The Tinguian
by
Fay-Cooper Cole
Part 1 out of 6
Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team
The Tinguian
Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe
By
Fay-Cooper Cole
Assistant Curator of Malayan Ethnology
1922
CONTENTS
List of Illustrations
Introduction
I. Geographical Relations and History
II. Physical Type and Relationships
III. The Cycle of Life
Birth
Childhood
Engagement and Marriage
Death and Burial
The Layog
IV. Religion and Magic
V. The Ceremonies
1. The Minor Ceremonies
2. The Great Ceremonies
3. Special Ceremonies
VI. Social Organization. Government. The Village
VII. Warfare, Hunting, and Fishing
VIII. Economic Life
Rice Culture
Cultivated Plants and Trees
Wild Plants and Trees
Plants and Trees Used in the Treatment of Disease
Use of Betel-Nut, Tobacco, and Stimulants
Domestic Animals
IX. Products of Industry
Iron-Working
Spinning and Weaving
Manufacture of Rope and String
Bark Cloth
Basket Making
Mats
Dyes
Net Making
Manufacture of Pottery
Pipe Making
Method of Drying Hides
X. Decorative Art
XI. Personal Adornment, Dances, and Musical Instruments
XII. Music, By Albert Gale
Conclusions
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Text-Figures
1. Child's Cradle and Jumper
2. Diagram of a Game
3. Cross Sections Showing Types of Graves
4. Ceremonial Paraphernalia
5. Household Objects
6. Spoons and Ladles
7. Types of Knives
8. Head-axes
9. Spears
10. Shields
11. Chicken Snare
12. Bird Snares
13. Fishing Devices
14. Grass Knife; Root Adze; Rice Cutter
15. Agricultural Implements
16. Devices Used in Spinning and Weaving
17. Rope-Making Appliances
18. Bark Beater
19. Basket Weaves
20. Net Needle and Mesh Stick
21. Tobacco-Pipes
22. Designs on Pipes and Pottery
23. Decorative Designs
24. Patterns Used in Weaving
25. Blanket Designs
26. Musical Instruments
PLATES
Frontispiece: Map of Northwestern Luzon.
I. The Province of Abra, Looking Inland from the Coast Range.
II. Abra, Looking toward the Sea from the Top of the Cordillera
Central.
III. Manabo Man.
IV. Man of Ba-ak.
V. Manabo Woman.
VI. Woman of Patok.
VII. A Mountain Tinguian from Likuan.
VIII. A Young Man from Likuan.
IX. Girl from the Mountain Village of Lamaw (Photograph from
Philippine Bureau of Science).
X. A Woman from Lamaw (Photograph from Philippine Bureau
of Science).
XI. A Typical Small Boy (Photograph from Philippine Bureau
of Science).
XII. The Baby Tender.
XIII. A Betrothed Maiden.
XIV. The Wedding.
XV. Mothers and Babies.
XVI. Funeral of Malakay.
XVII. The Whipping at a Funeral.
XVIII. Inapapaiag. An Offering to the Spirits.
XIX. The Medium's Outfit.
XX. Ceremonial Houses.
XXI. Balaua. The Greatest of the Spirit Structures.
XXII. Spirit Houses in a Garden.
XXIII. The Kalangan: A Spirit House; Second in Importance.
XXIV. The Saloko. A Split Bamboo, in which Offerings are
Placed. Ceremonies.
XXV. The Saloko. A Spirit Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed.
XXVI. Ready to Launch the Spirit Raft on the River.
XXVII. The Tangpap. An Important Spirit Structure.
XXVIII. Gateway at Likuan.
XXIX. Pottery Houses, for the Spirit of the Rice.
XXX. A Medium Making an Offering to the Guardian Stones.
XXXI. Ceremonial Pounding of the Rice.
XXXII. Renewing the Offering on the Spirit Shield.
XXXIII. Singeing a Pig at a Ceremony.
XXXIV. Offering of the Pigs to the Spirits.
XXXV. The Sayang Ceremony.
XXXVI. Potters at Work.
XXXVII. A Family of Laba-an.
XXXVIII. The Village of Sallapadin.
XXXIX. Typical Houses.
XL. House Building.
XLI. Roofing a House.
XLII. Water Carriers (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).
XLIII. A Tinguian Housewife (Photograph from Philippine Bureau
of Science).
XLIV. A Warrior.
XLV. Hunter Fitted for the Trail.
XLVI. Hunting Party on Mt. Posoey.
XLVII. Shooting the Blowgun.
XLVIII. Highland Field and Terraces at Patok.
XLIX. The Rice Terraces near Likuan.
L. Plowing in the Lower Terraces.
LI. Taking Rice Sprouts from the Seed Beds.
LII. Transplanting the Rice.
LIII. Bird Scarers in the Fields.
LIV. Harvesting the Rice.
LV. The Rice Granary.
LVI. Pounding Rice (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).
LVII. Winnowing and Sifting (Photograph from Philippine Bureau
of Science).
LVIII. Drying Corn.
LIX. Breaking the Corn between Two Stones.
LX. Preparing Tobacco.
LXI. Feeding the Pigs.
LXII. A Typical Forge of the Iron Workers.
LXIII. Ginning Cotton and Sizing the Thread.
LXIV. Beating Cotton on a Carabao Hide.
LXV. Spinning (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).
LXVI. Weaving a Blanket.
LXVII. Basket Making.
LXVIII. Basket Types.
LXIX. Basket Types.
LXX. The Net Maker.
LXXI. Ceremonial Blanket.
LXXII. Blankets Showing Designs.
LXXIII. Blankets Showing Designs.
LXXIV. Woven Belts and Clouts.
LXXV. Men of Sallapadin.
LXXVI. Typical Dress of the Man.
LXXVII. Women in Full Dress.
LXXVIII. Customary Dress of the Woman.
LXXIX. Women's Arm Beads.
LXXX. Woman Wearing Girdle and Clout (Photograph from Philippine
Bureau of Science).
LXXXI, 1. Dancing Tadek at a Ceremony.
LXXXI, 2. Beating the Copper Gongs.
LXXXII. The Nose Flute.
LXXXIII. Playing on Bamboo Guitars.
THE TINGUIAN
INTRODUCTION
It seems desirable, at the outset, to set forth certain general
conclusions regarding the Tinguian and their neighbors. Probably no
pagan tribe of the Philippines has received more frequent notice in
literature, or has been the subject of more theories regarding its
origin, despite the fact that information concerning it has been
exceedingly scanty, and careful observations on the language and
physical types have been totally lacking.
According to various writers, these people are descended from Chinese,
Japanese, or Arabs; are typical Malay; are identical with the Igorot;
are pacific, hospitable, and industrious; are inveterate head-hunters,
inhospitable, lazy, and dirty. The detailed discussion of these
assertions will follow later in the volume, but at this point I wish
to state briefly the racial and cultural situation, as I believe it
to exist in northwestern Luzon.
I am under the impression that at one time this whole region was
inhabited by pygmy blacks, known as Aeta or Negrito, small groups of
whom still retain their identity. With the coming of an alien people
they were pressed back from the coasts to the less hospitable regions
of the interior, where they were, for the most part, exterminated,
but they intermarried with the invaders to such an extent that to-day
there is no tribe or group in northwestern Luzon but shows evidence
of intermixture with them. I believe that the newcomers were drawn
from the so-called primitive Malay peoples of southeastern Asia; that
in their movement eastward and northward they met with and absorbed
remnants of an earlier migration made up of a people closely related
to the Polynesians, and that the results of this intermixture are
still evident, not only in Luzon, but in every part of the Archipelago.
In northern Luzon, I hold, we find evidences of at least two series
of waves and periods of migration, the members of which are similar
physical type and language. It appears, however, that they came
from somewhat different localities of southeastern Asia and had, in
their old homes, developed social organizations and other elements
of culture radically different from one another--institutions and
groupings which they brought with them to the Philippines, and which
they have maintained up to the present time.
To the first series belong the Igorot [1] with their institutions of
trial marriage; division of their settlements into social and political
units known as _ato_; separate dormitories for unmarried men and women;
government by the federated divisions of a village as represented by
the old men; and a peculiar and characteristic type of dwelling.
In the second wave series we find the Apayo, the western division at
least of the people known as Kalinga, the Tinguian, and Ilocano. [2] In
none of these groups do we find the institutions just mentioned. Trial
unions are unknown, and marriage restrictions are based solely on
blood relationship; government is through the headman aided by the
elders of his village, or is a pure democracy. Considerable variation
exists between the dwellings of these four peoples, yet they conform
to a general type which is radically different from that of the Igorot.
The Apayao and Kalinga divisions of this second wave series, by reason
of their environment, their more isolated localities and consequent
lack of frequent communication with the coast, have a simpler culture
than that of the Tinguian; yet they have, during many generations,
developed certain traits and institutions now apparently peculiar
to them. The Tinguian and Ilocano, on the other hand, have had the
advantages of outside communication of extensive trade, and the
admixture of a certain amount of foreign blood.
These last two groups evidently left their ancient home as a unit,
at a time prior to the Hindu domination of Java and Sumatra, but
probably not until the influence of that civilization had begun to
make itself felt. Traces of Indian culture are still to be found in
the language, folklore, religion, and economic life of this people,
while the native script which the Spanish found in use among the
Ilocano seems, without doubt, to owe its origin to that source.
After reaching Luzon, this people slowly broke up into groups which
spread out over the provinces of Ilocos Sur and Norte, Union and
Abra. The partial isolation of some of these divisions, local feuds,
the universal custom of head-hunting, and the need of human victims to
accompany the spirits of the dead, all doubtless aided in separating
the tribe into a number of dialect groups,--groups which nevertheless
retained the old culture to a surprising degree.
Long before the arrival of the Spanish, Chinese and Japanese
traders were visiting the Ilocos coasts. We are also informed that
merchants from Macao and India went there from time to time, while
trade relations with Pangasinan and the Tagalog provinces were well
developed.
The leavening influence of trade and contact with other peoples
resulted in such advancement that this people was early mentioned as
one of the six "civilized" tribes of the Philippines.
Upon the arrival of Salcedo, the greater portion of the coast people
accepted the rule of Spain and the Christian religion, while the
more conservative element retired to the interior, and there became
merged with the mountain people. To the Spaniards, the Christianized
natives became known as Ilocano, while the people of the mountain
valleys were called Tinguian, or mountain dwellers.
If the foregoing sketch is correct, as I believe the data which follow
prove it to be, we find in the Tinguian of to-day a people living
much the same sort of life as did the members of the more advanced
groups at the time of the Spanish invasion, and we can study in them
early Philippine society stripped of its European veneer.
This second and concluding section of Volume XIV gives the greater part
of the results of an investigation carried on by me with the assistance
of Mrs. Cole among the Tinguian, from January, 1907, to June, 1908;
the funds for which were furnished Field Museum of Natural History by
the late Robert F. Cummings. The further generosity of Mrs. Cummings,
in contributing a fund toward the printing of this publication is
also gratefully acknowledged.
A collection of texts and a study of the language are contemplated
for a separate volume, as is also the detailed treatment of the
anthropometric data.
For the transcription of the phonograph records and the chapter on
Music, I am indebted to Mr. Albert Gale. His painstaking analysis
establishes beyond question the value of the phonograph as an aid in
ethnographic research.
The photographs, unless otherwise noted, were taken by the author in
the field.
CHAPTER I
GEOGRAPHICAL RELATIONS AND HISTORY
The Tinguian are a pagan Philippine people who inhabit chiefly the
mountain province of Abra in northwestern Luzon. From this center
their settlements radiate in all directions. To the north and west,
they extend into Ilocos Sur and Norte as far as Kabittaoran. Manabo,
on the south, is their last settlement; but Barit, Amtuagan,
Gayaman, and Luluno are Tinguian mixed with Igorot from Agawa
and Sagada. Villaviciosa is an Igorot settlement from Sagada, but
Bulilising, still farther south, is predominantly Tinguian. Sigay in
Amburayan is said to be made up of emigrants from Abra, while a few
rancherias in Lepanto are likewise much influenced. The non-Christian
population of Ilocos Sur, south of Vigan, is commonly called Tinguian,
but only seven villages are properly so classed; [3] four others
are inhabited by a mixed population, while the balance are Igorot
colonies from Titipan, Sagada, and Fidilisan. Along the Cordillera
Central, from the head-waters of the Saltan (Malokbot) river as far
south as Balatok, is found a population of mixed Tinguian, Kalinga,
and Igorot blood. Kalinga predominates north of Balbalasang and
along the Gobang river, while the Igorot is dominant in Guina-an,
Lubuagan, and Balatok. Tinguian intermarriage has not extended far
beyond Balbalasang, but their culture and dress have affected the
whole region. [4] From this belt there have been extensive migrations
into Abra, the newcomers for the most part marrying with the Tinguian,
but in the Ikmin river valley emigrants from Balatok formed the towns
of Danok, Amti, and Doa-angan, which have remained quite isolated up
to the present time. Agsimao and other towns of the Tineg group, in
the extreme northern end of Abra, are made up chiefly of Apayao mixed
with Kalinga, while all the villages on the headwaters of the Binongan
have received emigrants from the Kagayan side. The population of the
towns properly classed as Tinguian is approximately twenty thousand
individuals. [5]
From the foregoing it is seen that, with the exception of a few
villages of mixed descent, all their territory lies on the western
side of the Cordillera Central, [6] the great mountain range which
runs from north to south through northern Luzon.
As one emerges from the jungle, which covers the eastern slopes of
these mountains, and looks down over the province of Abra, he sees
an exceedingly broken land (Plates I and II), the subordinate ranges
succeeding one another like the waves of the sea. The first impression
is one of barrenness. The forest vanishes, and in its place are long
grassy slopes, broken here and there by scattered pines and lower
down by dense growths of the graceful, feathery bamboo. But this lack
of trees is more fancied than real, for as one proceeds down any of
the valleys he meets with side canyons, where the tropical jungle
still holds sway, while many a mountain side is covered with a dense
undergrowth of shrubs, plants, and vines. It seems probable that the
forest once covered the western slopes of the mountains, but accident
and intention on the part of man has cleared broad sections. As soon
as the shade is removed, the land is invaded by a coarse grass (the
_cogon_), and this is burned over each year in order to provide feed
for the stock and to make good hunting grounds. The young trees are
killed off and reforesting prevented.
Numerous streams plunge from the high mountains toward the coast. In
places they rush through deep gorges between high mountains, again
they pass peacefully through mountain valleys. Everywhere they are
fed by minor streams and waterfalls until at last, as they emerge
into the broader valleys of the Abra and its tributaries, they are
rivers of respectable size.
The great central valley of Abra is far from being a level plain. In
places, as about Manabo, Bukay, and Bangued, there are stretches
of level land; but, for the most part, the country is rough and
broken. This valley is cut off from the sea by the Coast Range of
mountains which forms the provincial line between Abra and Ilocos
Sur, while another heavy spur forms the northern limits of Abra from
Ilocos Sur to the Cordillera Central. Two small and rather difficult
passes afford entrance from the coastal plain into the valley, but
the chief avenue of communication is the cut through which the Abra
river reaches the sea. So narrow is this entrance that, at high water,
the river completely covers the floor and often raises its waters
ten or fifteen feet up the canyon side. In recent years a road has
been cut in the rocks above the flood waters, but even to-day most
of the traffic between Abra and the coast is carried on by means of
rafts which are poled up the river. [7]
The rainfall averages about one hundred inches, and most of this
precipitation takes place between May and the end of September. This,
coupled with the lack of forest, causes the rivers to become rushing
torrents during the rainy season, while during the balance of the year
most of them are mere rivulets. Under these conditions there has been
no development of navigation by the mountaineers. On occasion they may
construct a bamboo raft, but they possess no boats of any description.
The great fluctuation of the streams makes fishing an uncertain
occupation; yet at least a dozen varieties of fish are known, and
enough are taken to add materially to the food supply.
Deer and pig are fairly abundant, and a considerable number is killed
each year; wild carabao roam the mountain sides and uninhabited
valleys, but they are dangerous animals, and can seldom be taken with
the primitive weapons of the natives. Wild chickens are plentiful,
and many are snared, together with smaller birds. In fact, there
is sufficient game and fish to support a considerable population,
if the people would turn seriously to their capture, so that the
oft repeated statement that the mountaineers of Abra were forced to
agriculture is not entirely accurate. It seems much more probable that,
at the time of their entrance into the interior valleys, the Tinguian
were already acquainted with terraced hillside fields, and that they
developed them as needed.
The soil is fairly fertile, the rainfall abundant during the growing
season, and the climate warm enough to insure good crops. The
thermometer ranges between 80 deg. and 85 deg. during the day, but there is
generally a land or sea breeze, so that actual discomfort from the
heat is unusual. The nights are somewhat cooler, but a drop of a few
degrees is felt so keenly that a person may be uncomfortarble at 70 deg..
Fogs and cold rains are not uncommon during the wet season, while one
or more typhoons can be expected each year. Earthquakes are likewise
of occasional occurrence, but the construction of the houses is such
that storms and earthquakes do much less damage than along the coast.
There is no doubt that the natural ruggedness of the country and the
long rainy season have had a strong influence on the people, but this
has been chiefly in isolating them in small groups. The high mountains
separating the narrow valleys, the lack of water transportation, the
difficulty of maintaining trails, have all tended to keep the people
in small communities, while the practice of head-hunting has likewise
raised a barrier to free communication. Thus, the settlements within
a limited area have become self-sustaining groups; a condition which
has existed long enough to allow for the development of five dialects.
The traditions of the Tinguian furnish us with no stories of an earlier
home than Luzon, but there are many accounts of migrations from the
coast back into the mountains, after the arrival of the Spaniards
and the Christianization of the Ilocano. The fact that there is an
historical background for these tales is amply proven by fragments
of pottery and the like, which the writer has recovered from the
reported sites of ancient settlements.
The part played by this people in Philippine history is small indeed,
and most of the references to them have been of an incidental nature.
Apparently, they first came in contact with the Spanish in 1572 when
Salcedo was entrusted with the task of subduing that part of Luzon
now known as the Ilocano provinces. The people he encountered are
described as being more barbarous than the Tagalog, not so light
complexioned, nor so well clad, but husbandmen who possessed large
fields, and whose land abounded in rice and cotton.
Their villages were of considerable size, and each was ruled over by a
local headman who owed allegiance to no central authority, There was
a uniform, well recognized code of law or custom, and a considerable
part of the population could read and write in a native script similar
to that of the Tagalog. They also possessed gold, which was reported
to have come from rich mines in the interior, and on primitive forges
were turning out excellent steel weapons, but the use of fire-arms
was unknown. According to _Reyes_, their weapons consisted of lances,
bows and arrows, bolos, great shields which protected them from head
to foot, blow guns and poisoned arrows. The newcomers also found a
flourishing trade being carried on with Manila and the settlements
in Pangasinan, as well as with the Chinese. This trade was of such
importance that, as early as 1580 pirate fleets from Japan frequently
scoured the coast in search of Chinese vessels and goods, while from
time to time Japanese traders visited the Ilocos ports.
Apparently trade relations were not interrupted for a considerable
time after the arrival of the Spaniards, for in 1629 Medina states
that ships from China, Macao, and India "are accustomed to anchor in
these ports--and all to the advantage of this district." [8]
That pre-Spanish trade was not restricted to the Ilocos provinces,
but was active along the whole northern coast of Luzon has been amply
proved by many writers. In fact, the inhabitants of Pangasinan not
only had trade relations with Borneo, Japan, and China, [9] but it
now seems probable that they can be identified as the Ping-ka-shi-lan
who, as early as 1406, sent an embassy to China with gifts of horses,
silver, and other objects for the emperor Yung-lo. [10]
Trade relations of an even earlier date are evident throughout all
this area, in the presence far in the interior of Chinese pottery of
the fourteenth century and possibly of the tenth. [11]
With friendly relations so long established, it is to be expected
that many evidences of Chinese material culture would be found in all
the northern provinces; and it is not unlikely that a considerable
amount of Chinese blood may have been introduced into the population
in ancient times, as it has been during the historic period. It does
not seem probable, however that either the influence of Chinese blood
or culture need have been stronger in the Ilocos provinces than in
the other regions which they visited.
When Salcedo attempted a landing at Vigan, he was at first opposed; but
the superior weapons of the Spaniards quickly overcame all resistance,
and the invaders took possession of the city, which they rechristened
Fernandino. From this center they carried on an energetic campaign
of reduction and Christianization. As fast as the natives accepted
the rule of Spain, they were baptized and taken into the church, and
so rapid was the process that by 1587 the Ilocano were reported to be
Christianized. [12] In fact, force played such a part that Fray Martin
de Herrada, who wrote from Ilocos in June, 1574, protested that the
reduction was accomplished through fear, for if the people remained
in their villages and received the rule of Spain and the Church, they
were accepted as friends and forthwith compelled to pay tribute; but
if they resisted and fled to other settlements, the troops followed
and pillaged and laid waste their new dwellings. [13]
Paralleling the coast, a few miles inland, is a range of mountains on
the far side of which lie the broad valleys of the Abra river and its
tributaries. The more conservative elements of the population retreated
to the mountain valleys, and from these secure retreats bade defiance
to the newcomers and their religion. To these mountaineers was applied
the name Tinguianes--a term at first used to designate the mountain
dwellers throughout the Islands, but later usually restricted to his
tribe. [14] The Tinguian themselves do not use or know the appellation,
but call themselves Itneg, a name which should be used for them but
for the fact that they are already established in literature under
the former term.
Although they were in constant feuds among themselves, the mountain
people do not appear to have given the newcomers much trouble until
toward the end of the sixteenth century, when hostile raids against the
coast settlements became rather frequent. To protect the Christianized
natives, as well as to aid in the conversion of these heathens, the
Spanish, in 1598, entered the valley of the Abra and established a
garrison at the village of Bangued. [15]
As before, the natives abandoned their homes and retreated several
miles farther up the river, where they established the settlement
of Lagangilang.
From Bangued as a center, the Augustinian friars worked tirelessly to
convert the pagans, but with so little success that _San Antonio_,
[16] writing in 1738, says of the Tinguian, that little fruit was
obtained, despite extensive missions, and that although he had made
extraordinary efforts, he had even failed to learn their number.
In the mountains of Ilocos Sur, the missionaries met with somewhat
better success, and in 1704 _Olarte_ states that in the two preceding
years one hundred and fifty-six "infidel Tinguianes" had been converted
and baptized. Again, in 1760, four hundred and fifty-four converts are
reported to have been formed into the villages of Santiago, Magsingal,
and Batak. [17] About this time the work in Abra also took on a more
favorable aspect; by 1753 three Tinguian villages, with a combined
population of more than one thousand, had been established near
Bangued, and in the next century five more settlements were added to
this list. [18]
In general the relations between the pagan and Christianized natives
were not cordial, and oftentimes they were openly hostile; but
despite mutual distrust the coast people have on several occasions
enlisted the aid of the mountaineers against outside enemies. In
1660 a serious revolt occurred in Pangasinan and Zambales, and
the rebels, after gaining control of these provinces, started on a
looting expedition in the northern districts. In the face of strong
resistance they proceeded as far north as Badok, in Ilocos Sur,
burning and pillaging many villages including the capital city of
Vigan (Fernandino). The Tinguian came to the aid of the hard-pressed
Ilocano, and their combined forces fell upon the enemy just outside
the village of Narbacan. The tribesmen had previously made the road
almost impassable by planting it thickly with sharpened sticks; and,
while the invaders were endeavoring to remove these obstacles, they set
upon them with great fury and, it is said, succeeded in killing more
than four hundred of the Zambal, a part of whom they beheaded. [19]
As Spanish rule was extended into the Tinguian territory, Ilocano
settlers pressed in and acquired holdings of land. This led to many
bitter disputes which were consistently settled in favor of the
converts; but at the same time many inducements were offered the
pagans to get them into the Christianized village. All converts were
to be exempted from paying tribute, while their villages received
many favors withheld from the pagan settlements. This failing to
bring the desired results, all the nearby villages of the Tinguian
were incorporated with the civilized pueblos, and thereafter they had
to furnish the major part of all taxes and most of the forced labor.
Following the appointment of Gov. Esteban de Pennarubia in 1868,
the tribesmen suffered still greater hardships. Under his orders all
those who refused baptism were to be expelled from the organized
communities, an edict which meant virtual banishment from their
old homes and confiscation of their property. Further, no Tinguian
in native dress was to be allowed to enter the towns. "Conversions"
increased with amazing rapidity, but when it was learned that many of
the new converts still practiced their old customs, the governor had
the apostates seized and imprisoned. The hostile attitude of Pennarubia
encouraged adventurers from the coast in the seizure of lands and
the exploitation of the pagans, and thus a deep resentment was added
to the dislike the Tinguian already held for "the Christians." Yet,
despite the many causes for hostility, steady trade relations have been
maintained between the two groups, and the influence of the Ilocano
has been increasingly strong. A little more than a half century ago
head-hunting was still common even in the valley of Abra, where it is
now practically unknown. As a matter of dire necessity the mountain
people made raids of reprisal against the hostile Igorot villages
on the eastern side of the great mountain range, and it is still the
proud boast of many a man in the vicinity of Manabo that he took part
in the raid which netted that village a score of heads from the towns
of Balatok and Lubuagan. But, as will be seen later, head-hunting
was by no means limited to forays against other tribes; local feuds,
funeral observances, and the desire for renown, all encouraged the
warriors to seek heads even from nearby settlements. Those incentives
have not been entirely removed, and an occasional head is still taken
in the mountain districts, but the influence of the Ilocano, backed
by Spanish and American authority, is rapidly making this sport a
thing of the past.
The rule of Governor Pennarubia had so embittered the Tinguian against
the "white man" that a considerable number joined the insurrecto
troops to fight against the Spaniards and Americans. These warriors,
armed with spears, shields, and head-axes, made their way to Malolos,
where they joined the Filipino troops the day of the first American
bombardment. The booming of cannon and the bursting of shells was
too much for the warriors, and, as they express it, "the first gun
was the beginning of their going home."
Friendly relations with the insurgents were early destroyed by bands
of armed robbers who, posing as Filipino troops, looted a number of
Tinguian villages. In several localities the tribesmen retaliated by
levying tribute on the Christianized villages, and in some instances
took a toll of heads to square accounts. At this juncture the Americans
appeared in Abra, and the considerate treatment of the pagans by the
soldiers soon won for them a friendly reception. Later, as the result
of the efforts of Commissioner Worcester, the Tinguian villages were
made independent of Ilocano control, and the people were given the
full right to conduct their own affairs, so long as they did not
disturb the peace and welfare of the province.
Under American rule the Tinguian have proved themselves to be
quiet, peaceable citizens; a few minor disturbances have occurred,
but none of sufficient importance to necessitate the presence of
troops in their district. They have received less attention from the
Government than most of the pagan tribes, but, even so, a measure of
progress is discernible. They still stoutly resist the advances of
the missionaries, but the few schools which have been opened for their
children have always been crowded to overflowing; trade relations are
much freer and more friendly than a decade ago; and with the removal
of unequal taxes and labor requirements, the feelings of hostility
towards "the Christians" are rapidly vanishing. It now seems probable
that within one or two generations the Tinguian will again merge with
the Ilocano.
CHAPTER II
PHYSICAL TYPE AND RELATIONSHIPS
From the time of the Spanish invasion up to the present, nearly every
author who has mentioned the people of northern Luzon has described the
Tinguian as being different from other Philippine tribes. The majority
of these writers has pictured them as being of larger stature than
their neighbors; as lighter in color, possessing aquiline features
and mongoloid eyes; as being tranquil and pacific in character, and
having a great aptitude for agriculture. From these characteristics
they have concluded that they are probably descended from early Chinese
traders, emigrants, or castaways, or are derived from the remnants of
the pirate band of the Chinese corsair Limahon (Lin-fung), which fled
into the mountains of Pangasinan after his defeat by Salcedo in 1574.
These conjectures are strengthened by the reported discovery,
in early times, of graves in northwestern Luzon, which contained
bodies of men of large stature accompanied by Chinese and Japanese
jewels. The undisputed fact that hundreds of ancient Chinese jars and
dishes are still among the cherished possessions of the Tinguian is
also cited as a further proof of a close relationship between these
peoples. Finally it is said that the head-bands, jackets, and wide
trousers of the men resemble closely those of the fishermen of Fukien,
one of the nearest of the Chinese provinces. [20]
Two writers, [21] basing their observations on color, physical
resemblances, and the fact that the Tinguian blacken their teeth
and tattoo their bodies, are convinced that they are the descendants
of Japanese castaways; while _Moya_ [22] states that the features,
dress, and customs of this people indicate their migration from the
region of the Red Sea in pre-Mohammedan times.
Finally, _Quatrefages_ and _Hamy_ are quoted as regarding the Tinguian
as modern examples of "the Indonesian, an allophylic branch of the
pure white race, non-Aryan, therefore, who went forth from India
about 500 B.C." [23]
_Dr. Barrows_ [24] classes all the pagan tribes of northern Luzon--the
pygmies excepted--with the Igorot, a position assailed by _Worcester_,
[25] particularly in regard to the Tinguian; but the latter writer
is convinced that the Apayao and Tinguian are divisions of the same
people, who have been separated only a comparatively short time.
In the introduction to the present volume (p. 236) I have expressed
the opinion that the Tinguian and Ilocano are identical, and that
they form one of the waves of a series which brought the Apayao and
western Kalinga to northern Luzon, a wave which reached the Islands
at a later period than that represented by the Igorot, and which
originated in a somewhat different region of southeastern Asia. [26]
In order to come to a definite decision concerning these various
theories, we shall inquire into the cultural, linguistic, and physical
types of the people concerned.
The most striking cultural differences between the Igorot and the
Tinguian, indicated in the introduction, will be brought out in more
detail in the following pages, as will also the evidence of Chinese
influence in this region. Here it needs only to be restated, that
there are radical differences in social organization, government,
house-building, and the like, between the Igorot-Ifugao groups,
and the Ilocano-Tinguian-Apayao-Kalinga divisions.
All the tribes of northwestern Luzon belong to the same linguistic
stock which, in turn, is closely related to the other Philippine
languages. There are local differences sufficiently great to make it
impossible for people to communicate when first brought together,
but the vocabularies are sufficiently alike, and the morphology of
the dialects is so similar that it is the task of only a short time
for a person conversant with one idiom to acquire a speaking and
understanding knowledge of any other in this region. It is important
to note that these dialects belong to the Philippine group, and there
seems to be very little evidence of Chinese influence [27] either in
structure or vocabulary. [28]
The various descriptions of the physical types have been of such
a conflicting nature that it seems best at this point to present
rather detailed descriptions of the Tinguian, Ilocano, and Apayao,
and to compare these with the principal measurements of the other
tribes and peoples under discussion.
For purposes of comparison, the Tinguian have been divided into a
valley and mountain group; for, as already indicated, there has been a
considerable movement of the mixed Kalinga-Igorot people of the upper
Saltan (Malokbot) river, of Guinaan Lubuagan and Balatok, into the
mountain districts of Abra, and these immigrants becoming merged into
the population have modified the physical type to a certain extent.
In the detailed description of the Ilocano, all the subjects have
been drawn from the cities of Bangued in Abra, and Vigan in Ilocos
Sur, in order to eliminate, so far as possible, the results of recent
intermixture with the Tinguian,--a process which is continually taking
place in all the border towns. The more general tabulation includes
Ilocano from all the northern provinces.
Aged and immature individuals have been eliminated from all the
descriptions here presented. [29]
_Ilocano_
Observations on 19 Males from Vigan and Bangued
Range Average
Height, standing meters 1.510 to 1.714 1.607
Length of head " .164 to .191 .1787
Breadth of head " .146 to .158 .1522
Height of head " .120 to .144 .1316
Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .148 .1373
Length of nose " .043 to .054 .0485
Breadth of nose " .034 to .046 .0382
Cephalic index 85.1
Length-Height index 73.0
Breadth-Height index 86.2
Nasal index 78.7
_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin scale.
_Hair_--Often black, but usually brown-black. 50 per cent straight
and about 50 per cent slightly wavy. One case closely curled.
_Forehead_--Usually high, broad, and moderately retreating, but
sometimes vaulted.
_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases flat.
_Face_--Moderately high; broad and oval. Three cases angular.
_Eye-slit_--Generally slightly oblique, moderately open, almond
shape. Mongolian fold present in 45 per cent.
_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and moderately high.
Bridge:--Inclined to be concave, but often straight.
Wings:--Middle thick and slightly arched or swelled.
_Lips_:--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).
_Ears_:--Outstanding. Lobes generally small and close growing, but
are sometimes free.
_Ilocano_ [30]
_Observations Made By Folkmar_ (_See Album of Philippine Types,
Manila_, 1904)
37 Males of Ilocos Norte
Average
Height, standing meters 1.593
Length of head " .180
Breadth of head " .151
Length of nose " .055
Breadth of nose " .040
Cephalic index 84.39
Nasal index 73.12
59 Males of Ilocos Sur
Average
Height, standing meters 1.596
Length of head " .177
Breadth of head " .150
Length of nose " .053
Breadth of nose " .039
Cephalic index 85.06
Nasal index 72.95
31 Males of Union Province
Average
Height, standing meters 1.590
Length of head " .176
Breadth of head " .151
Length of nose " .050
Breadth of nose " .039
Cephalic index 85.72
Nasal index 78.63
193 Males from All Provinces
Average
Height, standing meters 1.602
Length of head " .178
Breadth of head " .151
Length of nose " .052
Breadth of nose " .040
Cephalic index 84.81
Nasal index 75.44
_Valley Tinguian_
Observations on 83 Males (See Plates III, IV)
Range Average
Height, standing meters 1.48 to 1.70 1.572
Length of head " 1.65 to .195 .1811
Breadth of head " .140 to .164 .1507
Height of head, 39 cases " .116 to .144 .1337
Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .148 .1387
Length of nose " .042 to .060 .0499
Breadth of nose " .030 to .043 .0384
Cephalic index 83.2
Length-Height index 72.5
Breadth-Height index 86.5
Nasal index 76.9
_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.
_Hair_--Varies from black to brownish black. Usually wavy, but straight
in about one third.
_Forehead_--Moderately high and broad; slightly retreating, but
sometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in three
cases.
_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases of flattening.
_Face_--Moderately high and broad; cheek bones sufficiently outstanding
to give face angular appearance, tapering from above, but oval faces
are common.
_Eye-slit_--Straight or slightly oblique; moderately wide open and
inclined to be almond shaped; Mongolian fold slightly developed in
about 20 per cent.
_Nose_--Root:--middle broad and high, seldom small or flat.
Bridge:--middle broad and usually straight, but 25 per cent are
slightly concave, while two cases are convex.
Wings:--In most cases are thin, but are commonly thick; both are
slightly arched.
_Lips_--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).
_Ears_--Outstanding, with small close-growing lobes.
_Valley Tinguian_
Observations on 35 Females (See Plates V, VI)
Range Average
Height, standing meters 1.42 to 1.58 1.474
Length of head " .161 to .186 .1743
Breadth of head " .136 to .155 .1460
Height of head (22 cases) " .119 to .138 .1301
Breadth of zygomatic arches " .123 to .139 .1304
Length of nose " .039 to .056 .046
Breadth of nose " .030 to .042 .0354
Cephalic index 83.7
Length-Height index 74.6
Breadth-Height index 88.6
Nasal index 76.9
_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.
_Hair_--Usually brown black, but black is common. Sometimes straight,
but generally slightly wavy.
_Forehead_--Considerable variation. Usually moderately high, broad,
and vaulted, but is sometimes low and moderately retreating.
_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases of flattening.
_Face_--Moderately high and oval. In a few cases angular, tapering
from above.
_Eye-slit_--Generally oblique, moderately open and almond shape. Is
sometimes straight and narrowly open. Mongolian fold slightly developed
in about 25 per cent.
_Nose_--Root:--Moderately broad and either flat or slightly elevated.
Bridge:--Middle broad and slightly concave. In five cases is straight
and in two is convex.
Wings:--Equally divided between thick and thin. Slightly arched.
_Lips_--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).
_Ears_--Outstanding, with small, close growing lobes.
_Mountain Tinguian_
Observations on 62 Males (See Plates VII-VIII)
Range Average
Height, standing meters 1.45 to 1.71 1.57
Length of head " .171 to .203 .1856
Breadth of head " .140 to .161 .1493
Height of head (59 cases) " .115 to .154 .1316
Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .149 .1385
Length of nose (60 cases) " .043 to .059 .0512
Breadth of nose (60 cases) " .033 to .046 .0399
Cephalic index 80.4
Length-Height index 70.9
Breadth-Height index 87.4
Nasal index 77.9
_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.
_Hair_--Brown black, and slightly wavy.
_Forehead_--Middle high to high, moderately broad, moderately
retreating, but sometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly
developed in five cases.
_Crown and back of head_--Middle or strongly arched.
_Face_--Moderately high. Cheek bones moderately outstanding giving face
angular appearance, tapering from above. In seven cases face is oval.
_Eye-slit_--Sometimes straight, but usually slightly oblique,
moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian fold in five cases.
_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and moderately high, but sometimes high.
Bridge:--Middle broad and straight. Seven cases concave and three
convex.
Wings:--Middle thick and arched.
_Lips_--Middle thick, sometimes thin; double bowed.
_Ears_--Outstanding; lobes generally small and close growing.
_Mountain Tinguian_
Observations on 16 Females (See Plates IX-X)
Range Average
Height, standing meters 1.38 to 1.53 1.482
Length of head " .163 to .188 .1782
Breadth of head " .137 to .155 .1452
Height of head " .119 to .137 .1303
Breadth of zygomatic arches " .125 to .138 .1327
Length of nose " .039 to .054 .0461
Breadth of nose " .034 to .042 .0368
Cephalic index 80.1
Length-Height index 73.1
Breadth-Height index 90.0
Nasal index 79.8
_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.
_Hair_--Brown-black and slightly wavy.
_Forehead_--Moderately high and broad; moderately retreating.
_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched.
_Face_--Moderately high and generally oval; sometimes angular tapering
from above.
_Eye-slit_--About equally divided between straight and oblique;
moderately open. Mongolian fold slightly developed in one third
of cases.
_Nose_--Root:--Moderately broad and nearly flat, but sometimes
moderately high.
Bridge:--Middle broad and inclined to be concave. Straight noses occur.
Wings:--Usually thin and inclined to be swelled.
_Lips_--Middle thick and inclined to be double bowed.
_Ears_--Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing.
_Apayao_
Observations on 32 Males
Range Average
Height, standing meters 1.48 to 1.70 1.587
Length of head " .175 to .199 .1877
Breadth of head " .137 to .158 .1492
Height of head " .119 to .155 .1331
Breadth of zygomatic arches " .130 to .149 .1418
Length of nose " .040 to .054 .0466
Breadth of nose " .035 to .044 .0390
Cephalic index 79.5
Length-Height index 70.9
Breadth-Height index 89.2
Nasal index 83.6
_Eyes_--Dark brown, 1 to 4 in Martin table.
_Hair_--Brown black and wavy.
_Forehead_--High and generally moderately retreating, but in about one
third is vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in six cases.
_Crown and back of head_--Rather strongly arched. Six cases (all from
one village) showed slight flattening of occipital region.
_Face_--Usually high. The cheek bones are moderately outstanding
giving face angular appearance, tapering from above. In eight cases
face tapers from below, and in nine is oval.
_Eye-slit_--Usually oblique, moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian
fold in about 50 per cent.
_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and flat or slightly elevated.
Bridge:--Middle broad and slightly or strongly concave. Seven instances
of straight noses occur.
Wings:--Middle thick, arched or swelled.
_Lips_--Middle thick and slightly double bowed.
_Ears_--Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing.
_Bontoc Igorot_ [31]
_Observations By Jenks_ (_See The Bontoc Igorot, Manila_, 1905)
32 males Average Range
Height, standing meters 1.6028
Length of head " .1921
Breadth of head " .1520
Length of nose " .0525
Breadth of nose " .0462
Cephalic index 79.13 67.48 to 91.48
Nasal index 79.19 58.18 to 104.54
In this group 9 are brachycephalic
20 are mesaticephalic
3 are dolichocephalic
_Color_--Ranges from light brown, with strong saffron undertone,
to very dark brown or bronze.
_Eyes_--Black to hazel brown. "Malayan" fold in large majority.
_Hair_--Coarse, straight and black. A few individuals possess curly
or wavy hair.
_Nose_--Jenks gives no statement, but his photos show the root of the
nose to be rather high; the bridge appears to be broad and straight,
although in some individuals it tends toward concave.
29 females Average Range
Height, standing meters 1.4580
Length of head " .1859
Breadth of head " .1470
Length of nose " .0458
Breadth of nose " .0360
Cephalic index 79.09 64.89 to 87.64
Nasal index 78.74 58.53 to 97.56
In this group 12 are brachycephalic
12 are mesaticephalic
5 are dolichocephalic
Very different results were obtained by _Kroeber_ [32] from the group
of Igorot exhibited in San Francisco in 1906. His figures may possibly
be accounted for by the fact that about one third of the party came
from Alap near the southern end of the Bontoc area, also, as he has
suggested, by the preponderance of very young men. The figures for
this group are as follows:
Observations on 18 Males
Average height 1.550 Range 1.46 to 1.630 "
length of head .186 .176 to .194 "
breadth of head .146 .138 to .153 "
bizygomatic width .135 .129 to .142 "
length of nose .041 .031 to .046 "
breadth of nose .040 .036 to .046 "
cephalic index 78.43
nasal index 99.8
Observations on 7 Females
Average height 1.486 Range 1.440 to 1.530 "
length of head .182 .171 to .191 "
breadth of head .143 .136 to .150 "
bizygomatic width .131 .127 to .136 "
length of nose .037 .033 to .042 "
width of nose .037 .036 to .038 "
cephalic index 78.59
nasal index 99.7
From these descriptive sheets it is obvious that each tribe is made
up of very heterogeneous elements, and each overlaps the other to a
considerable extent; however, the number of individuals measured is
sufficiently great for us to draw certain general conclusions from
the averages of each group.
It is at once evident that the differences between the Ilocano and the
Valley Tinguian are very slight, in fact are less than those between
the valley and mountain people of the latter tribe. The Ilocano
appear to be slightly taller, the length of head a little less, and
the breadth a bit more; yet there is an average difference of only
two points in the cephalic indices of the two groups. The only other
points of divergence are: the greater percentage among the Ilocano of
eyes showing the Mongolian fold, and the occurrence of straight hair
in about half the individuals measured. However, this latter feature
may be more apparent than real; for the Ilocano cut the hair short,
and a slight degree of waviness might readily pass unobserved.
As we pass from the Valley to the Mountain Tinguian, and from them
to the Apayao, we find the average stature almost constant, but the
head becomes longer; there is a greater tendency for the cheekbones
to protrude and the face to be angular, and there is a more frequent
development of the supra-orbital ridges. The root of the nose is
often flat and the bridge concave; while wavy hair becomes the rule
in the mountains. There is a slight decrease, in the Tinguian groups,
of eyes showing the Mongolian fold, but in the Apayao the percentage
again equals that of the Ilocano.
The Apayao present no radical differences to the Mountain Tinguian;
yet, as already noted, the length and height of the head are
slightly greater; the zygomatic arches more strongly developed;
the face more angular; and the nose is broader as compared with its
length. Evidences of former extensive intermixture are here apparent,
while at the present time there is rather free marriage with the
neighboring Kalinga and Negrito.
Comparing these four groups with the Igorot, we find that the latter
averages slightly taller than all but the Ilocano. The breadth of the
head is about the same as the Ilocano; but the length is much greater,
and there is, in consequence, a considerable difference in the cephalic
index. Reference to our tables will show the Ilocano and both Tinguian
divisions to be brachycephalic, while the Igorot is mesaticephalic. The
average index of the Apayao also falls in the latter classification;
but the variation from Igorot is greater than is indicated, for the
Apayao skull is actually considerably shorter and narrower. In the
length and breadth of the nose, the Igorot exceeds any of the groups
studied, while the Malayan (Mongolian?) fold of the eye is reported
in the great majority of cases. The bodily appearance of the Tinguian
and Bontoc Igorot differs little, although the latter are generally of
a slightly heavier build. Both are lithe and well proportioned, their
full rounded muscles giving them the appearance of trained athletes;
neither is as stocky or heavy set as are the Igorot of Amburayan,
Lepanto, and Benguet.
There is great variation in color among the members of all these
tribes, the tones varying from a light olive brown to a dark reddish
brown; but in general the Ilocano and Valley Tinguian are of a lighter
hue than the mountain people.
Observations on the Southern Chinese and the South Perak Malay are
given below, not with the intention of connecting them with any one
of the tribes of Luzon, but in order to test, by comparison, the
theory of the Chinese origin of the Tinguian, and also to secure,
if possible, some clue as to the relationships of both peoples.
_The Southern Chinese_
_Dr. Girard_, [33] as a result of his studies on the Chinese of
Kwang-si, a province of southern China, expresses the belief that
the population is greatly mixed, but all considered they appear more
like Indo-Chinese than like the Chinese proper (that is, Northern
Chinese). _Deniker_ [34] comes to a similar conclusion from a study
of the results obtained by many observers.
_Girard_ gives the following measurements for 25 males of Kwang-si:
Range Average
Height, standing meters 1.528 to 1.748 1.616
Length of head " .1815
Breadth of head " .1435
Height of head " .1270
Length of nose " .04648
Breadth of nose " .03876
Cephalic index 73. to 85. 79.52
Length-Height index 69.9
Breadth-Height index 88.5
Nasal index 67. to 95. 82.98
_Deniker_ (p. 578) gives the average height of 15,582 males, mostly
Hakka of Kwang-tung, as 1.622. The cephalic index of 61 living subjects
and 84 crania, principally from Canton, he finds to be--Living 81.2;
crania 78.2.
_Martin_ [35] presents the following data: Average height of
males--1.614; average height of females--1.498. Cephalic index
(49 males)--81.8. Length-Height index (49 males)--66.5. Nasal index
(49 males)--77.7. [36]
_South Perak Malay_ [37]
_Observations by Annandale and Robinson_ (_Fasciculi Malayenses,
Pt_. I, pp. 105 _et seq_., _London_, 1903).
37 males Range
Average
Height, standing meters 1.488 to 1.763 1.594
Length of head " .173 to .198 .182
Breadth of head " .141 to .162 .149
Height of head (tragus to vertex) " .119 to .146 .135
Breadth of zygomatic arches " .120 to .150 .139
Length of nose " .0413 to .0525 .0477
Breadth of nose " .0337 to .0437 .0358
Cephalic index 82.3
Length-Height index 73.9
Nasal index 81.2
_Color_--Varies from dark olive to red; less commonly olive or
yellowish
white.
_Eyes_--Black, sometimes reddish brown.
_Hair_--Appears to be straight in most cases, but being cut short a
slight waviness might not be noticed. Black.
A comparison of these figures with those of our Luzon groups brings out
several interesting points. It shows that the Tinguian are not related
to the Chinese, "because of their tall stature;" for they are, as a
matter of fact, shorter than either the Chinese or Igorot. It is also
evident that they resemble the southern Chinese no more than do the
people of Bontoc. Further it is seen that both the Tinguian-Ilocano
and the Chinese show greater likeness to the Perak Malay than they
do to each other. As a matter of fact, we find no radical differences
between any of the peoples discussed; despite evident minor variations,
the tribes of northwestern Luzon approach a common type, and this type
appears not to be far removed from the dominant element in southern
China, Indo-China, and Malaysia generally, a fact which probably can
be attributed to a common ancestry in times far past. [38]
With this data before us, we might readily dismiss most of the theories
of early writers as interesting speculations based on superficial
observation; but the statement that the Tinguian are derived from
the pirate band of Limahon has received such wide currency that it
deserves further notice. It should be borne in mind that the scene
of the Chinese disaster was in Pangasinan, a march of three days
to the south of the Tinguian territory. It is unlikely that a force
sufficiently large to impress its type on the local population could
have made its way into Abra, without having been reported to Salcedo,
who then had his headquarters at Vigan.
As early as 1598 the Tinguian were so powerful and aggressive that
active steps had to be taken to protect the coast people from their
raids. Had they been recognized as being essentially Chinese--a
foreign, hostile population--some mention of that fact must certainly
have crept into the Spanish records of that period. Such data are
entirely wanting, while the exceedingly rich traditions of the Tinguian
[39] likewise fail to give any evidence of such an invasion.
The presence of large quantities of ancient Chinese pottery in Abra
must be ascribed to trade, for it is inconceivable that a fugitive band
of warriors would have carried with them the hundreds of jars--many
of large size--which are now found in the interior.
The reputed similarity of the garments of the men to those of Fukien
fishermen is likewise without value, for at the time of the Spanish
invasion both Ilocano and Tinguian were innocent of trousers. It
was not until the order of Gov. Pennarubia, in 1868, barring all
unclad pagans from the Christianized towns, that the latter donned
such garments. To-day many of the men possess full suits, but the
ordinary dress is still the head-band, breech-cloth, and belt.
Finally, it seems curious that the Tinguian should be of "a pacific
character" because of the fact that they are descended from a band
of Chinese pirates.
Summarizing our material, we can say of the Tinguian, that they are a
rather short, well-built people with moderately high, brachycephalic
heads, fairly high noses, and angular faces. Their hair is brown black
and inclined to be wavy, while the skin varies from a light olive
brown to a dark reddish brown. A study of our tables shows that within
this group there are great extremes in stature, head and nasal form,
color, and the like, indicating very heterogeneous elements in its
make-up. We also find that physically the Tinguian conform closely to
the Ilocano, while they merge without a sharp break into the Apayao
of the eastern mountain slopes. When compared to the Igorot, greater
differences are manifest; but even here, the similarities are so many
that we cannot classify the two tribes as members of different races.
We have seen that this people approaches the southern Chinese in
many respects, but this is likewise true of all the other tribes
under discussion and, hence, we are not justified, on anatomic
grounds, in considering the Tinguian as distinct, because of Chinese
origin. The testimony of historical data and language leads us to the
same conclusions. Chinese influence, through trade, has been active
for many centuries along the north and west coast of Luzon, but it
has not been of a sufficiently intimate nature to introduce such
common articles of convenience and necessity as the composite bow,
the potter's wheel, wheeled vehicles, and the like.
The anatomical data likewise prevent us from setting this tribe apart
from the others, because of Japanese or Indonesian origin.
CHAPTER III
THE CYCLE OF LIFE
_Birth_.--The natural cause of pregnancy is understood by the Tinguian,
but coupled with this knowledge is a belief in its close relationship
to the spirit world. Supernatural conception and unnatural births are
frequently mentioned in the traditions, and are accepted as true by
the mass of people; while the possibility of increasing the fertility
of the husband and wife by magical acts, performed in connection with
the marriage ceremony, is unquestioned. Likewise, the wife may be
affected if she eats peculiar articles of food, [40] and unappeased
desires for fruits and the like may result disastrously both for the
expectant mother and the child. [41] The close relationship which
exists between the father and the unborn babe is clearly brought out
by various facts; for instance, the husband of a pregnant woman is
never whipped at a funeral, as are the other guests, lest it result
in injury to the child.
The fact that these mythical happenings and magical practices do not
agree with his actual knowledge in no way disturbs the Tinguian. It is
doubtful if he is conscious of a conflict; and should it be brought to
his attention, he would explain it by reference to the tales of former
times, or to the activities of superior beings. Like man in civilized
society, he seldom rationalizes about the well-known facts--religious
or otherwise--generally held by his group to be true.
It is thought that, when a mortal woman conceives, an _anito_
woman likewise becomes pregnant, and the two give birth at the same
time. Otherwise, the lives of the two children do not seem to be
closely related, though, as we shall see later, the mothers follow
the same procedure for a time after delivery (cf. p. 268).
According to common belief, supernatural beings have become possessed
at times, with menstrual blood or the afterbirth which under their
care developed into human offspring, some of whom occupy a prominent
place in the tribal mythology. [42] In the tales we are told that a
frog became pregnant, and gave birth to a child after having lapped up
the spittle of Aponitolau, [43] a maid conceived when the head-band
of her lover rested on her skirt, [44] while the customary delivery
of children during the mythical period seems to have been from between
the fingers of the expectant mother. [45] _Anitos_ and, in a few cases,
the shades of the dead have had intercourse with Tinguian women, [46]
but children of such unions are always born prematurely. As a rule, a
miscarriage is thought to be the result of union with the inhabitants
of the spirit realm, though an expectant woman is often warned not to
become angry or sorrowful lest her "blood become strong and the child
be born." Abortion is said to be practised occasionally by unmarried
women; but such instances are exceedingly rare, as offspring is much
desired, and the chance of making a satisfactory match would be in
no way injured by the possession of an illegitimate child. [47]
Except for the district about Manabo, it is not customary to make any
offerings or to cause any changes in the daily life of the pregnant
woman until the time of her delivery is near at hand. In Manabo a
family gathering is held about a month before the anticipated event,
at which time the woman eats a small chicken, while her relatives look
on. After completing this meal, she places two bundles of grass, some
bark and beads in a small basket and ties it beside the window. The
significance of the act is not clear to the people, but it is "an
old custom, and is pleasing to the spirits."
Shortly before the child is expected, two or three mediums are
summoned to the dwelling. Spreading a mat in the center of the room,
they place on it their outfits (cf. p. 302) and gifts [48] for all
the spirits who are apt to attend the ceremony. Nine small jars
covered with _alin_ leaves are distributed about the house and yard;
one sits on a head-axe placed upon an inverted rice-mortar near the
dwelling, another stands near by in a winnower, and is covered with
a bundle of rice; four go to a corner of the room; while the balance
is placed on either side of the doorway. These jars are later used
to hold the cooked rice which is offered to the _Inginlaod_, spirits
of the west. At the foot of the house ladder a spear is planted, and
to it is attached a long narrow cloth of many colors. Last of all, a
bound pig is laid just outside the door with its head toward the east.
When all is ready, the mediums bid the men to play on the _tong-a-tong_
(cf. p. 314); then, squatting beside the pig, they stroke its
side with oiled fingers, meanwhile chanting appropriate _diams_
(cf. p. 296). This done, they begin to summon spirits into their
bodies, and from them learn what must be done to insure the health
and happiness of the child. Later, water is poured into the pig's ear,
that "as it shakes out the water, so may the evil spirits be thrown out
of the place." [49] Then an old man cuts open the body of the animal
and, thrusting in his hand, draws out the still palpitating heart,
which he gives to the medium. With this she strokes the body of the
expectant woman, "so that the birth may be easy, and as a protection
against harm," and also touches the other members of the family. [50]
She next directs her attention to the liver, for by its condition it
is possible to foretell the child's future (cf. p. 307).
While the medium has been busy with the immediate family, friends
and relatives have been preparing the flesh for food, which is now
served. No part is reserved, except the boiled entrails which are
placed in a wooden dish and set among other gifts intended for the
superior beings.
Following the meal, the mediums continue summoning spirits until
late afternoon when the ceremony known as _Gipas_--the dividing--is
held. [51] The chief medium, who is now possessed by a powerful spirit,
covers her shoulder with a sacred blanket, [52] and in company with
the oldest male relative of the expectant woman goes to the middle of
the room, where a bound pig lies with a narrow cloth extending along
its body from head to tail. After much debating they decide on the
exact center of the animal, and then with her left hand each seizes a
leg. They lift the victim from the floor, and with the head-axes, which
they hold in their free hands, they cut it in two. In this way the
mortals pay the spirits for their share in the child, and henceforth
they have no claims to it. The spirit and the old man drink _basi_,
to cement their friendship; and the ceremony is at an end.
The small pots and other objects used as offerings are placed on the
sacred blanket in one corner of the room, where they remain until
the child is born, "so that all the spirits may know that _Gipas_
has been held." A portion of the slaughtered animals and some small
present are given to the mediums, who then depart.
In San Juan a cloth is placed on the floor, and on it are laid
betel-nuts, four beads, and a lead sinker. These are divided with
the head-axe in the same manner as the pig, but the medium retains
for her own use the share given to the spirits.
In the better class of dwellings, constructed of boards, there is
generally a small section in one corner, where the flooring is of
bamboo; and it is here that the delivery takes place, but in the
ordinary dwellings there is no specified location.
The patient is in a kneeling or squatting position with her hands on a
rope or bamboo rod, which is suspended from a rafter about the height
of her shoulders. [53] She draws on this, while one or more old women,
skilled in matters pertaining to childbirth, knead and press down on
the abdomen, and finally remove the child. The naval cord is cut with
a bamboo knife, [54] and is tied with bark cloth. Should the delivery
be hard, a pig will be killed beneath the house, and its blood and
flesh offered to the spirits, in order to gain their aid.
If the child is apparently still-born, the midwife places a Chinese
dish close to its ear, and strikes against it several times with a
lead sinker. If this fails to gain a response, the body is wrapped
in a cloth, and is soon buried beneath the house. There is no belief
here, as is common in many other parts of the Philippines, that the
spirits of unborn or still-born children form the chief recruits for
the army of evil spirits.
The after-birth is placed in a small jar together with bamboo leaves,
"so that the child will grow like that lusty plant," and is then
intrusted to an old man, usually a relative. He must exercise the
greatest care in his mission, for should he squint, while the jar is in
his possession, the child will be likewise afflicted. If it is desired
that the infant shall become a great hunter, the jar is hung in the
jungle; if he is to be an expert swimmer and a successful fisherman,
it is placed in the river; but ill fortune is in store for the baby
if the pot is buried, for he will always be afraid to climb a tree
or to ascend a mountain.
These close ties between the infant and the after-birth are
easily comprehended by a people who also believe in the close
relationship between a person and any object recently handled by him
(cf. p. 305). In general it is thought that the after-birth soon
disappears and no longer influences the child; yet certain of the
folk-tales reflect a firm conviction that a group of spirits, known
as _alan_, sometimes take the placenta, and transform it into a real
child, who is then more powerful than ordinary mortals. [55]
Immediately following the birth the father constructs a shallow bamboo
framework (_baitken_), [56] which he fills with ashes, and places in
the room close to the mother. On this a fire is kept burning constantly
for twenty-nine days [57] For this fire he must carefully prepare each
stick of wood, for should it have rough places on it, the baby would
have lumps on its head. A double explanation is offered for this fire;
firstly, "to keep the mother warm;" secondly, as a protection against
evil spirits. The idea of protection is evidently the original and
dominant one; for, as we shall see, evil spirits are wont to frequent
a house, where a birth or death has occurred, and a fire is always
kept burning below the house or beside the ladder at such a time. [58]
When the child has been washed, it is placed on an inverted
rice-winnower, and an old man or woman gives it the name it is to
bear. The winnower is raised a few inches above the ground, and the
woman asks the child its name, then drops it. Again she raises it,
pronounces the name, and lets it fall. A third time it is raised and
dropped, with the injunction, "When your mother sends you, you go,"
or "You must not be lazy." If it is a boy, it may be instructed,
"When your father sends you to plow, you go."
Among the Tinguian of Ilocos Norte it is customary for the person
who is giving the name to wave a burning torch beneath the winnower,
meanwhile saying, if to a boy, "Here is your light when you go to
fight. Here is your light when you go to other towns." If the child
is a girl, she says, "Here is your light when you go to sell things."
In the San Juan district, the fire is made of pine sticks; for
"the burning pine gives a bright light, and thus makes it clear to
the spirits that the child is born. The heat and smoke make the child
hard and sturdy." Just before the naming, the rice winnower is circled
above the fire and the person officiating calls to the spirits, saying,
"Come and take this child, or I shall take it." Then, as the infant
still remains alive, she proceeds to give it its name. [59]
A Tinguian child is nearly always named after a dead ancestor; often
it receives two names--one for a relative in the father's family,
and one in the mother's. A third name commemorating the day or some
event, or perhaps the name of a spirit, is frequently added. [60]
Certain names, such as Abacas ("worthless"), Inaknam ("taken up"),
and Dolso ("rice-chaff") are common. If the infant is ailing, or if
the family has been unfortunate in raising children, the newborn is
named in the regular way, then is placed on an old rice winnower,
and is carried to a refuse heap and left. Evil spirits witnessing
this will think that the child is dead, and will pay no more heed
to it. After a time, a woman from another house will pick the child
up and carry it back to the dwelling, where it is renamed. In such
a case it is probable that the new name will recall the event. [61]
If a former child has died, it is possible that the infant will receive
its name, but if so, it will be renamed within a few days. In this
manner, respect is shown both for the deceased child and the ancestor
for which it was named; yet the newborn is not forced to bear a title
which is apparently displeasing to the spirits. Continued sickness
may also result in the giving of a new name. [62] In such a case a
small plot of rice is planted as an offering to the spirits, which
have caused the illness.
According to Reyes, the child to be named is carried to a tree, and
the medium says, "Your name is ----;" at the same time she strikes the
tree with a knife. If the tree "sweats," the name is satisfactory;
otherwise, other names are mentioned until a favorable sign is
obtained. [63] The writer found no trace of such procedure in any
part of the Tinguian belt.
For a month succeeding the birth, the mother must follow a very strict
set of rules. Each day she is bathed with water in which certain herbs
and leaves, distasteful to evil spirits, are boiled. [64] Beginning
with the second day and until the tenth she must add one bath each
day, at least one of which is in cold water. From the tenth to the
twenty-fourth day she takes one hot and one cold bath, and from then
to the end of the month she continues the one hot bath. Until these
are completed, the family must keep a strip of _ayabong_ bark burning
beneath the house, in order to protect the baby from evil spirits. As
an additional defence, a miniature bow and arrow, and a bamboo shield,
with a leaf attached, as hung above the infant's head (Fig. 4, No. 1).
On the fifth day the mother makes a ring out of old cloth, rice stalks,
and a vine, and puts it on her head; over her shoulders is an old
blanket, while in one hand she holds a reed staff, which "helps her
in her weakness, and protects her from evil beings." She carries a
coconut shell filled with ashes, a basket and a jar, and thus equipped
she goes to the village spring. Arriving there, she cleans the dishes
"as a sign that her weakness has passed, and that she can now care
for herself;" then she sets fire to a piece of bark, and leaves it
burning beside the water, as a further sign of her recovery. When
she returns to the dwelling, the cleansed dishes and the staff are
placed above the spot, where she and the baby sleep.
On the 29th day the fire is extinguished, and the bamboo frame
is fastened under the floor of the house, below the mother's mat,
"so that all can see that the family has followed the custom." As
the frame is carried out, the mother calls to the _anito_ mother
(cf. p. 261) to throw out her fire.
In the mountain districts about Lakub, a ceremony in which the spirits
are besought to look to the child's welfare is held about the third
day after the birth. The mediums summon several spirits; a chicken
or a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is offered up. At
the conclusion a small _saloko_ [65] containing an egg is attached
to one end of the roof. In Ba-ak this is generally a three to six day
event attended by all the friends and relatives of the family. Here,
in place of the egg, a jar containing pine-sticks is attached to the
roof, for the pine which burns brightly makes it plain to the spirits
what the people are doing.
In the light of the extended and rather complex procedure just
related, it is interesting to note that the Tinguian woman is one
of those mythical beings whom careless or uninformed writers have
been wont to describe as giving birth to her children without bodily
discomfort. _Reyes_ [66] tells us that she cuts the umbilical cord,
after which she proceeds to the nearest brook, and washes the clothing
soiled during the birth. _Lerena_ likewise credits her with delivering
herself without aid, at whatever spot she may then chance to be; then,
without further ado or inconvenience, she continues her duties as
before. If she happens to be near to a river, she bathes the child;
or, if water is not handy, she cleans it with grass or leaves, and
then gives it such a name as stone, rooster, or carabao. [67]
Throughout the greater part of the Tinguian territory, nothing
further of importance takes place for about two years, providing
the child progresses normally, but should it be ailing, a medium
will be summoned to conduct the _Ibal_ ceremony. [68] For this a pig
or rooster is prepared for sacrifice, but before it is killed, the
medium squats before it and, stroking its side with oiled fingers,
she chants the following _diam_.
"Those who live in the same town go to raid, to take heads. After
they arrive, those who live in the same town, 'We go and dance with
the heads,' said the people, who live in the same town, 'because they
make a celebration, those who went to kill.' 'When the sun goes down,
you come to join us,' said the mother and baby (to her husband who
goes to the celebration). After that the sun truly went down; she
went truly to join her husband; after that they were not (there),
the mother and the baby (i.e., when the father arrived where they
had agreed to meet, the mother and child were not there).
"He saw their hats lying on the ground. He looked down; the
mother and the baby were in (the ground), which ground swallowed
them. 'Why (are) the mother and the baby in the ground? How can I
get them?' When he raises the mother and the baby, they go (back)
into the ground. After that Kaboniyan above, looking down (said),
'What can you do? The spirits of Ibal in Daem are the cause of their
trouble. It is better that you go to the home of your parents-in-law,
and you go and prepare the things needed in Ibal,' said Kaboniyan.
"They went truly and prepared; after that they brought (the things)
to the gate. After that the mother and child came out of the
ground. 'After this when there is a happening like this, of which you
Ipogau are in danger, you do like this (i. e., make the Ibal ceremony);
and I alone, Kaboniyan am the one you summon,' said Kaboniyan.
"After that they got well because they came up, the mother and
the baby."
When the chant is finished, the animal is slaughtered, and food is
prepared both for guests and spirits. Following the instructions
of Kaboniyan, the latter is placed at the entrance to the village;
after which it is possible that this powerful spirit will visit the
gathering in the person of the medium, and give further instructions
for the care of the infant.
In the village of Lakub the writer witnessed a variation of this
ceremony which, it is said, is also followed in case the pregnancy
is not progressing favorably. A piece of banana stalk, wrought into
the form of a child, and wearing a bark head-band, was placed on the
mat beside the medium. She, acting for a spirit, seized the miniature
shield and bow and arrow which hung above the baby, and attempted to
shoot the figure. Immediately two old women came to the rescue of the
image, and after a sharp tussel compelled the spirit to desist. They
then secured the weapons, and in their turn tried to shoot the figure,
which was now defended in vain by the medium. It was later explained
that, in the first place, the figure represented the child, and
had the spirit succeeded in shooting it, the babe would have died;
later, it impersonated the child of the spirit, and when that being
saw its own offspring in danger, it immediately departed from the
village. Several other spirits then entered the body of the medium,
and after receiving food and drink, gave friendly advice.
When the child is about two years old, a ceremony known as _Olog_
[69] is held. The mediums who are summoned prepare a spirit mat,
[70] and at once begin to recite _diams_ over the body of a bound
pig. As soon as the animal is killed, its heart is removed, and is
rubbed against the breast of each member of the family. The medium
then resumes her place at the mat, and soon is possessed by a spirit
who takes charge of the proceedings. At his suggestion, the child is
rubbed from head to foot with the thread from the medium's outfit, "so
that it will not cry any more;" next, he orders that the intestines
of the pig be cleaned, placed on a wooden dish, and be carried
to the gate of the town. When they arrive at the designated spot,
the mediums make a "stove" by driving three sticks into the ground,
so as to outline a triangle, and within these they burn a bundle
of rice-straw. Beside the "stove" is placed a branch, each leaf of
which is pierced with a chicken feather. This completed, the child is
brought up to the fire, and is crowned with the intestines; while one
of the mediums strikes the ground vigorously with a split stick, [71]
to attract the attention of the spirits. Next, she secures a rooster,
and with this in one hand and a spear in the other, she marches five
times around the fire meanwhile reciting a _diam_. At the conclusion of
this performance the fowl is killed; and its blood, mixed with rice,
is scattered on the ground. At the same time the medium calls to
all the spirits to come and eat, to be satisfied, and not cause the
child to become ill. The flesh and rice cakes are likewise offered,
but after a few moments have elapsed, they are eaten by all the people.
At the conclusion of the meal, a wreath of vines is substituted for
the intestines, which are hung beside the fire. This concludes the
ceremony; but, as the mother and child reach the ladder of their
home, the people above sprinkle them with water, meanwhile calling
out eight times, "You are in a heavy storm." The significance of
this sprinkling is not known, but the custom is widespread, and is
evidently very ancient.
In the mountain village of Likuan, a man who wears a very large hat
takes the child to a nearby _saloko_. As he returns, he is sprinkled
by a medium, who says, "You are wet from the rain; in what place
did you get wet?" He replies, "Yes, we are wet from the rain; we
were wet in Inakban (a town of the spirits);" then placing two small
baskets in the _saloko_, he carries the child into the dwelling. Soon
the father appears and goes about inquiring for his wife and child;
suddenly spying the baskets, he seizes them and takes them into the
house, saying, "Here are the mother and the child."
The following morning, the women place rice cakes and betel-nuts,
ready to chew, in leaves, and tie them to a bamboo stalk with many
branches. This is then planted beside the spring, "so that the child
will grow and be strong like the bamboo." The sight of all these
good things is also pleasing to the spirits, and they will thus be
inclined to grant to the child many favors.
When the women return to the house, they carry with them a coconut
shell filled with water, and with this they wash the infant's face
"to keep it from crying, and to keep it well." This done, they tie
a knot of banana leaves to the house ladder as a sign that no person
may enter the dwelling until after its removal the next day. [72]
A ceremony, not witnessed by the writer, is said to take place when
evil spirits have persistently annoyed the mother and the child,
when the delivery is long overdue, or when an _anito_ child [73]
has been born to a human mother. The husband and his friends arm
themselves with long knives or head-axes, and enter the dwelling,
where they kill a rooster. The blood is mixed with rice; and this,
together with nine coconut shells filled with _basi_, is placed beneath
the house for the _anitos_ to eat. While the spirits are busy with
this repast, the mother, wrapped in a blanket, is secretly passed out
a window and taken to another house. Then the men begin shouting,
and at the same time slash right and left against the house-posts
with their weapons. In this way the evil spirits are not only kept
from noticing the absence of the mother, but are also driven to a
distance. This procedure is repeated under nine houses, after which
they return to the dwelling with the woman. As soon as they reach the
top of the ladder, an old woman throws down ashes "to blind the eyes
of the _anitos_, so that they cannot see to come up." [74] She likewise
breaks a number of small jars, "which look like heads," as a threat of
the treatment which awaits them if they attempt to return to the house.
Within the dwelling food and presents are offered to the good spirits,
and all who have participated in the _anito_ driving are feasted.
Next morning, a wash, said to be particularly distasteful to the evil
_anito_, is prepared. It consists of water in which are placed lemon,
bamboo, and _atis_ leaves, a cigar stub, and ashes from burned rice
straw. The family wash in this mixture, and are then fully protected
against any evil spirits, which may still remain after the terrifying
events of the previous night.
_Childhood_.--When outside the house, small babies are always carried
by their mothers or older sisters (Plate XV). The little one either
sits astride its mother's hip or fits against the small of the back,
and is held in place by her arm or by a blanket which passes over one
shoulder. From this position the infant is readily shifted, so that
it can nurse whenever it is hungry. There are no regular periods for
feeding, neither is there a definite time for weaning. Most children
continue to nurse until quite large, or until they are displaced by
newcomers. However, they are given some solid food, such as rice,
while very young, and soon they are allowed to suck sugar-cane and
sweet potatoes. It is also a common thing to see a mother take the pipe
from her mouth, and place it in that of her nursing infant. They thus
acquire the habit of using tobacco at a very early age, and continue
it through life, but apparently without evil effects. Weaning is
accomplished by rubbing the breasts with powdered chile peppers,
or plants with sour flavor.
A crib or sleeping basket is made out of bamboo or rattan, and
this is attached to the center of a long bamboo pole, which is
suspended across one corner of the room (Fig. 1, No. 2). The pole
bends with each movement of the child, and thus it rocks itself to
sleep. Another device in which small children are kept is known as
_galong-galong_. This consists of a board seat attached to a strip
of split rattan at each corner. Sliding up and down on these strips
are vertical and horizontal pieces of reed or bamboo, which form an
open box-like frame (Fig. 1, No. 1). The reeds are raised, the child
is put in, and then they are slipped back in place. This device is
suspended from a rafter, at such a height that it can serve either
as a swing or walker, as desired.
When the mother goes to the village spring or to the river, she
carries her baby with her, and invariably gives it a bath in the
cold water. This she applies with her hand or a coconut shell, and
frequently she ends the process by dipping the small body into the
water. Apparently, the children do not enjoy the ordeal any more than
European youngsters; but this early dislike for the water is soon
overcome, and they go to the streams to paddle and play, and quickly
become excellent swimmers. They learn that certain sluggish fish hide
beneath large rocks; and oftentimes a whole troop of naked youngsters
may be seen going up stream, carefully feeling under the stones,
and occasionally shouting with glee, as a slippery trophy is drawn
out with the bare hands. They also gather shell fish and shrimps,
and their catch often adds variety to the family meal.
Children are seldom punished or scolded. All the family exhibit real
affection for the youngsters, and find time to devote to them. A
man is never too old or too busy to take up and amuse or caress
the babies. Kissing seems to be unknown, but a similar sign of
affection is given by placing the lips to the face and drawing the
breath in suddenly. A mother is often heard singing to her babes,
but the songs are usually improvised, and generally consist of a
single sentence repeated over and over. Aside from the daily bath,
the child has little to disturb it during the first five or six years
of its life. It has no birthdays, its hair is never cut, unless it be
that it is trimmed over the eyes to form bangs, and it wears clothing
only on very special occasions. The children are by no means innocent
in sexual matters; but absolute familiarity with nudity has removed
all curiosity and false modesty, and the relations between the sexes
are no freer than in civilized communities.
When garments are put on, they are identical with those worn by the
elders. At all ages the people will discard their clothing without
any sense of shame, whenever the occasion demands; as, for instance,
the fording of a stream, or when a number of both sexes happen to be
bathing at the same time in the village pool. This does not lead to
immodesty or lewdness, and a person who is careless about the acts,
which are not considered proper in Tinguian society, is an object of
scorn quite as much as he would be in a more advanced community.
The first toys generally consist of pigs, carabao, or horses made by
sticking bamboo legs into a sweet potato or mango. A more elaborate
plaything is an imitation snake made of short bamboo strips fastened
together with cords at top, center, and bottom. When this is held near
the middle by the thumb and forefinger, it winds and curls about as
if alive.
Stilts of bamboo, similar to those used in America, are sometimes
used by the older children, but the more popular local variety is
made by fastening cords through the tops of half coconut shells. The
youth holds a cord in each hand, stands on the shells with the lines
passing between the first two toes, and then walks.
Flat boards with cords attached become "carabao sleds," and in
these immense loads of imaginary rice are hauled to the granaries. A
similar device serves as a harrow, while a stick is converted into a
"plough" or "horse," as is desired. Imitation carabao yokes are much
prized, and the children pass many hours serving as draught animals
or drivers. The bull-roarer, made by putting a thin piece of bamboo
on a cord and whirling it about the head, makes a pleasing noise,
and is excellent to use in frightening stray horses. Blow-guns, made
out of bamboo or the hollow tubes of plants, vie in popularity with
a pop-gun of similar construction. A wad of leaves is driven through
with a plunger, and gives a sharp report, as it is expelled.
Tops are among the prized possessions of the boys. They are spun,
or are wound with cord, and are thrown overhand at those of other
players, with the intention of splitting or marking them.
Quite as popular, with the small girls, are tiny pestles with which
they industriously pound rice chaff, in imitation of their mothers.
While still mere babies, the boys begin to play with toy knives
made of wood, but by the time they are seven or eight years of
age, they are permitted to carry long _bolos_, and before puberty
they are expert with the weapons used by the tribe (Plate XI). In
the mountain regions in particular, it is a common occurrence for
groups of youngsters, armed with reed spears and palm-bark shields,
to carry on mock battles. They also learn to make traps and nets, and
oftentimes they return to the village with a good catch of small birds.
Full grown dogs are seldom friendly or considered as pets; but puppies,
small chickens, parrakeets, pigs, and baby carabao make excellent
playfellows, and suffer accordingly. From the day of its birth,
the young carabao is taken possession of by the children, who will
fondle and tease it, ride on its back, or slide off over its head
or tail. Soon they gain confidence, and find similar amusements with
the full grown animals. These huge beasts are often surly or vicious,
especially around white men, but they recognize their masters in the
little brown folk, and submit meekly to their antics. In fact, the
greater part of the care of these animals is entrusted to young boys.
When not engaged in some of the amusements already mentioned, it
is probable that the youngster is one of the group of naked little
savages, which races through the village on the way to the swimming
hole, or climbs tall trees from the top of which sleeping pigs can be
easily bombarded. Should the children be so fortunate as to possess
a tin can, secured from some visiting traveller, they quickly convert
it into a drum or _gansa_, and forthwith start a celebration. All can
dance and sing, play on nose flutes, bamboo guitars, or Jew's harps.
In addition to songs of their own composition, there are other songs,
which are heard whenever the children are at play. They make a swing
by tying ropes to a carabao yoke, and attach it to a limb; then,
as they swing, they sing:
"Pull swing. My swing is a snake.
Do not writhe like a snake. My swing is a big snake.
Do not turn and twist. My swing is a lizard.
Do not tremble or shake."
When a group gathers under a house to pop corn in the burning rice
chaff, they chant:
"Pop, pop, become like the privates of a woman.
Make a noise, make a noise, like the clay jar.
Pop, pop, like the coconut shell dish.
Sagai, sagai, [75] make a noise like the big jar."
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