Traditions of the Tinguian: A Study in Philippine Folk-Lore
by
Fay-Cooper Cole
Part 1 out of 6
Traditions of the Tinguian
A Study in Philippine Folk-Lore
By
Fay-Cooper Cole
Assistant Curator of Malayan Ethnology
1915
Contents
Preface 3
Introduction 5
Tales of the Mythical Period 33
Ritualistic and Explanatory Tales 171
Fables 195
Abstracts 202
Preface
The following myths were collected by the writer in 1907-8 during a
stay of sixteen months with the Tinguian, a pagan tribe of northwestern
Luzon in the Philippines. The material, for the most part gathered
in texts, was partially translated in the Islands, while the balance
was worked over during a brief visit to America in 1909. In this task
I was assisted by Dumagat, a full blood Tinguian, who accompanied me.
While not, in all cases, giving a literal rendering, I have endeavored
to follow closely the language of the story-tellers rather than to
offer a polished translation. In some cases, where it was impossible
to record the tales when heard, only the substance was noted, a fact
which will account for the meagerness of detail evident in a few of
the stories.
The Tinguian tribe numbers about twenty thousand individuals,
most of whom are found in the sub-province of Abra, and in the
mountains of Ilocos Sur and Norte. Their material culture, beliefs,
and ceremonials are quite uniform and exceedingly complex. It is my
intention to publish a study of this people in the near future, but
realizing that it will be quite impossible for readers unacquainted
with Tinguian life to understand many references in the tales, I
have added such foot notes as will enable them to grasp the meaning
of certain obscure passages.
In the introduction, an attempt has been made to bring together the
culture of the people as it appears in the myths, and to contrast it
with present day conditions and beliefs. In this way we may hope to
gain a clearer insight into their mental life, and to secure a better
idea of the values they attach to certain of their activities than
is afforded us by actual observation or by direct inquiry. It is also
possible that the tales may give us a glimpse of the early conditions
under which this people developed, of their life and culture before
the advent of the European.
It should be noted at the outset that no attempt is here made to
reconstruct an actual historical period. As will appear later, a
part of the material is evidently very old; later introductions--to
which approximate dates may be assigned--have assumed places of great
importance; while the stories doubtless owe much to the creative
imaginations of successive story-tellers.
A comparison of these tales with the folk-lore of neighboring tribes
would be of greatest value, but unfortunately very little material
for such a study is available. Under the circumstances it has seemed
best to defer the attempt and to call attention in the footnotes to
striking similarities with other fields.
In the main these tales are so closely associated with the religious
beliefs of the present day that it is unlikely they will be found,
in anything approaching their present form, outside the districts
dominated by this tribe. Nevertheless, isolated incidents corresponding
to those of neighboring peoples or even of distant lands occur
several times.
Observation has led me to the belief that the religious organization
and ceremonies of the Tinguian have reached a higher development
than is found among the neighboring tribes, and that this complexity
decreases as we penetrate toward the interior or to the south. If
this be true, it seems evident that the tales based on or associated
with them must likewise grow weaker as we go from Abra.
I wish here to acknowledge my indebtedness to Dr. Franz Boas and
Dr. Berthold Laufer, whose interest and suggestions have been of
greatest value in the preparation of the material for publication;
also to express my gratitude to the late Robert F. Cummings, under
whose liberal endowment the field work was carried on. His constant
interest made possible the gathering of the extensive Philippine
collections now in the Museum, and it is a matter of deep regret
that he did not live to see all the results of his generosity made
available to the reading public.
Fay-Cooper Cole,
Assistant Curator of Malayan Ethnology.
Chicago, January, 1915.
Traditions of the Tinguian: A Study in Philippine Folk-Lore
Introduction
For the purposes of our study, the tales have been roughly divided
into three parts. The first, which deals with the mythical period,
contains thirty-one tales of similar type in which the characters
are for the most part the same, although the last five tales do not
properly fit into the cycle, and the concluding story of Indayo is
evidently a recent account told in the form of the older relations.
In the second division are the ritualistic and explanatory myths,
the object of which seems to be to account for the origin of or way
of conducting various ceremonies; for the belief in certain spirits
and sacred objects; for the existence of the sun, moon, and other
natural phenomena; for the attainment of fire, food plants, birds
and domestic animals, as well as of magical jars and beads. Here it
should be noted that some of the most common and important beliefs
and ceremonies are, so far as is known, unaccompanied by any tales,
yet are known to all the population, and are preserved almost without
change from generation to generation.
Division three contains the ordinary stories with which parents amuse
their children or with which men and women while away the midday
hours as they lounge in the field houses, or when they stop on the
trail to rest and smoke.
None of the folk-tales are considered as the property of the tellers,
but only those of the third division are well known to the people in
general. Those of the first section are seldom heard except during the
dry season when the people gather around bonfires in various parts of
the village. To these go the men and women, the latter to spin cotton,
the former to make fish nets or to repair their tools and weapons. In
such a gathering there are generally one or more persons who entertain
their fellows with these tales. Such a person is not paid for his
services, but the fact that he knows "the stories of the first times"
makes him a welcome addition to the company and gives him an enviable
position in the estimation of his fellows.
The purely ritualistic tales, called _diams_, are learned word
by word by the mediums, [1] as a part of their training for their
positions, and are only recited while an animal is being stroked with
oil preparatory to its being sacrificed, or when some other gift is
about to be presented to the superior beings. The writer has recorded
these _diams_ from various mediums in widely separated towns and has
found them quite uniform in text and content. The explanatory tales
were likewise secured from the mediums, or from old men and women who
"know the customs." The stories of the last division are the most
frequently heard and, as already indicated, are told by all. It is
evident even to the casual reader that these show much more evidence
of outside influence than do the others; some, indeed, appear to have
been recently borrowed from the neighboring christianized Ilocano. [2]
Tales of the Mythical Period
_Reconstruction of the Culture_.--In the first division certain
actors occur with great frequency, while others always take the
leading parts. These latter appear under a variety of names, two or
more titles often being used for the same individual in a single
tale. To avoid confusion a list of the fourteen principal actors
and their relationships are given in the accompanying table. It will
appear that there are some conflicts in the use of names, but when it
is realized that the first twenty-six myths which make up the cycle
proper were secured from six story tellers coming from four different
towns, the agreement rather than the disagreement is surprising. As a
matter of fact there is quite as much variation between the accounts
of the same narrator as between those gathered from different towns.
_Table of Leading Characters_ [3]
I. Aponitolau. Son of Pagatipanan [male] [4] and Langa-an [female]
of Kadalayapan; is the husband of Aponibolinayen. Appears under the
following names: (a) Ligi, (b) Albaga of Dalaga, (c) Dagdagalisit, (d)
Ingiwan or Kagkagakag, (e) Ini-init, (f) Ling-giwan, (g) Kadayadawan,
(h) Wadagan, (i) Awig (?)
II. Aponigawani. Sister of Aponitolau and wife of Aponibalagen.
III. Aponibolinayen. Daughter of Pagbokasan [5] [male] and Ebang
[female] of Kaodanan. Wife of Aponitolau.
Appears as (a) Ayo, (b) Dolimaman(?).
IV. Aponibalagen. Brother of Aponibolinayen, and husband of
Aponigawani; also appears as Awig.
V. Kanag. Son of Aponitolau and Aponibolinayen. Appears as (a)
Kanag kabagbagowan, (b) Balokanag, (c) Dumanau, (d) Ilwisan, (e)
also at times is identified with Dumalawi, his brother.
VI. Dapilisan, wife of Kanag.
VII. Dagolayan. Son of Aponibalagen and Aponigawani. Also appears as
Dondonyan of Bagonan--the blood clot child.
VIII. Alokotan. An old woman who acts as a medium. Her home is at
Nagbotobotan, where the rivers empty their waters into the hole at
the edge of the world.
IX. Gawigawen [male]. A giant who owns the orange trees of Adasin.
X. Giambolan [male]. A ten-headed giant.
XI. Gaygayoma. A star maiden who marries Aponitolau. The daughter of
Bagbagak [male], a big star,--and Sinag [female], the moon--.
XII. Tabyayen. Son of Aponitolau and Gaygayoma. Half brother of Kanag.
XIII. Kabkabaga-an. A powerful female spirit who falls in love with
Aponitolau.
XIV. Asibowan. The maiden of Gegenawan, who is related to the spirit
Kaboniyan. The mistress of Aponitolau.
In consequence of modern rationalism there is a tendency on the
part of a considerable number of the Tinguian to consider these
tales purely as stories and the characters as fictitious, but the
mass of the people hold them to be true and speak of the actors as
"the people who lived in the first times." For the present we shall
take their point of view and shall try to reconstruct the life in
"the first times" as it appears in the tales.
The principal actors live in Kadalayapan and Kaodanan, [6] towns
which our chief story teller--when trying to explain the desire of
Kanag to go down and get fruit--assures us were somewhere in the air,
above the earth (p. 141). [7] At other times these places are referred
to as Sudipan--the term by which spirits are supposed to call the
present earth--while the actors are referred to as Ipogau--the spirit
name for Tinguian. Whatever its location it was a place much like the
present home of this people. The sky, the chief abode of spirits and
celestial bodies, was above the land, and the heroes of the tales
are pictured as ascending to visit the upper realms. The trees,
plants, and animals were for the most part those known to-day. The
ocean appears to have been well known, while mention is made of some
places in Luzon, such as Dagopan and San Fernando in Pangasinan with
which the people of to-day are not at all familiar (p. 89, 168).
We learn that each village is situated near to a river or waterway
by the banks of which shallow wells are dug, and there we find the
women gathering under the shade of the trees, dipping up water to be
carried to their homes, washing and combing their hair, and taking
their baths (p. 48). They seldom go singly, for enemies are apt to
be near, and unless several are in the company it will be impossible
to spread the alarm and secure help in case of attack (p. 43).
Leading up from the spring to the village are bamboo poles on which
the heads of enemies are displayed (p. 43). In cases where the
warriors have been especially successful these trophies may surround
the whole settlement (p. 76). About the town is a defensive wall,
generally of bamboo, but in some cases made up entirely of gigantic
snakes (p. 43). Within this inclosure are many houses. The bamboo
floors are raised high above the ground, while the thatching is of
grass. Ladders lead up to little porches, from which doors open into
the dwellings. At least part of the houses have a cooking room in
addition to that used by the family, while structures containing a
ninth room are several times mentioned (pp. 43, 52, 85).
In one corner of the living room is a box containing blankets, above
which are pillows and mats used by members of the household and guests;
an iron caldron lies on the floor, while numerous Chinese jars stand
about. A hearth, made up of a bed of ashes in which stones are sunk,
is used for cooking. Above it is a bamboo food hanger, while near by
stand jars of water and various cooking pots. Food baskets, coconut
shell cups, and dishes, and a quantity of Chinese plates appear when
the meal is served, while the use of glass is not unknown. Cups of
gold, wonderful jars, and plates appear at times, but seem to be so
rare as to excite comment (pp. 33, 98, 102, 105).
Scattered through the village are numerous small buildings known
as _balaua_ (p. 43), which are erected for the spirits during the
greatest of the ceremonies, and still inside the enclosure are the
rice drying plots and granaries, the latter raised high above the
ground so as to protect their contents from moisture (p. 150).
About the town pigs and chickens roam at will, while half-starved
hunting dogs prowl about below the kitchens and fight for morsels
which drop from above (p. 99). Carabao are kept and used as food
(p. 101), but in the cycle proper no mention is made of using them as
work animals. [8] Game, especially deer and wild chickens, and fish
are added to the domestic supply of food (p. 80), but the staple
appears to be mountain rice. Beans, coconuts, oranges, sugar cane,
betel-nuts, and tobacco are also cultivated (pp. 33, 107, 121, 138).
Clothing is scanty but nevertheless receives much attention. The
poorest of the men wear clouts of banana leaf, and the women, when in
danger of capture, don skirts of bark; but on most occasions we find
the man wearing a colored cotton clout, above which is a bright belt
of the same material, while for ceremonies he may add a short coat or
jacket. A headband, sometimes of gold, keeps his long hair in place,
and for very special events he may adorn each hair with a golden bead
(pp. 74, 76, 81).
The cotton skirts of the women reach from the waist to the knees;
the arms are covered with strands above strands of beads, while
strings of agate beads surround the neck or help to hold the hair in
place. To the real hair is often added a switch which appears to be
valued highly (p. 89). Ornaments of gold adorn the ears, and finger
rings of the same metal are several times mentioned (pp. 39, 43, 124).
The tales afford us a glimpse of the daily life. In the early
morning the chilly mountain air drives the people from their mats to
the yard, where they squat about the fires (p. 132). As it becomes
light, part of the women begin pounding out the rice from its straw
and husks (p. 144), while others depart for the springs to secure
water (p. 101). In planting time husband and wife trudge together
to the fields, where the man plants the seeds or cuttings, and his
wife assists by pouring on water (p. 107). In midday, unless it is
the busy season, the village activities are practically suspended,
and we see the _balaua_ filled with men, asleep or lounging, while
children may be playing about with tops or disk-like _lipi_ seeds
(p. 139). As it becomes cooler, the town again takes on life; in the
houses the women weave blankets or prepare food, the older women feed
the chickens and pigs (p. 93), while the workers from the fields,
or hunters with their dogs and game, add to the general din and
excitement (p. 80). When night comes on, if it be in the dry season,
bonfires spring up in different parts of the village, and about them
the girls and women gather to spin. Here also come the men and boys,
to lounge and talk (p. 117). A considerable portion of the man's time
is taken up in preparation for or actual participation in warfare
(p. 74). We have already seen that the constant danger of enemies
makes it advisable for the women to go in parties, even to the village
spring. One tale informs us of a girl who is left alone to guard the
rice field and is promptly killed by the _alzado;_ [9] another states
that "all the tattooed Igorot are enemies" (pp. 43, 155, 161).
Revenge for the loss of relations or townspeople is a potent cause
of hostile raids; old feuds may be revived by taunts; but the chief
incentive appears to be the desire for renown, to be known as "a man
who goes to fight in the enemies' towns" (pp. 90, 59).
Warriors sometimes go in parties, sometimes alone, but generally in
couples (p. 67). At times they lie in ambush and kill young girls
who go for water, or old men and women who pass their hiding place
(p. 97). Again they go out boldly, armed with shield, spear, and
headaxe; they strike their shields as they go and announce their
presence to the enemy (p. 103). In five of the tales the heroes
challenge their opponents and then refuse to be the first to use their
weapons. It is only when their foes have tried in vain to injure them
that they enter the conflict. In such cases whole towns are wiped out
of existence and a great number of heads and a quantity of jars and
other booty is sent back to the towns of the victors (p. 104). Peace
is restored in one instance by the payment of a number of valuable jars
(p. 91).
Upon the return of a successful war party, the relatives meet them
at the gate of the town and compel them to climb the _sangap;_
[10] then invitations are sent out to friends and relatives in
neighboring towns to come and aid in the celebration of the victory
(p. 140). When they arrive at the entrance of the village they are
met by the townspeople, who offer them liquor and then conduct them
to the houses where they feast and dance to the music of _gansas_
(p. 126). [11] Finally the captured heads are stuck on the _sagang_
[12] and are placed by the gate, the spring, and, if sufficient in
number, surround the town (p. 140). Taking the heads of one's neighbors
does not appear to be common, yet cases are mentioned where visitors
are treacherously killed at a dance (pp. 78, 83).
The use of poison [13] is twice mentioned. In one case the victims
are killed by drinking liquor furnished by the father of the girl
about whose head they are dancing (pp. 148, 156).
Bamboo spears appear to be used, but we are explicitly told that
they fought with steel weapons, and there are frequent references to
headaxes, spears, and knives (pp. 65, 76, 120).
Marriage appears generally to be negotiated by the mother of the youth
at his suggestion (p. 128). At times both his parents go to the girl's
home, and after many preliminaries broach the subject of their mission
(p. 128). The girl's people discuss the proposition, and if they are
favorable they set a day for the _pakalon_--a celebration at which the
price to be paid for the bride is decided upon (p. 49). The parents
of the groom then return home after having left some small present,
such as a jar or an agate bead, as a sign of engagement (p. 128)
[14]. The _pakalon_ is held a few days later at the girl's home,
and for this event her people prepare a quantity of food (p. 72). On
the agreed day the close friends and relatives of both families will
assemble. Those who accompany the groom carry jars and pigs, either
in part payment for the bride, or to serve as food for the company
(pp. 72, 128). The first hours are spent in bargaining over the price
the girl should bring, but when this is settled a feast is prepared,
and then all indulge in dancing the _tadek_ (p. 59) [15]. When the
payment is made a portion is distributed among the girl's relatives
(pp. 72, 74), but her parents retain the greater part for themselves
[16]. The groom cannot yet claim his bride, although in one case he
is allowed to take her immediately after the _pakalon_ by making a
special payment for the privilege (p. 74). A few nights later the
groom goes to the girl's home carrying with him an empty jar with
which he makes the final payment (p. 73). The customary rice ceremony
[17] follows and he is then entitled to his bride (p. 73). Should the
house or anything in it break at this time, it foretells misfortune
for the couple, hence precautions are taken lest such a sign should,
by accident, be given (p. 60).
In all but two cases mentioned the girl and her husband go to live
with his people. In the first instance their failure to do so raises a
protest; in the second, the girl's parents are of much more importance
than those of the groom, and this may explain their ability to retain
their daughter (pp. 138, 159).
When the bride reaches her future home, she sits on the bamboo floor
with her legs stretched out in front of her. The slats which she
covers are counted and a string of agate beads, equal in length to
the combined width of the slats, is given to her. She now becomes
a full member of the family and seems to be under the orders of her
mother-in-law (p. 60).
The tales give constant sanction for the marriage of near
relatives. Dumanau, we are told, marries his cousin [18], while we
frequently meet with such statements as, "We are relatives and it is
good for us to be married", or "They saw that they were related and
that both possessed magical power, so they were married (p. 35)". It
appears that a man may live with his sweetheart and have children
by her, yet leave her, and, without reproach, marry another better
fitted to be his wife (p. 54). He may also accept payment for a wife
who has deserted him, apparently without loss of prestige (p. 64). No
objection seems to be raised to a man having two wives so long as
one of these is an inhabitant of the upper world (p. 111), but we
find Kanag telling his former sweetheart that he cannot marry her
since he is now married to another (p. 138). Again, when two women
lay claim to Aponitolau, as their husband, they undergo a test and
the loser returns to her former home (p. 94). However, this rule does
not prevent a man from having several concubines (p. 120). Gawigawen,
we are told, is accompanied to a _pakalon_ by eighteen young girls
who are his concubines (p. 59).
Divorce is twice mentioned, but it seems to call out protest only
from the cast off wife (pp. 63, 149).
Closely associated with the celebration of a marriage seems to be a
ceremony known as _Sayang_, during the progress of which a number of
small structures--the largest known as _balaua_--are built. Judging
by their names and descriptions, we are justified in considering them
"spirit houses" as they are to-day.
The details of the extended _Sayang_ ceremony are nowhere given,
but so much is made plain:--At its beginning many people pound rice,
for use in the offerings and for food, and _da-eng_ [19] is danced
(p. 40). After the _Libon_ [20] invitations are sent out, by means of
betel-nuts covered with gold, to those whose presence is especially
desired (p. 62). When the guests arrive at the village spring or
gate they are offered food or drink, and then while they dance they
are sprinkled with water or rice, after which all go up to the town
(p. 41 note 2). A medium who knows the customs and desires of the
spirits constructs a bamboo mat, which is known as _talapitap_, and
on it offers food. To call their attention she frequently strikes
the ground with the _dakidak_--split sticks of bamboo and _lono_
[21] (p. 40). The guests are not neglected, so far as regards food,
for feasting and dancing occupy a considerable portion of their
time. The ceremonial dance _da-eng_ is mentioned, but the _tadek_
[22] seems to be the one in special favor (pp. 41, 59).
One tale tells us that the _Sayang_ was held immediately following
a head hunt; and another, that Aponitolau went out to get the head
of an old man before he started this ceremony (pp. 69, 76); however,
the evidence is by no means conclusive that it is related to warfare.
On page 105 we are told that Kanag's half sister is a medium, and
the description of her method of summoning the spirits tallies with
that of to-day. At the _Sayang_ ceremony she is called to perform
the _Dawak_ [23], with the assistance of the old woman Alokotan
(p. 106). The _Dawak_ is also held in order to stop the flow of blood
from Aponitolau's finger (p. 113). The only other ceremony mentioned
is that made in order to find a lost switch (p. 91).
Certain well-known customs are strongly brought out in our
material. The first, and apparently most important, is the necessity
of offering liquor and food, both to strangers and to guests
(p. 58). Refusal is so keenly resented that in one instance a couple
decline to allow their daughter to marry a man whose emissaries reject
this gift (p. 73). Old quarrels are closed by the tender of food or
drink, and friendships are cemented by the drinking of _basi_ [24]
(p. 134). People meeting for the first time, and even friends who
have been separated for a while, chew betel-nut together and tell
their names and places of residence. We are repeatedly told that
it is necessary to chew the nut and make known their names, for
"we cannot tell our names unless we chew," and "it is bad for us if
we do not know each other's names when we talk." A certain etiquette
is followed at this time: old men precede the younger; people of the
home town, the visitors; and men always are before the women (pp. 45,
133). The conduct of Awig when he serves liquor to the _alzados_
[25] is that of to-day, i.e., the person who serves always drinks
before passing it to others (p. 156).
Certain other rules of etiquette or restrictions on conduct come out
in the tales. We learn that it is not considered proper for a man
to eat with the wife of another during his absence, nor should they
start the meal before he comes in (p. 52). The master of a dance is
deeply chagrined and chides his wife severely, because she insists
on dancing before he has invited all the others to take their turns
(p. 70). Greediness is reproved in children and Aponitolau causes the
death of his concubines whose false tales had led him to maltreat his
wife (p. 116). Unfaithfulness seems to be sufficient justification
for a man to abandon his wife and kill her admirer (p. 78); but Kanag
appears as a hero when he refuses to attack his father who has sought
his life (p. 121).
Of the ceremonies connected with death we learn very little except that
the women discard their arm beads, the mourners don old clothing, and
all wail for the dead (pp. 44, 90). Three times we are told that the
deceased is placed on a _tabalang_, or raft, on which a live rooster is
fastened before it is set adrift on the river. In the tales the raft
and fowl are of gold, but this is surprising even to the old woman
Alokotan, past whose home in Nagbotobotan all these rafts must go
(p. 131).
Up to this time in our reconstruction of the life of "the first
times" we have mentioned nothing impossible or improbable to the
present day Tinguian, although, as we shall see later, there are some
striking differences in customs and ideas. We have purposely left the
description of the people and their practice of magic to the last,
although their magical practices invade every activity of their lives,
for it is here that the greatest variations from present conditions
apparently occur.
These people had intimate relations with some of the lesser spirits,
especially with the _liblibayan_ [26], who appear to be little more
than their servants, with the evil spirits known as _banbanayo_,
and with the _alan_ (p. 123). The _alan_, just mentioned, are to-day
considered as deformed spirits who live in the forests: "They are
as large as people but have wings and can fly; their toes are at
the back of their feet and their fingers point backwards from their
wrists." The several references to them in the tales such as "you
_alan_ girls whose toes on your feet turn out" indicate they were so
considered in the first times (p. 161). Some of them are addressed as
"you _alan_ of the springs," and in one instance a man dives down
into the water where the _alan_ live (p. 148), but in general their
homes seem to be similar to but much finer than those of the people
of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan. These spirits appear time after time as
the foster mothers of the leading characters: Generally they secure
a drop of menstrual blood, a miscarriage, or the afterbirth, and all
unknown to the real parents, change them into children and raise them
(p. 83). These foster children are pictured as living in houses of
gold situated near springs, the pebbles of which are of gold or beads;
[27] the places where the women set the pots while dipping water are
big plates or dishes, while similar dishes form the stepping stones
leading up to the house. Articles of gold are found in the dwellings
and valuable jars are numerous. When the true relationships of these
children are established they always go to their blood parents,
carrying with them these riches, which are a source of wonder and
comment (pp. 43, 64).
The people of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan have many dealings with
the celestial bodies. The big star Bagbagak appears as the husband
of Sinag--the moon--and father of the star maiden Gaygayoma, who,
Aponitolau assures his wife, is a spirit. When this girl comes down
to steal sugar-cane she takes off her star dress and appears as a
beautiful maiden; [28] she becomes enamored with Aponitolau and takes
him to the sky, where he lives with her. They have a child, who later
marries in Kadalayapan and thereafter stays below. Upon the occasion
when Aponitolau visits his first wife and fails to return to the sky
at the appointed time, a great company of stars are sent to fetch him,
with orders to devour him if he refuses to obey (p. 109, ff.).
In the first tale Aponitolau himself appears as "the sun," "the
man who makes the sun," as "a round stone which rolls," but when
it is established that he is the son of a couple in Kadalayapan he
apparently relinquishes his duties in the sky and goes to live in
the village of his people. With him goes his wife Aponibolinayen, who
had been carried above by a vine. While at his post in the heavens,
Aponitolau is closely associated with the big star, whose duty it is
to follow him in the sky. Again we are told that Aponitolau is taken
up by the spirit Kabkabaga-an, whom he marries and by whom he has a son
(p. 114). In some instances this hero and his son Kanag converse with
thunder and lightning, which appear at times not unlike human beings
(p. 100); but in the eighth relation the two kinds of lightning are
pictured as dogs who guard the town of Dona.
These people enjoy unusual relations with inanimate things, and we find
them conversing with spears and with jars. [29] In one case the latter
appear to be pastured like animals, and surround Aponitolau when he
goes to feed them with _lawed_ [30] leaves and salt (p. 51). Weapons
weep blood and oil when taken down for the purpose of injuring certain
persons (p. 43). A nose flute, when played by a youth, tells him of
his mother's plight (p. 152), while a bamboo Jew's harp summons the
brothers of its owner (p. 162). Animals and birds are frequently in
communication with them: The hawk flies away and spreads the news of
the fight at Adasin [31] (p. 90); at the bidding of Dalonagan a spider
spins a web about the town (p. 124); and Aponitolau is enabled to
fulfill the labors assigned him by the ten-headed giant only through
the aid of spiders, ants, and flies (p. 101). [32] During certain
dances the water from the river flows over the town and fish come
up and bite the feet of the dancers (p. 59). Crocodiles are left to
guard the sister of Aponibalagen, and when they fail to explain their
negligence they are whipped and sent away by their master (p. 87). A
great bird is pleased with Aponitolau and carries him away [33] to its
home, where it forces him to marry a woman it had previously captured
(p. 92). In one instance an animal gives birth to a human child; a frog
laps up the spittle of Aponitolau, and as a result becomes pregnant
[34] and gives birth to a maiden who is taken away by the spirits
(p. 105). Another account states that the three sons of Aponitolau
and Aponibolinayen are born as pigs, but later assume human form
(p. 116). Kanag becomes a snake when he tries to secure the perfume
of Baliwan, but is restored to human form when he bathes in a magic
well (p. 137). These and other mysterious happenings, many of which
are not explained as being due to their own volition, befall them;
thus Ingiwan, while walking, is confronted by an impassable hill and
is compelled to cross the ocean, where he finds his future wife, but
upon his return the hill has vanished (p. 86). In other instances the
finger rings of people meeting for the first time exchange themselves
(p. 92). The headband of Ligi flies away without his knowledge and
alights on the skirt of a girl who is bathing in the river. As a
result she becomes pregnant, and when the facts become known Ligi is
recognized as the child's father (p. 144). It seems probable that
the superior powers are responsible for these occurrences, for in
at least one instance the great spirit Kaboniyan steals a maiden and
turns her into a flock of birds, who talk with and assist the owner
of a rice field (p. 151).
While they thus appear to be to a certain extent under the control
of the spirits and to be surrounded by animals and inanimate things
with human intelligence and speech, the people of these "first times"
possess great power over nature: Time and space are annihilated, for
at their will daylight comes at once (p. 150), or they are transported
to a place in an instant (p. 92). At their command people appear:
Kanag creates betel-nut trees, then cuts the fruit into bits, which he
sows on the ground. From these come many people who are his neighbors,
and one of whom he marries (p. 121). The course of nature is changed:
A field is planted in an instant; the crops mature in a few days, and
the grain and fruits take themselves to the store-house (p. 150). A
strike-a-light turns into a hill which impedes pursuers [35] (p. 75),
while a belt or headaxe serves as a ferry across a body of water
(p. 84). A storm is called upon to carry a person or a building to
a distance (p. 121), and a spring is created by killing an old man
(p. 60). [36] Prepared food appears at a word; a stick when cooked
becomes a fish, and though it is repeatedly broken and served it
always appears ready for service at meal time (p. 33); a small jar
containing a single grain of rice supplies an abundance of food;
another jar no larger than a fist furnishes drink for a company and
still remains a third full; while a single earring fills a pot with
gold [37] (pp. 47, 119, 123).
Quite as easy as the creation of beings is the causing of sleep or
death. All the people of a village are put to sleep at the will of a
single person (p. 145) and Albaga--while still at a distance--causes
the death of Aponibolinayen (p. 44). At a word of command the
spears and headaxes of the people of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan go out
and kill great numbers of the enemy, and the heads and booty take
themselves in orderly fashion to towns of their new owners (pp. 66,
75). Many methods of restoring the dead to life are employed; spittle
is applied to the wounds, or the victim is placed in a magic well,
but the common method is for the hero "to whip his perfume," [38]
whereupon the dead follow his commands (pp. 152, 157).
The birth of a child, to a woman of these times, is generally preceded
by an intense itching between the third and last fingers, and when this
spot is pricked the child pops out "like popped rice." [39] Its growth
is always magical, for at each bath its stature increases by a span
(p. 102). Within a few days the baby is a large child and then begins
deeds of valor worthy of the most renowned warriors (pp. 95, 96).
The power of assuming animal forms appears to be a common possession,
and we find the different characters changing themselves into
fire-flies, ants, centipedes, omen birds, and in one case into oil [40]
(pp. 85, 99).
One of the most peculiar yet constantly used powers of these people
is their ability to send betel-nuts on various missions. Whenever
an invitation to a ceremony or celebration is to be extended, nuts
covered with gold are oiled and sent out. They go to the intended
guest, state their errand, and, if refused, forthwith proceed to grow
on his knee, forehead, or pet pig, until pain or pity compels him to
accept (p. 146). In some cases it appears that the nuts themselves
possess the magic properties, for we find Aponitolau demanding that
his conquered foes give him their betel-nuts with magic power (p. 91).
Relationships can be readily ascertained by the chewing of these nuts,
for when the quids are laid down they are transformed into agate and
golden beads and lie in such a manner that the associations are fully
established (pp. 35, 36, 41).
Enough has been mentioned to show how important a part magic and
magical practices play in the life of this people, but one further
reference should be made, since it is found in nearly every tale. When
the marriage price is settled upon, the mother of the groom exercises
her power and at once fills the spirit house with valuable jars and the
like; this is repeated until enough are gathered to meet the demands
of the girl's people (p. 133). Even when the agreed sum has been
delivered we often find the girl's mother herself practicing magic,
to secure additional payment, and by raising her elbows or eyebrows
causing a part of the jars to vanish (pp. 133, 143).
Despite their great gifts we find that these people are not
all-powerful and that they deem it wise to consult the omens before
starting on a task or a journey. The gall sack and liver of a pig are
eagerly examined, [41] while the calls of birds, actions of animals,
or signs received from the thunder and lightning regulate their
conduct. In cases where these warnings are disregarded misfortune or
death always overtakes the individual (pp. 48, 49, 100 ff).
Death comes to them, but apparently is only a temporary state. The
deceased are often revived by some magical process (p. 152), but if
not the corpse is placed on a raft and is set adrift on the river. [42]
The streams and rivers, we are told, all flow past Nagbotobotan before
they empty into the hole where all streams go. In this place lives the
old woman Alokotan, who is related to the people of Kadalayapan and
Kaodanan. Her duty it is to watch for dead relatives, to secure them,
and make them alive again (p. 132). She is the owner of a magic pool,
the waters of which revive the dead and renew youth.
_Comparison of the Reconstructed Culture with Present Day
Conditions_.--Before passing to a consideration of the tales in the
last two divisions of our material, it may be well to compare the life
and beliefs of these "people of the first times" with those of the
living Tinguian. Kadalayapan and Kaodanan appear, in a vague way,
to have been located in Abra, for we learn that the Ilocano, Don
Carlos, went up the river from Baygan (Vigan) [43] to Kadalayapan;
that the _alzados_ [44] lived near by; while the tattooed Igorot
occupied the land to the south (pp. 77, 155). The villages were
surrounded by defensive walls such as were to be found about all
Tinguian villages until recent times, and which are still to be seen
about Abang and other settlements. Within the walls were many houses,
the descriptions of most of which would fit the dwellings of to
day. The one thing which seems foreign to present conditions is the
so-called "ninth room" which receives rather frequent mention. There
is nothing in the tales referring to buildings or house construction
which lends support to the contention of those who seek to class the
Tinguian as a modified sub-group of Igorot. [45] The Bontoc type of
dwelling with its ground floor sleeping box and its elevated one room
kitchen and storage room is nowhere mentioned, neither is there any
indication that in past or present times the Tinguian had separate
sleeping houses for the unmarried men and boys, and for the girls,
as do their neighbors to the south.
The other structures, such as the spirit houses, rice drying
frames, and granaries were similar to those seen to-day in all the
villages. Likewise the house furnishings, the musical instruments,
and even the games of the children were such as are to be found at
present, while our picture of the village life given on page 9 still
fits nearly any Tinguian settlement in Abra. The animals mentioned
are all familiar to the present people, but it is worthy of note
that in the first twenty-six tales, which make up the cycle proper,
the horse is not mentioned, nor does the carabao appear to be used
as a work animal. Still more important is the fact that the terraced
fields and the rice culture accompanying them, which to-day occupy
a predominant place in the economic life of the people, are nowhere
mentioned. On the other hand, the _langpadan_, or mountain rice,
assumes a place of great importance. References to the cultivation
of the land all seem to indicate that the "hoe culture," which is
still practiced to a limited extent, took the place of agriculture.
The clothing, hair dressing, and ornaments, worn by these people,
agree closely with those of to-day. Beads seems to have been of
prime importance, but could scarcely have been more prized or more
used than at present. Unless she be in mourning, the hair and neck
of each woman are now ornamented with strings of beads, many of them
of evident antiquity, while strands above strands cover the arms from
the wrist to the elbow or even reach to the shoulder. [46]
The wealth of a person seems to have been, to a large extent,
determined by the number of old jars in his possession. As at the
present time, they formed the basis of settlement for feuds, as payment
for a bride, and even figured in the marriage ceremony itself. The
jars, as judged from their names, were evidently of ancient Chinese
manufacture, and possessed power of speech and motion similar to that
of human beings; but in a lesser measure the same type of jars have
similar powers to-day. [47]
The use of gold and jewels seems to have been common in the old times;
the latter are seldom seen in the district to-day, but the use of bits
of gold in the various ceremonies is still common, while earrings of
gold or copper are among the most prized possessions of the women. [48]
Placer mining is well known to the Igorot of the south, who melt and
cast the metal into various ornaments. So far as I am aware, this is
not practiced by the present Tinguian, but may point back to a time
when the industry was known in this region, or when trade relations
with the south were much freer than in recent years.
The weapons of the warriors, which we are specifically told were of
metal, are identical with those seen at the present time, while the
methods of warfare agree with the accounts still told by the old men
of their youthful exploits.
A survey of the tales brings out boldly the fact that a headhunt was
one of the most important events in Tinguian life. To-day stress of
circumstances has caused the custom to suffer a rapid decline, but
even now heads are occasionally taken, while most of the old men have
vivid recollections of the days when they fought "in the towns of their
enemies." A spirited account of a head celebration seen in the village
of Lagangilang--from which ten of these tales were collected--will
be found in the writings of La Gironiere, already referred to. [49]
It is important to note that this account, as well as those secured
from many warriors of the present generation, offers some striking
differences to the procedure in the olden days, particularly as regards
the disposal of the skulls. The tales tell of the heads being placed
on the _sagang_ [50] at the spring, at the gate, or about the town,
after the celebration. Certain of the present villages make use of
the _sagang_, but the more common type of head holder is the _saloko_,
[51] which still figures in many ceremonies. However, the heads only
remain in these receptacles until the day set for the festival. They
are then carried to the centre of the village and there, amid
great rejoicing, are cut open; the brains are removed and to them
are added the lobes of the ears and joints of the little fingers,
and the whole is then placed in the liquor, which is served to the
dancers. Before the guests depart the skulls are broken into small
pieces and a fragment is presented to each male guest, who carries
it home and is thus often reminded of the valor of the takers. [52]
A study of Tinguian beliefs furnishes an additional religious motive
for the taking of heads, but with the people of Kadalayapan and
Kaodanan revenge and the desire for renown were the prime incentives.
Every tale emphasizes the importance of the _Sayang_ ceremony and
the spirit structure known as _balaua_. [53] The ceremony is nowhere
described in full, but the many details which are supplied show that
it was almost identical with that of to-day. The same is true of the
_Dawak_, [54] which we find mentioned on three different occasions, and
of the ceremony made to aid in locating lost or stolen articles. The
most noticeable fact, to the person familiar with Tinguian life,
is that these are the only ceremonies mentioned among the many known
and practiced at present. More than a score of different rites are
now well known to this people, and occupy a very considerable portion
of their time and attention during the first four months of the year.
The failure to make mention of these very important events is
explained, it seems to me, not by their absence, but by the fact that
these rites vary in importance and that the privilege of celebrating
them is hereditary in a family. Should one not entitled to hold
such a ceremony desire to do so, he must first give, in order, all
the lesser events, a costly procedure extending over a period of
several years. The people of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan always appear
as being closely related to the spirit Kaboniyan, [55] and exceedingly
powerful. It seems probable that the story teller takes it for granted
that all of them are entitled to hold the most important ceremony
known to the Tinguian.
A prominent figure in these rites is the medium, through whom the
ancient people generally conversed with the spirits, but in exceptional
cases we found the heroes talking direct with the superior beings;
however, this gift is not confined to the men of old, for in such
tales as 55 and 59 people who are believed to have lived recently
have conversed with the spirits and have even been joined to them
in marriage.
The procedure in choosing a bride, the engagement, the _pakalon_,
[56] and the marriage proper are all those of the present day, but the
rules governing the marriage of relatives differ radically. As already
noted, one of the chief qualifications for marriage, among the people
of the tales, was relationship, and even cousins became husband and
wife. Such a thing is unthinkable among the Tinguian of to-day; first
cousins are absolutely barred from marrying, while even the union of
second cousins would cause a scandal, and it is very doubtful if such a
wife would be allowed to share in her deceased husband's property. [57]
It appears that only one real [58] wife is recognized as legitimate,
but that from "the first times" to the present a man might have as
many concubines as he could secure.
So far as mythology and present day conditions can inform us the bride
has always gone to the home of her husband and, for a time at least,
has been subject to the dictations of her mother-in-law, although the
couple are generally soon established in a home of their own, in the
town of the groom. There is nothing in Tinguian life or tradition to
indicate that they have ever had a clan system or a matriarchal form
of government.
The few references to the procedure immediately after a death indicate
that, in part, the people of to-day follow the old custom; but here
again an important departure occurs. We are thrice told that the
corpse was placed on a little raft called _tabalang_ and set adrift
on the river; and in one case the afterbirth was treated in the same
manner. Nothing of the sort is done to-day, nor does it seem at all
likely that such has been the case in recent generations. The body
is now buried beneath the house, and certain set rules govern the
movements of all persons related to the deceased, as well as the
disposal of the corpse. This procedure is so complex and so uniform
throughout the whole Tinguian belt that it seems improbable that it
has grown up, except through a long period of time. At this point
it is interesting to note that at many ceremonies it is necessary
to construct a small raft called _tal-talababong,_ or _talabong_,
to place offerings in it, and set it adrift on the stream, in order
that any spirits who have been prevented from attending the ceremony
may still secure their share. [59]
The festivals, the dances, the observances of the proprieties required
by good breeding or custom of to-day, follow closely those given in
the tales. The greatest divergence is in the offering of betel-nuts
and the telling of names, which occupies such an important place in
the narratives. The use of betel-nut for chewing is less common among
the Tinguian people than with most other Philippine tribes, a fact
which may be accounted for by their constant use of tobacco. However,
betel-nuts still occupy a most important place in the various
ceremonies, and many offerings intended for the spirits must be
accompanied with the prepared nut. In nearly every instance when
invitations were sent out, for a ceremony, the people of the tales
intrusted an oiled betel-nut covered with gold with this duty. This
has its counterpart to-day in the small gifts of gold which are
often carried to some friend, in another town, whose presence is
particularly desired. It seems not improbable that the golden colored
husks of the ripe betel-nuts may have suggested the substitution.
Magic was practiced extensively in "the first time," but it is by
no means unknown to the people of the present day. They cannot now
bring a dead person to life, or create human beings out of bits of
betel-nut; but they can and do cause sickness and death to their foes
by performing certain rites or directing actions against garments or
other objects recently in their possession. Even the name of an enemy
can be applied to an animal or inanimate object and action against
it be transferred to the owner.
Like the Tinguian, the people of Kadalayapan and Kaodanan are warned
or encouraged by omens received through the medium of birds, thunder,
lightning, or the condition of the gall and liver of a slaughtered pig;
[60] and like them they suffer for failure to heed these warnings,
or for the infraction of a taboo.
The myths of the first division make it plain that, to the people of
those times, the sun, moon, and stars were animate--either spirits or
human beings. In some cases a similar conception was held for thunder
and lightning, while in others they appear as animals. It will appear
that such ideas are not foreign to the second division of the tales,
which represent present day beliefs. Thus, in the mountain village
of Baay the sky is considered as a male spirit--the husband of the
earth, and father of sun and moon. Again, in Lagangilang and Abang,
the thunderbolt is identified as Kadaklan--the most powerful of all
spirits--who "often eats the ground and releases his wife Agemem."
This brings us to a most interesting question, namely: Are the chief
actors in our tales to be considered as celestial beings and spirits,
or as human heroes? We have already made note of the fact that in the
first tale Aponitolau is identified with Ini-init whom, we are told,
was "the sun," "the man who makes the sun," "a round stone which
rolls." In this tale he marries Aponibolinayen, a maiden whose name
may possibly be construed to mean "the woman in the moon." [61]
However, we find Aponitolau abandoning his place in the sky and
going to reside in Kadalayapan. This tale comes from the town of
Langangilang where, as we have already seen, the celestial beings
are regarded as spirits. Tale fifteen, coming from the same town,
shows us this same Aponitolau going up to the sky, where he marries
the spirit Kabkabaga-an, but as before he returns to his home below. A
further indication of his celestial character is perhaps afforded us
in tale fourteen, which was recorded in Patok, a valley town in which
the sun, moon, and stars are now regarded as "lights" belonging to
the spirit Kadaklan. Here we find that Aponitolau marries the star
maid Gaygayoma, who is the daughter of the big star Bagbagak, and
Sinag--the moon. In this same tale Aponibolinayen appears as the
first wife of Aponitolau, and it is clear that in the mind of the
story teller she is not identified with Sinag. Aponitolau appears in
the other tales without any hint of celestial qualities. Aside from
her name and the fact that she is once pictured as visiting the sky,
there is nothing to indicate that his wife Aponibolinayen is to be
considered as the moon. A careful study of the other characters who
reside in Kadalayapan and Kaodanan fails to yield any evidence that
they are considered as celestial beings.
During the _Sayang_ ceremony held in San Juan, a certain man and
woman, who are then called Iwaginan and Gimbagon [62], represent the
good spirits and are defended by the people when evil spirits try to
dispossess them of their property. This is the only instance I have
observed in which the names of any of these characters of the tales
appear in the ceremonies, while a list of more than one hundred and
fifty spirits known to the Tinguian fails to reveal more.
While in the practice of magic, and in their communication with nature,
celestial bodies, and spirits, these "people of the first times"
far excelled the present Tinguian, they had a material culture and
ceremonial life much like that still found in Abra.
It seems then that these people, about whom the stories cluster, are
not to be identified as celestial beings or spirits [63]. They appear
rather as generalized heroes whose life and deeds represent that of
an earlier period, magnified and extolled by succeeding generations.
Ritualistic and Explanatory Myths
The second division of the tales now assumes a position of importance
to us, for in it we find present day ideas and beliefs of the people
strongly brought out, and are thus in a position to contrast them
with the tenets of the people in "the first times".
The influence of custom is exceedingly strong among the Tinguian of
to-day. The fact that the ancestors did so and so is sufficient
justification for performing any act for which they have no
definite explanation. Nowhere is this influence greater than in the
ceremonies. These, which accompany all the important happenings in
their daily life, are conducted by mediums who are fitted for office
by long training, and each one of whom is a check on the others if
they wilfully or through carelessness deviate from the old forms. The
ritual of these ceremonies is very complex and the reason for doing
many acts now seems to be entirely lost, yet the one explanation
_"kadauyan"_--custom--is sufficient to satisfy any Tinguian. Other
acts, as well as the possession of certain things, are explained
by myths, such as we are considering. It seems certain that we are
here dealing not with present day beliefs alone, but with at least
relatively old customs and tales, which while enabling us to understand
present day conceptions also give us a glimpse into the past.
The myths 32-40, which are known to the people as _diams_, are now
inseparable parts of the various ceremonies. Thus, when a pig is to be
offered in the _Sayang_ ceremony, the medium sits down beside it and
strokes it with oiled fingers while she "talks to the spirits". The
translation of her "talk" shows that this is in no sense a prayer
but is rather an account of how the greatest of the spirits taught
the Tinguian people to perform this ceremony correctly. Likewise,
when she offers food in the _Dawak_ [64] ceremony, she relates how
the spirit Kaboniyan taught the Tinguian to do this in the same
manner that he performs it. In the _Pala-an [65] diam_ she relates,
in story form, the cause of the sickness, but in this case ends with
a direct invocation to the spirits in Dadaya to "make them well again
if you please". The balance of the _diams_, 35-40, are in story form,
and seem intended more as an explanation to the people as to the causes
of their troubles than to be directed toward the spirits. However, the
medium seldom has an audience, and rarely ever a single listener, as
she recites the _diams_ she has learned verbatim from her instructors
when preparing for the duties of her office.
Myths 41-54 are of quite a different type. They are generally told
by the mediums or wise old people, during the ceremonies, but always
to a crowd of eager listeners. They are not learned word for word,
as are the _diams_, but their content is constant and they are
thoroughly believed.
That they exert a great influence on the beliefs and conduct of
both old and young is undoubted. The evil which befalls a person who
molests the guardian stones is thus made known even to the children who
generally keep at a distance from the grove in which they stand. Again,
these tales give sharp warning as to what befalls a person who even
ignorantly breaks the taboos following a death; but at the same time
advance means of thwarting the wrath of the enraged or evil spirits.
Myths 55 to 62 at first glance to not appear to be explanatory
at all, but seem rather to be a series of stories dealing with the
relations between certain persons and the natural spirits or those of
the dead. However, it is the intent and use rather than the form of
these stories which has caused them to be included in this division,
for they give the people authority for certain beliefs and conceptions
which they hold. Tale 56 gives us a glimpse of the prevalent idea
of the abode of the dead, where the spirits lead much the same sort
of life as they did while alive, but we secure quite a different
picture of this realm from the Baluga [66] tale, in which the home
of the deceased is said to be in the ground while the "life" of the
dead woman is kept in a bamboo cup. This last account was heard in
Manabo, a town near to the Igorot settlements of the Upit river,
and may be influenced by the beliefs held in that section. [67]
Certain individuals appear to have intimate dealings with the natural
spirits, in some instances even being joined to them in marriage. The
afterbirth child, Sayen, is believed to have lived "not very long
ago", yet we find his life and actions quite similar to those of
the heroes in "the first times", while his foster mother--the _alan_
[68]--takes the same part as did the _alan_ of old.
Relations 63 to 74 appear as pure explanatory tales, accounting
for the existence and appearance of celestial bodies and animals in
their present state; they also account for the possession of fire and
of many prized objects, such as jars and agate beads. Incidentally
many essential traits and old customs come out, such, for instance,
as those of war and mourning, which appear in connection with the
origin of the _kalau_ [69].
With few exceptions the myths of this division correspond to present
beliefs; the spirits are those known to-day; the towns mentioned are
now existing or their former locations are well known. They have thus
the appearance of being of more recent origin than those of the first
division, yet it is worthy of note that there is little in them which
seems foreign to or out of keeping with the older tales.
Fables
The last division may be said to be made up of fables, for the story
tellers without hesitation label them as fictions. The last of these
appears to be only a worked over incident of myth 56, in which the
big bird Banog carries the hero to its nest, from which he escapes
by holding to the wings of the young birds. It is possible that more
of these fables are likewise incidents in tales prevalent among the
Tinguian, but not heard by the writer. Whether or no this be true, it
is certain that most of these stories are well known to the Ilocano
of the coast and the other Christianized natives throughout the
archipelago. Comparison with the folk-lore from other regions shows
that these stories are by no means confined to the Philippines. The
chief incidents in the narrative of the turtle and the monkey have been
recorded from the Kenyah of Borneo [70] and from the northern peninsula
of Celebes [71]; the race between the shell and the carabao is told in
British North Borneo [72] in regard to the plandok and crab, while it
is known to European children as the race between the turtle and the
hare. The threat of the mosquito in 84 is almost identical with that
recorded by Evans in Borneo [73]; while many incidents in the fable
of Dogidog [74] are found in the Iban story of Simpang Impang [75].
When comparing the Tinguian versions of these fables with those of the
Ilocano, one is impressed with the fact that while the incidents upon
which they are founded are often identical, the stories themselves
have frequently been moulded and changed by the tellers, who have
introduced bits of old customs and beliefs until they reflect, in a
way, the prevalent ideas of the people. Thus in the story of the magic
_poncho_ [76], which is evidently of Spanish introduction, the owner
is identified as the _banbantay_--a well-known minor spirit. Again,
the first part of tale 85 is identical with that of the Ilocano,
but ends with the parents of the groom preparing the things used in
the _pakalon_--a very necessary part of the Tinguian marriage ceremony.
The footnotes have called attention to the many incidents which have
their parallels in other districts. Reference to these shows that
a large percentage are found in the islands toward the south. While
recognizing that similarity of incidents does not necessarily mean
identity of origin, we must still give full credit to the effects
of borrowing, even over great distances. The easy communication
along the coast during the past four hundred years and the contact
with Spanish and Christianized officials and traders will readily
explain the likeness of the tales in Division III to those held in
distant islands, or even in Europe, but, as just noted, these are
now undergoing change. Doubtless a similar inflow had been taking
place, although at a slower rate, long before the Spaniards reached
the Islands, and Tinguian mythology has grown up as the result of
blending of native tales with those of other areas, the whole being
worked over and reshaped until it fitted the social setting.
Previous writers--among them Ratzel and Graebner [77]--have sought
to account for certain resemblances in culture, between Malaysia,
Polynesia, and America, by historical connection. A part of our
material--such as that of the blood-clot child (p. 125), [78] the
rape of the maiden by the vine which carries her to the sky (p. 33),
the magic flight (p. 75), and magic growth (p. 38) [79]--may seem
to lend support to such a theory. These similarities are assuredly
suggestive and interesting, but it appears to the writer that the
material is too scanty and the folklore of intervening lands too
little known to justify us in considering them as convincing proof
of borrowing over such immense distances. [80]
General Results
Our study has brought out certain general results. We have seen
that Tinguian folklore has much in common with that of other tribes
and lands. While a part of this similarity is doubtless due to
borrowing--a process which can still be seen at work--a considerable
portion of the tales is probably of local and fairly recent origin,
while the balance appears to be very old. These older tales are so
intimately interwoven with the ceremonies, beliefs, and culture of this
people that they may safely be considered as having been developed by
them. They are doubtless much influenced by present day conditions,
for each story teller must, even unconsciously, read into them some
of his own experiences and the current beliefs of the tribe. At the
same time these traditional accounts doubtless exercise a potent
influence on the thoughts, beliefs, and actions of the people. In
Tinguian society, where custom still holds undisputed sway, these
well-known tales of past times must tend to cast into the same mould
any new facts or experiences which come to them.
We believe that we are justified when we take the viewpoint of
the Tinguian and consider "the stories of the first times" as
essentially very old. How old it is impossible to state definitely,
but a careful analysis of our material justifies us in believing that
they reflect a time before the people possessed terraced rice fields,
when domestic work animals were still unknown, and the horse had not
yet been introduced into their land. That these are not recent events
is attested by the great part they all now play in the ceremonial
and economic life. It is evident that outside influences of great
importance were introduced at a period later than the time when the
Chinese first began to trade along the coasts of the Philippines for
the prized jars, which play such an important role in the mythology,
are not to be identified as those of native make but are ancient
Chinese vessels dating back at least to the fourteenth and perhaps
even to the tenth century [81].
It is probable that the glass, porcelain, and agate beads, which
are second only to the jars in importance, are exceedingly old. Many
ancient specimens are still in use and are held for as fabulous prices
as are those found among the interior tribes of Borneo. Nieuwenhuis
has shown that the manufacture of beads had become a great industry
in the middle ages, and had extended even to China and Japan, whence
the products may have spread contemporaneously with the pottery [82].
We have seen that, for the most part, the life, customs, and beliefs
which appear in our reconstruction of "the first times" agrees
closely with present conditions; certain things which seem formerly
to have been of prime importance--such as the sending of a betel-nut
covered with gold to invite guests to a festival or ceremony--appear
to have their echo in present conditions. The betel-nut which played
such a momentous part in the old times still holds its place in the
rituals of the many ceremonies, although it is not now much used in
daily life. The magic of to-day is less powerful than formerly, but is
still a tremendous force. The communication of the ancient people with
other members of the animate world, as well as with the inanimate and
spiritual, and their metamorphosis into animals and the like, offers
nothing strange or inconsistent to the people of to-day. They even now
talk to jars, they converse with spirits who come to them through the
bodies of their mediums, and people only recently deceased are known to
have had the power of changing themselves, at will, into other forms.
In short, there is no sharp break between the mode of thought of to-day
and that exhibited in the folklore. It is true that the tales give
sanction to some things not in agreement with Tinguian usage--such,
for instance, as the marriage of relatives, or the method of disposing
of the dead--and it may be that we have here a remembrance of customs
which long ago fell into disuse.
In a previous paper [83] the writer showed that there have been many
migrations into Abra from the north, south, and west. A part of the
emigrants have become thoroughly amalgamated with the Tinguian people
and have doubtless introduced some part of their material culture
and beliefs. This helps us to understand such conflicts as we have
already noted in regard to the place held by thunder and lightning
in the spirit world, as to the future abode of the spirits of the
departed, as well as other discrepancies which the limits of this
paper have prevented us from discussing.
It is not impossible that those customs of "the first times," which
are at variance with those of to-day, may represent older ideas which
have been swamped, or, on the other hand, the memory of the strange
customs once practiced by the emigrants may have caused them to be
attributed to the people of the tales.
Finally, we believe that a study of Tinguian mythology has shown us
that we can gain a real knowledge of the past of a people through
their folklore; that we can secure an insight into their mental life;
and can learn something of the valuation they attach to certain of
their activities and beliefs, which to us may seem at the surface
trite and trivial.
Tales of the Mythical Period
1
"We go to take greens, sister-in-law Dinay, perhaps the _siksiklat_
[84] will taste good. I have heard that the _siksiklat_ is good,"
said Aponibolinayen. They went to get her _siksiklat_. When they
arrived at the place of small trees, which they thought was the
place of the _siksiklat_, they looked. Aponibolinayen was the first
who looked. As soon as she began to break off the _siksiklat_ which
she saw she did not break any more, but the _siksiklat_ encircled
and carried her up. When they reached the sky (literally "the up"),
the _siksiklat_ placed her below the _alosip_ [85] tree. She sat for
a long time. Soon she heard the crowing of the rooster. She stood up
and went to see the rooster which crowed. She saw a spring. She saw it
was pretty because its sands were _oday_ [86] and its gravel _pagapat_
[87] and the top of the betel-nut tree was gold, and the place where
the people step was a large Chinese plate which was gold. She was
surprised, for she saw that the house was small. She was afraid and
soon began to climb the betel-nut tree, and she hid herself.
The man who owned the house, which she saw near the well, [88]
was Ini-init--the sun. But he was not in the place of his house,
because he went out and went above to make the sun, because that was
his work in the daytime. And the next day Aponibolinayen saw him,
who went out of his house, because he went again to make the sun. And
Aponibolinayen went after him to his house, because she saw the man,
who owned the house, who left. When she arrived in the house, she
quickly cooked, because she was very hungry.
When she finished cooking, she took the stick used in roasting fish
and cooked it, and the fish-stick which she cooked became cut-up fish,
because she used her magic power. [89] When she finished to cook
the fish, she took out rice from the pot, and when she had finished
to take out the rice from the pot, she took off the meat from the
fish. When she finished taking the fish from the pot, she ate. When
she finished eating, she washed. When she finished washing, she kept
those things which she used to eat, the coconut shell cup and plate,
and she laid down to sleep.
When afternoon came, Ini-init went home to his house after he finished
fishing. He saw his house, which appeared as if it was burning,
not slowly. He went home because it appeared as if his house was
burning. When he arrived at his house, it was not burning, and he was
surprised because it appeared as if there was a flame at the place
of his bed. When he was in his house, he saw that which was like the
flame of the fire, at the place of his bed, was a very pretty lady.
Soon he cooked, and when he had finished to cook he scaled the
fish, and when he had finished scaling he cut it into many pieces,
and he made a noise on the bamboo floor when he cut the fish. The
woman awoke, who was asleep on his bed. She saw that the man who
cut the fish was a handsome man, and that he dragged his hair. [90]
The pot she had used to cook in looked like the egg of a rooster [91]
and he was surprised because it looked like the egg of a rooster; and
the rice which she cooked was one grain of broken rice. [92] Because
of all this Ini-init was surprised, for the pot was very small with
which she cooked. After Ini-init cooked, the woman vanished and she
went to the leaves of the betel-nut, where she went to hide.
After Ini-init finished cooking the fish, he saw the bed, the place
where the woman was sleeping, was empty. He was looking continually,
but he did not find her. When he could not find her, he ate alone,
and when he finished eating he washed, and when he finished washing
the dishes he put away, and when he had finished putting away he went
to the yard to get a fresh breath.
Not long afterwards he went to take a walk in the place of his
betel-nuts. When he had finished to take a walk in the place of his
betel-nuts, he went to sleep.
When it began to be early morning, he left his house, he who went up,
because it was his business to make the sun. And Aponibolinayen went
again into the house.
When it became afternoon, Ini-init went to his home, and Aponibolinayen
had cooked, after which she went out to the betel-nut trees. When
Ini-init arrived, he was surprised because his food was cooked, for
there was no person in his house. As soon as he saw the cooked rice
and cooked fish in the dish, he took the fish and the rice and began
to eat. When he had finished eating, he went to his yard to take
a fresh breath and he was troubled in his mind when he thought of
what had happened. He said, "Perhaps the woman, which I saw, came to
cook and has left the house. Sometime I shall try to hide and watch,
so that I may catch her." He went to sleep, and when it became early
morning he went to cook his food. When he had finished eating, he
went again to make the sun, and Aponibolinayen went again to his house.
When the sun had nearly sunk, he sent the big star who was next to
follow him in the sky, and he went home to spy on the woman. When he
had nearly reached his home, he saw the house appeared as if it was
burning. [93] He walked softly when he went up the ladder. He slammed
shut the door. He reached truly the woman who was cooking in the
house. He went quickly and the woman said to him, "You cut me only
once, so that I only cure one time, if you are the old enemy." "If
I were the old enemy, I should have cut before," said Ini-init,
and he sat near her who cooked. He took out the betel-nut, and he
arranged it so that they began to chew the betel-nut, and he said,
"Ala! young lady, we are going to chew, because it is bad for us to
talk who do not know each other's names." Aponibolinayen answered,
"No, for if the rich man who practices magic is able to give to the
rich woman who has magical power, soon there will be a sign." Ini-init
said, "No, hurry up even though we are related, for you come here if
we are not related." [94]
He begged her and he cut the betel-nut, which was to be chewed, which
was covered with gold, and he gave it to the woman who had magical
power, and they chewed. When she laid down the quid, it looked like
the agate bead, which has no hole for the thread. And the quid of
Ini-init looked like a square bead.
"My name is Ini-init, who often goes to travel over the world. I
always stop in the afternoon. What can I do, it is my business,"
he said. Aponibolinayen was next to tell her name. "My name is
Aponibolinayen, who lives in Kaodanan, who am the sister of Awig,"
she said, and when they had finished telling their names, both their
quids looked like the agate bead which is _pinoglan_, which has no
hole. Ini-init said, "We are relatives, and it is good for us to be
married. Do not be afraid even though you did not come here of your
own accord. I go to Kaodanan," he said. Then they married, and the
sun went to shine on the world, because it was his business, and the
big star also had business when it became night. Aponibolinayen staid
alone in the house, and in the afternoon the sun again went home, but
first he went to fish in the river. He went home when he had caught
the big fish for them to eat--both those married. And when he arrived
in their house he found Aponibolinayen, who was cooking, and he saw
that she still broke up the fish-stick, which she cooked. Ini-init
asked her, "What are you doing with that stick which you are
breaking, which you put in the jar?" and Aponibolinayen replied,
"I cook for us both to eat," and the sun laughed, because she cooked
the stick. "You throw away that stick which you are cooking; this
fish which I caught with the net is what you are to cook. It is not
eatable that fish-stick which you cook," he said. Aponibolinayen said,
"You shall see by and by, when we eat, what it will become. You hang
up the fish which you caught, which we shall eat to-morrow." "Hurry
up! You throw away that stick which you cook, it has no use. Even
though you cook for one month, it will not become soft, and I do not
think it will become good," said Ini-init. Aponibolinayen said, "No,
you hurry and hang that fish which you caught with the net, because
it is nearly cooked--the rice and the fish." Not long after she took
out the rice from the jar, and she uncovered her cooked fish, which
was a stick. When the sun saw that the fish came from the stick which
she cooked, he was surprised and he asked her how she made the stick,
which she cooked, turn to fish. Aponibolinayen said, "You hurry come
and eat, for I have finished taking out the rice and fish." [95]
Not long after that the sun went truly in front of her to the place
of the rice and cooked fish, and they ate.
Not long after they finished and Aponibolinayen washed, and when
she had finished washing she put away those things which they
ate and Ini-init made trouble because of the stick which became
a fish. He again asked Aponibolinayen how she made the stick into
fish, and Aponibolinayen said, "Do not trouble yourself, perhaps
you know about the rich woman who practices magic in Kaodanan,"
and Ini-init said, "Yes, I know the rich woman who practices magic
in Kaodanan, who sometimes has much power, who changes, who has no
equal." Aponibolinayen said, "Why do you still ask if you know?" "I
ask because I want to be sure, even though I know you have much power,"
said Ini-init. "If that is true, do not ask again," she said. Not long
after while they were talking, they went to sleep, and when it began
to be early morning Ini-init went to make the sun on all the world;
when they had finished to eat he went to shine. Aponibolinayen staid
in the house. When it came afternoon, the sun went down and he went
directly to fish in the river, for the fish which they ate--the two
who were married. Not long after he caught again a big fish, and he
went home. When he arrived, Aponibolinayen had finished cooking, and
he asked where she got the fish which she had cooked, and she said,
"Why do you ask again? You know it is the stick which I cook, which is
fish, which we ate, before you arrived again with fish. Throw away the
fish which you caught, for this stick is many fish which I cook." After
that Ini-init said, "Why do you order to throw away, that which serves
the purpose to which we put it, even though you cook many sticks?" "If
you value it, hang it on the hanger, and you come and eat."
Not long after they ate, and when they had finished eating, they
washed, and when they had finished washing those things which they
used to eat on, they talked and they went to sleep.
When it became the middle of the night, Aponibolinayen woke up. "I go
up with you when you go up in the early morning," she said. Ini-init
said to her, "Do not come, for it is very hot up above. You cannot
endure the heat, and you will repent when we are there." "No, if it
is too hot, we shall take many blankets and pillows, which I shall
go under," she said again and again until it became early morning,
then Ini-init agreed. They ate first and then they arranged those
pillows and blankets which they took with them.
Not long after they went east, and when they arrived there the
sun shone, and Aponibolinayen became oil because it was so hot,
and Ini-init put her in a bottle, and he corked it and covered it
with blankets and pillows, which sheltered her, and he dropped it
down. She fell by the well in Kaodanan, and Indiapan, who was still
dipping water, turned her face at the sound of the falling at her
side. She saw many good blankets and pillows, and she unwrapped that
which was wrapped, and when she had finished to unwrap she saw it was
a pretty lady--none equal to her--and she was frightened. She went
quickly to go up to the town, where they lived, and when she arrived
there she said to the people, "We have been searching a long time
for Aponibolinayen, and you killed and used many cows as food for
the searchers, and you spent much for her. She is at the spring. I
was frightened when she fell by me, who was dipping water from the
well. I saw many pretty blankets and pillows, and I unwrapped that
which was wrapped, and it was Aponibolinayen whom we are seeking,"
said Indiapan. They went quickly--her father and mother--and the other
men went to see her, and when they arrived at the place of the well
they saw Aponibolinayen whom they sought. "Where did you come from,
Aponibolinayen, for whom we have been seeking? We have invited many
and have fed many to search for you. Among the towns there is not one
we did not search for you, and now you are here," said her father and
mother. She said, "I came from Pindayan. I nearly did not come, because
the _alzados_ [96] closed the way, and I escaped while they slept."
Not long after they went up to the town, and not long after they went
to wash their hair and bathe in the river, and when they had finished
washing their hair they went home.
Ebang said, "Ala! husband Pagatipanan, let us make _balaua_ [97]
and invite our relatives who are sorrowing for Aponibolinayen," and
Pagatipanan said, "We shall make _balaua_ when next month comes, but
now Aponibolinayen feels ill, perhaps she is tired." Not long after
that Aponibolinayen commanded them to prick her little finger which
itched; and when her mother pricked it out popped a pretty baby. [98]
Her mother asked, "Where did you get this baby, Aponibolinayen?" But
Aponibolinayen did not tell. "I do not know where I got it, and I did
not feel," she said. When they could not compel her to tell where she
secured the baby, "Ala, we make _balaua_ to-morrow," said the father
and mother.
They made _balaua_, and not long after Ebang used magic, so that many
people went to pound rice for them, and when they had finished to
pound rice they built _balaua_, and they went to get the betel-nut
which is covered with gold for chewing. When these arrived, Ebang
oiled them when it began to get dark. "You betel-nuts go to all the
people in the whole world and invite them. If any of them do not come,
you grow on their knees," said Ebang. And those betel-nuts went to
invite all the people in the whole world. Every time they bathed
the child they used magic, so that it grew as often as they washed
it, until it walked. The betel-nuts arrived in the towns where they
went to invite. The one that went to Nagbotobotan--the place where
lived the old woman Alokotan--said, "Good morning, I do not tarry,
the reason of my coming is that Ebang and Pagatipanan commanded
me, because Aponibolinayen is there." "Yes, you go first, I will
come, I will follow you. I go first to wash my hair and bathe," she
said. The betel-nut which is covered with gold said, "I wait for you,
for if you do not come, I shall grow on your knee." The old woman
Alokotan started when she finished washing her hair and bathing. The
betel-nut, which was covered with gold, took her, and not long after
they arrived, and they met those whom the other betel-nuts went to
summon in the other towns. No one wanted the baby to go to them,
[99] and when none wished it to approach, the old woman Alokotan
summoned the spirits. ("What town did they not yet invite?" This
question was added by the story-teller. Not part of tale.) The old
woman Alokotan said, "You invited all the people except Ini-init,
who is above. You did not send the prepared betel-nut covered with
gold to summon him. Perhaps he made Aponibolinayen pregnant, because
the _siksiklat_ took her up when they went to gather greens--she and
her sister-in-law, who is Dinay."
They commanded the betel-nuts, and they oiled them, and sent
them. Not long after the betel-nut, whom they sent, arrived above,
who went to call Ini-init. And the betel-nut said, when he arrived,
"Good morning, Sun, I do not tarry. The reason of my visit is that
Ebang and Pagatipanan, who make _balaua_, send me. If you do not wish
to come, I will grow on your head." The sun said, "Grow on my head,
I do not wish to go." The betel-nut jumped up and went on his head,
and it grew. Not long after the betel-nut became tall and the sun was
not able to carry it, because it became big, and he was in pain. "You
go to my pig, that is what you grow on," he said. Not long after the
betel-nut jumped on the head of his pig, and the pig began to squeal
because it could not carry the betel-nut which began to grow on its
head. And Ini-init said, "Ala! get off my big pig and I come." The
betel-nut got off the pig.
Not long after they went and Pagatipanan carried the baby near to
the gate. When Ini-init and the betel-nut approached, the baby was
happy and he went to be carried by Ini-init. When they arrived at the
festival place, the people saw that he who carried the baby rolled
because he was round, and they saw he was not a man but a stone, and
Ebang and Pagatipanan said, "Ala! Aponibolinayen, you start and take
off your arm beads and you dress in rags, you wrap your wrists with
strings, in place of the arm beads, so that you can go with the stone
when he takes you to his home, when our _balaua_ is finished." Not
long after Aponibolinayen started. She took off her beads and her
dresses and exchanged them for rags and strings. When she changed her
dresses, she went down the ladder, and she saw that he who carried
the baby was a stone, which was round. After that Pagatipanan said,
"Ala! now our _balaua_ is finished, you go home to the town of the
stone." Aponibolinayen said, "Yes, if that is what you say." Those
people who were invited bade them good-by, and when they went away,
they went home also--those whom they invited.
Not long after they arrived at their home and the sun became a man,
he who had been a stone before. "When next month comes we shall
build _balaua_, Aponibolinayen, so that we can invite our relatives,
and I will pay the marriage price, because I marry you," [100] said
Ini-init to her. Soon the month arrived in which they said they would
build _balaua_, and they summoned the old woman Alokotan, to start
the _balaua_. Not long after they sent to get _bolo_ and _lono_ [101]
with which to make the _dakidak_ and _talapitap_. [102] When it became
afternoon the old woman Alokotan began to sing _da-eng_ [103] and the
next night they sang _da-eng_ again. Not long after they commanded
to pound rice, and Aponibolinayen used magic so that many women went
to pound with them. [104] And Ini-init practiced magic so that they
had many neighbors, and many who went to pound rice with them.
Soon they commanded to get the timbers for the _balaua_, and they
prepared everything which they needed. When it became morning they
built _balaua_, and not long after they went to get the prepared
betel-nut, which is covered with gold, which they sent to invite
their relatives. [105]
When they arrived--those prepared betel-nuts which were covered with
gold--they oiled them at the beginning of the night, and sent them
to invite. Aponibolinayen said, "I will use magic, so that you,
betel-nut, may reach the town of our relatives so that you invite
all of them. When there is one who will not come, you grow on their
knees, as long as they do not come." Not long after they made _Libon_
[106] in the beginning of the night.
Those betel-nuts, whom they sent to invite, arrived, those which
they sent to invite their relatives. They did not wish to go to
make _balaua_. The betel-nuts who went to invite them said, "If you
do not wish to come, I will grow on your knee." Pagatipanan said,
"You grow," and the betel-nut grew on his knee, and it became high
and he was in pain. "Ala! you get off my knee, and you go on my pig,"
he said, and the betel-nut went truly on his pig and it squealed. "You
get off my pig, and we will come," he said, and the betel-nut truly
got off the pig. "Ala! you who live in the same town, you go and wash
your hair and bathe, and wash your clothes so that we can go to make
_Sayang_ [107] with the stone and Aponibolinayen. Here is a betel-nut
covered with gold which they send," said Pagatipanan. And the people
who lived in the same town washed their hair and bathed, and they
went to wash their clothes. Not long after it became afternoon and
Pagatipanan used magic so that cake and singed pig appeared which
they were to take to those who make _Sayang_, which they exchanged
with those who make _Sayang_. [108] Not long after they arrived at
the place of the gathering, and Aponibolinayen and Ini-init went to
make _alawig_, [109] and when they had finished, they brought them
up to the town. Pagatipanan said, "I did not think that the stone
which rolled could change when he came to make _balaua_ with us."
"_Ala_! now all you who have arrived, rich men, you divide the prepared
betel-nut which is covered with gold," said Ini-init. Not long after
Pagatipanan cut the betel-nut and chewed, and the quid of Ini-init
went to the quid of Pagbokasan, and the quid of Aponibolinayen went
to the quid of Pagatipanan. [110]
"Ala! now that we have finished chewing, I will give the payment
for Aponibolinayen, and now that you have found out that I am your
son--father and mother--let us give the payment," [111] said Ini-init.
His father and mother said, "If that is what you say, my child,
we will give," and they gave him the name of Aponitolau. [112] And
Aponitolau said, "Ala! you play the _gansa_ [113] so that we can
dance." When they played the _gansa_, Iwaginan took the _alap_ and
_kinamayan_ [114] and he gave them to Aponibolinayen and Agyokan. When
Aponibolinayen and Agyokan had finished dancing, they made Aponitolau
and Asindamayan dance. When Aponitolau and Asindamayan finished
dancing he made to dance Dinay of Kabisilan, who was the daughter
of Dalonagan, and also they made to dance Kanag, [115] who was the
son of Aponibolinayen and Aponitolau. When they finished to dance,
Datalan and Dalonagan of Kabisilan danced, and when they finished
to dance, Iwaginan made Dagapan and Indiapan dance. When they had
finished dancing Ginteban and Agyokan were next. And the beads of
Ginteban were jars, which struck together while they danced. Next were
Iwaginan and Kindi-inan who was the wife of Ilwisan of Dagapan. And
when they had all danced they stopped playing the _gansa_. Aponitolau
gave the payment for Aponibolinayen and it was the _balaua_ nine
times filled with jars--_malayo, tadogan_, and _ginlasan_. [116] And
when he had given all the payment they played again on the _gansas_
for one month and they danced.
When one month passed, they went home--their relatives whom they
had invited. They said, "Ala! now Aponitolau and Aponibolinayen,
since the day has arrived on which we go home, do not detain us for
we have been here for a month, we go home to our town." Not long after
they all went home. And the father and mother of Aponitolau took them
home with them to Kadalayapan, and they took all their possessions
from up above. When they arrived in Kadalayapan those who lived in
the same town were surprised, for Aponitolau and Aponibolinayen were
there. They went to see them and Balokanag (i.e., Kanag--their son)
was large. It is said.
(Told by Magwati, a man of Lagangilang Abra.)
2
"I am anxious to eat the mango fruit which belongs to Algaba of
Dagala," said Aponibolinayen. When she said this she was almost dying
and she repeated it. "Ala cousin Dalonagan, you go and take cousin
Dina-ogan, and go and secure the mango fruit of Algaba of Dagala,"
said Aponibalagen. "Why does Aponibolinayen want the mango fruit of
Algaba of Dagala; does she not know that anyone who goes there cannot
return?" asked Dalonagan. "Ala, you go and be careful and he will not
hurt you," said Aponibalagen. And Dalonagan went truly, and started,
and Aponibalagen gave Dalonagan a belt and earrings, which he was
to trade for the mango fruit; and Dalonagan went to get Dina-ogan,
and he took an egg. Not long after they went and they held the egg
all the time as they walked. When they were in the middle of the way
the egg hatched. When they had almost arrived in Dagala the chicken
had become a rooster which could crow.
Not long after they arrived at the spring of Algaba of Dagala, and the
people who dipped water from the spring were there. "You people who
are dipping water from the spring, where is a shallow place where we
can cross?" "Where is the shallow place where we can cross you say,
rich men, perhaps you are enemies," said the women who were dipping
water. "If we are enemies we would kill you," said Dalonagan. "You
see the shallow place where the people cross," said the people who
were dipping water from the well. Not long after they spread their
belt on the water and they rode across. When they arrived on the other
side of the river they took a bath. As soon as they finished bathing
they went on top of a high stone and dried their bodies. The water
which dropped from their bodies became agates which have no holes
through them, and the women who were dipping water saw the agates
which dropped from their bodies and they touched each other and said,
"Look at that." When they put their clouts on they asked the women,
"Where is the road to the house of Algaba of Dagala?" "You follow
the _sagang_; [117] they lead to his house and his _balaua_,"
said the women who were dipping water from the well. "Will one of
you guide us to the house of our cousin Algaba?" they said. "No,
because no one comes to get water unless all are together," said the
women. Not long after Dalonagan and his companion went up to the
town and the defensive fence, which was made of boa constrictors,
did not notice them for the snakes slept. Not long after they arrived
at the _balaua_. "_Wes_," they said, and the old woman _alan_ [118]
came to look at them through the window. "How are you?" she said. "Do
not go to the _balaua_, because Algaba can see you," said the _alan_.
Algaba was playing with his sweetheart in the other house, when his
sweetheart arrived from the well. "Your big snakes, which make the
fence, did not see the enemies who came inside of the town." Then
Algaba ran to his house and he was very angry when he saw the two
men. He went to get his headaxe and spear and when he took them down
the weapons shed tears which were of oil. "What is the matter with
my weapons that they weep oil? Perhaps these men are my relatives,"
said the angry man. He dropped them and when he took another set they
shed bloody tears.
The two men went up into the kitchen of the house, and Algaba went
there. "How do you do now?" he said, still angry. "What do you want
here?" "What are you here for, you ask, and we came to buy the mango
fruit for Aponibolinayen who is nearly dead." "It is good that you came
here," said Algaba, but he was angry and the two men were frightened,
and they did not eat much. As soon as they finished eating, "What do
you want to pay?" said Algaba. They let him see the one earring of
Aponibolinayen. "I don't like that; look at the yard of my house. All
the stones are gold," said Algaba. When he did not want the earring,
they let him see the belt, and Algaba smiled. "How pretty it is! I
think the lady who owns this is much prettier," he said to them. "Ala,
you go and get two of the fruit." So they went truly, and Dalonagan
went to climb and when he secured two mangoes he went down. "We
go now." "I will go with you for I wish to see Aponibolinayen,"
said Algaba. He said to his mother _alan_ "You, mother, do not feel
anxious concerning me while I am gone, for I want to go and see the
sick lady who so desires the mango fruit. Watch for enemies who come
inside the town." "Yes, do not stay long," said his mother _alan_.
Not long after they went and when they were in the middle of the way
Algaba said, "Is it far yet?" "It is near now," they answered. "I
use my power so that the sick woman, for whom they came to get fruit,
will feel very ill and nearly die," said Algaba to himself. Not long
after, truly they almost arrived. When they reached the well, he
asked again, "Is it still far?" but he knew that the well belonged to
Aponibolinayen. "It is near now; she owns this well," they said. Not
long after they entered the gate of the town. "I use my power so
that Aponibolinayen will die," he said, and she truly died. "Why is
Aponibolinayen dead? The mango fruit which we went to get is worthless
now," they said. "Perhaps she is the one they are wailing for," said
Algaba of Dagala. When they reached the ladder, "The mango fruit which
you went to get is no good at all," said Aponibalagen to them. "Yes,
it is. I came because I wish to see her," said Algaba of Dagala. "If
it is possible for you to bring her to life, please do so," said
Aponibalagen to him, and took him inside of the house. Algaba looked
at her, and she was a lady without an equal for beauty. Not long
after he took the body in his arms. "I use my power so that when I
whip my perfume [119] _kaladakad_ she will move directly," he said,
and the body moved. "I use my power so that when I whip my perfume
_banawes_ she will say '_Wes_'" and she at once said "_Wes_." "I
use my power so that when I whip my perfume she will wake up," and
she woke up. "_Wes_, how long my sleep was!" said Aponibolinayen,
for she was alive again. "How long I sleep! you say. You have been
dead," said Algaba, and Aponibolinayen looked at him and she it saw
was not Aponibalagen who held her in his arms. "Why, Aponibalagen,
do you detest me? Another man is holding me," she said, and she arose
from his arms, because she was ashamed. "Do not leave me, lady;
you would have been dead a long time if I had not come," said Algaba,
and their rings exchanged of themselves while he was holding her and
when Aponibolinayen had regained her breath, Algaba divided the mango
fruit into two parts and he gave to Aponibolinayen, but she did not
want to take it for she was ashamed. "If you do not wish to eat this
fruit which I give you, you cannot go to anyone but me," said Algaba,
and Aponibalagen left them alone.
Not long after Aponibolinayen could sit up straight, and she wanted
to leave Algaba, but he took her. When Aponibolinayen looked at her
ring she saw it was not her own. "Why have I another ring?" she asked,
and she caught the hand of Algaba for he wanted to take her. "Give me
my ring. It is not good for you, for it looks like copper. Take your
ring, for it is really gold," said Aponibolinayen. "No, this is good,
for I did not take it from your finger. The spirits wanted it to come
to my finger. Our rings are both gold, but they are different colors,"
he said. "Let us chew betel-nut for it is bad for us to talk when we do
not know each other's names." "It is not my custom to chew betel-nut,"
said Aponibolinayen. "Then you learn," said Algaba. Not long after he
made her chew and he gave to her. "Now, lady, whom I visit you tell
your name first," he said. "No, because I am ashamed, as a woman to
tell my name first." Not long after he said, "My name is Algaba of
Dagala. I have looked in all parts of the world for a wife, but I did
not find anyone like you, and now I have found you, and I want you
to be married to me." "My name is Aponibolinayen of Kaodanan, sister
of Aponibalagen who are son and daughter of Ebang and Pagbokasan,"
said Aponibolinayen. Not long after they laid down their quids and
they were rows of agate beads which have no holes. Algaba said, "It
is good for us to be married." So they were married and they went to
Dagala. As soon as they arrived in Dagala, "Mother," he said to his
mother _alan_, "now we are going to take you to Kadalayapan, because
I have found a wife." "No," said the _alan_, "we must first build
_balaua_ here." "That is good if it is what you desire," said Algaba.
Not long after Aponibolinayen commanded people to pound rice, and
others to get betel-nuts which were covered with gold. So they truly
made _Sayang._ [120] Not long after when it became evening they made
_Libon._ "The best for us to do is to invite Aponibalagen, and all the
people of Kadalayapan and some other places," said Algaba. Not long
after they sent the betel-nuts which were covered with gold to invite
their relatives. Some of the betel-nuts they sent to Kaodanan. "Sir,
come to Dagala, because Aponibolinayen and Algaba build _balaua_,"
said the betel-nut to Aponibalagen. When the other betel-nuts arrived
at Kadalayapan to invite the people they said to Langa-an, "Come to
Dagala because Aponibolinayen and Algaba make _balaua_." Not long
after Aponibalagen and Aponigawani and the other people went.
When they reached the middle of the way they met the people of
Kadalayapan, so they were a large party who went. When they arrived
at Dagala, at the place where the spring is, they saw that all the
stones by the river were gold and they were surprised, and the people
who were dipping water from the spring were there. "You people who
are dipping water, where is the shallow place for us to cross?" they
said. "You look for the place where the people go across?" said the
people who were dipping water. Not long after they went across the
river. As soon as they reached the other side of the river, they
took a bath. The women who were dipping water saw that the water
which ran from their bodies were agates which had no holes. "How
wonderful are the people who live in Kadalayapan and Kaodanan, for
they are relatives of Kaboniyan [121] and they have power," said the
women who were dipping water from the well.
"You people who are dipping water, where is the trail which leads
to the house of Algaba of Dagala?" they said. "Follow the head
poles; they are along the road to his house," said the women who
were dipping water. So they went up truly to the town, and the boa
constrictors which made the fence around the town did not move when
they passed, for they were afraid, and when they arrived at the house
of Algaba the _alan_ danced. When they sat down Pagatipanan was in
a hurry. "Ala! Langa-an, let us go and give the betel-nut which is
covered with gold to Algaba," he said and they went truly. They told
Algaba that they were going to chew betel-nut, because they wished
to learn if they were relatives; and Algaba said "That is good,"
and they called Aponigawani to the house, and they cut the betel-nut
in pieces. As soon as they cut it in pieces, "The best way to do is
for you to tell your name first, because we came to visit you," said
Pagatipanan to Algaba. "No, old man, you tell your name first," said
Algaba. Not long after, "My name is Pagatipanan who am the _Lakay_
[122] of Kadalayapan." Not long after, "My name is Pagbokasan who is
the father of Aponibalagen of Kaodanan." Not long after, "My name
is Algaba who is the son of an _alan_ who has deformed feet, [123]
who has no sister; we are not like you people who have power," said
Algaba. Not long after, "My name is Aponibalagen of Kaodanan who is the
son of Ebang and Pagbokasan." Not long after, "My name is Aponigawani
of Kadalayapan who has no brother, so that when some enemies come
into our town I dress in the bark of trees." Not long after, "My
name is Aponibolinayen who is the sister of Aponibalagen." As soon
as they told their names, they laid down their betel-nut quids. The
quids of Algaba and Aponigawani both went to the quid of Pagatipanan,
also the quids of Aponibalagen and Aponibolinayen went to the quid of
Pagbokasan. Then Aponigawani stood up. "You are so strange, Algaba,
you are my brother. I am so glad that I have a brother now. You are
bad for you let the enemies come into Kadalayapan," she said. "Excuse
me for I was far from Kadalayapan and did not see; it is our custom
for some of us to go to fight," said Algaba. "The best way to do,
Aponitolau, [124] is for you to go back with us to Kadalayapan,"
said Aponigawani. "If that is what you wish it is all right," he
said. Not long after the _balaua_ was finished and they took them to
Kadalayapan. The valuable things which the _alan_ owned she gave to
them, and she flew away.
When they arrived in Kadalayapan, Aponibalagen wanted to marry
Aponigawani. He sent his mother to go and give the message. As soon as
she arrived in Kadalayapan, "Good morning, nephew Aponitolau," said
Ebang. "Good morning, what are you here for?" said Aponitolau. "What
are you coming for, you say. Aponibalagen sent me to talk to you,
for he wishes to marry Aponigawani," she said. "If you think it is
good it will be all right," said Aponitolau, so she took out the
engagement gift and she put one earring inside of a little jar and
it was filled with gold. Aponitolau lifted his eyebrows and half
of the gold disappeared, so Ebang put another earring in the pot
and it was full again. "Ala! when it becomes evening you come and
bring Aponibalagen," he said to Ebang. "Yes," she said. So she went
home. As soon as she arrived in their house in Kaodanan, Aponibalagen
asked the result of her trip. "They agreed all right; we will go when
it becomes evening," said Ebang. When it became night they went to
Kadalayapan and he lived with Aponigawani. When it became morning he
took Aponigawani to Kaodanan and the father and mother of Aponigawani
and the other people followed them. They went to get the marriage
payment. It was the _balaua_ filled nine times with jars. As soon
as they gave all the payment, Aponitolau was the next to make his
payment. It was also the _balaua_ filled nine times. As soon as they
made all the payment they went home.
(Told by Mano, a woman of Patok.)
3
"I am going to wash my hair. Give me the rice straw, which has been
inherited nine times," said Aponitolau to his mother Langa-an. So
Langa-an gave him some and he went to the river to wash. As soon as
he arrived at the well he saw the pretty girl who was washing her
hair. He went and sat down on her skirt and the pretty girl told
him not to cut her in many places so she would not need to doctor
the wounds. "If I were an old enemy I would have killed you at the
first. It is bad for us to talk when we do not know each other's
names. Let us chew betel-nut," said Aponitolau. "No, for it is not
my custom," said the girl. But Aponitolau compelled her to chew
betel-nut with him. "You tell your name first," he said to her. "No,
it is not good for me to tell my name first, for I am a woman. You
are a man. You tell your name first." So Aponitolau said, "My name is
Aponitolau of Kadalayapan who am the son of Langa-an and Pagatipanan,
who came here to wash my hair. It is good fortune for me that I met
you here washing your hair." "My name is Gimbangonan of Natpangan,
who am the daughter of It-tonagan, who is the sister of Aldasan." As
soon as she told her name she disappeared and went to hide among the
betel nuts on the branch of a tree. So Aponitolau was very sorry and
he went back home without washing his hair. As soon as he arrived
where Langa-an was sitting he said to her "Mother, when I arrived at
the well by the river I met a pretty girl whose name was Gimbangonan,
the daughter of It-tonagan of Natpangan. We chewed betel-nuts and
told our names, but as soon as she told her name she disappeared and
I could not see her. She said that she lived in Natpangan. I want to
marry her. Will you go and arrange the _pakalon?"_ [125] So Langa-an
went at once and got her hat which was as large as the _salakasak_
[126] for she saw that Aponitolau was sorrowful.
When she took her hat it clucked. [127] "Why does my hat cluck
when I take it down? I think they do not like you, Aponitolau,"
said Langa-an. "No, you go and try." So Langa-an went again to get
her hat and again it clucked, but nevertheless she took it and
went. When she was in the middle of the way the head of the hat
which was like a bird swung and made Langa-an turn her head and it
clucked again. Langa-an sat down by the trail and wondered what would
happen. Not long after she went on again and she met Asindamayan near
the ford. She asked where the ford was and when Asindamayan told her,
she spread her belt on the water and it ferried her across. Not long
after she reached the other side of the river, and she inquired for
the house of Gimbangonan. Asindamayan answered, "You look for the
house where many people are putting props under the house. That is
the house of Gimbangonan. Her porch has many holes in it."
When Langa-an arrived at the house she said, "Good afternoon." And
It-tonagan and Gimbangonan answered, "Good afternoon." They invited
her to go up into the house and she went. "Why do you come here,
Aunt?" said Gimbangonan. "I came to arrange for you to marry
Aponitolau, for he wants to marry you and has sent me to talk about
the _pakalon_." Gimbangonan was very happy and said to her mother,
"You tell him yes, for I wish to marry Aponitolau." So It-tonagan
agreed to the marriage and Langa-an asked how much the marriage price
would be. "The regular custom of the people with magical power which
is the _balaua_ nine times full," said Aldasan, because It-tonagan
was always restless and was walking outside the house. So Langa-an
left a little jar and agate bead, as a sign of the engagement, for
Gimbangonan. Not long after she went back home to Kadalayapan. When
she arrived where Aponitolau was lying down she said, "_Wes_" for she
was tired and Aponitolau heard her and he went and inquired what was
the matter. His mother answered that they had agreed on the marriage
and the next day he could go and marry Gimbangonan.
As soon as the next day came they prepared jars of _basi_, [128] and
pigs to be carried to Natpangan, and Aponitolau carried one large
empty jar. [129] So they went. As soon as they arrived Aponitolau
asked where Gimbangonan was, and the people said, "Look at the big
woman." He looked and saw that she was a very big woman and Aponitolau
cried, for she was not the girl he had seen before, and he bent his
head. While the old men were talking to each other Gimbangonan said
to Aponitolau, "Come here, Aponitolau. Be very happy. Why do you bend
your head?" Aponitolau did not listen, and he did not go. Not long
after Langa-an and the others went back home and left Aponitolau to
be joined to Gimbangonan. Aponitolau was afraid to go to Gimbangonan,
for she was a very big woman. She called to him all the time, but he
did not go to her. It-tonagan was restless and did not stay in the
house even in the night, and they could not sleep.
After ten days Aponitolau said, "I am going to Kadalayapan for a
little while. I will return soon." "If you go to Kadalayapan I will
go with you," she said. "Do not go this time and I will take you next
time," he said, and he went. When he was near the gate of the town of
Kadalayapan he hung his head until he reached his house. His mother
asked why he hung his head. "I do not wish to marry Gimbangonan for
she is not the woman I met by the river." "Do not be angry with me for
I did what you wished. I would not have engaged you to Gimbangonan
if you had not sent me." They sent their _liblibayan_ [130] to go
and get betel-nuts which were covered with gold, for they intended
to make _Sayang_, so that they could find out who the woman was who
had been by the river. Soon the _liblibayan_ returned and they said,
"We did not get the betel-nuts which you desired for we found a pretty
toy among the branches of the tree." Aponitolau took the branch of the
tree which shone as if covered with fire and he put a blanket on it
and many pillows around it. As soon as they had again commanded the
_liblibayan_ to get the betel-nuts they went and soon they arrived
with the fruit. They oiled the betel-nuts and sent them to every
place in the world and if anyone refused to come they were to grow
on their knees. Not long after the betel-nuts went to the different
towns and invited all the people.
When they arrived they danced and Aponitolau looked at them to see if
the woman he met at the river was there, but she was not among them,
and he wondered what had become of the woman, for the betel-nuts had
gone to all parts of the world. Aponitolau went into the house for
he was sorrowful, and he laid down near the blankets and he noticed
that the blankets appeared as if on fire and he was frightened. [131]
He got up and unwrapped the blankets and he saw a pretty girl. "I
did not think you were here. I have been engaged. You said your
name was Gimbangonan, and I sent my mother to engage me to you, but
when I saw Gimbangonan she was a big woman so I left her and came
here to make _balaua_ so I might find you. You cannot escape from
me now for I shall hold your hand. Let us chew betel-nut." So they
chewed and Aponitolau said, "My name is Aponitolau of Kadalayapan
who is the son of Langa-an and Pagbokasan to whom you told a lie
for you said you were Gimbangonan, and now I want to know your real
name." "My name is Aponibolinayen of Natpangan who is the daughter
of Ebang and Pagatipanan." When they had told their names they saw
that they were related and that they both possessed magical power,
so they were married.
After three days, Aponitolau said to Aponibolinayen, "Wait for me in
the house. Do not be lonesome, for our mother is here. I am going to
see my pasture." "Do not stay long," said Aponibolinayen. "If anyone
comes you hide in the house," said Aponitolau. Not long after he
went and when he arrived in the pasture all the jars went around him
and all the jars stuck out their tongues for they were very hungry
for they had not been fed for a long time. The jars were _somadag,
ginlasan, malayo_, and _tadogan_, and other kinds also. [132] When
Aponitolau thought that all the jars had arrived where he was he fed
them with betel-nut, first covered with _lawed_ [133] leaves. As
soon as he had fed them he gave them some salt. Not long after he
went back home and he rode on a carabao.
When he arrived at their house he called to Aponibolinayen, but no one
answered him and he was surprised. So he hurried to the house and he
saw that Aponibolinayen was dead and he was grieved. He took her in his
lap and while her body was in his lap it began to sweat. He used his
power so that when he whipped [134] his perfume _banawes_ she said,
"_Wes_." When he whipped his perfume _dagimonau_ she awoke. When he
whipped his perfume _alikadakad_ she stood up and said, "I told you not
to go, Aponitolau, but you went anyway. A big woman came here and stole
all my things and killed me. I don't know who she was." Aponitolau
called his mother and asked who it was and his mother replied that
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