that they desired neither him nor any of his race to reign any
longer over them, and that if he declined to yield to the propositions
made to him, all England would join against him to depose him.

With great magnanimity and resolution the king replied that they must
proceed their own way; and that though they had all forsaken him, God
had not. The Scots began to talk sturdily in answer to a demand that
they should deliver up the king's person to Parliament. They denied that
the Parliament had power absolutely to dispose of the king's person
without their approbation; and the Parliament as loudly replied that
they had nothing to do in England but to observe orders. But these
discourses were only kept up till they could adjust accounts between
them, and agree what price should be paid for the delivery of his
person, whom one side was resolved to have, and the other as resolved
not to keep. So they quickly agreed that, upon payment of L200,000 in
hand, and security for as much more upon days agreed upon, they would
deliver up the king into such hands as Parliament should appoint to
receive him.

And upon this infamous contract that excellent prince was in the end of
January, 1647, wickedly given up by his Scottish subjects to those of
the English who were trusted by the Parliament to receive him. He was
brought to his own house at Holmby, in Northants, a place he had taken
much delight in. Removed before long to Hampton Court, he escaped to the
Isle of Wight, where he confided himself to Colonel Hammond and was
lodged in Carisbrooke Castle. To prevent his further escape his old
servants were removed from him.

In a speech in Parliament Cromwell declared that the king was a man of
great parts and a great understanding (faculties they had hitherto
endeavoured to have thought him to be without), but that he was so great
a dissembler and so false a man, that he was not to be trusted. He
concluded therefore that no more messages should be sent to the king,
but that they might enter on those counsels which were necessary without
having further recourse to him, especially as at that very moment he was
secretly treating with the Scottish commissioners, how he might embroil
the nation in a new war, and destroy the Parliament. The king was
removed to Hurst Castle after a vain attempt by Captain Burley to rescue
him.

A committee being appointed to prepare a charge of high treason against
the king, of which Bradshaw was made President, his majesty was brought
from Hurst Castle to St. James's, and it was concluded to have him
publicly tried. From the time of the king's arrival at St. James's, when
he was delivered into the custody of Colonel Tomlinson, he was treated
with much more rudeness and barbarity than ever before. No man was
suffered to see or speak to him but the soldiers who were his guard.

When he was first brought to Westminster Hall, on January 20, 1649,
before their high court of justice, he looked upon them and sat down
without any manifestation of trouble, never stirring his hat; all the
impudent judges sitting covered and fixing their eyes on him, without
the least show of respect. To the charges read out against him the king
replied that for his actions he was accountable to none but God, though
they had always been such as he need not be ashamed of before all the
world.

Several unheard-of insolences which this excellent prince was forced to
submit to before that odious judicatory, his majestic behaviour, the
pronouncing that horrible sentence upon the most innocent person in the
world, the execution of that sentence by the most execrable murder ever
committed since that of our blessed Saviour, and the circumstances
thereof, are all so well-known that the farther mentioning it would but
afflict and grieve the reader, and make the relation itself odious; and
therefore no more shall be said here of that lamentable tragedy, so much
to the dishonour of the nation and the religion professed by it.

* * * * *




LORD MACAULAY


History of England


Thomas Babington Macaulay was born October 25, 1800, and died
December 28, 1859. He was the son of Zachary Macaulay, a West
Indian merchant and noted philanthropist. He brilliantly
distinguished himself as a prizeman at Cambridge, and on
leaving the University devoted himself enthusiastically to
literary pursuits. Fame was speedily won by his contributions
to the "Edinburgh Review," especially by his article on
Milton. Though called to the bar at Lincoln's Inn, in 1826,
Macaulay never practised, but through his strong Whig
sympathies he was drawn into politics, and in 1830 entered
Parliament for the pocket-borough of Calne. He afterwards was
elected M.P. for Edinburgh. Appointed Secretary of the Board
of Control for India, he resided for six years in that
country, returning home in 1838. In 1840 he was made War
Secretary. It was during his official career that he wrote his
magnificent "Lays of Ancient Rome." An immense sensation was
produced by his remarkable "Essays," issued in three volumes;
but even greater was the popularity achieved by his "History
of England." Macaulay was one of the most versatile men of his
time. His easy and graceful style was the vehicle of
extraordinary acquisitions, his learning being prodigious and
his memory phenomenal.


_England in Earlier Times_


I purpose to write the History of England from the accession of King
James II. down to a time within the memory of men still living. I shall
recount the errors which, in a few months, alienated a loyal gentry and
priesthood from the House of Stuart. I shall trace the course of that
revolution which terminated the long struggle between our sovereigns and
their parliaments, and bound up together the rights of the people and
the title of the reigning dynasty.

Unless I greatly deceive myself, the general effect of this chequered
narrative, faithfully recording disasters mingled with triumphs, will be
to excite thankfulness in all religious minds, and hope in the breasts
of all patriots. For the history of our country during the period
concerned is eminently the history of physical, of moral, and of
intellectual improvement.

Nothing in the early existence of Britain indicated the greatness she
was destined to attain. Of the western provinces which obeyed the
Caesars, she was the last conquered, and the first flung away. Though
she had been subjugated by the Roman arms, she received only a faint
tincture of Roman arts and letters. No magnificent remains of Roman
porches and aqueducts are to be found in Britain, and the scanty and
superficial civilisation which the islanders acquired from their
southern masters was effaced by the calamities of the 5th century.

From the darkness that followed the ruin of the Western Empire Britain
emerges as England. The conversion of the Saxon colonists to
Christianity was the first of a long series of salutary revolutions. The
Church has many times been compared to the ark of which we read in the
Book of Genesis; but never was the resemblance more perfect than during
that evil time when she rode alone, amidst darkness and tempest, on the
deluge beneath which all the great works of ancient power and wisdom lay
entombed, bearing within her that feeble germ from which a second and
more glorious civilisation was to spring.

Even the spiritual supremacy of the Pope was, in the dark ages,
productive of far more good than evil. Its effect was to unite the
nations of Western Europe in one great commonwealth. Into this
federation our Saxon ancestors were now admitted. Learning followed in
the train of Christianity. The poetry and eloquence of the Augustan age
was assiduously studied in the Mercian and Northumbrian monasteries. The
names of Bede and Alcuin were justly celebrated throughout Europe. Such
was the state of our country when, in the 9th century, began the last
great migration of the northern barbarians.

Large colonies of Danish adventurers established themselves in our
island, and for many years the struggle continued between the two fierce
Teutonic breeds, each being alternately paramount. At length the North
ceased to send forth fresh streams of piratical emigrants, and from that
time the mutual aversion of Danes and Saxons began to subside.
Intermarriage became frequent. The Danes learned the religion of the
Saxons, and the two dialects of one widespread language were blended.
But the distinction between the two nations was by no means effaced,
when an event took place which prostrated both at the feet of a third
people.

The Normans were then the foremost race of Christendom. Originally
rovers from Scandinavia, conspicuous for their valour and ferocity, they
had, after long being the terror of the Channel, founded a mighty state
which gradually extended its influence from its own Norman territory
over the neighbouring districts of Brittany and Maine. They embraced
Christianity and adopted the French tongue. They renounced the brutal
intemperance of northern races and became refined, polite and
chivalrous, their nobles being distinguished by their graceful bearing
and insinuating address.

The battle of Hastings, and the events which followed it, not only
placed a Duke of Normandy on the English throne, but gave up the whole
population of England to the tyranny of the Norman race. The subjugation
of a nation has seldom, even in Asia, been more complete. During the
century and a half which followed the Conquest, there is, to speak
strictly, no English history. Had the Plantagenets, as at one time
seemed likely, succeeded in uniting all France under their government,
it is probable that England would never have had an independent
existence. England owes her escape from dependence on French thought and
customs to separation from Normandy, an event which her historians have
generally represented as disastrous. The talents and even the virtues of
her first six French kings were a curse to her. The follies and vices of
the seventh, King John, were her salvation. He was driven from Normandy,
and in England the two races were drawn together, both being alike
aggrieved by the tyranny of a bad king. From that moment the prospects
brightened, and here commences the history of the English nation.

In no country has the enmity of race been carried further than in
England. In no country has that enmity been more completely effaced.
Early in the fourteenth century the amalgamation of the races was all
but complete: and it was soon made manifest that a people inferior to
none existing in the world has been formed by the mixture of three
branches of the great Teutonic family with each other, and with the
aboriginal Britons. A period of more than a hundred years followed,
during which the chief object of the English was, by force of arms, to
establish a great empire on the Continent. The effect of the successes
of Edward III. and Henry V. was to make France for a time a province of


 


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