The Tinguian
Fay-Cooper Cole

Part 2 out of 6

When the smoke blows toward a part of the children, the others sing
over and over:

"Deep water here; high land there."

A favorite game is played by a number of children. Part stand on the
edge of a bank, part below. Those above sing, "Jump down, where the
big stone is, the big stone which swallows people. Big stone, which
swallows people, where are you?" To this the children below reply,
"I am here. I am the big rock which swallows men. Come down here." As
those on the bank jump down, they are piled upon, and a free-for-all
tussel ensues. In the midst of this, one of the players suddenly sings
out, "I am a deer in--, I am very fat." With this he starts off on a
run, and the rest of the party, now suddenly transformed into dogs,
take up the chase, yelping and barking. When the deer becomes tired,
he makes for the water, where he is considered safe; but if he is
caught, he is rolled and bitten by the dogs.

Another game played by both boys and girls is known as _maysansani_,
and is much like hide-and-go-seek. One boy holds out an open hand,
and the others lay their fingers in his palm, while the leader counts,
_maysansani_, _duan-nani_, _mataltali_, [76] _ocop_. As _ocop_ ("four"
or "ready") is pronounced, the boy quickly closes his hand in order to
catch a finger. If he succeeds, the prisoner puts his hands over his
eyes, and the leader holds him, while the others run and hide. When
all are ready, he is released, and then must find all the players;
or he is beaten on the forearm with the first and second fingers of
all the participants, or they may pick him up by his head and feet,
and whirl him about.

Like European children, they have a set of small sayings or acts for
use on appropriate occasions. A youngster may come up to another who
is eating a luscious mango; when requested for a bite, he is apt to
draw down the lower lid of his eye and coolly answer, "I will make a
sound like swallowing for you," and then go on with the feast. He may
even hold out the tempting fruit, as if to comply with the request,
then suddenly jerk it back and shout "kilat." [77] This is often the
signal for a scuffle.

As the children grow older, they begin more and more to take their
place in the village life. The little girl becomes the chief guardian
of a new arrival in the family; and with the little one strapped on
her back, she romps and plays, while the baby enjoys it all or sleeps
serenely (Plate XII). The boy also assists his father and mother in
the fields, but still he finds some time for games of a more definite
character than those just described. Probably the most popular of
these is known as _agbita_ or _lipi_.

This is played with the large disk-shaped seeds of the _lipi_ plant
(Ilocano _lipai_). Each player puts two disks in line, then all go
to a distance and shoot toward them. The shooter is held between the
thumb and first finger of the left hand, and is propelled forward by
the index finger of the right. The one whose seed goes the farthest
gets first shot, and the others follow in order. All seeds knocked
down belong to the player, and if any are still in line after each
has had his turn, the leader shoots again. When each boy has had two
shots, or when all the disks are down, a new line is made; and he
whose seed lies at the greatest distance shoots first.

Another common game is _patpatinglad_, which has certain resemblances
to cricket. A small cylinder-shaped missel, called _papa-anak_
("little duck"), about four inches long, is set in a shallow groove,
so that one end stands free; it is then struck and batted with a bamboo
stock--_papa-ina_ ("mother duck"). The lad who has driven his missel
the farthest is the winner, and hence has the privilege of batting
away the _papa-anak_ of the other players, so that they will have to
chase them. If he likes, he may take hold of the feet of a looser
and compel him to walk on his hands to secure this missel. A loser
is sometimes taken by the head and feet, and is swung in a circle,

A game frequently seen in the lowland valleys is also common to the
Ilocano children, who call it San Pedro. Lines are drawn on the ground
to enclose a space about thirty feet square (see diagram Fig. 2). The
boys at d try to run between the lines, and at the same time evade
the guards a, b, and c. Guard a can run along line 1, or 4 as far
as 2. Guard b must stay on line 2; and c must keep on 3. When the
runners are captured, they become the guards.

From the preceding paragraphs it may be surmized that the youth is
quite untrained and untaught. It is true that he spends no time in a
class-room; he passes through no initiation at the time of puberty,
neither are there ceremonies or observances of any kind which reveal
to him the secret knowledge of the tribe, yet he quickly learns his
place in society, and at an early age begins to absorb its customs and
beliefs. He sits about the village fires in the evenings, and listens
to the tales of long ago, or hears the elders discuss the problems
of their daily life. During the hot midday hours, he lounges in the
field-houses, while his parents relate the fate of lazy children;
or tell of punishments sent by the spirits on those who fail to
follow the customs of the ancestors, or give heed to the omens. He
attends the ceremonies, where he not only learns the details of these
important events, but with his own eyes sees the bodies of the mediums
possessed by superior beings, and thus the close relationship of the
spirit world to his people is forcibly brought to his notice. He is
never debarred from the dances or other activities; in fact, he is
encouraged to take part in them or to imitate his elders. Soon custom
gathers him into its net, and unless he is the exceptional individual,
or comes in intimate contact with outsiders, he never escapes.

It has already been seen that he begins very early to take an active
part in the village life, but it is many years before he assumes a
position of importance in the group. It is only when age and experience
have gained for him the respect of his fellows that he begins to have
a voice in the more weighty affairs of Tinguian life.

_Engagement and Marriage_.--Since there are no clans or other
groupings to limit the number of families in which unions may be
contracted, the only impediments are former marriage ties or blood
relationship. Cousins may not marry, neither is a man allowed to wed
his step-sister, his wife's sister, or her mother.

Engagement takes place while the children are very young, sometimes
while they are still babes-in-arms; but usually the contract is made
when they are six or eight years of age.

The boy's parents take the initiative, and having selected a suitable
girl, they broach the subject to her family. This is not done directly,
but through an intermediary, generally a relative, "who can talk much
and well." He carries with him three beads--one red, one yellow,
and one agate, [78] which he offers "as an evidence of affection,"
and then proceeds to relate the many desirable qualities of the
groom and his family, as well as the advantages to be gained by the
union. If the suit is favored, the beads are attached to the girl's
wrist as a sign of her engagement, and a day is set for the _pakalon_
[79] or price fixing.

On the appointed day, friends and relatives gather at the girl's
home and, after several hours of feasting and drinking, settle down
to the real business on hand. A large pig is slaughtered, and its
liver is carefully examined; for, should the omens be unfavorable,
it would be useless to continue the negotiations further at that time
(cf. p. 307). If the signs are good, the happy crowd forms a circle,
and then begins a long and noisy discussion of the price which the girl
should bring. Theoretically, the payment is made in horses, carabao,
jars, blankets, and rice, but as each article is considered as having
a value of five pesos ($2.50), the money is frequently substituted,
especially by people in poor circumstances.

A portion of the agreed price is paid at once, and is distributed
between the girl's parents and her relatives, who thus become vitally
interested in the successful termination of the match; for should
it fail of consummation, they must return the gifts received. The
balance of the payment is often delayed for a considerable time,
and it not infrequently happens that there is still a balance due
when the man dies. In such a case no division of his property can be
made until the marriage agreement is settled in full.

The completion of the list is the signal for great rejoicing; liquor
circulates freely, the men sing _daleng_ (cf. p. 440), and _tadek_
(cf. p. 440) is danced far into the night.

In the yard where the dancing takes place, three inverted rice-mortars
are placed one above the other, "to serve as a table for the spirits
who always attend." A dish of liquor is placed on it, while at its
side is a spear decorated with a man's belt.

These engagement-parties are the great social affairs of the year,
and friends will journey long distances to be present, but the
betrothed couple is seldom in evidence, and in many instances the
groom is absent.

Following their engagement the children live with their parents until
such a time as they are considered old enough to maintain their own
home. If the lad comes from a well-to-do family, it is probable that
the final ceremony will take place before either of the couple reaches
puberty; but, if the groom must earn a living, the marriage may be
delayed until he is eighteen or nineteen years old (Plate XIII).

When the time for the fulfillment of the agreement arrives, the boy
goes, in company, at night to the girl's house. He has a headaxe
hanging from his belt, but he is the only one so armed. An earlier
writer [80] has described a feigned attack on the house of the bride
as a part of the marriage ceremony, but the present writer did not
witness anything of the sort, nor could he learn of any such action.

The groom carries with him a small part of the marriage payment and a
valuable jar; these he presents to his parents-in-law, and from that
time on he may never call them or their near relatives by name. Should
he do so, "he will have boils and the first child will be insane."

The bride's people have provided a coconut shell filled with water
and a wooden dish [81] containing cooked rice. These are placed
between the couple, as they sit in the center of the room (Plate
XIV). The boy's mother drops two beads into the shell cup, and bids
them drink; for, "as the two beads always go together at the bottom,
so you will go together and will not part. The cool water will keep
you from becoming angry."

Great care must be exercised in handling the cup; for should the
contents be shaken the couple will become dizzy, and in old age
their heads and hands will shake. After they have drunk, each takes
a handful of rice, and squeezes it into a ball. The girl drops hers
through the slits in the bamboo floor as an offering to the spirits,
but the boy tosses his into the air. If it breaks or rolls, it is a
bad sign, and the couple is apt to part, or their children die. In
such a circumstance, the marriage is usually deferred, and tried
again at a later date; but repeated scattering of the rice generally
results in the annulling of the agreement. [82] Should anything in the
dwelling fall or be broken during the ceremony, it is halted at once;
to proceed further that night would be to court misfortune. However,
it may be undertaken again a few days later.

The guests depart immediately after the rice ceremony. No food or
drink is offered to them, nor is there any kind of celebration. [83]

That night the couple sleep with a pillow between them, [84] and
under the groom's pillow is a head-axe. Early in the morning, the
girl's mother or some other elderly female of her family awakens
them, and leads the way to the village spring. Arriving there, she
pours water in a coconut shell, which contains a cigar from which the
couple have drawn smoke; [85] she adds leaves of bamboo and _agiwas_,
and washes their faces with the liquid, "to show that they now have
all in common; that the tobacco may keep them and their children from
becoming insane; that the _agiwas_ will keep them in health; and the
bamboo will make them strong and insure many children, the same as it
has many sprouts." On their way home, the boy cuts a _dangla_ shrub
(_Vitex negundo_ L.) with his head-axe, and later attaches it to the
door of their home, "so that they may have many children."

Throughout that day the doors and windows are kept tightly closed;
for should the young people see birds or chickens having intercourse,
they are apt to become insane, and their first born have sore or
crossed eyes.

The next morning is known as _sipsipot_ ("the watching"). Accompanied
by the girl's parents, the couple goes to the father's fields. On
the way they carefully observe any signs which animals, birds, or
nature, may give them. When they reach the fields, the boy shows his
respect for his elders by cutting the grass along the borders with
his head-axe. This service also counteracts any bad sign which they
may have received that morning. He next takes a little of the soil on
his axe, and both he and his bride taste of it, "so that the ground
will yield good harvests" for them, and they will become rich. [86]

Nowadays the couple goes to the home, prepared by the groom and his
parents, as soon as it is ready, but the tales indicate [87] that in
former times they lived for a time with the boy's parents. They are
accompanied by the groom's mother, and go very early in the morning,
as they are then less apt to receive bad signs from the birds. The girl
carries her sleeping mat and two pillows; but before she has deposited
these in her new dwelling, she seats herself on the bamboo floor with
her legs stretched out in front. It then becomes necessary for the
groom to present her with a string of agate beads equal in length to
the combined width of the bamboo slats which she covers. Before she
can eat of her husband's rice, he must give her a string of beads,
or she will become ill; she may not open his granary until a like
present has been given, or the resident spirit will make her blind;
neither may she take food from the pots or water from the jars,
until other beads have been presented to her.

If the girl comes from another village, it is customary to make a
payment to her parents for each stream crossed on the journey to the
new home; another is demanded before she goes up the house ladder,
and still others when she enters the house, and her belongings are
brought in. [88]

A common occurrence in Ba-ak and the San Juan district is for the
parents of the girl to spread rows of baskets, Chinese plates or jars
on the floor and to offer them to the groom. Before he can accept
them, he must make a return gift of money, beads, and the like for
each one. It is explained by the elders that, when the young people
see all the gifts spread out on the floor, they will appreciate the
expense involved, and will be less likely to separate.

If at any time the relatives of the girl have reason to doubt the
husband's affection, they go to his home, and hold a gathering known
as _nagkakalo-nan_. They place a pig, a jar, and a number of baskets
on the floor; and the husband is obliged to exchange money and other
gifts for them, if he desires to convince the people of his continued
love. After the pig has been served as food, the old men deliberate;
and should they decide that the relatives have erred, they assess
the whole cost of the gathering to the plaintiffs, and return the
gifts. If the charge is sustained, the relatives recover the price of
the pig, and retain the articles received in exchange for the baskets
and dishes.

Divorce is not uncommon, and is effected by a council similar to that
just described. An attempt to reconcile the couple is made, but if that
fails, the old men decide who is at fault, and assess the expenses of
the gathering to that one. If blame attaches to the husband, he must
complete any part of the marriage price still due; but if the woman is
guilty, her parents and relatives must return the gifts distributed at
the time of the engagement. The chief causes for divorce are cruelty
or laziness on the part of the man, or unfaithfulness of the woman.

Small children are generally left with the mother, but when they are
old enough to decide, they may choose between their parents. However,
the father must aid in the support of his offspring, and they share
in his property when he dies. Either party to a divorce may remarry
at any time.

The Tinguian recognize only one wife, but a man may have as many
concubines (_pota_), as he can secure. The _pota_ lives in a house
of her own, but she is held somewhat in contempt by the other woman,
and is seldom seen in the social gatherings or in other homes. Her
children belong to the father, and she has no right of appeal to
the old men, except in cases of cruelty. Men with concubines do not
suffer in the estimation of their fellows, but are considered clever
to have won two or three women.

The _pota_ is generally faithful to one man, and prostitution is
almost unknown. Unfaithfulness on the part of a betrothed girl, or
wife, or even a _pota_ is almost certain to cause serious trouble,
and is likely to end in a murder.

The early pledging and marriage of the children has reduced illicit
sexual intercourse to a minimum; nevertheless, it sometimes happens
that an unbetrothed girl, not a _pota_, is found to be pregnant. In
such a case the man is expected to make a gift of about one hundred
pesos to the girl's people, and he must support the child when finally
it comes into his keeping. Neither party to such an occurrence loses
standing in the community unless the father should fail to redeem
the child. Should this happen, he would be a subject of ridicule
in the community, and a fine might also result. The usual outcome
of such an illicit union is that the girl becomes the _pota_ of her
child's father.

_Death and Burial_.--Sickness and death are usually caused by
unfriendly spirits; [89] sometimes Kadaklan himself thus punishes
those who refuse to obey the customs; sometimes they are brought
about by mortals who practise magic, or by individuals themselves as
punishment for violated taboos; and finally violent death is recognized
as coming from human agency.

The methods of cajoling the spirits, of overcoming magic, and
thwarting evil designs are discussed in another chapter (cf. pp. 295
_et seq_.). If all these fail, and the patient dies, the family and
relatives at once don old garments, and enter on a period of mourning,
while friends and relatives assist in the disposal of the corpse.

A funeral is a great event in a Tinguian village. The dead is bathed,
"so that his spirit [90] may be clean," and is placed in a bamboo seat
at the end of the house. This seat, which is known as _sangadel_,
is constructed by placing three long bamboo poles against the wall
and resting a frame of bamboo slats on them, to a height of about
three feet. A mat is attached to the top, and is stretched onto the
floor in front.

The corpse is dressed in its best garments, beads and silver wire
surround its neck, while above and about it are many valuable blankets,
belts, clouts, woven skirts, and the like, which the spirit is to take
with him to the ancestors in Maglawa, his future home. A live chicken
is placed behind the chair as an offering, but following the funeral
it becomes the property of the friend, who removes the poles from
the house. The flesh of a small pig is also offered to the spirits,
while the intestines are hung just outside the door, until the body
is buried. In the yard at the north-east corner of the house stands an
inverted rice-mortar on which is a dish of _basi_,--an offering to the
spirit Al-lot, who in return prevents the people from becoming angry.

The needs of the spirit of the deceased are looked after by the members
of the family. It is their duty to place two small jars of liquor
near to the corpse and to bring food to it, when the others are eating.

Up to this point only those spirits who attend the ceremony with
friendly intent have been provided for, but the Tinguian realize
that there are others who must be kept at a distance or at least be
compelled to leave the body unharmed. The first of these evil beings
to be guarded against is Kadongayan, [91] who in former times used
to attend each funeral and amuse himself by sliting the mouth of the
corpse, so that it extended from ear to ear. Through the friendly
instruction of Kaboniyan it was learned that, if a live chicken, with
its mouth split down to its throat, were fastened to the door of the
house, its suffering would be noticed by the evil spirit, who, fearing
similar treatment, would not attempt to enter the dwelling. [92]

The spirit Ibwa is also much feared. [93] Long ago he used to
mingle with the people in human form, without harming them, but
the thoughtless act of a mourner started him on the evil course
he has since pursued. In those times, it is said, the corpse was
kept in the dwelling seven days; and, as the body decomposed, the
liquid which came from it was caught in dishes, and was placed in the
grave. On the occasion referred to, he was handed a cup of the "lard"
to drink. He immediately acquired a great liking for this disgusting
dish, and frequently even devoured the body as well. Since he fears
iron, it is possible to drive him away by using metal weapons. It is
also necessary to guard the grave against him and the spirit Selday,
who demands blood or the corpse.

Akop is another evil spirit, who has a head, long slimy arms and
legs, but no body. He is always near the place of death, awaiting an
opportunity to embrace the spouse of the deceased, and once let the
living feel his cold embrace, death is sure to follow. So a barricade
of pillows is erected at one corner of the room, and behind this the
wife is compelled to remain during the three days the body is kept in
the house, while throughout the night she sleeps under a fish net, in
the meshes of which the long fingers of the spirit are sure to become
entangled. Meanwhile, two or three old women sit near the corpse
fanning it and wailing continually, at the same time keeping close
watch to prevent the spirits from approaching the body or the widow
(Plate XVI). From time to time the wife may creep over to the corpse,
and wailing and caressing it beg the spirit not to depart. [94]
According to custom, she has already taken off her beads, has put
on old garments and a bark head-band, and has placed over her head
a large white blanket, which she wears until after the burial. [95]
Likewise all the relatives don old garments, and are barred from all
work. The immediate family is under still stricter rules. Corn is their
only food; they may not touch anything bloody, neither can they swing
their arms as they walk. They are prohibited from mounting a horse,
and under no circumstances are they allowed to leave the village
or join in merry-making. Failure to obey these rules is followed by
swift punishment, generally meted out by the spirit of the dead. [96]
Except for the wife, these restrictions are raised after the blood and
oil ceremony (described in a later paragraph), but the widow continues
in mourning until the Layog is celebrated, at the end of a year.

According to many informants among the older men, it was formerly
necessary, following the death of an adult, for the men to put on
white head-bands and go out on a head-hunt. Until their return it was
impossible to hold the ceremony which released the relatives from the
taboo. [97] During the first two days that the body is in the house,
the friends and relatives gather to do honor to the dead and to partake
of the food and drink, which are always freely given at such a time;
but there is neither music, singing, or dancing. [98]

On the morning of the third day, the male guests assemble in the
yard, and after drinking _basi_ they select one of their number
and proceed to beat him across the wrist or thigh, with a light rod
(Plate XVII). Two hundred blows are required, but since the stick is
split at one end only, one hundred strokes are given. This whipping is
not severe, but the repeated blows are sufficient to cause the flesh
to swell. As soon as the first man is beaten, he takes the rod and
then proceeds to apply one hundred and fifty strokes [99] to each man
present, excepting only those whose wives are pregnant. Should one
of the latter be punished, his wife would suffer a miscarriage. The
avowed purpose of this whipping is "to make all the people feel as
sorry as the relatives of the dead man."

Burial in most of the valley towns is beneath the house, "as it is
much easier to defend the body against evil spirits, and the grave
is also protected against the rain." In Manabo and many mountain
villages, however, burial is in the yard. It is customary to open a
grave already occupied by several of the relatives of the deceased.

Toward noon of the last day, some of the men begin clearing away the
bamboo, which protects the old burial, and to remove the dirt.

The grave is generally of one of the forms indicated in Fig. 3,
and when a depth of about three feet has been reached, the workers
encounter stone slabs which protect a lower chamber. [100] When
these are reached, the diggers make an opening and thrusting in
burning pine-sticks, they call to the dead within, "You must light
your pipes with these." As soon as the slabs are raised, the oldest
female relative of the deceased goes into the grave, gathers up
the bones of the last person interred, ties them into a bundle,
and reburies them in one corner. There is at present no such type
of burial chamber, as is described by _La Gironiere_, [101] nor is
there a memory or tradition of such an arrangement. As his visit took
place less than a century ago, it is unlikely that all trace of it
would have been lost. The heavy rainfall in this district would make
the construction and maintenance of such a chamber almost impossible,
while the dread of leaving the corpses thus exposed to hostile spirits
and the raids of enemies in search of heads would also argue against
such a practice. His description of the mummifying or drying of the
corpse by means of fires built around it [102] is likewise denied by
the old men of Manabo, who insist that they never had such a custom. It
certainly does not exist to-day. In a culture, in which the influence
of custom is as strong as it is here, it would seem that the care of
the corpse, which is intimately related to the condition of the spirit
in its final abode, would be one of the last things to change, while
the proceedings following a death are to-day so uniform throughout
the Tinguian belt, that they argue for a considerable antiquity.

When the grave is ready, the fact is announced in the dwelling, and is
the signal for renewed lamentation. The wife and near relatives throw
themselves on the corpse, caressing it and crying wildly. Whatever
there may have been of duty or respect in the wailing of the first two
days, this parting burst of sorrow is genuine. Tears stand in the eyes
of many, while others cease their wailing and sob convulsively. After
a time an old woman brings in some _oldot_ seeds, each strung on a
thread, and fastens one on the wrist of each person, as a protection
against the evil spirit Akop, who, having been defeated in his designs
against the widow, may seek to vent his anger on others.

When this has been done, a medium seats herself in front of the
body; and, covering her face with her hands, begins to chant and
wail, bidding the spirit to enter her body. Suddenly she falls back
in a faint, while suppressed excitement is manifested by all the
onlookers. After a moment or two, fire and water are placed at her
head and feet, "in order to frighten the spirit away," and then the
medium gives the last message of the dead man to his family. This is,
except for very rare exceptions, the only time that the spirits of the
deceased communicate with mortals; and it is, so far as the writer has
been able to learn, the only occasion when the medium repeats messages
given to her. At other times she is possessed by natural spirits,
[103] who then talk directly with mortals.

As a last preparation for the grave, a small hole is burned in each
garment worn by the dead person, for otherwise the spirit Ibwa will
envy him his clothing and attempt to steal them. The corpse is then
wrapped in a mat, and is carried from the house. [104] The bearers
go directly to the _balaua,_ [105] and rest the body in it for a
moment. Unless this is done, the spirit will be poor in its future
life and unable to build _balaua_.

The body is deposited full length in the grave, the stone slabs are
relaid, the chinks between them filled in with damp clay, and the
grave is refilled. [106] As the last earth is pushed in, a small pig
is killed, and its blood is sprinkled on the loose soil. Meanwhile
Selday is besought to respect the grave and leave it untouched. The
animal is cut up, and a small piece is given to each guest, who will
stop on the way to his home, and place the meat on the ground as an
offering, meanwhile repeating a _diam_. Should he fail to do this,
sickness or death is certain to visit his home or village.

As a further protection against evily disposed spirits, especially
Ibwa, an iron plough-point is placed over the grave, "for most evil
spirits fear iron;" and during this night and the nine succeeding,
a fire is kept burning at the grave and at the foot of the
house-ladder. [107]

That night the men spend about an hour in the house of mourning,
singing _sang-sangit_, a song in which they praise the dead man,
encourage the widow, and bespeak the welfare of the family. The wailers
still remain in the dwelling to protect the widow, and a male relative
is detailed to see that the fire at the foot of the ladder is kept
burning brightly.

Early the next morning, the widow, closely guarded by the wailers,
goes to the river, throws her headband into the water, and then goes
in herself. As she sinks in the water, an old man throws a bundle
of burning rice-straw on her. "The water will wash away some of
the sorrow, and the fire will make her thoughts clear." Upon her
return to the village, the grave is enclosed with a bamboo fence,
and above it is hung a shallow box-like frame, known as _patay_, in
which are placed the articles needed by the spirit. [108] Within the
house the mat and pillow of the dead are laid ready for use, and at
meal time food is placed beside it. The length of time that the mat
is left spread out differs somewhat between towns and families. In
some cases it is taken up at the end of the period of taboo, while in
others it is not rolled up; nor are the windows of the house opened
until after the celebration of the _Layog_ ceremony, a year later.

The taboo is usually strictly observed through ten days; but should
there be some urgent reason, such as planting or reaping, it may
be raised somewhat earlier. It is concluded by the blood and oil
ceremony. The _lakay_, the other old men of the settlement, and all
the relatives, gather in the house of mourning, while the mediums
prepare for the ceremony. They kill a small pig and collect its blood
in a dish; in another receptacle they place oil. A brush has been
made out of a variety of leaves, and this the medium dips into the
blood and oil, then draws it over the wrists or ankles of each person
present, meanwhile saying, "Let the _lew-lew_ (_Fiscus hauili_ Blanco)
leaves take the sickness and death to another town; let the _kawayan_
("bamboo") make them grow fast and be strong as it is, and have many
branches; let the _atilwag_ (_Breynia acuminata_ Nuell. Arg.) turn
the sickness to other towns." A little oil is rubbed on the head
of each person present; and all, except the widow, are then freed
from restrictions. She must still refrain from wearing her beads,
ornaments, or good clothing; and she is barred from taking part in
any merry-making until after the _Layog_ ceremony. [109]

At the conclusion of the anointing, the old men discuss the disposal
of the property and other matters of importance in connection with
the death.

_The Layog_. [110]--Several months after the burial (generally after
the lapse of a year), the friends and relatives are summoned in the
_Layog_,--a ceremony held with the avowed intention "to show respect
for the dead and to cause the family to forget their sorrow." Friends
come from near and far; and rice, pigs, cows or carabaos are prepared
for food, while _basi_ flows freely. It is said that the liquor
served at this time is "like tears for the dead." A medium goes to
the guardian stones of the village, and there offers rice mixed with
blood; she oils the stones, places new yellow headbands on each one,
and after dancing _tadek_, returns to the gathering. Often she is
accompanied by a number of men, who shout on their return trip "to
frighten away evil spirits."

Near the house a chair is made ready for the deceased, and in it are
placed clothing and food. In the yard four crossed spears form the
frame-work on which a shield rests (Plate XVIII) [111] and on this
are beads, food, and garments--offerings for the spirits; while near
the house ladder is the spirits' table made of inverted rice mortars.

The duration of this ceremony depends largely on the wealth of the
family, for the relatives must furnish everything needed at this
time. Games are played, and there is much drinking and singing; but
before the members of the family may take part, they are dressed in
good garments, and the blood and oil ceremony is repeated on them. At
the conclusion of the dancing, they go into the house, roll up the mat
used by the dead, open the doors and windows, and all are again free
to do as they wish. Should they fail to roll up the mat at this time,
it must remain until another _Layog_ is held; and during the interval
all the former restrictions are in force. [112]

About twenty years ago, a great number of people in Patok died
of cholera; and since then the people of that village have held a
_Layog_ in their honor each November, to the expense of which all
contribute. As this is just before the rice-harvest, a time when all
the people wear their best garments, it is customary for the old men
to allow bereaved families to participate in this ceremony and then
release them from mourning.

_Beliefs Concerning the Spirit of the Dead_.--Direct questioning brings
out some differences of opinion, in the various districts, concerning
the spirit of the dead. In Manabo, a town influenced both by the
Igorot of the Upit River valley and the Christianized Ilocano of San
Jose, the spirit is said to go at once to the great spirit Kadaklan,
and then to continue on "to the town where it lives." "It is like a
person, but is so light that it can be carried along by the wind when
it blows." [113] The people of Ba-ay, a mountain village partially
made up of immigrants from the eastern side of the Cordillera Central,
claim that the spirits of the dead go to a mountain called Singet,
where they have a great town. Here, it is also stated, the good are
rewarded with fine houses, while the bad have to be content with
hovels. The general belief, however, is that the spirit (_kalading_)
has a body like that of the living person, but is usually invisible,
although spirits have appeared, and have even sought to injure living
beings. Immediately following death, the spirit stays near to its
old home, ready to take vengeance on any relative, who fails to show
his body proper respect. After the blood and oil ceremony, he goes to
his future home, Maglawa, carrying with him gifts for the ancestors,
which the people have placed about his corpse. In Maglawa he finds
conditions much the same as on earth; people are rich and poor;
they need houses; they plant and reap; and they conduct ceremonies
for the superior beings, just as they had done during their life
on earth. Beyond this, the people do not pretend to be posted, "for
Kaboniyan did not tell." With the exception of the people of Ba-ay
and a few individuals influenced by Christianity, the Tinguian has no
idea of reward or punishment in the future life, but he does believe
that the position of the spirit in its new home can be affected by the
acts of the living (cf. p. 289). No trace of a belief in re-incarnation
was found in any district inhabited by this tribe.

_Life and Death_.--The foregoing details concerning birth, childhood,
sickness, and death, seem to give us an insight into the Tinguian
conception of life and death. For him life and death do not
appear to be but incidents in an endless cycle of birth, death,
and re-incarnation ad infinitum, such as pictured by _Levy-Bruhl_;
[114] yet, in many instances, his acts and beliefs fit in closely
with the theory outlined by that author. In this society, there is
only a weak line of demarcation between the living and the dead, and
the dead for a time at least participate more or less in the life of
the living. This is equally true of the unborn child, whose future
condition, physical and mental, may be largely moulded by the acts of
others. According to _Levy-Bruhl_, this would indicate that the child
at delivery is not fully born, is not as yet a member of the group;
and the succeeding ceremonies are necessary to its full participation
in life. Death is likewise of long duration. Following the last breath,
the spirit remains near by until the magic power of the funeral severs,
to an extent, his participation with society. The purpose of the final
ceremony is to complete the rupture between the living and the dead.

To the writer, the facts of Tinguian life and beliefs suggest a
somewhat different explanation. We have seen how strong individuals
may be affected by magical practices. The close connection between an
individual, his garments, or even his name, must be considered to apply
with quite as much force to the helpless infant and the afterbirth. So
strong is this bond, that even unintentional acts may injure the
babe. Evil spirits are always near; and, unless great precautions are
taken, they will injure adults if they can get them at a disadvantage,
particularly when they are asleep. The child is not able to protect
itself from these beings; therefore the adults perform such acts, as
they think will secure the good will and help of friendly spirits,
while they bribe or buy up those who might otherwise be hostile;
and lastly they make use of such magical objects and ceremonies,
as will compel the evil spirits to leave the infant alone. As the
child grows in size and strength, he is less in need of protection;
and at an early age he is treated like the other younger members of
the community. Naming follows almost immediately after birth, while
puberty and initiation ceremonies are entirely lacking. Apparently
then, a child is considered as being fully alive at birth, and at no
time does he undergo any rites or ceremonies which make him more a
part of the community than he was on the first day he saw the light.

When death occurs, the spirit remains near to the corpse until after
the funeral, and even then is close by until the ten days of taboo are
over. He still finds need of nourishment, and hence food is placed
near to his mat. As at birth, he is not in a position to protect
his body from the designs of evil spirits, and if his relatives
fail to give the corpse proper care, it is certain to be mutilated;
likewise certain acts of the living towards the corpse can affect the
position of the spirit in Maglawa. Hence it is of supreme importance
that the former owner guards against any possible neglect or injury
to the body, and it seems plausible that the presence of the spirit
near its old haunts may be for the purpose of seeing that its body
is carefully attended to. The folktales tell of several instances,
in which the spirits took vengeance on relatives who neglected their
bodies, or violated the period of taboo. [115]

When the danger period is past, the spirit at once leaves its old home,
and returns again only at the time of the _Layog_. From that time on,
he continues his existence in the upper world, neither troubling,
nor being troubled by mortals on earth. [116] Ancestor worship does
not occur here, nor are offerings made to the dead, other than those
described above.



The Tinguian has been taught by his elders that he is surrounded by
a great body of spirits, some good, some malevolent. The folk-tales
handed down from ancient times add their authority to the teachings of
older generations, while the individual himself has seen the bodies
of the mediums possessed by the superior beings; he has communicated
with them direct, has seen them cure the sick and predict coming
events. At many a funeral, he has seen the medium squat before the
corpse, chanting a weird song, and then suddenly become possessed by
the spirit of the deceased; and, finally, he or some of his friends
or townspeople are confident that they have seen and talked to ghosts
of the recently departed. All these beings are real to him; he is so
certain of their existence that he seldom speculates about them or
their acts.

Some of these spirits are always near; and a part of them, at least,
take more than an ordinary interest in human affairs. Thanks to the
teachings of the elders, the Tinguian knows how to propitiate them;
and, if necessary, he may even compel friendly action on the part
of many. Toward the less powerful of the evily disposed beings, he
shows indifference or insolence; he may make fun of, or lie to, and
cheat them during the day, but he is careful to guard himself at night
against their machinations. To the more powerful he shows the utmost
respect; he offers them gifts of food, drink, and material objects;
and conducts ceremonies in the manner demanded by them. Having done
these things, he feels that he is a party to a bargain; and the spirits
must, on their part, repay by granting the benefits desired. Not
entirely content with these precautions, he performs certain magical
acts which prevent evil spirits from doing harm to an individual
or a community, and by the same means he is able to control storms,
the rise of streams, and the growth of crops. It is doubtful if the
Tinguian has ever speculated in regard to this magical force, yet he
clearly separates it from the power resident in the spirit world. It
appears to be a great undifferentiated force to which spirits, nature,
and men are subject alike.

If a troublesome question arises, or an evident inconsistency in
his beliefs is called to his attention, he disposes of it by the
simple statement that it is _kadauyan_ ("custom"), "was taught by
the ancestors," and hence is not subject to question.

His religion holds forth no threat of punishment in a future world,
neither are there rewards in that existence to urge men to better
deeds. The chief teaching is that the customs of ancient times must be
faithfully followed; to change is to show disrespect for the dead, for
the spirits who are responsible for the customs, which are synonymous
with law.

Custom and religion have become so closely interwoven in this society
that it is well-nigh impossible to separate them. The building of a
house, the planting, harvesting and care of the rice, the procedure at
a birth, wedding, or funeral, in short, all the events of the social
and economic life, are so governed by custom and religious beliefs,
that it is safe to say that nearly every act in the life of the
Tinguian is directed or affected by these forces.

Two classes of spirits are recognized; first, those who have existed
through all time, whom we shall call natural spirits; second, the
spirits of deceased mortals. The latter reside forever in Maglawa,
a place midway between earth and sky; but a small number of them have
joined the company of the natural spirits. Except for these few, they
are not worshiped, and no offerings are made to them, after the period
of mourning is past. The members of the first class cover a wide range,
from Kadaklan, the great spirit who resides above, to Kaboniyan,
the teacher and helper, to those resident in the guardian stones,
to the half human, half bird-like _alan_, to the low, mean spirits
who delight to annoy mortals. These beings are usually invisible,
but at times of ceremonies they enter the bodies of the mediums,
possess them, and thus communicate with the people. On rare occasions
they are visible in their own forms, as when Kaboniyan appeared as
the antagonist and later as the friend of Sayen. [117]

These beings are addressed, first through certain semi-magical
formulas, know as _diams_. These are seldom prayers or supplications,
but are a part of a definite ritual, the whole of which is expected
to gain definite favors.

At the beginning, and during the course of all ceremonies, animals are
killed. A part of the flesh and the blood is mixed with rice, and is
offered to the spirits; but the bulk of the offering is eaten by the
participants. Liquor is consumed in great quantities at such a time,
but a small amount is always poured out for the use of the superior
beings. Finally, the mediums summon the spirits into their bodies;
and, when possessed, they are no longer considered as persons,
but are the spirits themselves. The beings who appear in this way
talk directly with the people; they offer advice, give information
concerning affairs in the spirit world, and oftentimes they mingle
with the people on equal terms, joining in their dances and taking
a lively interest in their daily affairs.

The people seldom pray to or supplicate the invisible spirits; but when
they are present in the bodies of the mediums, they make requests, and
ask advice, as they would from any friend or acquaintance. With many,
the Tinguian is on amicable terms, while toward Kaboniyan he exhibits
a degree of respect and gratitude which is close to affection. He
realizes that there are many unfriendly spirits, but he has means of
controlling or thwarting their evil designs; and hence he does not
live in that state of perpetual fear which is so often pictured as
the condition of the savage.

_The Spirits_.--A great host of unnamed spirits are known to exist;
they often attend the ceremonies and sometimes enter the bodies of
the mediums, and in this way new figures appear from time to time. In
addition to these, there are certain superior beings who are well
known, and who, as already indicated, exercise a potent influence on
the daily life of the people. The following list will serve to give
some idea of these spirits and their attributes; while the names
of the less important will be found in connection with the detailed
description of the ceremonies.

Kadaklan ("the greatest"), a powerful male spirit, who lives in the
sky, created the earth, sun, moon, and stars. The stars are only
stones, but the sun and moon are lights. At times Kadaklan enters
the body of a favored medium, and talks directly with the people;
but more frequently he takes other means of communication. Oftentimes
he sends his dog Kimat, the lightening, to bite a tree or strike a
field or house, and in this way makes known his wish that the owner
celebrate the _Padiam_ ceremony (cf. p. 401). All other beings are
in a measure subservient to him, and his wishes are frequently made
known through them. Thunder is his drum with which he amuses himself
during stormy weather, but sometimes he plays on it even on clear days.

Agemem is the wife of Kadaklan. She lives in the ground. Little is
known of her except that she has given birth to two sons, [118] whose
chief duty is to see that the commands of their father are obeyed.

Adam and Baliyen are the sons of Kadaklan. The name of the first boy
is suggestive of Christian influence, but there are no traditions or
further details to link him with the Biblical character.

Kaboniyan is the friend and helper of the people, and by many is
classed above or identified with Kadaklan. At times he lives in the
sky; again in a great cave near Patok. [119] From this cave came the
jars which could talk and move, here were found the copper gongs used
in the dances, and here too grew the wonderful tree which bore the
agate beads so prized by the women. This spirit gave the Tinguian
rice and sugar-cane, taught them how to plant and reap, how to foil
the designs of ill-disposed spirits, the words of the _diams_ and the
details of many ceremonies. Further to bind himself to the people,
it is said, he married "in the first times" a woman from Manabo. He
is summoned in nearly every ceremony, and there are several accounts
of his having appeared in his own form. According to one of these,
he is of immense proportions; his spear is as large as a tree, and
his head-axe the size of the end of the house. [120]

Apdel is the spirit who resides in the guardian stones (_pinaing_)
at the gate of the town. During a ceremony, or when the men are away
for a fight, it becomes his special duty to protect the village from
sickness and enemies. He has been known to appear as a red rooster
or as a white dog.

Idadaya, who lives in the east (_daya_), is a powerful spirit who
attends the _Pala-an_ ceremony. He rides a horse, which he ties to
the little structure built during the rite. Ten grand-children reside
with him, and they all wear in their hair the _igam_ (notched feathers
attached to a stick). When these feathers lose their lustre, they can
only be restored by the celebration of _Pala-an_(cf. p. 328). Hence the
owners cause some mortal, who has the right to conduct the ceremony,
to become ill, and then inform him through the mediums as to the cause
of his affliction. The names of the grand-children are as follows:
Pensipenondosan, Logosen, Bakoden, Bing-gasan, Bakdangan, Giligen,
Idomalo, Agkabkabayo, Ebloyan, and Agtabtabokal.

Kaiba-an is the spirit who lives in the little house or _saloko_
in the rice-fields, and who protects the growing crops. Offerings
are made to him, when a new field is constructed, when the rice is
transplanted, and at harvest time. "The ground which grows" (that is
the nest of the white ant) is said to be made by him.

Makaboteng, also called Sanadan, is the guardian of the deer and wild
hogs. His good will is necessary if the dogs are to be successful in
the chase; consequently he is summoned to many ceremonies, where he
receives the most courteous treatment. In one ceremony he declared,
"I can become the sunset sky."

Sabian or Isabian is the guardian of the dogs.

Bisangolan ("the place of opening or tearing") is a gigantic spirit,
who lives near the river, and who in time of floods uses his head-axe
and walking-stick to keep the logs and refuse from jamming. "He is
very old, like the world, and he pulls out his beard with his finger
nails and his knife. His seat is a wooden plate." He appears in the
_Dawak_, _Tangpap_, and _Sayang_ ceremonies, holding a rooster and a
bundle of rice. In Ba-ak he is called Ibalinsogoan, and is the first
spirit summoned in _Dawak_.

Kakalonan, also known as Boboyonan, is the one who makes friends, and
who learns the source of troubles. When summoned at the beginning of
a ceremony, he tells what needs to be done, in order to insure the
results desired.

Sasagangen, sometimes called Ingalit, are spirits whose business
it is to take heads and put them on the _saga_ or in the _saloko_
(cf. p. 310). Headache is caused by them.

Abat are numerous spirits who cause sore feet and headache. _Salono_
and _bawi_ are built for them (cf. pp. 309-310). The spirits of Ibal,
who live in Daem, are responsible for most sickness among children,
but they are easily appeased with blood and rice. The Ibal ceremony
is held for them.

Maganawan, who lives in Nagbotobotan ("the place near which the rivers
empty into the hole, where all streams go") is one of the spirits,
called in the _Sangasang_ ceremony, and for whom the blood of the
rooster mixed with rice is put into the _saloko_, which stands in
the yard.

Inawen is a pregnant female spirit, who lives in the sea, and
who demands the blood of a chicken mixed with rice to satisfy her
capricious appetite. She also attends the _Sangasang_.

Kideng is a tall, fat spirit with nine heads. He is the servant of
Inawen, and carries the gifts of mortals to his mistress.

Ibwa is an evil spirit, who once mingled with the people in human
form. Due to the thoughtless act of a mourner at a funeral, he became
so addicted to the taste of human flesh, that it has since then been
necessary to protect the corpse from him. He fears iron, and hence
a piece of that metal is always laid on the grave. Holes are burned
in each garment placed on the body to keep him from stealing them.

Akop is likewise evil. He has a head, long slimy arms and legs, but no
body. He always frequents the place of death, and seeks to embrace the
spouse of the deceased. Should he succeed, death follows quickly. To
defeat his plans, the widow is closely guarded by the wailers; she
also sleeps under a fish net as an additional protection against his
long fingers, and she wears seeds which are disliked by this being.

Kadongayan indulges in the malicious sport of slitting the mouth of
the corpse back to the ears. In order to frighten him away, a live
chicken, with its mouth split to its throat, is placed by the door,
during the time the body is in the house. When he sees the sufferings
of the bird, he fears to enter the dwelling lest the people treat
him in the same manner.

Selday is an ill-disposed being. He causes people to have sore feet,
and only relieves them, when offerings are made to him in the _saloko_
or _bawi_. He lives in the wooded hill, but quickly learns of a
death, and appears at the open grave. Unless he is bought off with an
offering, the blood of a small pig, he is almost certain to make away
with the body, or cause a great sickness to visit the village. As
the mourners return home, after the burial, they place bits of the
slaughtered animal by the trail, so that he will not make them ill.

Bayon is a male spirit, who dwells in the sky, and who comes to
earth as a fresh breeze. He once stole a girl from Layogan, changed
her two breasts into one, placed this in the center of her chest,
and married her.

Lokadaya is the human wife of Bayon. She now appears to have joined
the company of the natural spirits and to be immortal. At times,
both she and her husband enter the bodies of the mediums.

Agonan is the spirit who knows many dialects. He lives in Dingolowan.

Gilen attends many ceremonies, and occupies an important place in
_Tangpap_; yet little is known of him.

Inginlaod are spirits who live in the west.

Ginobayan is a female spirit, always present in the _Tangpap_ ceremony.

Sangalo is a spirit who gives good and bad signs.

Dapeg, Balingen-ngen, Benisalsal, and Kikiba-an, are all disturbers
and mischief-makers. They cause illness, sore feet, headache, and bad
dreams. They are important only because of the frequency with which
they appear.

Al-lot attends festivals and prevents quarrels.

Liblibayan, Banbanayo, and Banbantay, are lesser spirits, who formerly
aided "the people of the first times."

The term "Alan" comprises a large body of spirits with half human,
half bird-like forms. They have wings and can fly; their toes are
at the back of their feet, and their fingers attach to the wrists
and point backward. Often they hang from the branches of trees,
like bats, but they are also pictured as having fine houses and great
riches. They are sometimes hostile or mischievous, but more frequently
are friendly. They play a very important part in the mythology,
but not in the cult. [121]

Komau is a giant spirit, who, according to tradition, was killed
by the hero Sayen. Among the Ilocano and some of the Tinguian, the
Komau is known as a great invisible bird, which steals people and
their possessions. He does not visit the people through the bodies
of the mediums.

Anito is a general term used to designate members of the spirit world.

A survey of the foregoing list brings out a noticeable lack of
nature-spirits; of trees, rocks, and natural formations considered as
animate; and of guardian spirits of families and industries. There is
a strong suggestion, however, in the folk-tales to the effect that
this has not always been the case; and even to-day there are some
conflicts regarding the status of certain spirits. In the village of
Manabo, thunder is known as Kidol; in Likuan and Bakaok, as Kido-ol;
and in each place he is recognized as a powerful spirit. In Ba-ay,
two types of lightning are known to be spirits. The flash from the sky
is Salit, that "from the ground" is Kilawit. Here thunder is Kadaklan,
but the sun is the all powerful being. He is male, and is "so powerful
that he does not need or desire ceremonies or houses." The moon is
likewise a powerful spirit, but female.

In the discussion of the tales [122] it was suggested that these and
other ideas, which differ from those held by the majority of the tribe,
may represent older conceptions, which have been swamped, or may have
been introduced into Abra by emigrants from the north and east.

_The Mediums_.--The superior beings talk with mortals through the aid
of mediums, known individually and collectively as _alopogan_ ("she who
covers her face"). [123] These are generally women past middle life,
though men are not barred from the profession, who, when chosen, are
made aware of the fact by having trembling fits when they are not cold,
by warnings in dreams, or by being informed by other mediums that they
are desired by the spirits. A woman may live the greater part of her
life without any idea of becoming a medium, and then because of such a
notification will undertake to qualify. She goes to one already versed,
and from her learns the details of the various ceremonies, the gifts
suitable for each spirit, and the chants or _diams_ which must be used
at certain times. This is a considerable task, for the _diams_ must be
learned word for word; and, likewise, each ceremony must be conducted,
just as it was taught by the spirits to the "people of the first
times." The training occupies several months; and when all is ready,
the candidate secures her _piling_. This is a collection of large
sea-shells attached to cords, which is kept in a small basket together
with a Chinese plate and a hundred fathoms of thread (Plate XIX). New
shells may be used, but it is preferable to secure, if possible, the
_piling_ of a dead medium. Being thus supplied, the novice seeks the
approval of the spirits and acceptance as a medium. The wishes of the
higher beings are learned by means of a ceremony, in the course of
which a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is scattered
on the ground. The liver of the animal is eagerly examined; for,
if certain marks appear on it, the candidate is rejected, or must
continue her period of probation for several months, before another
trial can be made. During this time she may aid in ceremonies, but
she is not possessed by the spirits. When finally accepted, she may
begin to summon the spirits into her body. She places offerings on a
mat, seats herself in front of them, and calls the attention of the
spirits by striking her _piling_, or a bit of lead, against a plate;
then covering her face with her hands, she begins to chant. Suddenly
she is possessed; and then, no longer as a human, but as the spirit
itself, she talks with the people, asking and answering questions,
or giving directions, as to what shall be done to avert sickness and
trouble, or to bring good fortune.

Certain mediums are visited only by low, mean spirits; others, by both
good and bad; while still others may be possessed even by Kadaklan, the
greatest of all. It is customary for the spirit of a deceased mortal to
enter the body of a medium, just before the corpse is to be buried, to
give messages to the family; but he seldom comes again in this manner.

The pay of a medium is small, usually a portion of a sacrificed
animal, a few bundles of rice, and some beads; but this payment is
more than offset by the restrictions placed on her. At no time may
she eat of carabao, wild pig, wild chicken, or shrimp; nor may she
touch peppers--all prized articles of food.

The inducements for a person to enter this vocation are so few that a
candidate begins her training with reluctance; but, once accepted by
the spirits, the medium yields herself fully and sincerely to their
wishes. When possessed by a spirit, her own personality is submerged,
and she does many things of which she is apparently ignorant, when
she emerges from the spell. Oftentimes, as she squats by the mat,
summoning the spirits, her eyes take on a far-away stare; the veins
of her face and neck stand out prominently, while the muscles of
her arms and legs are tense; then, as she is possessed, she assumes
the character and habits of the superior being. If it is a spirit
supposed to dwell in Igorot or Kalinga land, she speaks in a dialect
unfamiliar to her hearers, orders them to dance in Igorot fashion,
and then instructs them in dances, which she or her townspeople could
never have seen. [124] At times she carries on sleight-of-hand tricks,
as when she places beads in a dish of oil, and dances with it high
above her head, until the beads vanish. A day or two later she will
recover them from the hair of some participant in the ceremony. Most
of her acts are in accordance with a set procedure; yet at times she
goes further, and does things which seem quite inexplainable.

One evening, in the village of Manabo, we were attending a
ceremony. Spirit after spirit had appeared, and at their order dances
and other acts had taken place. About ten o'clock a brilliant flash
of lightning occurred, although it was not a stormy evening. The body
of the medium was at that time possessed by Amangau, a head-hunting
spirit. He at once stopped his dance, and announced that he had
just taken the head of a boy from Luluno, and that the people of
his village were even then dancing about the skull. Earlier in the
evening we had noticed this lad (evidently a consumptive) among
the spectators. When the spirit made this claim, we looked for him,
but he had vanished. A little later we learned that he had died of
a hemorrhage at about the time of the flash.

Such occurrences make a deep impression on the mind of the people,
and strengthen their belief in the spirit world; but, so far as could
be observed, the prestige of the medium was in nowise enhanced.

Since most of the ceremonies are held to keep the family or individual
in good health, the medium takes the place of a physician. She often
makes use of simple herbs and medicinal plants, but always with the
idea that the treatment is distasteful to the being, who has caused
the trouble, and not with any idea of its curative properties. Since
magic and religion are practically the same in this society, the
medium is the one who usually conducts or orders the magic rites;
and for the same reason she, better than all others, can read the
signs and omens sent by members of the spirit world.

_Magic and Omens_.--The folk-tales are filled with accounts of magical
acts, performed by "the people of the first times." They annihilated
time and space, commanded inanimate objects to do their will, created
human beings from pieces of betel-nut, and caused the magical increase
of food and drink. Those days have passed, yet magical acts still
pervade all the ceremonies; nature is overcome, while the power to
work evil by other than human means is a recognized fact of daily
life. In the detailed accounts of the ceremonies will be found many
examples of these magical acts, but the few here mentioned will give
a good idea of all.

In one ceremony, a blanket is placed over the family, and on their
heads a coconut is cut in two, and the halves are allowed to fall;
for, "as they drop to the ground, so does sickness and evil fall away
from the people." A bound pig is placed in the center of the floor,
and water is poured into its ear that, "as it shakes out the water,
so may evil spirits and sickness be thrown out of the place." At one
point in the _Tangpap_ ceremony, a boy takes the sacrificial blood
and rice from a large dish, and puts it in a number of smaller ones,
then returns it again to the first; for, "when the spirits make a
man sick, they take a part of his life. When they make him well, they
put it back, just as the boy takes away a part of the food, gives it
to the spirits, and then replaces it," The same idea appears in the
dance which follows. The boy and the medium take hold of a winnower,
raise it in the air, and dance half way around a rice-mortar; then
return, as they came, and replace it, "just as the spirits took away
a part of the patient's life, but now will put it back."

The whole life of a child can be determined, or at least largely
influenced, by the treatment given the afterbirth, while the use
of bamboo and other prolific plants, at this time and at a wedding,
promote growth and fertility.

A piece of charcoal attached to a certain type of notched stick is
placed in the rice-seed beds, and thus the new leaves are compelled
to turn the dark green color of sturdy plants.

If a river is overflowing its banks, it can be controlled by cutting
off a pig's head and throwing it into the waters. An even more certain
method is to have a woman, who was born on the other side of the river,
take her weaving baton and plant it on the bank. The water will not
rise past this barrier.

Blackening of the teeth is a semi-magical procedure. A mixture of
tan-bark and iron salts is twice applied to the teeth, and is allowed
to remain several hours; but, in order to obtain the desired result,
it is necessary to use the mixture after nightfall and to remove it,
before the cocks begin to crow, in the morning. If the fowls are heard,
while the teeth are being treated, they will remain white; likewise
they will refuse to take the color, should their owner approach a
corpse or grave.

On well-travelled trails one often sees, at the tops of high hills,
piles of stones, which have been built up during many years. As he
ascends a steep slope, each traveller picks up a small stone, and
carries it to the top, where he places it on the pile. As he does so,
he leaves his weariness behind him, and continues his journey fresh
and strong.

The use of love-charms is widespread: certain roots and leaves, when
oiled or dampened with saliva, give forth a pleasant odor, which
compels the affection of a woman, even in spite of her wishes. [125]

Evil magic, known as _gamot_ ("poison") is also extensively used. A
little dust taken from the footprint of a foe, a bit of clothing,
or an article recently handled by him, is placed in a dish of water,
and is stirred violently. Soon the victim begins to feel the effect
of this treatment, and within a few hours becomes insane. To make him
lame, it is only necessary to place poison on articles recently touched
by his feet. Death or impotency can be produced by placing poison on
his garments. A fly is named after a person, and is placed in a bamboo
tube. This is set near the fire, and in a short time the victim of the
plot is seized with fever. Likewise magical chants and dances, carried
on beneath a house, may bring death to all the people of the dwelling.

A combination of true poisoning and magical practice is also found. To
cause consumption or some wasting disease, a snake is killed, and
its head cut off; then the body is hung up, and the liquor coming
from the decomposing flesh is caught in a shell cup. This fluid
is introduced into the victim's food, or some of his belongings are
treated with it. If the subject dies, his relatives may get revenge on
the poisoner. This is accomplished by taking out the heart of a pig
and inserting it in the mouth or stomach of the victim. This must be
done under the cover of darkness, and the corpse be buried at once. A
high bamboo fence is then built around the grave, so that no one can
reach it. The person responsible for the death will fall ill at once,
and will die unless he is able to secure one of the victim's garments
or dirt from the grave.

The actual introduction of poison in food and drink is thought to be
very common. The writer attended one ceremony following which a large
number of the guests fell sick. The illness was ascribed to magic
poisoning, yet it was evident that the cause was over-indulgence in
fresh pork by people, who for months had eaten little if any meat.

_Omens_.--The ability to foretell future events by the flight or calls
of birds, actions of animals, by the condition of the liver and gall
of sacrificed pigs, or by the movements of certain articles under
the questioning of a medium, is an undoubted fact in this society.

A small bird known as _labeg_, is the messenger of the spirits,
who control the _Bakid_ and _Sangasang_ ceremonies. When this bird
enters the house, it is caught at once, its feathers are oiled; beads
are attached to its feet, and it is released with the promise that
the ceremony will be celebrated at once. This bird accompanies the
warriors, and warns or encourages them with its calls. If it flies
across their path from right to left, all is well; but if it comes
from the left, they must return home, or trouble will befall the party.

The spirits of _Sangasang_ make use of other birds and animals to
warn the builders of a house, if the location selected does not please
them. All the Tinguian know that the arrival of snakes, big lizards,
deer, or wild hogs at the site of a new house is a bad sign.

If a party or an individual is starting on a journey, and the
kingfisher _(salaksak)_ flies from in front toward the place just
left, it is a command to return at once; else illness in the village
or family will compel a later return. [126] Should the _koling_ cry
_awit, awit_ ("to carry, to carry"), an immediate return is necessary,
or a member of the party will die, and will be carried home. When a
snake crawls across the trail, and goes into a hole, it is a certain
warning that, unless the trip is given up, some of the party will die,
and be buried in the ground.

The falling of a tree across the trail, when the groom is on his
way to the home of his bride, threatens death for the couple, while
the breaking or falling of an object during the marriage ceremony
presages misfortune.

Not all the signs are evil; for, if a man is starting to hunt,
or trade, and he sees a hawk fly in front of him and catch a bird
or chicken, he may on that day secure all the game he can carry,
or can trade on his own terms.

All the foregoing are important, but the most constantly employed
method of foretelling the future is to examine the gall and liver
of slain pigs. These animals are killed in all great ceremonies,
at the conclusion of a medium's probation period, at birth, death,
and funeral observances, and for other important events. If a
head-hunt is to be attempted, the gall sack is removed, and is
carefully examined, for if it is large and full, and the liquor in
it is bitter, the enemy will be powerless; but if the sack is small,
and only partially filled with a weak liquor, it will fare ill with
the warriors who go into battle. For all other events, the liver
itself gives the signs. When it is full and smooth, the omens are
favorable; but if it is pitted, has black specks on it, is wrinkled,
or has cross lines on it, the spirits are ill-disposed, and the
project should be delayed. If, however, the matter is very urgent,
another pig or a fowl may be offered in the hope that the attitude
of the spirits may be changed. If the liver of the new sacrifice is
good, the ceremony or raid may continue. The blood of these animals
is always mixed with rice, and is scattered about for the superior
beings, but the flesh is cooked, and is consumed by the mortals. [127]

To recover stolen and misplaced articles or animals, one of three
methods is employed. The first is to attach a cord to a jar-cover or
the shells used by a medium. This is suspended so that it hangs freely,
and questions are put to it. If the answer is "yes," it will swing to
and fro. The second method is to place a bamboo stick horizontally on
the ground and then to stand an egg on it. As the question is asked,
the egg is released. If it falls, the answer is in the negative;
if it stands, it replies "yes." The third and more common way is to
place a head-axe on the ground, then to blow on the end of a spear
and put it point down on the blade of the axe. If it balances, the
answer is "yes."

_Ceremonial Structures and Paraphernalia_.--As has been indicated,
the Tinguian holds many ceremonies in honor of the superior beings;
and, in connection with these, builds numerous small structures,
and employs various paraphernalia, most of which bear definite names,
and have well established uses. Since a knowledge of these structures
and devices is necessary to a full understanding of the ceremonies,
an alphabetical list is here furnished, before proceeding to the
detailed discussion of the rites.

_Alalot_: Two arches of bamboo, which support a grass roof. A small jar
of _basi_ stands in this structure for the use of visiting spirits. Is
generally constructed during the _Sayang_ ceremony, but in Bakaok
it is built alone to cure sickness or to change a bad disposition
(Plate XX, No. 4).

_Aligang_: A four-pronged fork of a branch in which a jar of _basi_
and other offerings are placed for the Igorot spirits of Talegteg
(Salegseg). It is placed at the corner of the house during _Sayang_.

_Ansisilit_: The framework placed beside the guardian stones on the
sixteenth morning of _Sayang_. It closely resembles the _Inapapayag_.

_Balabago_ (known in Manabo as Talagan): A long bamboo bench with a
roofing of betel leaves. It is intended as a seat for guests, both
spirit and human, during important ceremonies.

_Balag_: A seat of wood or bamboo, placed close to the house-ladder
during the _Sayang_ ceremony. Above and beside it are _alangtin_
leaves, branches of the _lanoti_ tree, sugar-cane, and a leafy branch
of bamboo. Here also are found a net equipped with lead sinkers, a
top-shaped device, and short sections of bamboo filled with liquor. In
some towns this is the seat of the honored guest, who dips _basi_
for the dancers. In San Juan this seat is called _Patogau_.

_Balaua_: This, the largest and most important of the spirit
structures, is built during the _Sayang_ ceremony. The roofing is
of plaited bamboo, covered with cogon grass. This is supported by
eight uprights, which likewise furnish attachment for the bamboo
flooring. There are no sides to the building, but it is so sturdily
constructed that it lasts through several seasons. Except for the
times of ceremony, it is used as a lounging place for the men, or
as a loom-room by the women. Quite commonly poles are run lengthwise
of the structure, at the lower level of the roof; and this "attic,"
as well as the space beneath the floor, is used for the storage of
farming implements, bundles of rattan and thatching (Plate XXI).

_Balitang_: A large seat like the _Balabago_, but with a grass
roofing. It is used as a seat for visitors during great ceremonies
and festivals. This name is applied, in Manabo, to a little house,
built among the bananas for the spirit Imalbi.

_Bani-it_ or _Bunot_: Consists of a coconut husk suspended from a
pole. The feathers of a rooster are stuck into the sides. It is made
as a cure for sick-headache, also for lameness.

_Bangbangsal_: Four long bamboo poles are set in the ground, and are
roofed over to make a shelter for the spirits of Sayaw, who come in
the _Tangpap_ ceremony.

_Batog_: An unhusked coconut, resting on three bamboo sticks, goes
by this name. It always appears in the _Sayang_ ceremony, close to
the _Balag_, but its use and meaning are not clear.

_Bawi_, also called _Babawi, Abarong_, and _Sinaba-an_: A name applied
to any one of the small houses, built in the fields or gardens as
a home for the spirits Kaiba-an, Abat, Selday, and some others of
lesser importance (Plate XXII).

_Idasan_: A seat or bench which stands near the house-ladder during
the _Sayang_. A roof of cogon grass protects ten bundles of unthreshed
rice, which lie on it. This rice is later used as seed. In the San Juan
district, the place of the Idasan seems to be taken by three
bamboo poles, placed in tripod fashion, so as to support a basket of
rice. This is known as _Pinalasang_.

_Inapapayag_: Two-forked saplings or four reeds are arranged so as to
support a shield or a cloth "roof" (Plate XVIII). During _Sayang_ and
some other ceremonies, it stands in the yard, or near to the town gate;
and on it food and drink are placed for visiting spirits. During the
celebration of _Layog_ (cf. p. 290), it is built near to the dancing
space, and contains offerings for the spirit of the dead. A spear
with a colored clout is stuck into the ground close by; and usually
an inverted rice mortar also stands here, and supports a dish of
_basi_. In the mountain village of Likuan it is built alone as a cure
for sickness. A pig is killed and the mediums summon the spirits as
in _Dawak_ (cf. p. 316).

_Kalang_: A wooden box, the sides of which are cut to resemble the
head and horns of a carabao. The spirits are not thought to reside
here, but do come to partake of the food and drink placed in it. It is
attached to the roof of the dwelling or in the _balaua_ or _kalangan._
New offerings are placed in the _kalang_, before the men go to fight,
or when the _Sayang_ ceremony is held. It also holds the head-bands
worn by the mediums, when making _Dawak_ (Fig. 4, No. 2).

_Kalangan_: the place of the _kalang_. This is similar to the _balaua_,
but is smaller and, as a rule, has only four supporting timbers
(Plate XXIII).

_Pala-an_: Four long poles, usually three of bamboo, and one of a
resinous tree known as _anteng_ (_Canarium villosum_ Bl.) are set
in a square and support, near the top, a platform of bamboo (Plate
XXIV). Offerings are made both on and below the _Pala-an_ during the
ceremony of that name, and in the more important rites.

_Pangkew_: Three bamboo poles are planted in the ground in a triangle,
but they lean away from each other at such an angle, as to admit of
a small platform midway of their length. A roofing of cogon grass
completes the structure. It is built during _Sayang_, and contains a
small jar of _basi_. The roof is always adorned with coconut blossoms
(Plate XX).

_Sagang_: Sharpened bamboo poles about eight feet in length on which
the skulls of enemies were formerly exhibited. The pointed end was
pushed through the _foramen magnum_, and the pole was then planted
near the gate of the town.

_Saloko_, also called _Salokang_ and _Sabut_: This is a bamboo pole
about ten feet long, one end of which is split into several strips;
these are forced apart, and are interwoven with other strips, thus
forming a sort of basket. When such a pole is erected near to a house,
or at the gate of the town, it is generally in connection with a
ceremony made to cure headache. It is also used in the fields as a
dwelling place for the spirit Kaiba-an (Plate XXV).

The _Saloko_ ceremony and the _diam_, which accompanies it, seem to
indicate that this pole originated in connection with head-hunting;
and its presence in the fields gives a hint that in former times a
head-hunt may have been a necessary preliminary to the rice-planting.

_Sogayob_: A covered porch, which is built along one side of the house
during the _Sayang_ ceremony. In it hang the vines and other articles,
used by the female dancers in one part of the rite. A portion of one
of the slaughtered pigs is placed here for the spirits of Bangued. In
Lumaba the _Sogayob_ is built alone as a part of a one-day ceremony;
while in Sallapadan it follows _Kalangan_ after an interval of about
three months.

_Taltalabong_: Following many ceremonies a small bamboo raft with
arched covering is constructed. In it offerings are placed for spirits,
who have been unable to attend the rite. In Manabo it is said that the
raft is intended particularly for the sons of Kadaklan (Plate XXVI).

_Tangpap_: Two types of structure appear under this name. When it is
built as a part of the _Tangpap_ ceremony, it is a small house with a
slanting roof resting on four poles. About three feet above the ground,
an interwoven bamboo floor is lashed to the uprights (Plate XXVII). In
the _Sayang_ ceremony, there are two structures which go by this name
(Plate XX, Nos. 2 and 3). The larger has two floors, the smaller only
one. On each floor is a small pot of _basi_, daubed with white.

_Taboo Gateway_: At the gate of a town, one sometimes finds a defensive
wall of bamboo, between the uprights of which are thrust bamboo spears
in order to catch evil spirits, while on the gate proper are vines
and leaves pleasing to the good spirits. Likewise in the _saloko_,
which stands close by, are food and drink or betel-nut. All this
generally appears when an epidemic is in a nearby village, in order
to frighten the bearers of the sickness away, and at the same time
gain the aid of well-disposed spirits. At such a time many of the
people wear wristlets and anklets of bamboo, interwoven with roots
and vines which are displeasing to the evil beings (Plate XXVIII).

_Ceremonial Paraphernalia_.--_Akosan_ (Fig. 4, No. 4): A prized
shell, with top and bottom cut off, is slipped over a belt-like
cloth. Above it are a series of wooden rings and a wooden imitation
of the shell. This, when hung beside the dead, is both pleasing to
the spirit of the deceased, and a protection to the corpse against
evil beings.

_Aneb_ (Fig. 4, No. 1): The name usually given to a protective
necklace placed about the neck of a young child to keep evil spirits
at a distance. The same name is also given to a miniature shield,
bow and arrow, which hang above the infant.

_Dakidak_ (Fig. 4, Nos. 3-3a): Long poles, one a reed, the other
bamboo, split at one end so they will rattle. The medium strikes
them on the ground to attract the spirits to the food served on
the _talapitap_.

_Igam_: Notched feathers, often with colored yarn at the ends, attached
to sticks. These are worn in the hair during the _Pala~an_ and _Sayang_
ceremonies, to please the spirits of the east, called Idadaya.

_Inalson_: A sacred blanket made of white cotton. A blue or blue
and red design is formed, where the breadths join, and also along
the borders. It is worn over the shoulders of the medium during the
_Gipas_ ceremony (cf. p. 263).

_Lab-labon_: Also called _Adug_. In Buneg and nearby towns, whose
inhabitants are of mixed Tinguian and Kalinga blood, small incised
pottery houses are found among the rice jars, and are said to be the
residences of the spirits, who multiply the rice. They are sometimes
replaced with incised jars decorated with vines. The idea seems to
be an intrusion into the Tinguian belt. The name is probably derived
from _labon_, "plenty" or "abundance" (Plate XXIX).

_Piling_ (Plate XIX): A collection of large sea-shells attached to
cords. They are kept in a small basket together with one hundred
fathoms of thread and a Chinese plate, usually of ancient make. The
whole makes up the medium's outfit, used when she is summoning the

_Pinapa_: A large silk blanket with yellow strips running
lengthwise. Such blankets are worn by certain women when dancing
_da-eng_, and they are also placed over the feet of a corpse.

_Sado_ (Fig. 4, No. 3): The shallow clay dishes in which the spirits
are fed on the _talapitap_.

_Salogeygey_: The outside bark of a reed is cut at two points, from
opposite directions, so that a double fringe of narrow strips stands
out. One end is split, _saklag_ leaves are inserted, and the whole
is dipped or sprinkled in sacrificial blood, and placed in each house
during the _Sagobay_ ceremony. The same name is applied to the magical
sticks, which are placed in the rice seed-beds to insure lusty plants
(cf. p. 399).

_Sangadel_: The bamboo frame on which a corpse is placed during
the funeral.

_Tabing_: A large white blanket with which one corner of the room
is screened off during the _Sayang_ and other ceremonies. In this
"room" food and other offerings are made for the black, deformed,
and timid spirits who wish to attend the ceremony unobserved.

_Takal_: Armlets made of boar's tusks, which are worn during certain
dances in _Sayang_.

_Talapitap_ (Fig. 4, No. 3): A roughly plaited bamboo frame on which
the spirits are fed during the more important rites. Used in connection
with the _dakidak_ and clay dishes _(sado)._

_Tongatong_ (Fig. 4, No. 5): The musical instrument, which appears
in many ceremonials. It consists of six or more bamboo tubes of
various lengths. The players hold a tube in each hand, and strike
their ends on a stone, which lies between them, the varying lengths
of the cylinders giving out different notes.



A visitor, who enters the Tinguian territory in the period following
the rice-harvest, quickly gains the impression that the ceremonial
life of this people is dominant. In nearly every village, he finds one
or more ceremonies in progress, while work is almost forgotten. This
condition exists until the coming of the rains in May, when all is
changed. Men and women go to the fields before daybreak, and return
only when darkness forces them to cease their toil. During the
period when the fields are in preparation, or the rice is growing,
few ceremonials are held, except those intended to promote the growth
of the crops, to cure sickness, or to ward off impending misfortune.

Aside from the rites, which attend birth, marriage, and similar events,
the ceremonies may be placed in two divisions: first, those which
may be celebrated by all people; second, those restricted to certain
families. The first class we shall designate as the minor ceremonies.


The Minor Ceremonies

_Dawak_ (also called Boni and Alopag).--The name _Dawak_ is applied
to that part of important ceremonies in which the spirits enter
the bodies of the mediums. It is also given as a separate ceremony,
usually to cure sickness, but in some settlements it follows a birth.

According to tradition, it was taught, together with the _Sayang_
ceremony, by the spirit Kaboniyan to a woman Dayapan; and she, in turn,
taught it to others, who were then able to cure sickness.

It is probable that the name comes from _dawat_ (a "request" or
"petition"); yet there is little in it which corresponds to prayer
or entreaty.

As there was considerable variation in each _Dawak_ witnessed by
the writer, the complete ceremony is given for the village of Ba-ak,
together with striking variations from other towns.

In this instance, the rite was held to effect the cure of a sick woman
and to learn the desires of the spirits. Two mediums, assisted by
several men and women, spent the first afternoon preparing the things
to be used. First, a short cane was fashioned out of black wood,
rattan rings were slipped over this, and all were placed inside a
Chinese jar. A dish of cooked rice was put over the top, as a cover,
and a blanket spread over the whole. This was brought close to the
patient, the medium recited a _dam_ over it, [128] and then ordered
that it remain there throughout the ceremony. On a large mat in the
center of the room were placed betel-nuts, coconuts, and leaves, two
jars--one empty, the other filled with _basi_--, a large and small
head-axe, two spears, and some shells. An empty jar had a string
of beads tied around its neck, and inside it was placed a switch,
care being taken that a portion of it hung outside. Beside the jar
was a basket containing five bundles of unthreshed rice, on which was
a skein of thread supporting a new jar. All this was covered with a
woman's skirt. Finally a bound pig was laid just inside the door.

When all was complete, three men played on the _tongatong_
(cf. p. 314), until one of the mediums took her place beside the
mat. Raising a plate above her head, she struck it repeatedly with
a small head-axe, to call attention of the spirits. [129] Then she
began to chant and wail calling the spirits to enter her body. After
two or three moments of song, she was possessed by a spirit, who
announced that his name was Ibalinsogwan. He placed a rooster at one
end of a spear, and a bundle of rice at the other, did a short dance,
and departed. The mediums then seated themselves on opposite sides
of the jar of _basi_; each drank of the liquor, and the chant began
again. Spirit after spirit took possession of one of the mediums,
who then conversed with the other, asked questions concerning the
patient, or other matters, and occasionally offered advice. Before
his departure, each spirit would drink of the _basi_.

The members of the family were present during most of the day; friends
came, and went as they pleased, stopped to listen to or talk with
the spirits, drank _basi_, and then went about their work.

Early the second morning, the mediums went to a bound pig in the house,
and after placing betel-nut on its back, they poured water into its
ear. This caused the animal to shake its head; and, as the water was
thrown out, one of the mediums caught it in her hand, and applied it to
the sick woman, at the same time chanting, "Go away sickness, be thrown
out like this water; let this person be well, for she is now following
the custom." As soon as she had finished, two men carried the animal to
the river bank, where they killed and singed it. Upon their return to
the house, they removed and carefully examined its liver; for, by the
markings on it, the people were assured that the spirits were pleased
with the manner in which the ceremony was being conducted, and hence
the prospects for the patient's recovery were very bright. _Gipas_,
the dividing, followed. An old man divided the pig with the medium,
but by sly manipulation managed to get a little more than she did. A
betel-nut, beeswax, and a lead net-sinker were tied together with
a string, and were divided, but again the old man received a little
more than his share. Betel-nut was offered to the pair. Apparently
each piece was the same, but only one was supplied with lime, and
the mortal secured that. He then challenged the medium to see whose
spittle was the reddest. Both expectorated on the head-axe, but since
the spittle of the medium was not mixed with lime, it was uncolored. In
all instances the human being came out victor over the spirit, who
sought to take the woman's life. Hence her recovery was assured.

A new spirit possessed the medium, and under her directions the
family was placed beneath a blanket, and a coconut was cut in two over
their heads. In addition to the fluid of the nut, water was emptied
over them, "so that the sickness would be washed away." As soon as
the family emerged from the blanket, they went to their _balaua_,
[130] and offered food, after which the medium again summoned several
spirits. From this time until well into the evening, the guests danced
_tadek_, stopping only to be served with food and drink.

The morning of the third and last day was spent in preparing food and
other offerings, which were placed on a mat and left, for a time, to be
used by the immortals. Later the offerings were consumed by the guests,
and the medium summoned the spirit Agkabkabayo. This being directed
four men to carry the blanket on which the medium was seated to the
_balaua_, when they were met by another medium, possessed by the spirit
Balien. For a time they busied themselves making repairs to the spirit
structure, then decorated it by tying strips of shredded coconut leaves
to the slats of the floor. They also attached leaves to the _kalang_
(cf. p. 310), and inserted betel-nut and leaf. The final act of the
ceremony was to prepare four _soloko_ (cf. p. 310). In the first was
placed a half coconut; in the second was rice mixed with blood; in
the third cooked flesh of a fowl; and in the last were four stalks
of rice, and some pine-sticks. One was placed at each gate of the
town as an offering, and the people returned to their homes.

As payment for their services, the mediums received a small portion
of the pig, some rice, beads, a little money, and cloth.

The acts and conversation of the spirits when summoned in _Dawak_
are well illustrated by the following.

A woman of Lagangilang was ill with dysentery; and a medium, in this
instance, a man, was instructed to make _Dawak_. He began summoning
the spirits by striking a dish with his head-axe. Soon he covered
his face with his hands, began to sway to and fro, and to chant
unintelligible words. Suddenly he stopped and announced that he was
the spirit Labotan, and that it was his wish that blood and rice
be placed on a head-axe, and be laid on the woman's abdomen. Next
he ordered that they should feed some rice to the small pig which
lay bound on the floor. "If he eats, this is the right ceremony,
and you will get well," he said. The pig refused the food, and, after
expressing regret that he was unable to help, the spirit departed, to
be succeeded by Binongon. He at once directed that the pig be killed,
and the palpitating heart be put on the woman's stomach, and then
be pressed against each person in the room, as a protection against
illness. At first he refused to drink the liquor which was offered to
him, for it was new and raw; but when he learned that no other could be
obtained, he drank, and then addressed the patient. "You ate something
forbidden. It is easy to cure you if the spirits have made you ill;
but if some one is practising magic, perhaps you will die." With
this cheering message the spirit departed, and Ayaonwan appeared. He
directed an old woman to feed rice and water to the patient, and
then, without further advice, he said, "The other spirits do not
like me very well, so I cannot go to their places. I went to their
places, but they said many bad words to me. I offered them _basi_,
but they did not wish to take; so I asked the way, and they showed
me to the other spirits' place. I was poor, and had nothing to eat
for noon or night. When I was in the road, I met many long snakes,
and I had to push them apart so I could walk. And I met many eels,
and asked of them the road; but the eels bit me, and took me into
their stomachs, and carried me to Luluaganan to the well there; then
I died. The people, who go to the well, say, 'Why is Ayaonwan dead? We
have a bad odor now;' and the eels say, 'Whose son is this?' and they
rubbed my dead spirit, and I received life again. Then I took blood
and rice with me to the sky to the other eels to make _Sayang_. The
eels gave me gold for my wrists; the monkeys gave me gold for my teeth
and hair; the wild pig gave me bracelets. There is much more I can
tell you, but now I must go." The spirit departed, and a new one was
summoned. This spirit took the spear in his hand, and after chanting
about the illness of the woman, he drank _basi_ out of a dish, sitting
on the head-axe. Then singing again he dipped the spear in the oil,
and allowed it to fall drop by drop on the stomach of the sick woman;
later he touched the heads of all present with the spear, saying,
"You will not be sick any more," and departed.

_Pinaing_ or _Pinading_ (Plate XXX).--At the gate or entrance of
nearly every village will be found a number of peculiarly shaped,
water-worn stones, either beneath a small shelter, or nestling among
the roots of some great tree. These are the "guardian stones," and
in them lives Apdel ("the spirit who guards the town"). Many stories
cluster about these _pinaing_, [131] but all agree that, if proper
offerings are made to them at the beginning of a great ceremony;
when the men are about to undertake a raid; or, when sickness is in a
nearby village, the resident spirit will protect the people under his
care. Thus it happens that several times each year a group of people
may be seen early in the morning, gathered at the stones. They anoint
the head of each one with oil, put new bark bands on their "necks,"
after which they kill a small pig. The medium mixes the blood of
the slain animal with rice, and scatters it on the ground while she
recites the story of their origin. Then she bids the spirits from
near and far to come and eat, and to be kindly disposed.

In Bakaok and some other villages it is customary for the medium
to summon several spirits at this time, and this is followed by the
dancing of _tadek_. The people of Luluno always hold a ceremony at
the _pinaing_ before the planting of the rice and after the harvest.

Following this ceremony in the village of San Juan, a miniature raft
(_taltalabong_) was loaded with food and other presents, and was
set afloat, to carry provisions to any spirit, who might have been
prevented from enjoying the feast.

These stones are of particular interest, in that they present one
of the few instances in which the Tinguian associates supernatural
beings with natural objects.

_Saloko_ (Plate XXV).--Besides the houses, in the fields, and at
the gate of many villages, one often sees long bamboo poles with
one end converted into a basket-like receptacle. Offerings of food
and betel-nut are now found in them; but, according to some of the
older men, these were, until recently, used to hold the heads of
slain enemies, as is still the case among the neighboring Apayao.

The ritual of the _Saloko_ ceremony seems, in part, to bear out this
claim; yet the folk-tales and equally good informants assure us that
the heads were placed on sharpened bamboo poles, which passed through
the _foramen magnum_. It is probable that both methods of exhibiting
skulls were employed in the Tinguian belt.

Nowadays the _saloko_ found near to the villages are usually erected,
during a short ceremony of the same name, as a cure for headache. A
medium is summoned; and, after securing a chicken, she strokes it,
as she chants:

"You spirits of the _sagang_, [132] who live above.
"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live on the level ground.
"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live in the east.
"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live in the west.
"You Lalaman [133] above.
"You Lalaman on the wooded hill.
"You Lalaman in the west.
"If you took the head of the sick man,
"You must now grant him health, as you please."

The fowl is killed; and its blood, together with rice and some other
gift, is placed in the _saloko_, and is planted near the house or
gate. Oftentimes a string of feathers runs from the pole to the
dwelling, or to the opposite side of the gate. The family cooks and
eats the chicken, and the affected member is expected to recover at
once. Should the trouble persist, a more elaborate ceremony, probably
_Dawak_, will follow.

In some instances betel-nut prepared for chewing takes the place of
the fowl; rice-stalks hang from the sides of the basket, and bits of
pine are added "to make bright and clear." All of this is rubbed on
the patient's head, while the medium recites the _diam_.

_Bawi_, also called _Sinaba-an_ and _Ababong_.--This name is often
applied to the small houses built in the rice-fields for the spirit
Kaiba-an, but more commonly it refers to the little structures of
bamboo and grass, which nestle among the banana plantings near the
village (Plate XXII). When such a structure is built or repaired,
it is accompanied by a ceremony of the same name. The usual purpose
of this event is to cure sore feet, but in Patok and other valley
towns it is celebrated before the rice harvest and the pressing of the
sugar-cane, so that the spirits will keep the workers in good health,
and save them from injury.

One of the most common ailments is sore or cracked feet caused,
no doubt, by standing for long periods in the mud and water of the
rice-fields, and then tramping over the rough, hot trails to the
village. The Tinguian, however, know that the spirits, called Abat and
Selday bring about this affliction, unless they are kept in good humor,
and have something to occupy their time other than disturbing human
beings; hence these houses are built for them, suitable offerings are
placed inside, and finally a few banana suckers are planted close by,
so that the spirits will be kept busy caring for them.

The origin of the ceremony is ascribed to a woman of ancient
times, named Bagutayka, who, lacking certain organs, appears as an
outcast. She at first caused passers-by to have trouble with their
feet and limbs, but later taught them how to effect a cure by building
the _bawi_ and performing the ceremony. [134]

To-day, when a person is afflicted, he summons a medium, the
spirit-house is built, and then the following _diam_ is recited over
a rooster:

"You abat above,
"You abat in the ground,
"You abat in the corner of the house,
"You abat in the center pole,
"You abat below the stair,
"You abat in the door,
"You Selday in the wooded hill,
"You Selday above,
"Make the sick person well, if you please!" [135]

When the recital is finished, the fowl is killed, and its blood
mixed with rice is placed in nine dishes and one polished coconut
shell. From these it is transferred to nine other dishes and one
bamboo basket. These are placed in a row, and nine dishes and one
unpolished shell are filled with water, and placed opposite. In the
center of this double line is a dish, containing the cooked flesh
of the rooster, also some rice, and one hundred fathoms of thread,
while between the dishes are laid ten half betel-nuts, prepared for
chewing. Later, all these things are returned to a single receptacle,
except those in the shell cups and basket, which are placed in the
spirit-house. The underlying idea in this procedure seems to be that
frequently found in other ceremonies, namely, that food and water
symbolizes the life of the patient, which is partially taken away by
the spirits; but when they are returned to one place, the life must
be replaced in a like manner.

In Manabo a piece of banana bark is taken from one of the plantings
beside a _bawi_; and, after being washed in the water, is applied to
the affected limb.

The final act is to take a coconut husk, stick feathers in its sides,
and hang it beside the _bawi_ as a sign to all that the ceremony has
been held.

No spirits are summoned at this time, neither is there singing
or dancing.

_Bakid_. [136]--This ceremony is held to celebrate the completion
of a new dwelling, or to remove any bad sign, which may have been
received during the building operations.

The medium and her assistants fasten a bamboo pole or rattan cord
across one portion of the room, and on it place numerous pieces of
cloth-skirts, blankets, belts, a fish-net, and a quantity of false
hair. This serves first as an offering to the spirits, but it is also
explained that, if the immortals are unable to count all the gifts,
they will be powerless to injure the occupants of the dwelling. Should
an evilly disposed being desire to make trouble for the owner, he
must count every hair in the switches, as well as every hole in the
fish-net. Failing in this, he will be compelled by the other spirits
to celebrate the _Bakid_ ceremony five times at his own expense.

Beneath the line of offerings, a bound pig is laid; and, as she strokes
the side of the animal, with oiled fingers, the medium repeats a _diam_
[137] in which she tells of misfortunes of a family, which failed to
observe the signs sent by Kaboniyan, and of his instructions as to how
best to overcome their troubles. The family listens respectfully until
the story is finished, then they lift a door from its socket, place
it in the middle of the floor, and proceed to sacrifice the pig upon
it. Some of the blood is immediately sprinkled on the house timbers,
particularly those which may have given the builders trouble, either
in transportation, or during the erection of the structure. The greater
part of the blood is mixed with rice, and is dropped through the slits
in the floor, or scattered about for the spirits; while for an hour
or more a portion of the meat, the heart, and the head, are placed
below the offerings on the cord or on the house-beams. Later, these
portions will be cooked and served to the guests. Immediately after
the killing, the liver is removed, and is examined for a sign. Should
the omens be unfavorable, another animal will be killed, or the
family will celebrate _Sangasang_ within a few days. If the signs
are satisfactory, the host begins to distribute _basi_, and soon good
fellowship reigns. One after another of the guests sings the _daleng_,
in which they bespeak for the owner a long and prosperous life in his
new home. The _Bakid_ always ends with a feast, in which the flesh of
slaughtered animals plays the important part. Upon its completion, the
medium is given a portion of the meat, some unthreshed rice, and other
small gifts, as payment for her services. The guests return to their
homes, and for two or three days following are barred from entering
the new dwelling. During this period the family must remain indoors.

_Sangasang_.--_Sangasang_ is often so similar to the _Bakid_, that
one description might cover both. This is particularly true, if it
is held to remove a bad sign. Should a large lizard or a bird enter
a new building, it is considered as a messenger of Kaboniyan; and the
foregoing ceremony is carried out, the only variation being that the
bird or lizard is caught, if possible, is anointed with oil, a bead
is attached to a leg, and it is then released to go back to its master.

Continued misfortunes to the members of a household would also be an
excuse for the ceremony. In this instance, the only variation from the
procedure just given would be in the _diams_. The first to be recited
tells how the spirit Maganawan sent many snakes and birds to the gate
of a town to demand the blood of a rooster mixed with rice. The people
celebrated _Sangasang_, and sent blood and rice to Maganawan, who,
in turn, spat it out on the ground. As he did so, the sickness and
misfortunes of the mortals vanished. The second _diam_ [138] relates
a quarrel between the various parts of the house, each insisting on
its own importance. At last they recognize their mutual dependence,
and the people of the dwelling are again in good health. [139]

In Lumaba and nearby villages, unpleasant dreams, or a bad disposition
are overcome by a ceremony called _Sangasang_; but, as this varies
somewhat from the others, it is given in detail.

The medium, who is summoned for this event, calls for oil and a
rooster with long spurs. When these are brought, she strokes the fowl
with the oil, and chants the following _diam_. "There is a very old
woman in the sea, and she says to her spirits, who are Dapeg (a spirit
which kills people), Balingenngen (a spirit which causes bad dreams),
and Benisalsal (a spirit which throws things and is unpleasant), 'Go
beyond the sea and spread your sickness,' The spirits are going. They
arrive and begin their work, and if the people do not make _Sangasang_,
many will die. Now it is morning, and the spirits are going to the
river to see what the people have offered to the old woman, who is
Inawen. If they do not find anything, they will say, 'All the people
in this town shall die,' and then they will go on to another place."

"Inawen, who is waiting, sends Kideng (a servant) to search for
the spirits, who are killing people, to tell them to return. Dapeg
leaves the first town. He goes to another, and the dogs bark so that
the people cannot sleep. A man opens the door, to learn the cause of
the barking, and he sees a man, fat and tall, with nine heads, and
he carries many kinds of cakes. The man says, 'Now take these cakes,
and if you do not make _Sangasang_ for my mistress, at the river,
you shall die. You must find a rooster with long tail and spurs; you
must mix its blood with rice, and put it in the river at dawn when no
one can see you,' The man makes _Sangasang_ the next night, and puts
the blood, mixed with rice, in a well dug by the river, so that the
spirits may take it to their mistress. Kideng also arrives and says,
'you must come with me now, for she awaits you who are bearing this
offering.' They go and arrive. Their mistress eats and says, 'I did
not think that the blood of people tasted so badly, now I shall not
send you again, for you have already killed many people.'"

When this chant is completed, the chicken is killed, as directed
in the song; and at night the blood and rice are offered beside the
stream. [140] The chicken is eaten by the family, and its feathers
are tied to a string, stretched across the room. Leaves are attached
to the house-ladder as a warning that all visitors are barred, and
for three days the family remains quietly indoors.

_Sagobay_. [141]--This is one of the most widespread of the ceremonies,
for it not only covers the entire Tinguian belt, but extends into the
Igorot villages of the Upit river region and Ilocos Sur, as well as
into the Kalinga villages of the Malokbot valley.

Its occurrence in connection with the rice-culture is fully, described
elsewhere (cf. p. 400), so that at this place only its second function,
that of keeping illness from the town, is described.

When an epidemic appears in a nearby settlement, the _lakay_ summons
the old men in council, and they decide on the number of pigs, and
the amount of rice, _basi_, and other articles required, after which
the necessary funds are secured by levying a tax on all the people
of the village.

To keep the evil spirits, who bear the sickness, out of the town,
a cord of bamboo or rattan is stretched around the whole settlement,
while at the gate a high fence is erected. Through the uprights of
this fence are stuck bamboo spikes with the sharpened ends facing
outward, so as to catch or pierce the intruders (Plate XXVIII);
while in the _saloko_ and along the gateway are placed leaves, roots,
and other offerings acceptable to the friendly spirits. Similar cords
and leaves are also strung around the entrances to the houses.

The cord and gateway form an adequate protection, and no human
being or spirit will violate this taboo. Should a human do so, the
least penalty would be a tax sufficient to pay all the expense of
the ceremony; but should the sickness afterwards invade the town,
it is quite possible that more serious punishment might be exacted
by the families of the victims.

When all is prepared, the men and boys arm themselves, and with shouts
and hostile demonstrations drive the sickness toward the town whence it
is thought to come. [142] Returning to the center of the village, the
people dance _tadek_, and the mediums may summon several spirits. Next,
the pigs are killed, and their livers are examined for a sign. Should
the omens be unfavorable, one or more fowls will be sacrificed,
until it seems certain that the help of the spirits is assured,
after which the flesh is cooked and eaten. Then a small covered raft
_(taltalabong)_ is constructed, and a portion of the food is placed
inside. Late in the afternoon, this is carried through the village,
while one or more drummers keep up a din to frighten evil spirits
away. Just as the sun is sinking, the raft is carried to the river,
and is set afloat, in order that any interested spirits, who may have
been prevented from attending the ceremony, may still receive their
share of the offering. In Likuan a different explanation is offered
for the _taltalabong_. Here they say that the offerings are placed
on the raft, so as to induce any hostile spirits who may be near to
enter, and then they are carried out and away from the town.

The blood of the slaughtered animals has been saved, and upon their
return from the river the people dip leaves into it, and attach these
near to the doors of their dwellings. For at least one day following,
no work is done, and all visitors are barred. During this time the
people only converse in low tones, and take special precautions against
even animals making a noise. The beaks of roosters are tied, or they
are placed in small baskets, so that they cannot stand up to crow.

In Lakub a new house or protection is placed above the guardian stones,
and offerings are made to them at the time of the _Sagobay_, while
in Likuan the participants wear neck and ankle bands of bamboo as a
further protection from the sickness.

_Ngorong-or_.--Lumaba and the Tinguian villages of Ilokos Sur hold
this ceremony, whenever a person is seriously ill with stomach
trouble. As the rite does not extend far into the Tinguian belt,


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