Voyages of Samuel de Champlain V3
Samuel de Champlain

Part 4 out of 4

other. They had pity and compassion for him, offering him every assistance,
and conducting him to their village, where they entertained him and gave
him something to eat.

But as soon as the people of the place were informed that an _Adoresetoüy_
had arrived, for thus they call the French, the name signifying _men of
iron_, they came in a rush and in great numbers to see Brûlé. They took him
to the cabin of one of the principal chiefs, where he was interrogated, and
asked who he was, whence he came, what circumstance had driven and led him
to this place, how he had lost his way, and whether he did not belong to
the French nation that made war upon them. To this he replied that he
belonged to a better nation, that was desirous solely of their acquaintance
and friendship. Yet they would not believe this, but threw themselves upon
him, tore out his nails with their teeth, burnt him with glowing
firebrands, and tore out his beard, hair by hair, though contrary to the
will of the chief.

During this fit of passion one of the savages observed an _Agnus Dei_,
which he had attached to his neck, and asked what it was that he had thus
attached to his neck, and was on the point of seizing it and pulling it
off. But Brûlé said to him, with resolute words, If you take it and put me
to death, you will find that immediately after you will suddenly die, and
all those of your house. He paid no attention however to this, but
continuing in his malicious purpose tried to seize the _Agnus Dei_ and tear
it from him, all of them together being desirous of putting him to death,
but previously of making him suffer great pain and torture, such as they
generally practise upon their enemies.

But God, showing him mercy, was pleased not to allow it, but in his
providence caused the heavens to change suddenly from the serene and fair
state they were in to darkness, and to become filled with great and thick
clouds, upon which followed thunders and lightnings so violent and long
continued that it was something strange and awful. This storm caused the
savages such terror, it being not only unusual but unlike anything they had
ever heard, that their attention was diverted and they forgot the evil
purpose they had towards Brûlé, their prisoner. They accordingly left him
without even unbinding him, as they did not dare to approach him. This gave
the sufferer an opportunity to use gentle words, and he appealed to them
and remonstrated with them on the harm they were doing him without cause,
and set forth to them how our God was enraged at them for having so abused

The captain then approached Brûlé, unbound him, and took him to his house,
where he took care of him and treated his wounds. After this there were no
dances, banquets, or merry-makings to which Brûlé was not invited.

So after remaining some time with these savages, he determined to proceed
towards our settlement.

Taking leave of them, he promised to restore them to harmony with the
French and their enemies, and cause them to swear friendship with each
other, to which end he said he would return to them as soon as he
could. Thence he went to the country and village of the Atinouaentans,
[224] where I had already been; the savages at his departure having
conducted him for a distance of four days' journey from their village. Here
Brûlé remained some time, when, resuming his journey towards us he came by
way of the _Mer Douce_, [225] boating along its northern shores for some
ten days, where I had also gone when on my way to the war.

And if Brûlé had gone further on to explore these regions, as I had
directed him to do, it would not have been a mere rumor that they were
preparing war with one another. But this undertaking was reserved to
another time, which he promised me to continue and accomplish in a short
period with God's grace, and to conduct me there that I might obtain fuller
and more particular knowledge.

After he had made this recital, I gave him assurance that his services
would be recognized, and encouraged him to continue his good purpose until
our return, when we should have more abundant means to do that with which
he would be satisfied. This is now the entire narrative and recital of his
journey from the time he left me [226] to engage in the above-mentioned
explorations; and it afforded me pleasure in the prospect thereby presented
me of being better able to continue and promote them.

With this purpose he took leave of me to return to the savages, an intimate
acquaintance with whom had been acquired by him in his journeys and
explorations. I begged him to continue with them until the next year, when
I would return with a good number of men, both to reward him for his
labors, and to assist as in the past the savages, his friends, in their

Resuming the thread of my former discourse, I must note that in my last and
preceding voyages and explorations I had passed through numerous and
diverse tribes of savages not known to the French nor to those of our
settlement, with whom I had made alliances and sworn friendship, on
condition that they should come and trade with us, and that I should assist
them in their wars; for it must be understood that there is not a single
tribe living in peace, excepting the Nation Neutre. According to their
promise, there came from the various tribes of savages recently discovered
some trade in peltry, others to see the French and ascertain what kind of
treatment and welcome would be shown them. This encouraged everybody, the
French on the one hand to show them cordiality and welcome, for they
honored them with some attentions and presents, which the agents of the
merchants gave to gratify them; on the other hand, it encouraged the
savages, who promised all the French to come and live in future in
friendship with them, all of them declaring that they would deport
themselves with such affection towards us that we should have occasion to
commend them, while we in like manner were to assist them to the extent of
our power in their wars.

The trading having been concluded, and the savages having taken their leave
and departed, we left Trois Rivières on the 14th of July of this year. The
next day we arrived at our quarters at Quebec, where the barques were
unloaded of the merchandise which had remained over from the traffic and
which was put in the warehouse of the merchants at that place.

Now Sieur de Pont Gravé went to Tadoussac with the barques in order to load
them and carry to the habitation the provisions necessary to support those
who were to remain and winter there, and I determined while the barques
were thus engaged to continue there for some days in order to have the
necessary fortifications and repairs made.

At my departure from the settlement I took leave of the holy Fathers, Sieur
de la Mothe, and all the others who were to stay there, giving them to
expect that I would return, God assisting, with a good number of families
to people the country. I embarked on the 26th of July, together with the
Fathers Paul and Pacifique, [227] the latter having wintered here once and
the other having been here a year and a half, who were to make a report of
what they had seen in the country and of what could be done there. We set
out on the day above mentioned from the settlement for Tadoussac, where we
were to embark for France. We arrived the next day and found our vessels
ready to set sail. We embarked, and left Tadoussac for France on the 13th
of the month of July, 1618, and arrived at Honfleur on the 28th day of
August, the wind having been favorable, and all being in good spirits.


201. Champlain made a voyage to New France in 1617, but appears to have
kept no journal of its events. He simply observes that nothing
occurred worthy of remark. _Vide_ issue of 1632, Quebec ed., p. 969.
Sagard gives a brief narrative of the events that occurred that
year. Vol. I. pp. 34-44.

202. Eustache Boullé. His father was Nicolas Boullé, Secretary of the
King's Chamber, and his mother was Marguerite Alix. _Vide_ Vol. I.
p. 205 _et passim_.

203. Nicolas de La Mothe, or de la Motte le Vilin. He had been Lieutenant
of Saussaye in 1613, when Capt. Argall captured the French colony at
Mount Desert. _Vide Les Voyages de Champlain_, 1632, Quebec ed.,
p. 773; _Relation de la Nouvelle France_, Père Biard, p. 64.

204. _Fauquets_. Probably the common Tern, or Sea Swallow. _Sterna
hirundo_. Peter Kalm, on his voyage in 1749, says "Terns, _sterna
hirundo, Linn_, though of a somewhat darker colour than the common
ones, we found after the forty-first degree of north latitude and
forty-seventh degree of west longitude from _London_, very
plentifully, and sometimes in flocks of some hundreds; sometimes they
settled, as if tired, on our ship." _Kalm's Travels_, 1770,
Vol. I. p. 23.

205. St. John's day was June 24th.

206. According to Sagard they were assassinated about the middle of April,
1617. _Hist. Canada_, Vol. I. p. 42.

207. Sagard says the French, on account of this affair, were menaced by
eight hundred savages of different nations who were assembled at Trois
Rivières. _Vide Histoire du Canada_, 1636, Vol. I. p.42. The
statement, "on estoit menacé de huict cens Sauvages de diuerse
nations, qui festoient assemblez és Trois Rivieres à dessein de venir
surprendre les François & leur coupper à tous la gorge, pour preuenir
la vengeance qu'ils eussent pû prendre de deux de leurs hommes tuez
par les Montagnais environ la my Auril de l'an 1617," is, we think,
too strong. The savages were excited and frightened by the demands of
the French, who desired to produce upon their minds a strong moral
impression, in order to prevent a recurrence of the murder, which was
a private thing, in which the great body of the savages had no part.
They could not be said to be hostile, though they prudently put
themselves in a state of defence, as, under the circumstances, it was
very natural they should do.

208. They were then at Trois Rivières.

209. The moat around the habitation at Quebec was fifteen feet wide and six
feet deep, constructed with a drawbridge to be taken up in case of
need. _Vide_ Vol II p. 182.

210. Probably Père le Caron, who was in charge of the mission at Quebec at
that time.

211. _Vide Histoire du Canada_, par Sagard, 1636, Vol. I. p 45.

212. They arrived on St. John's day, _antea, note 205_, and consequently
this was the 2tth of June, 1618.

213. Jean d'Olbeau.

214. Frère Modeste Guines. _Vide Histoire du Canada_, par Sagard, à Paris,
1636, Vol. I.p. 40.

215. Joseph le Caron, Paul Huet, and Pacifique du Plessis.

216. Louis Hébert, an apothecary, settled at Port Royal in La Cadie or Nova
Scotia, under Poutrincourt, was there when, in 1613, possession was
taken in the name of Madame de Guercheville. He afterward took up his
abode at Quebec with his family, probably in the year 1617. His eldest
daughter Anne was married at Quebec to Estienne Jonquest, a Norman,
which was the first marriage that took place with the ceremonies of
the Church in Canada. His daughter Guillemette married William
Couillard, and to her Champlain committed the two Indian girls, whom
he was not permitted by Kirke to take with him to France, when Quebec
was captured by the English in 1629. Louis Hébert died at Quebec on
the 25th of January, 1627. _Histoire du Canada_, Vol. I. pp. 41, 591.

217. These fields were doubtless those of Louis Hébert, who was the first
that came into the country with his family to live by the cultivation
of the soil.

218. Platon. _Vide_ Vol. 1., note 155.

219. Champlain says, _donné charge d'aller vers les Entouhonorons à
Carantouan_. By reference to the map of 1632. it will be seen that the
Entouhonorons were situated on the southern borders of Lake Ontario.
They are understood by Champlain to be a part at least of the
Iroquois; but the Carantouanais, allies of the Hurons, were south of
them, occupying apparently the upper waters of the Susquehanna. A
dotted line will be seen on the same map, evidently intended to mark
the course of Brûlé's journey. From the meagre knowledge which
Champlain possessed of the region, the line can hardly be supposed to
be very accurate, which may account for Champlain's indefinite
expression as cited at the beginning of this note.

The Entouhonorons, Quentouoronons, Tsonnontouans, or Senecas
constituted the most western and most numerous canton of the Five
Nations. _Vide Continuation of the New Discovery_, by Louis Hennepin,
1699, p. 95; also Origin of the name Seneca in Mr. O. H. Marshall's
brochure on _De la Salle among the Senecas_, pp. 43-45.

220. _Vide antea_, p. 124.

221. The River Susquehanna.

222. He appears to have gone as far south at least as the upper waters of
Chesapeake Bay.

223. The Dutch fur-traders. _Vide History of the State of New York_ by John
Romeyn Brodhead, Vol. I. p. 44 _et passim_.

224. Attigonantans or Attignaouantans the principal tribe of the Hurons,
sometimes called _Les bons Iroquis_, as they and the Iroquois were of
the same original stock. _Vide_ Vol. I. p. 276, note 212.

225. Lake Huron. For the different names which have been attached to this
lake, _vide Local Names of Niagara Frontier_, by Orsamus H. Marshall,
1881, P. 37.

226. Brûlé was despatched on his mission Sept 8, 1615. _Vide antea_,
p. 124.

As we have already stated in a previous note, it was the policy of
Champlain to place competent young men with the different tribes of
savages to obtain that kind of information which could only come from
an actual and prolonged residence with them. This enabled him to
secure not only the most accurate knowledge of their domestic habits
and customs, the character and spirit of their life, but these young
men by their long residence with the savages acquired a good knowledge
of their language, and were able to act as interpreters. This was a
matter of very great importance, as it was often necessary for
Champlain to communicate with the different tribes in making treaties
of friendship, in discussing questions of war with their enemies, in
settling disagreements among themselves, and in making arrangements
with them for the yearly purchase of their peltry. It was not easy to
obtain suitable persons for this important office. Those who had the
intellectual qualifications, and who had any high aspirations, would
not naturally incline to pass years in the stupid and degrading
associations, to say nothing of the hardships and deprivations, of
savage life. They were generally therefore adventurers, whose honesty
and fidelity had no better foundation than their selfish interests. Of
this sort was this Étienne Brûlé, as well as Nicholas Marsolet and
Pierre Raye, all of whom turned traitors, selling themselves to the
English when Quebec was taken in 1629. Of Brûlé, Champlain uses the
following emphatic language: "Lé truchement Bruslé à qui l'on donnoit
cent pistolles par an, pour inciter les sauuages à venir à la traitte,
ce qui estoit de tres-mauuais exemple, d'enuoyer ainsi des personnes
si maluiuans, que l'on eust deub chastier seuerement, car l'on
recognoissoit cet homme pour estre fort vicieux, & adonné aux femmes;
mais que ne fait faire l'esperance du gain, qui passe par dessus
toutes considerations." _Vide issue of_ 1632, Quebec ed., pp. 1065,

But among Champlain's interpreters there were doubtless some who bore
a very different character. Jean Nicolet was certainly a marked
exception. Although Champlain does not mention him by name, he appears
to have been in New France as early as 1618, where he spent many years
among the Algonquins, and was the first Frenchman who penetrated the
distant Northwest. He married into one of the most respectable
families of Quebec, and is often mentioned in the Relations des
Jésuites. _Vide_ a brief notice of him in _Discovery and Exploration
of the Mississippi Valley_, by John Gilmary Shea, 1852, p. xx. A full
account of his career has recently been published, entitled _History
of the Discovery of the Northwest by John Nicolet in_ 1634, _with a
Sketch of his Life_. By C. W. Butterfield. Cincinnati, 1881. _Vide_
also _Détails fur la Vie de Jean Nicollet_, an extract from _Relation
des Jésuites_, 1643, in _Découveries_, etc, par Pierre Margry, p. 49.

227. Paul Huet and Pacifique du Plessis. The latter had been in New France
more than a year and a half, having arrived in 1615. _Vide antea_,
pp. 104-5.


It has seemed to me well to make some statements in explanation of the two
geographical maps. Although one corresponds to the other so far as the
harbors, bays, capes, promontories, and rivers extending into the interior
are concerned, nevertheless they are different in respect to the bearings.

The smallest is in its true meridian, in accordance with the directions of
Sieur de Castelfranc in his book on the mecometry of the magnetic needle
[228] where I have noted, as will be seen on the map, several declinations,
which have been of much service to me, so also all the altitudes,
latitudes, and longitudes, from the forty-first degree of latitude to the
fifty-first, in the direction of the North Pole, which are the confines of
Canada, or the Great Bay, where more especially the Basques and Spaniards
engage in the whale fishery. In certain places in the great river
St. Lawrence, in latitude 45°, I have observed the declination of the
magnetic needle, and found it as high as twenty-one degrees, which is the
greatest I have seen.

The small map will serve very well for purposes of navigation, provided the
needle be applied properly to the rose [229] indicating the points of the
compass. For instance, in using it, when one is on the Grand Bank where
fresh fishing is carried on, it is necessary, for the sake of greater
convenience, to take a rose where the thirty-two points are marked equally,
and put the point of the magnetic needle 12, 15, or 16 degrees from the
_fleur de lis_ on the northwest side, which is nearly a point and a half,
that is north a point northwest or a little more, from the fleur de lis of
said rose, and then adjust the rose to the compass. By this means the
latitudes of all the capes, harbors, and rivers can be accurately

I am aware that there are many who will not make use of it, but will prefer
to run according to the large one, since it is made according to the
compass of France, where the magnetic needle varies to the northeast, for
the reason that they are so accustomed to this method that it is difficult
for them to change. For this reason I have prepared the large map in this
manner, for the assistance of the majority of the pilots and mariners in
the waters of New France, fearing that if I had not done so, they would
have ascribed to me a mistake, not knowing whence it proceeded. For the
small plans or charts of Newfoundland are, for the most part, different in
all their statements with respect to the positions of the lands and their
latitudes. And those who may have some small copies, reasonably good,
esteem them so valuable that they do not communicate a knowledge of them to
their country, which might derive profit therefrom.

Now the construction of these maps is such that they have their meridian in
a direction north-northeast, making west west-northwest, which is contrary
to the true meridian of this place, namely, to call north-northeast north,
for the needle instead of varying to the northwest, as it should, varies to
the northeast as if it were in France. The consequence of this is that
error has resulted, and will continue to do so, since this antiquated
custom is practised, which they still retain, although they fall into grave

They also make use of a compass marked north and south; that is, so that
the point of the magnetic needle is directly on the _fleur de lis_. In
accordance with such a compass many construct their small maps, which seems
to me the better way, and so approach nearer to the true meridian of New
France, than the compasses of France proper, which point to the
northeast. It has come about, consequently, in this way that the first
navigators who sailed to New France thought there was no greater deviation
in going to these parts than to the Azores, or other places near France,
where the deviation is almost imperceptible in navigation, the navigators
having the compasses of France, which point northeast and represent the
true meridian. In sailing constantly westward with the purpose of reaching
a certain latitude, they laid their course directly west by their compass,
supposing that they were sailing on the one parallel where they wished to
go. By thus going constantly in a straight line and not in a circle, as all
the parallels on the surface of the globe run, they found after having
traversed a long distance, and as they were approaching the land, that they
were some three, four, or five degrees farther south than they ought to be,
thus being deceived in their true latitude and reckoning.

It is true, indeed, that, when the weather was fair and the fun clearly
visible, they corrected their latitude, but not without wondering how it
happened that their course was wrong, which arose in consequence of their
sailing in a straight instead of a circular line according to the parallel,
so that in changing their meridian they changed with regard to the points
of the compass, and consequently their course. It is, They therefore, very
necessary to know the meridian, and the declination of the magnetic needle,
for this knowledge can serve all navigators. This is especially so in the
north and south, where there are greater variations in the magnetic needle,
and where the meridians of longitude are smaller, so that the error, if the
declination were not known, would be greater. This above-mentioned error
has accordingly arisen, because navigators have either not cared to correct
it, or did not know how to do so, and have left it in the state in which it
now is. It is consequently difficult to abandon this manner of sailing in
the regions of New France.

This has led me to make this large map, not only that it might be more
minute than the small one, but also in order to satisfy navigators, who
will thus be able to sail as they do according to their small maps; and
they will excuse me for not making it better and more in detail, for the
life of a man is not long enough to observe things so exactly that at least
something would not be found to have been omitted. Hence inquiring and
pains-taking persons will, in sailing, observe things not to be found on
this map, but which they add to it, so that in the courte of time there
will be no doubt as to any of the localities indicated. At least it seems
to me that I have done my duty, so far as I could, not having sailed to put
on my map anything that I have seen, and thus giving to the public special
knowledge of what had never been described, nor so carefully explored as I
have done it. Although in the past others have written of these things,
yet very little in comparison with what we have explored within the past
ten years.


Take a small piece of board, perfectly level, and place in the middle a
needle C, three inches high, so that it shall be exactly perpendicular.
Expose it to the sun before noon, at 8 or 9 o'clock, and mark the point B
at the end of the shadow cast by the needle. Then opening the compasses,
with one point on C and the other on the shadow B, describe an arc AB.
Leave the whole in this position until afternoon when you see the shadow
just reaching the arc at A. Then divide equally the arc AB, and taking a
rule, and placing it on the points C and D, draw a line running the whole
length of the board, which is not to be moved until the observation is
completed. This line will be the meridian of the place you are in.

And in order to ascertain the declination of the place where you are with
reference to the meridian, place a compass, which must be rectangular,
along the meridian line, as shown in the figure above, there being upon the
card a circle divided into 360 degrees. Divide the circle by two
diametrical lines; one representing the north and south, as indicated by
EF, the other the east and west, as indicated by GH. Then observe the
magnetic needle turning on its pivot upon the card, and you will see how
much it deviates from the fixed meridian line upon the card, and how many
degrees it varies to the northeast of northwest.



I have made this map for the greater convenience of the majority of those
who navigate on these coasts, since they sail to that country according to
compasses arranged for the hemisphere of Asia. And if I had made it like
the small one, the majority would not have been able to use it, owing to
their not knowing the declinations of the needle. [230]

Observe that on the present map north-northeast stands for north, and
west-northwest for west; according to which one is to be guided in
ascertaining the elevation of the degrees of latitude, as if these points
were actually east and west, north and south, since the map is constructed
according to the compasses of France, which vary to the northeast. [231]


Cap Breton . . . . . . 14° 50'
Cap de la Have . . . . 16° 15'
Baye Ste Mane . . . . 17° 16'
Port Royal . . . . . . 17° 8'
En la grande R. St Laurent 21°

St Croix . . . . . . . 17° 32'
Rivière de Norumbegue. 18° 40'
Quinibequi . . . . . . 19° 12'
Mallebarre . . . . . . 18° 40'

All observed by Sieur de Champlain, 1612.


A. Port Fortuné.
B. Baye Blanche.
C. Baye aux Isles.
D. Cap des Isles.
E. Port aux Isles.
F. Isle Haute.
G. Isle des Monts Déserts.
H. Cap Corneille.
I. Isles aux Oiseaux.
K. Cap des Deux Bayes.
L. Port aux Mines
M. Cap Fourchu.
N. Cap Nègre.
O. Port du Rossignol.
P. St. Laurent.
Q. Rivière de l'Isle Verte.
R. Baye Saine.
S. Rivière Sainte Marguerite
T. Port Sainte Hélène.
V. Isle des Martires.
X. Isles Rangées.
Y. Port de Savalette.
Z. Passage du Glas.

1. Port aux Anglois.
2. Baye Courante.
3. Cap de Poutrincourt.
4. Isle Gravée.
5. Passage Courant.
6. Baye de Gennes.
7. Isle Perdue.
8. Cap des Mines.
9. Port aux Coquilles.
10. Isles Jumelles.
11. Cap Saint Jean.
12. Isle la Nef.
13. La Heronniére Isle.
14. Isles Rangées.
15. Baye Saint Luc.
16. Passage du Gas.
17. Côte de Montmorency.
18. Rivière de Champlain.
19. Rivière Sainte Marie.
20. Isle d'Orléans.
21. Isle de Bacchus.

NOTE--The reader will observe that in a few instances the references are
wanting on the map.


On the small map [232] is added the strait above Labrador between the
fifty-third and sixty-third degrees of latitude, which the English have
discovered during the present year 1612, in their voyage to find, if
possible, a passage to China by way of the north. [233] They wintered at a
place indicated by this mark, 6. But it was not without enduring severe
cold, and they were obliged to return to England, leaving their leader in
the northern regions. Within fix months three other vessels have set out,
to penetrate, if possible, still farther, and, at the same time, to search
for the men who were left in that region.


_Made by Sieur Champlain, Captain for the King in the Marine. 1613_.

+o Matou-ouescariny. [Note: This figure is inverted on the map. _Vide
antea_, note 59, p. 62.]
o+ Gaspay.
oo Ouescariny. [Note: _Vide antea_, note 47, pp. 59, 81. The figure oo is
misplaced and should be where o-o is on the map, on the extreme
western border near the forty-seventh degree of north latitude.]
o-o Quenongebin. [Note: This figure o-o on the map occupies the place
which should be occupied by oo. _Vide antea_, p. 58, note 46.]
A. Tadoussac.
B. Lesquemain.
C. Isle Percée.
D. Baye de Chaleur.
E. Isles aux Gros Yeux. [Note: A cluster of islands of which the Island
of Birds is one.]
H. Baye Françoise.
I. Isles aux Oyseaux.
L. Rivière des Etechemins. [Note: This letter, placed between the River
St. John and the St. Croix, refers to the latter.]
M. Menane.
N. Port Royal.
P. Isle Longue.
Q. Cap Fourchu.
R. Port au Mouton.
S. Port du Rossignol. [Note: The letter S appears twice on the coast of
La Cadie. The one here referred to is the more westerly.]
SS. Lac de Medicis. [Note: This reference is probably to the Lake of Two
Mountains, which will be seen on the map west of Montreal.]
T. Sesambre.
V. Cap des Deux Bayes.
3. L'Isle aux Coudres.
4. Saincte Croix. [Note: St. Croix on the map is where a cross surmounted
by the figure 4 may be seen.]
4. Rivière des Etechemins. [Note: This appears to refer to the
Chaudière. _Vide_ vol. I. p. 296.]
5. Sault. [Note: This refers to the Falls of Montmorency.]
6. Lac Sainct Pierre.
7. Rivière des Yroquois.
9. Isle aux Lieures.
10. Rivière Platte. [Note: A small river flowing into Mal Bay. _Vide_
Vol. I. p. 295; also _Les Voyages de Champlain_, Quebec ed., p. 1099.]
11. Mantane. [Note: _Vide_ Vol. I. p 234.]
40. Cap Saincte Marie. [Note: The figures are wanting. Cape St. Mary is on
the southern coast of Newfoundland. _Vide_ Vol I. p. 232.]


228. The determination of longitudes has from the beginning been environed
with almost insuperable difficulties. At one period the declination of
the magnetic needle was supposed to furnish the means of a practical
solution. Sebastian Cabot devoted considerable attention to the
subject, as did likewise Peter Plancius at a later date. Champlain
appears to have fixed the longitudes on his smaller map by
calculations based on the variation of the needle, guided by the
principles laid down by Guillaume de Nautonier, Sieur de Castelfranc,
to whose work he refers in the text. It was entitled, _Mécométrie de
l'eymant c'est à dire la manière de mesurer les longitudes par le
moyen de l'eymant_. This rare volume is not to be found as far as my
inquiries extend, in any of the incorporated libraries on this
continent. There is however a copy in the Bodleian Library at Oxford,
to which in the catalogue is given the bibliographical note: _Six
livres. Folio. Tolose, 1603_.

It is hardly necessary to add that the forces governing the variation
of the needle, both local and general, are so inconstant that the hope
of fixing longitudes by it was long since abandoned.

The reason for the introduction of the explanation of the maps at this
place will be seen _antea_, p. 39.

229. The rose is the face or card of the mariner's compass. It was
anciently called the fly. Card may perhaps be derived from the Italian
cardo, a thistle, which the face of the compass may be supposed to
resemble. On the complete circle of the compass there are thirty-two
lines drawn from the centre to the circumference to indicate the
direction of the wind. Each quarter of the circle, or 90°, contains
eight lines representing the points of the compass in that quarter.
They are named with reference to the cardinal points from which they
begin, as: 1, north, 2, north by east, 3, north-northeast; 4,
northeast by north; 5, northeast; 6, northeast by east; 7, east-
northeast; 8, east by north. The points in each quarter are named in a
similar manner.

230. The above title is on the large map of 1612. This note is on the upper
left-hand corner of the same map.

231. For this note see the upper right-hand corner of the map.

232. In Champlain's issue in 1613, the note here given was placed in the
preliminary matter to that volume. It was placed there probably after
the rest of the work had gone to press. We have placed it here in
connection with other matter relating to the maps, where it seems more
properly to belong.

233. This refers to the fourth voyage of Henry Hudson, made in 1610, for
the purpose here indicated. He penetrated Lomley's Inlet, hoping to
find a passage through to the Pacific Ocean, or, as it was then
called, the South Sea, and thus find a direct and shorter course to
China. He passed the winter at about 52° north latitude, in that
expanse of water which has ever since been appropriately known ass
Hudson's Bay. A mutiny having broken out among his crew, he and eight
others having been forced into a small boat, on the 21st of June,
1611, were set adrift on the sea, and were never heard of afterward.

A part of the mutinous crew arrived with the ship in England, and were
immediately thrown into prison. The following year, 1612, an
expedition under Sir Thomas Button was sent out to seek for Hudson,
and to prosecute the search still further for a northwest passage It
is needless to add that the search was unsuccessful.

A chart by Hudson fortunately escaped destruction by the mutineers.
Singularly enough, an engraving of it, entitled, TABVLA NAVTICA, was
published by Heffel Gerritz at Amsterdam the same year. Champlain
incorporated the part of it illustrating Hudson's discovery in his
smaller map, which is dated the fame year, 1612. He does not introduce
it into his large map, although that is dated likewise 1612. A
facsimile of the Tabula Nautica is given in Henry Hudson the
Navigator, by G. M. Asher, LL.D. published by the Hakluyt Society in


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